OECD Migration Outlook 2006
OECD Migration Outlook 2006
SOPEMI 2006
This work is published on the responsibility of the Secretary-General of the OECD. The opinions expressed and arguments employed herein do not necessarily reflect the official views of the Organisation or of the governments of its member countries.
Also available in French under the title: Perspectives des migrations internationales RAPPORT ANNUEL 2006
OECD 2006
No reproduction, copy, transmission or translation of this publication may be made without written permission. Applications should be sent to OECD Publishing: rights@oecd.org or by fax (33 1) 45 24 13 91. Permission to photocopy a portion of this work should be addressed to the Centre franais d'exploitation du droit de copie, 20, rue des Grands-Augustins, 75006 Paris, France (contact@cfcopies.com).
ISBN 92-64-03627-X International Migration Outlook Sopemi 2006 Edition OECD 2006
Foreword
For the past thirty years, the OECD's Continuous Reporting System on Migration (known by its French acronym SOPEMI) has been producing an annual report. In 1992, the report first appeared as a flagship publication of the OECD, under the title Trends in International Migration. The thirtieth report broadens its analytical scope and its new title, International Migration Outlook, better reflects the growing importance of international migration in a context of accelerating economic globalisation and population ageing. The current report is divided into four parts and a statistical annex. Part I describes overall trends in international migration. For the first time, the report presents harmonised statistics on long-term international immigration flows for most OECD countries. It underlines the growing importance of recent entries from Russia, the Ukraine, China and Latin America, as well as trends in increasing feminisation of the flows. Family migration still dominates, while asylum requests continue to decline. Meanwhile, migration for employment is on the increase. Immigrants present a growing share of the labour force, but some have difficulties integrating into the labour market. Particular attention is paid to the employment of immigrant women and the report proposes specific measures to facilitate their integration into the labour market. Part I finishes with an overview of migration policies, especially those which aim to regulate migration flows, assist immigrants to integrate into host countries, and reinforce international co-operation between sending and receiving countries. Parts II and III are devoted to topical issues. The first addresses the question of the management of migration inflows through quotas and numerical limits, and evaluates the efficiency of such tools. The second analyses the links between migration, remittances and development. Part IV contains re-designed country notes with new standardised tables describing recent developments in migration movements and policies in OECD countries, and in some non-member countries. Finally, a statistical annex presents the latest data on foreign and foreign-born populations, foreign workers, migration flows and naturalisations.
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
StatLinks
A service from OECD Publishing that delivers ExcelTM les from the printed page!
Look for the StatLinks at the bottom right-hand corner of the tables or graphs in this book. To download the matching ExcelTM spreadsheet, just type the link into your internet browser, starting with the http://dx.doi.org prefix. If youre reading the PDF e-book edition, and your pc is connected to the Internet, simply click on the link. Youll find StatLinks appearing in more OECD books.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Table of Contents
Editorial . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Part I RECENT TRENDS IN INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION A. Developments in Migration Flows . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26 1. Towards harmonised statistics of long-term migration flows . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27 2. International migration by country of origin and entry category . . . . . . . . 32 3. The immigrant population. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43 4. The contribution of migration to human capital in receiving countries . . . . 47 B. Immigrants and the Labour Market . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 48 1. The situation of foreigners and immigrants in OECD member country labour markets . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 49 2. Overview of the labour market integration of immigrant women on the labour market in OECD countries . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 61 C. An Overview of Migration Policies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 76 1. Migration policy and labour market needs. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 76 2. Enforcement strategies, security and the fight against irregular migration . . 86 3. Policies aiming at facilitating the integration of immigrants into the labour market and society of receiving countries . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 90 4. Migration, development and international co-operation. . . . . . . . . . . . . 101 Notes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 109 Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 109 Part II MANAGING MIGRATION ARE QUOTAS AND NUMERICAL LIMITS THE SOLUTION? Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1. Selecting immigrants . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2. Control over migration numbers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3. How much migration is subject to control and how much is relatively free? . . . . . 4. Managing migration through numerical limits . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5. Numerical limits and their management . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Notes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 112 112 115 116 120 122 123 125 126 15 19
