Introduction

The revival of indigenous beliefs and practices is at the centre of current discussions on African religions (Nweke (2002)). The resurging masking tradition (Uwaegbute, 2021), the increasing visibility of African spiritual practitioners (Magadla et al., 2021) as well as other developments, such as the revitalization of village-based hierarchies (Ugwuanyi, Ugwu, and Okwueze, 2021), correspond to the reawakening/revival constructs that are currently reshaping African religions. This study tries to discover the driving force behind the growing dibia practices and the patrons of local therapy in the post-contact Igbo society, southeast Nigeria. The dominant discourses on the indigenous episteme, such as those connected to health care system in post-colonial settings, reveal ways in which Eurocentric modernity suppresses other knowledge systems in hegemonic forms (Mignolo, 1994;Ndlovu-Gatsheni, 2015; Asher & Wainwright 2019; Ugwu, 2023). Despite this proposition, Escobar (2012) argues that the greatest potential of minority cultures lies in their capacity to resist the hegemonic Eurocentric axiomatics. In keeping with this claim, the reference to the rebirth of African religious practices, including those related to healthcare, fits neatly within the context of how minority cultures survive the overwhelming influence of Eurocentrism in post-colonial environments.

Studies on indigenous health systems in postcolonial conditions portray Eurocentric biomedical physicians and foreign religious priests as the ultimate standard agents of physical as well as spiritual wellbeing (cf. Williams, 2021; Ekechi, 1993). Evidence shows how the Chinese, Taiwanese and aboriginal Australian folk healers or practitioners of traditional medicine struggle with the hegemonic Western biomedical health systems (Kleinman, 1980; Ugwu, 2023). Folk healers in Africa, known among the Igbo as Dibia (Nwoko, 2020), in the Zulu as Sangoma (Podolecka, 2018), or in the Zaramo (Dar es Salaam) as Mganga (Swantz (1990)), are perceived as agents of contemptuous pedigree by the adherents of foreign religions. Other works demonstrate the declining number of African traditional religious practitioners, including medical specialists and perhaps patrons of the local therapy (cf. Okeke, Ibenwa and Okeke 2017; McKinnon, 2021). In a specific term, Obi-Ani et al., (2018) ethnographic study of Ezenwanyi/Inyama (female dibia) in Enugu-Ezike, southeast.

Nigeria showed how these practices are on the decline. As observed through a pilot study I conducted, the indigenous system of healthcare including the dibia practices was undercut by the forces of colonialism and Eurocentricism particularly during the 19th century through to the turn of the 20th century. McKinnon (2021) also alludes to this trajectory in Nigeria by showing a downturn in the demography of African Religious adherents (including dibia) at the turn and middle of 20th century. Despite this, the number of people who relied on traditional therapy in the aforesaid period has been dwindling (Nwankwo, 2014). It is evident from literature that methods or impetus for reviving dibia practices in post-colonial Igbo setting have not been given enough empirical attention. The present study aims at fulfilling a knowledge gap by examining the factors that are leading to the revitalization of dibia practices and the continued rise in popularity among patrons of local therapy in Igbo society of Nigeria from the turn of the 21st century to the present.

The interesting motivations for the revival of the tradition, as I observed, is comparable to Rudoph Otto’s numinous (Sarbacker, 2016) that draws upon the controversial Igbo-Jewish connection and shared ancestry. I. Asadu, (personal communication, January 4, 2021) a well-known dibia in Nru- Nsukka proclaimed his power over/above the Christian priests or the Islamic Imams. Asadu argues that; “some of these priests, particularly Christians are empowered spiritually through my mediation in attracting members to their churches… We worship the true God (Yahweh) as Igbo JewsFootnote 1; who will re- fix the contest of Baal and the true God?Footnote 2… we shall be victorious!”. Although Asadu’s claim may be fiercely resisted and criticized, especially by charismatic Christians, I construe this belief as part of the primary reasons behind the resurgence of dibia practices. Hence, the coinage of the title of this article: who will re-fix the contest of Baal and the true God?

