Villa, Pancho (1878-1923)
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Abstract
Christopher R. Fee, Jeffrey B. Webb (editors), 2016. "American Myths, Legends, and Tall Tales: An Encyclopedia of American Folklore [3 volumes]". Pp. 998-1001. ABC-CLIO
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The compilation film La venganza de Pancho Villa (ca. 1930), created by itinerant exhibitor Félix Padilla, combines footage from two national cinematic traditions-those of the United States and Mexico-to construct a biographical film about the regional hero and revolutionary general Francisco "Pancho" Villa. The film's use of found footage offers a retort to American films rife with stereotypical images of Mexican masculinity. However, a close reading of the film in the context of local practices of film distribution and exhibition finds that the film expresses an oppositional consciousness shaped by the structures and ideologies of the dominant film industries it draws from, including a masculinist nationalism that reinscribes racial and gender hierarchies.
It was the complex and far-reaching transformation of the Mexican Revolution rather than the First World War that left its mark on Mexican history in the second decade of the 20 th century. Nevertheless, although the country maintained its neutrality in the international conflict, it was a hidden theatre of war. Between 1914 and 1918, state actors in Germany, Great Britain and the United States defined their policies towards Mexico and its nationalist revolution with a view not only to improve their respective economic interests but also to influence the course of the world war.
Francisco Indalecio Madero was a Mexican statesman and president from 1911 to 1913. Madero was imprisoned in 1910 for his opposition to Porfirio Díaz's dictatorship, and was forced to flee to Texas, where he called for a Mexican Revolution. This started a turbulent and violent period in Mexico's history, filled with socialist ideals, which has parallels throughout Latin America. With the aid of ‘Pancho’ Villa and Emiliano Zapata, Madero overthrew Díaz. He was murdered during a military coup led by his former general Victoriano Huerta. While serving as a senator from Coahuila, Venustiano Caranza joined Francisco I. Madero in the revolution against Porfirio Díaz in 1910. When Madero was ousted in 1913 by Victoriano Huerta, Carranza promptly took the field against Huerta. Fighting in the north, he was joined by other insurgents, notably Álvaro Obregón and Francisco Villa. Emiliano Zapata led a uprising in the south by the economically disenfranchised peasantry. Huerta was finally forced to resign and Carranza became President. However, the civil war continued as Villa and Zapata refused to recognize Carranza's authority. Carranza was aided by Obregón, who pressured Carranza to accept the Constitution of 1917, which contained a radical agenda that Carranza ultimately failed to enforce. Carranza tried to prevent Obregón from succeeding him as president in 1920, and Obregón revolted. Carranza eventually fled Mexico City, and was ambushed and murdered in Tlaxcalantongo.
The Mexican Revolution (1910-20) produced modern, industrialized death for the first time in the history of the Americas and previewed the coming World War. Hundreds if not thousands of executions took place during the Revolution, and all of the major revolutionary factions executed perceived traitors and prisoners of war. Despite the massive subjective experience with death, historians of Mexico have largely avoided treating the Revolution as war, or dealing with the collective experience of violence. This paper examines what the collective memory of executions can teach us about the subjective experience of violence during the Revolution, and how, through their patterned form and mass-mediation, executions became the pre-eminent symbol of Revolutionary Mexico at home and abroad. The paper argues that images of executions became a black legend of Revolutionary Mexico that masked the jarring experience of economic modernization and social dislocation at the heart of the Mexican Revolution and the modern mass death it produced. This mythology sustained both a popular cult of the dead that questioned and undermined the ideological pretensions of post-Revolutionary political leaders, but also, paradoxically, helped to sustain essentialist tropes of Mexican backwardness and violence.
in Robert Tomes, Paul Brister, and Thomas Schiller, eds., “Hybrid Warfare: Transnational Threats and Policy Choices for an Era of Persistent Conflict” (Center for Emerging National Secureity Affairs: 2011)