Annex II.A1. Defining Discretionary and Non-discretionary Migration . . . . . . . . . . 127 Annex II.A2. National Examples of Numerical Limits or Targets and their Management . . 133
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Part III INTERNATIONAL MIGRANT REMITTANCES AND THEIR ROLE IN DEVELOPMENT Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1. Migrant remittances: data and trends . . . . 2. Determinants of money remittances . . . . . 3. The transfer channels. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4. The economic effects of money remittances . Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 140 140 145 149 153 157
Notes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 159 Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 159 Part IV RECENT CHANGES IN MIGRATION MOVEMENTS AND POLICIES (COUNTRY NOTES) Australia . . . . . Austria. . . . . . Belgium . . . . . Bulgaria . . . . . Canada . . . . . Czech Republic . Denmark . . . . Finland . . . . . France . . . . . . Germany . . . . Greece . . . . . . Hungary . . . . . Ireland . . . . . . Italy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 164 166 168 170 172 174 176 178 180 182 184 186 188 190 192 194 Luxembourg . . Mexico . . . . . . Netherlands. . . New Zealand . . Norway . . . . . Poland . . . . . . Portugal . . . . . Romania. . . . . Slovak Republic. Spain. . . . . . . Sweden . . . . . Switzerland . . . Turkey . . . . . . United Kingdom United States . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 196 198 200 202 204 206 208 210 212 214 216 218 220 222 224 226 227
Japan. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Korea . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
How to read the Tables of Part IV . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . How to Read the Chart . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . STATISTICAL ANNEX Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Inflows and Outflows of Foreign Population . . Inflows of Asylum Seekers . . . . . . . . . . . . Stocks of Foreign and Foreign-born Population Acquisition of Nationality . . . . . . . . . . . . Inflows of Foreign Workers . . . . . . . . . . . Stocks of Foreign and Foreign-born Labour . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
List of SOPEMI Correspondents . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . List of OECD Secretariat Members Involved in the Preparation of this Report . . . .
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
TABLE OF CONTENTS
List of Charts, Tables and Boxes Part I RECENT TRENDS IN INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION Charts I.1. I.2. I.3. I.4. I.5. I.6. I.7. I.8a. I.8b. I.9. Inflows of foreign nationals as a percentage of the total population, selected OECD countries, 2004, harmonised data . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . International migration by category of entry, selected OECD countries, 2004, harmonised data . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . International tertiary students in OECD Europe and outside of Europe, by country of origin, 2003 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Stock of foreign and foreign-born populations in selected OECD countries, 2004 . . Participation rate by birth status in some OECD countries, 2003-2004 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32 35 39 45 51 55 55 59 59 60 61 63
Unemployment rate of young workers (15-24) by birth status, 2003-2004. . . . . Unemployment rate of older workers (55-64) by birth status, 2003-2004. . . . Share of temporary employment in total employment, by birth status, 2004 . Share of part time jobs in total employment, by birth status, 2004 . . . . . . . Proportion of foreign and foreign-born in total unemployment, relative to their share in the labour force . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . I.10. Share of long-term unemployed in total unemployment, by birth status . . . . I.11. Ratio of unemployment rate of foreign-born women to that of native-born women (15-64), 2004 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Tables I.1. I.2. I.3. I.4. I.5. I.6. I.7. I.8. I.9. I.10. I.11. I.12. I.13. I.14. I.15.
. . . . . .