This article uses ethnographic methods of observation and interview to provide insightful knowledge on the impetus for the invigoration of dibia practices in Nsukka-Igbo, Southeastern Nigeria. The respondents of the study were selected using the purposive sampling technique n-10 dibia, n-10 patrons of the local therapy and n-5 Christian priests and n-5 imams in each of the Igbo towns of Nsukka, Nsukka local government area and Enugu Ezike, Igbo-North local government area of Enugu State. These were interviewed to determine the motivation for the increasing dibia practices and patrons of the local health services. I also selected n-5 medical doctors in each of the purposively selected towns for interviews to negotiate how patients abandon orthodox hospitals for traditional healing options. The informants selected from these areas are believed to be knowledgeable in the rejuvenating pattern of the practices of dibia, the increasing demography of these traditional medicine men and the clientele seeking their services. Nsukka-Igbo is a generic appellation used to describe the northern Igbo group in Southeastern Nigeria. Nsukka, Enugu Ezike, Lejja, Eha-Alumona, etc., are among the 88 mainly rural communities that make up the sub-cultural grouping (Madu, 2007). The two towns of Nsukka and Enugu Ezike were purposively selected for their urban and rural peculiarities, respectively. In contrast to Enugu Ezike, which is more rural and homogenous, Nsukka is an urban city with a diverse population. The primary data elicited from these participants was analysed through a thematic and interpretative analytical approach. Audio or visual recordings of the interviews, as permitted by the participants, were prepared and transcribed through the technique of intelligent verbatim style of expunging unwanted ideas. I also adhered to the principles of data anonymisation (see Saunders, Kitzinger, and Kitzinger, 2015) by using pseudonyms to conceal the identities of the interview subjects except in a situation where a respondent agrees otherwise. In the section that follows, the conceptualization of dibia was explicated.

Dibia in the Nsukka-Igbo

Dibia in Nsukka-Igbo could be used in a generic sense to describe a traditional medicine-man or woman, priest/priestess, diviner or healer. Ordinarily, the suffix -nwoke (man) or -nwanyi (woman) added to dibia would have given a clear distinction between a male and a female dibia. Rather, female dibia for instance is known with cognomens as ezenwanyi, inyama or unyama, while the title hardly changes for the male dibia. Among the youth of Nsukka-Igbo, particularly those living in Nsukka urban centre, as I observed, the terms dibia-nwoke or eze-nwoke are slithering into the taxonomic distinction of male dibia. These evolving names, perhaps, started gaining currency at the turn of the 21st century. In other words, the trajectory of the revival of dibia practices, at any rate, coincides with the aforesaid congnomen. Because dibia appears more as a masculine noun and so has been widely taken to mean a male traditional medical practitioner, I resolved to continue with this thought and label in this article (see Fig. 1). The central preoccupation of dibia revolves around the provision and the use of ogwu in the treatment of physical as well as “spiritual ailments”. Ogwu could be herbal concoctions, mineral-based or a mix of animal substances; “it is generally regarded as material which exercises remote and miraculous effects on the efficacy of other objects” (Nadel, 1954: 132).

Fig. 1: A typical dibia during the Omabe masquerade festival at Nsukka.
figure 1

Initially, the young dibia declined that his image be taken. He argued that without appeasing the gods, there could be repercussion. For him, he had been fortified spiritually. The author obliged, and incantations were made before the photo was taken. Photo by the author. This figure is covered by the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License. Reproduced with permission of Onah Tochi copyright © Onah tochi.

Full size image

As compared to the conventional medical practice, dibia has areas of specialization; Dibia eha/afa (diviner), dibia okpukpu (orthopedist), dibia era/ara (psychiatrist), dibia ngborogu ne mkpe- ekwukwo (herbalist), dibia ogwu (talisman), dibia ize/eze (dentist), dibia ogbanje (pediatrician), dibia owaihe (surgeon), dibia omumu (gynecologist), etc. In contrast with the training of medical professionals in formal schools, dibia gain the knowledge of his profession through informal tutelage and apprenticeship under an experienced practitioner, from family member(s) who themselves are dibia, and from the esoteric inspirations and spiritual guidance drawn from the beliefs common to African religions. This traditional pattern of acquiring medical knowledge is elaborated in the studies by Nompumelelo, et al. (2019), Oriji, (2007) and Owumi & Okowole, (n.d) on the training of local healers.