Inflows of foreign nationals, 2003-2004 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Ten top source countries for immigration, 2000 and 2004, OECD Europe and OECD outside of Europe, usually published statistics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Inflows of asylum seekers in OECD countries, 2000-2004 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Total stock of international tertiary level students, 1998-2003 . . . . . . . . . . . Entries of temporary workers in selected OECD countries by principal categories, 1992, 2002-2004 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Estimates of the unauthorised immigrant population, selected OECD countries . . Foreign-born persons with tertiary attainment in OECD countries, circa 2000, as a percentage of all residents . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Foreign and foreign-born labour force in selected OECD countries, 1999 and 2004 . Employment change, total and foreign-born, 1994-2004 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Employment and unemployment rates of native- and foreign-born populations by level of education, 2003-2004 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Overqualification rates of the native- and foreign-born populations in some OECD countries, 2003-2004 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Employment of foreign-born by sector, 2003-2004 average . . . . . . . . . . . . . Foreign-born in self-employment in some OECD countries, 1999 and 2004 . . . . Employment and unemployment rates for foreign-born women (15-64), by level of education, 2004 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Percentage of women in highly skilled (HS) occupations, native- and foreign-born (15-64), 2004 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
30 33 37 38 40 46 48 50 52 53 54 57 58 62 64
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
TABLE OF CONTENTS
I.16. Percentage of women (15-64) in jobs for which they are overqualified, by birth status, selected OECD countries, 2003-2004 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 64 I.17. Female employment by occupation and birth status (15-64), 2003-2004, data pooled over EU countries . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 66 I.18. Female employment by sector and birth status (15-64), 2003-2004, data pooled over EU countries . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 67 I.19. Share of temporary and part-time employment in total employment, by birth status, women (15-64), 2004 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 67 I.20. Main regularisation programmes in selected OECD countries, by nationality. . . 82 I.21. Acquisition of nationality in selected OECD countries, numbers and percentages . . 99 I.22. Inflows of citizens from 8 new EU member states in some OECD countries, 2004-2005 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 107 Annexes I.A1.1. Labour market situation of foreigners and nationals in selected OECD countries, 1995, 2000 and 2003-2004 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . I.A1.2. Labour market situation of foreign- and native-born populations in selected OECD countries, 1995, 2000 and 2003-2004 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Boxes I.1. I.2. I.3. I.4. I.5. I.6. I.7. I.8. New comparable statistics on inflows of foreign nationals . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28 Current estimates of the foreign-born population . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 44 Migrant women into work: What are the best practices? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 68 European Commission guidelines on labour migration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 77 EU Directives for migration policies on students and researchers . . . . . . . . . 80 Acquis communautaire and the harmonisation of migration policies in the new EU member countries. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 86 European Commission and integration policies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91 External relations of the European Union in the field of international migration . . 102 70 73
Part II MANAGING MIGRATION ARE QUOTAS AND NUMERICAL LIMITS THE SOLUTION? Tables II.1. II.2. Inflows of permanent immigrants by entry category, selected OECD countries, 2003 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 117 Inflows of permanent immigrants, selected OECD countries, 2003 . . . . . . . . . 118
Annex II.A2.1. Migration programme planning levels and outcomes, 2003-2004 . . . . . . . . 135 Boxes II.1. II.2. Quotas, maxima, limits, caps and targets . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 113 Immigration limits in a context of strong labour demand the case of Italy and Spain (Einaudi 2003). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 122
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Part III INTERNATIONAL MIGRANT REMITTANCES AND THEIR ROLE IN DEVELOPMENT Charts III.1. Migrants remittances and other capital flows to developing countries, 1988-2002 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 142 III.2. Remittance flows to developing countries by region, 1996-2002 . . . . . . . . . . 143 III.3. Per capita migrants remittances by region, 1998-2002, US dollars . . . . . . . . . 144 Tables III.1. Top 30 developing countries with the highest remittances received as a percentage of GDP, 2002 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . III.2. Top 30 developing countries with the highest total remittances received, 2002 . . . III.3. Top 30 developing countries with the highest remittances per capita received, 2002 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . III.4. Cost of remittance sending . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 142 143 144 152
Part IV RECENT CHANGES IN MIGRATION MOVEMENTS AND POLICIES Australia: Austria: Belgium: Bulgaria: Canada: Czech Republic: Denmark: Finland: France: Germany: Greece: Hungary: Flow data on foreigners . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 165 Macroeconomic, demographic and labour market indicators. . . . . 165 Flow data on foreigners . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 167 Macroeconomic, demographic and labour market indicators. . . . . 167 Flow data on foreigners . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 169 Macroeconomic, demographic and labour market indicators. . . . . 169 Flow data on foreigners . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 171 Macroeconomic, demographic and labour market indicators. . . . . 171 Flow data on foreigners . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 173 Macroeconomic, demographic and labour market indicators. . . . . 173 Flow data on foreigners . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 175 Macroeconomic indicators and stock data . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 175 Flow data on foreigners . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 177 Macroeconomic, demographic and labour market indicators. . . . . 177 Flow data on foreigners . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 179 Macroeconomic, demographic and labour market indicators. . . . . 179 Flow data on foreigners . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 181 Macroeconomic, demographic and labour market indicators. . . . . 181 Flow data on foreigners . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 183 Macroeconomic, demographic and labour market indicators. . . . . 183 Flow data on foreigners . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 185 Macroeconomic, demographic and labour market indicators. . . . . 185 Flow data on foreigners . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 187 Macroeconomic, demographic and labour market indicators. . . . . 187
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Ireland: Italy: Japan: Korea: Luxembourg: Mexico: Netherlands: New Zealand: Norway: Poland: Portugal: Romania:
Flow data on foreigners . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 189 Macroeconomic, demographic and labour market indicators. . . . . 189 Flow data on foreigners . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 191 Macroeconomic, demographic and labour market indicators. . . . . 191 Flow data on foreigners . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 193 Macroeconomic, demographic and labour market indicators. . . . . 193 Flow data on foreigners . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 195 Macroeconomic, demographic and labour market indicators. . . . . 195 Flow data on foreigners . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 197 Macroeconomic, demographic and labour market indicators. . . . . 197 Flow data on foreigners . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 199 Macroeconomic, demographic and labour market indicators. . . . . 199 Flow data on foreigners . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 201 Macroeconomic, demographic and labour market indicators. . . . . 201 Flow data on foreigners . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 203 Macroeconomic, demographic and labour market indicators. . . . . 203 Flow data on foreigners . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 205 Macroeconomic, demographic and labour market indicators. . . . . 205 Flow data on foreigners . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 207 Macroeconomic, demographic and labour market indicators. . . . . 207 Flow data on foreigners . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 209 Macroeconomic, demographic and labour market indicators. . . . . 209 Flow data on foreigners . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 211 Macroeconomic, demographic and labour market indicators. . . . . 211
Slovak Republic: Flow data on foreigners . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 213 Macroeconomic, demographic and labour market indicators. . . . . 213 Spain: Sweden: Switzerland: Turkey: Flow data on foreigners . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 215 Macroeconomic, demographic and labour market indicators. . . . . 215 Flow data on foreigners . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 217 Macroeconomic, demographic and labour market indicators. . . . . 217 Flow data on foreigners . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 219 Macroeconomic, demographic and labour market indicators. . . . . 219 Flow data on foreigners . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 221 Macroeconomic, demographic and labour market indicators. . . . . 221 United Kingdom: Flow data on foreigners . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 223 Macroeconomic, demographic and labour market indicators. . . . . 223 United States: Flow data on foreigners . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 225 Macroeconomic, demographic and labour market indicators. . . . . 225
10
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
TABLE OF CONTENTS