Despite the form or manner of training, a mandatory initiation rite (a kind of induction) into the dibia practice is inevitable. During this rite of passage, different ritual performances, secret ordinances and ceremonies are performed. In our previous ethnographic study on the initiation rite of dibia nwanyi (ezenwanyi), I observed that there are no significant differences between the initiation of male or female dibia among the communities of Nsukka and Enugu-Ezike. Drawing from the technique of participants’ observation, I joined in the initiation of Ugwoke Amankwo into the dibia practice in the bushes of idenyi-nkwo diety in Nsukka town. Despite the fact that I am an indigene of the community, who support African religions, I was not allowed into the akponge or umi (the holy of the holies). Only the atamah has access to the aforesaid sanctum sanctorum. Obloko (the priest’s wife) could go in to clean/sweep the area, but she does not have access to the vicinity during initiation rites or official worship. For K. Nnadi (personal communication, January 5, 2021), desecration of akponge usually attracts curse or outright blindness to the victims… In certain situations, the ritual of penance, sacrifice of cleansing or purification is performed to ward off evil or curse from the Idenyi. My knowledge of the theory of belief (cf. Quakenbush, 2012), has framed the resolve to probe further into the veracity of Nnadi’s claim. However, such a query could trigger resentment, affecting the quality of the study’s result.

Ugwoke Amankwo was asked to swear by the deities so as to uphold a number of professional ethics. It is a highly regarded practice which could be compared to the conventional Hippocratic oath that is obtainable in Western medical professions during graduation ceremonies. I. Ozioko (Personal communication, June 10, 2021), a well-known member of oha (council of traditional lawmakers), reaffirms that “inwuma (oath taking) for the initiates is aimed at ethical regulations; the fear of the impending calamity from Idenyi helps the dibia in our area to use their ogwu only in curing the sick and rendering other positive services”. When reminded that some dibia accused of evil machinations against innocent persons in the community performed their inwuma, Ozioko responded: “we cannot entirely rid society of evil. But surely, every immoral action must have consequences. Idenyi, through our ancestors or chukwu (God), lays a curse on such dibia and their generations.”

Ugwoke Amankwo was decorated with odo (a yellowish substance believed to attract benevolent spirit), and echi (anklet). He appeared bald except for a few strands of hair at the centre of his head. Unlike Ugwuoke Amankwo, Uche Nwa Idoko, during his initiation into dibia profession in Enugu-Ezike, chose to wear dreadlocks adorned with ashakpa. With this trend, it is to the discretion of the grandaunt (initiate) to choose his hair style (see Fig. 2) which most often is consistent with the earlier mentioned styles. As I and other worshippers waited at the nche (the outer part of the shrine of Idenyi), the representative of atamah offered kolanut, poured the libation of palm-wine on the ground, and subsequently sacrificed a goat provided by Ugwoke Amankwo. Umumaa (acolytes) prepared the carcass of the goat and served the worshippers. It was a convivial atmosphere as palm wine and beer drinks were served. Okanga nkwo, the musical band dedicated to Idenyi, entertained the worshippers with their ecstatic songs. Later, Ugwoke Amankwo received aria—figurine and symbol of authority from the representatives of atamah. It was this paraphernalia that would be placed at the Ugwoke Onuenyanwu (deity), which acts as a reminder of the “professional oath” he had performed.

Fig. 2: Dibia Ejike Asadu (middle) adorned his regalia with charms.
figure 2

Beside him on the white polo shirt is the author who participated in the cultural display. In this event, many dibia and omabe masquerades show off their ‘mystical power’. Photo by research assistant, N. Ugwuokwor. This figure is covered by the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License. Reproduced with permission of Ejike Asadu, & Ike Ishiwu Copyright © Ejike Asadu,& Ike Ishiwu.

Full size image

The initiation of Uche Nwa Idoko at Ógèlèm’nyi Ámúbé Énúgú-Èzìkè into the dibia profession was much similar to the one organized for Ugwoke Amankwo. However, there were more worshippers, guests and displays of affluence at Ógèlèm’nyi. Uche appears more of a socialite or charming personality than Ugwoke Amankwo. This attribute endeared people to him.

Are there criteria for becoming a dibia? As suggested by K. Onah (personal communication, July 10, 2021), “Chukwu (almighty God), through his many intermediaries bestows the power of healing on a few individuals as dibia”. Put differently, divine providence is at the centre of the selection process, and indeed in every aspect of the people’s life (cf. Mbiti, 2015). Reaffirming Onah’s claim, Ishiwu (personal communication, July 10, 2021) maintains that apart from other regular African traditional healers, Nwankpuda (dwarf), ngwuro (lame), and onye ishi (a blind person) could become a successful dibia. The concept dibia a di agwo onwenye (a doctor does not treat his own sickness) explains the reason a dibia with disabilities could as well perform creditably and without resentment from the patrons of his services. As observed, dibia Nwankpuda, dibia ngwuro and dibia kpuruishi/isi, in many instances, are more revered than the regular dibia. The explanation for this inclination was hardly available. Perhaps, the medical knowledge in their possession, despite their physical conditions, suggests how special/endearing they are to Chukwu.

Dibia practice is unquestionably both indigenous and ancient. Their re-enactment in contemporary Nsukka-Igbo society demonstrates its significance in addressing people’s health needs in those communities, despite the prevailing Western form of seeking wellness.

Constructing the impetus for the revival of dibia practices in the Nsukka-Igbo

As observed in the Nsukka-Igbo communities, there has been a resurging demography of dibia and the associated practices, particularly from the turn of the 21st century to the present. This trend is consistent with other aspects of cultural revival as earlier indicated in masking tradition and indigenous health systems in the area. This pattern of revival maps into ways indigenous communities in postcolonial environments react to the hegemonic cultural domination. Evidence of cultural revival in postcontact societies has been recorded among the aboriginal Australian communities (Cowlishaw, 2012), native American societies (Daehnke, 2019), Indian and Chinese societies (Panniker, 2003; Payette, 2016). Cultural revival, as contextualized in this space, is a term explaining “the formation of group identity around a common culture, where a claim is forwarded that the aspects of culture with, which the group identifies have been recovered after losses due to colonization, forced or voluntary relocation, oppression, or modernization” (https://science.jrank.org/pages/7609/CulturalRevivals.html). Indigenous knowledge systems and beliefs are used in interpreting every aspect of human experience in pre-contact African societies. However, colonial and imperial experiences in Africa have contributed to instances of outright abandonment or a trail of decline in the traditional beliefs and practices, including dibia practices. The focus of this section is to unravel the causes of a significant increase in the demography and activities related to dibia practices in Nsukka-Igbo communities.

One general view, especially at the turn of the 21st century that is going forward in Africa, is the people’s increasing awareness of cultural issues, science and technology (cf. Gilbert, 2017; Khan, 2022). Narratives of European cultural domination of Africa are common (Owolabi, 2023; Ogot, 2013) in ways that give modern African peoples, particularly the youth, an impetus to challenge Eurocentrism. J. Ishiwu (personal communication, November 5, 2021) argues that:

the Christian missionaries’ clandestine efforts toward the colonization of Africa is well known… it was the same missionaries that originally introduced European-styled hospitals as a tool for converting the locales to their religion, Christianity. Even though I know there are great advancements and benefits in that medical system, it does not also mean that our traditional medical practices should be abandoned.

W. Omeje (personal communication, November 5, 2021), for instance, explains how he was cured of peptic ulcer by Dibia Chukwudi Onah after several failed diagnoses and treatment in an orthodox Hospital in Nsukka. Mr Omeje had studied Pharmacognosy at a Nigerian University and had shown a great understanding of natural drugs obtained from plants, microbes, etc. Inferential observations how show Omeje’s informed knowledge of herbs rekindled his trust in indigenous medicine. Like Omeje, BBC journalist Peter Macjob in his autobiographic account adopted African traditional beliefs and practices after years of being a Christian. He narrates his experience thus:

In my quest to be a better Christian, I started reading about the history of the church and howitcametoAfrica.Perhapstheywillgivemethespiritualboost…butthereverseended up being true… After several years of experiencing a spiritually fulfilling life in Ifa, and realizing that the claims of devil worship were not only false but outright discriminatoryand racist, I decided I have a responsibility … to profess this faith openly and play my part in the preservation of Yoruba culture and tradition… (Macjob, 2023).

Macjob’s description correlates with the reasons given by O. Odoh (personal communication, January 8, 2022), N. Iyida (personal communication, January 8, 2022), and W. Okongwu (personal communication, March 4, 2022), as the motivation for their conversion from Christianity to African Religions. Odo, in particular, was a Christian pastor before his conversion to Igbo Religion, where he has become a dibia. Going further, Dibia Anezi Ugwuoke (personal communication, August 2022), asserts:

I was a member of the Christian mission Church. After a series of training, I was ordained a priest… However, about 7 years into the priesthood, I started hearing voices from my ancestors to become a dibia. Despite that, the name of my village is Amankwo oha ebia/dibia (the village of dibia), no one had become a dibia in the last century or so.As you know, the overriding Western influence through colonialism and cultural domination has led to the abandonment of Igbo Religion and its numerous agencies… Currently, I am the first dibia in my village since the White manipulated my forebears into believing that our religion is evil… As a dibia, I will continue to defend our (Igbo) culture and tradition…

The resentment or umbrage toward foreign religious elements is common among the majority of Nsukka-Igbo youth who have been increasingly returning from Christianity to the Igbo religion. A good number of these youth are educated and aware of the history of Christianity in their communities. As observed, this group of converts and the remnants who sustained the traditional religious practices form the growing number of dibia and the patrons of the local system of medical care.

Another point driving the growing dibia practices in Nsukka-Igbo communities is the poor medical services, high cost of medical services, drug resistance, misdiagnosis and disease treatment errors. Extant literature on medical services in Nigeria indicates a parlous state of affairs and practices in both private and public hospitals in Nigeria (Glass, 2022; Oyekale, 2017). Studies show that deaths and complications arising from misdiagnosis and poor treatment are common (Iloh, Chuku, & Amadi 2017). S. Okafor’s (personal communication, August 23, 2022) insightful response gives a glimpse of the perception of conventional medical practices in Nigeria. In her words:

I fear being sick whenever I remember the nature of hospitals in Nigeria; poor equipment, fake and adulterated drugs, poorly remunerated medical personnel, conflicting laboratory results and diagnoses are well-known. Sometime in 2016, I discovered a lump in my breast area. I was initially told it was cancerous, after a series of initial tests and supposedly treatment. Nonetheless, further tests, which later became more reliable, suggested the tumour was benign and not malignant as previously thought. I was very scared and depressed owing to the conflicting diagnoses.

Reports of misdiagnoses are prevalent in Nigeria. Drug resistance due to fake and substandard drugs is also common. Other concomitant poor medical services characterize the Nigerian medical space (cf. Iloh, Chuku, and Amadi 2017). It is likely that this situation is driving the motivation for the medical trips to India, China, the United States of America, the United Kingdom and so on by mainly the Nigerian bourgeoisie especially the political class (Adiniyi, 2020). In spite of the aforesaid challenges, there is a high cost of conventional medical treatment in Nigeria. As rightly observed by White (2015 p. 2) there is the high cost of allopathic medical healthcare, and the expensive pharmaceutical products have become unavailable to a majority of people”. A good number of the patrons of the local system of health care in Nsukka-Igbo are resorting to an affordable alternative, the indigenous health system. Many individuals in Nsukka-Igbo are becoming dibia as a result of the willing public who desire to patronize them. L. Ogbodo (personal communication, March 20, 2022) maintains:

even before my official declaration and initiation as a dibia, I had many patients that sought my assistance… A greater number of these people is suffering from malaria and typhoid, which are endemic in our community. Interestingly, many of these patients trust the local herbs more than orthodox medicine…

Literature on the spread of malaria in Africa indicates evidence of drug resistance in some patients (Rosenthal, 2022; WHO, 2022). Some participants in this study, who are medical doctors, and others as patients, confirm a growing drug resistance among people attacked by malaria (J. Oko, personal communication, January 5, 2023; D. Okonkwo, Personal communication, January 5, 2023). As observed, this resistance is fuelling an unprecedented trust in local medicine and dibia practices. Iba alala (incurable malaria), is believed to be caused by:

  1. (i)

    Invocation of evil upon a person.

  2. (ii)

    witches/wizards

  3. (iii)

    immoral behaviour, and so on.

This belief, which is firm in African religions (cf. Gyekye, 1995), is drawing people to patronize indigenous health practitioners, particularly dibia, in Nsukka-Igbo communities. Stressing on this, K. Ogbu (personal communication, February 2, 2023) narrates his experience thus.

I suffered from Iba alala. I went to different hospitals, including Bishop Shanahan, seeking a medical solution, to no avail. It was dibia Ugwuoke Amankwo who revealed through eha/afa (divination) that I should appease Idenyi-Nkwo deity. I did as he had instructed … He subsequently prescribed some local herbs and concoctions, which I routinely used and drank… I am now cured of the malaria …

As already indicated earlier in this work, economic interest is shaping cultural revival in many societies. This is also true of the impetus for the growing dibia practices in the Nsukka-Igbo communities. As observed, a good number of dibia are those who were previously doing menial jobs. Some of them were unemployed youth. Others are those whose businesses passed through glitches, or the business wound up. I. Onah (personal communication, January 3, 2023) for instance, indicated how

He became a dibia, after a series of unsuccessful business ventures in Lagos. Like Onah, E. Ezugwu (personal communication, January 2023) affirms:

as a trader, I have failed multiple times. I tried different businesses, and no success was recorded in any of them. When I inquired about the reason for the persistent failure, onye eha (diviner) revealed how some sort of esoteric machinations was instrumental to my condition. Upon confirmation from other diviners, I was convinced that the business challenges I was facing were ways my ancestors, through the gods, were directing me to become a dibia.

The divine providential narrative of becoming a dibia seems problematic to accept when empirical theorization is applied. Considering the enviable socio-economic status of dibia in the Nsukka-Igbo communities, it appears plausible that many people resort to dibia practice as a way of addressing their precarious economic condition. Reaffirming this proposition, D. Awoke (personal communication, January 21, 2023) argues that the economic gains from dibia practice are attracting astute professionals as well as quacks into the profession. When asked what he likes about the renowned dibia Ejike Asadu (see Fig. 2), who is currently the councillor of Owerre Umoyo ward, in the Nsukka Local Government Area, H. Madu (personal communication, March 1, 2023), describes the “celebrity dibia” as a man who drives different cars and is respected in the community. Dibia Ejike is his role model. The elevated socio-economic status of dibia in recent times is driving an influx of mainly young people into the dibia profession in the Nsukka-Igbo communities. This observation is largely an inferential construction as the responses of the dibias that were interviewed revolve around selfless services and divine providence.

Another important impetus for the resurging dibia practices and associated concerns is the reassuring belief in mystical powers in African religion. Many adherents of African religions, as well as some members of Christianity in Nsukka-Igbo, agree on how Igbo religious paraphernalia, and figurines—osisi apiririapi, iheakpuruakpu; ofo, odo, ekwa ma are becoming more reliable sources of social control than the Christian God and paraphernalia (chaplet, stickers, bible). R. Onyishi (personal communication, December 10, 2022), U. Ozioko (personal communication, December 10, 2022), M. Ogbu (personal communication, December 10, 2022) are of the view that chukwu is not as merciful as the Christian God or Jesus. His punishment is commensurate with the severity of the abomination committed or sin of an individual. Amandioha (god of thunder) could strike someone dead because of stealing. However, Jesus is shown as a very merciful and forgiving being. He could forgive the worst of atrocities committed by someone. This belief, despite its challenging constructions, shapes how people react in social situations. Narrating his experience, G. Nnadi (personal communication, November 3, 2022), says:

I reported a case of car hijacking to the parish priest in my community. The car was snatched as I was returning from Sunday Mass. Fr. would place a curse on the hijackers, and prayed that they either return the car or face God’s wrath; they would be disgraced or killed. For the next 6 months, my car was not returned. I personally booked Mass and prayed the chaplet that the car be returned. My faith was stretched when I was informed how dibia Uwakwe Abugu had assisted people to recover their stolen vehicles. With few ritual performances and the insistence that the car would be returned in 7 days, I agreed to Abugu’sterms. The town-criers announced on the streets of our community about the impending calamity that would befall the thieves if they failed to return the car within 7 days… They mentioned Adoro deity and Idenyinkwo deity as media of vengeance … Surprisingly, on the 5th day…, the thieves returned the car even though they had repainted it…

There is no systematic way to situate the role of Dibia Abugu or the deities mentioned in the recovery of the vehicle. It is possible that the belief in the impersonal powers of the Chukwu (God) above those found in other religions influenced the hijackers’ action in returning the vehicle. Whatever be the case, this thought is influencing a good number of people in the Nsukka-Igbo communities into accepting African Religious practices, including the dibia practice. Dibia Ejike Asadu’s response to the reason for the revival of dibia practice is insightful. As postulated by him:

the Igbo dibia are more powerful than the Christian priests in terms of manipulation anduse of impersonal powers. The Igbo nation is one of the lost tribes of Israel. The Igbo dibia is as powerful as the prophets of the Bible… I am happy that many people in our area are understanding this truth and trusting the dibia… Do you know that Christians are not respected in Israel… We are the Igbo-Jews … who can refix the contest of baal and the true God?… the Dibia will be victorious (personal communication, March 10, 2023).

The paraphrased words of dibia Ejike seem controversial in a sense. For instance, the theology of linking the contest of Baal and the true God, and the dibia practices among the Igbo seems incongruous. The Jewish/Igbo common ancestry theory is unconvincing (cf. Andreeva 2021). As observed, this development is the least considered, as a good number of Igbo liken their spiritual as well as socio-political life to the Jewish experiences. In this regard, a number of people interviewed in this study (D. Ugwu, personal communication, November 20, 2022; B. Igbeaku, personal communication, November 20, 2022) believe that a dibia has the ability to manipulate esoteric powers like the Old Testament prophets. This belief, despite its obvious subjective stance, is influencing many people to trust the dibia and seek his services.

Discussion and Conclusion

The increased trust in indigenous practices, claims about the effectiveness of local therapies, individual or group self-serving interests and pride are driving the locals to patronize en masse the services of dibia. Other variables leading to the increasing demography of dibia,and the clientele of the local therapy, are the failed orthodox health management system and the dwindling trust in foreign religions (cf. Iloh, Chuku, and Amadi 2017) to provide enduring solutions to misfortunes of life and human health problems. The results of the study imply that there is an improved awareness of traditionalism among a spectrum of the people, particularly the youth, which could be the implicit force for the resurging dibia practices in the selected communities of Nsukka-Igbo. As found in the study, the renaissance in dibia practices is partly evidence of the way in which the people in these communities react to the dominant Western form of seeking wellness.

Prevailing conversations on African Religions show a tail of decline and abandonment of cultural elements (including dibia practices) in the African’ postcolonial environment (McKinnon, 2021; Kanu, 2014; Wilson, 2004). In contrast, emerging studies have shown the revival of indigenous knowledge systems and practices, including ezenwanyi (priestess/healer/diviner) practices (Mpaka, 2021). Although attempts have been made to investigate the important role of dibia in attending to the health needs of the people (Nwankwo, 2014), the ethics of folk medicine among the Igbo (Ogu, 2022), and more recently on the syncretistic reaction of folk healers as a survival mechanism (Ugwu, 2023), this study specifically reveals an unprecedented increase and revival of dibia practices from the turn of the 21st century to the present. This trajectory in dibia practices gives clue to the complex challenges facing orthodox medical practices in those communities. It also indicates how the people trust their indigenous beliefs and practices that connect to their health and wellbeing, despite the dominant Western forms of seeking wellness. Succinctly put, the increased trust in indigenous practices, claims about the effectiveness of local therapies, individual or group self-serving interests and pride, are driving the locals to patronize en masse the services of dibia. The dwindling trust in foreign religions (cf Iloh, Chuku, and Amadi 2017; Uwaegbute, 2021) to provide enduring solutions to misfortunes of life and human health problems is also contributory to this. The revival of these dibia practices is important in attending to the physical as well as spiritual needs of a good number of people in those communities who had received real or perceived unsatisfactory medical attention and treatment with orthodox medicine, most especially as the greater percentage of Nigerians lives in rural communities (cf. Lawal, Obiyele, & Bakare, 2019). Studies have indicated a lack of access to health care, unaffordability or poor medical services in rural Nigeria (Shaskan, 2022; Nmorsi, 2019; Nwankwo et al., (2022)). Many of these rural dwellers are engaging traditional medical practitioners, including dibia for diagnosis and treatments (cf. James et al. 2018). Given the crucial role dibias play in Nigeria’s rural health, understanding the motivation for their revival seems essential.

The focus of this study is particularly on the reinvigoration of dibia practices and other associated concerns related to African religions, further research on the revival of other African cultural elements is imperative. Such elements are the dibia ad’gboloja (quack dibia), iru ga riulomma (remoulding of masquerade houses), festivals, etc.

In conclusion, the earlier predictions of some scholars on the bleak future of African religious beliefs and practices contrast with the conscious revival of dibia practices. This development is consistent with the pattern of cultural revival in post-colonial environments. Individual or group vested interest, issues related to unsatisfactory diagnosis and treatment and firm belief in traditional health agencies, and so on, are driving an unprecedented increase in dibia practices.