STATISTICAL ANNEX Inflows and Outflows of Foreign Population . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 231 A.1.1. A.1.2. B.1.1. B.1.1. B.1.1. B.1.1. B.1.1. B.1.1. B.1.1. B.1.1. B.1.1. B.1.1. B.1.1. B.1.1. B.1.1. B.1.1. Inflows of foreign population into selected OECD countries . . . . . . . . . . . 233 Outflows of foreign population from selected OECD countries . . . . . . . . . . 234 AUSTRALIA . . . . AUSTRIA . . . . . BELGIUM . . . . . CANADA . . . . . CZECH REPUBLIC. DENMARK . . . . FINLAND . . . . . FRANCE . . . . . . GERMANY GREECE . . HUNGARY IRELAND . ITALY . . . JAPAN . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 235 235 236 236 237 237 238 238 239 239 240 240 241 241 B.1.1. B.1.1. B.1.1. B.1.1. B.1.1. B.1.1. B.1.1. B.1.1. B.1.1. B.1.1. B.1.1. B.1.1. B.1.1. B.1.1. KOREA. . . . . . . . LUXEMBOURG . . . NETHERLANDS . . . NEW ZEALAND. . . NORWAY . . . . . . POLAND. . . . . . . PORTUGAL . . . . . SLOVAK REPUBLIC . SPAIN . . . . . . . . SWEDEN . . . . . . SWITZERLAND . . . TURKEY . . . . . . . UNITED KINGDOM . UNITED STATES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 242 242 243 243 244 244 245 245 246 246 247 247 248 248
Metadata related to Tables A.1.1, A.1.2. and B.1.1. Migration flows in selected OECD countries. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 249 Inflows of Asylum Seekers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 252 A.1.3. Inflows of asylum seekers into OECD countries . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 253 B.1.3. B.1.3. B.1.3. B.1.3. B.1.3. AUSTRIA . BELGIUM . CANADA . FRANCE . . GERMANY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 254 254 255 255 256 B.1.3. B.1.3. B.1.3. B.1.3. B.1.3. SLOVAK REPUBLIC . SWEDEN . . . . . . SWITZERLAND . . . UNITED KINGDOM . UNITED STATES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 256 257 257 258 258
Metadata related to Tables A.1.3. and B.1.3. Inflows of asylum seekers. . . . . . . . . . 259 Stocks of Foreign and Foreign-born Population . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 260 A.1.4. Stocks of foreign-born population in selected OECD countries. . . . . . . . . . . 262 B.1.4. B.1.4. B.1.4. B.1.4. B.1.4. B.1.4. B.1.4. B.1.4. B.1.4. B.1.4. AUSTRALIA . . AUSTRIA . . . BELGIUM . . . CANADA . . . DENMARK . . FINLAND . . . GREECE . . . . HUNGARY . . IRELAND . . . LUXEMBOURG . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 263 263 264 264 265 265 266 266 267 267 B.1.4. B.1.4. B.1.4. B.1.4. B.1.4. B.1.4. B.1.4. B.1.4. B.1.4. NETHERLANDS . . . NEW ZEALAND. . . NORWAY . . . . . . POLAND. . . . . . . PORTUGAL . . . . . SLOVAK REPUBLIC . SWEDEN . . . . . . TURKEY . . . . . . . UNITED STATES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 268 268 269 269 270 270 271 271 272
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
11
TABLE OF CONTENTS
A.1.5. Stocks of foreign population in selected OECD countries . . . . . . . . . . . . . B.1.5. B.1.5. B.1.5. B.1.5. B.1.5. B.1.5. B.1.5. B.1.5. B.1.5. AUSTRIA. . . . . BELGIUM. . . . . CZECH REPUBLIC DENMARK . . . . FINLAND. . . . . FRANCE . . . . . GERMANY . . . . GREECE . . . . . HUNGARY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 275 275 276 276 277 277 278 278 279 279 280 280 B.1.5. B.1.5. B.1.5. B.1.5. B.1.5. B.1.5. B.1.5. B.1.5. B.1.5. B.1.5. B.1.5. KOREA . . . . . . . LUXEMBOURG. . . NETHERLANDS . . NORWAY . . . . . POLAND . . . . . . PORTUGAL . . . . SLOVAK REPUBLIC SPAIN . . . . . . . SWEDEN . . . . . . SWITZERLAND . . UNITED KINGDOM . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
274 281 281 282 282 283 283 284 284 285 285 286 287 289 290 295 295 296 296 297 297 298 298 299 299 300 301 302 303 304 306 307 309 310 310 311 312
Metadata related to Tables A.1.5. and B.1.5. Foreign population . . . . . . . . . . . . . Acquisition of Nationality . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . A.1.6. Acquisition of nationality in selected OECD countries . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . B.1.6. B.1.6. B.1.6. B.1.6. B.1.6. B.1.6. B.1.6. B.1.6. B.1.6. B.1.6. B.1.6. AUSTRALIA . . . AUSTRIA. . . . . BELGIUM. . . . . CANADA. . . . . CZECH REPUBLIC DENMARK . . . . FINLAND. . . . . FRANCE . . . . . GERMANY . . . . HUNGARY . . . . ITALY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 291 291 292 292 293 293 293 294 294 294 295 B.1.6. B.1.6. B.1.6. B.1.6. B.1.6. B.1.6. B.1.6. B.1.6. B.1.6. B.1.6. B.1.6. JAPAN . . . . . . . LUXEMBOURG. . . NETHERLANDS . . NEW ZEALAND . . NORWAY . . . . . PORTUGAL . . . . SLOVAK REPUBLIC SPAIN . . . . . . . SWEDEN . . . . . . SWITZERLAND . . UNITED STATES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Metadata related to Tables A.1.6. and B.1.6. Acquisition of nationality . . . . . . . . . Inflows of Foreign Workers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . A.2.1. Inflows of foreign workers into selected OECD countries . . . . . . . . . . . . . Metadata related to Table A.2.1. Inflows of foreign workers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Stocks of Foreign and Foreign-born Labour . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . A.2.2. Stocks of foreign-born labour force in selected OECD countries . . . . . . . . . B.2.1. B.2.1. B.2.1. B.2.1. AUSTRALIA AUSTRIA. . CANADA. . DENMARK . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 307 308 308 309 B.2.1. B.2.1. B.2.1. B.2.1. FINLAND. . . . . MEXICO . . . . . NEW ZEALAND . UNITED STATES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
12
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
TABLE OF CONTENTS
A.2.3. Stocks of foreign labour force in selected OECD countries . . . . . . . . . . . . . 313 B.2.2. B.2.2. B.2.2. B.2.2. B.2.2. B.2.2. B.2.2. B.2.2. B.2.2. AUSTRIA . . . . . BELGIUM . . . . . CZECH REPUBLIC. DENMARK . . . . FINLAND . . . . . FRANCE . . . . . . GERMANY . . . . GREECE . . . . . . HUNGARY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 314 314 315 315 316 316 317 317 318 B.2.2. B.2.2. B.2.2. B.2.2. B.2.2. B.2.2. B.2.2. B.2.2. B.2.2. B.2.2. B.2.2. JAPAN . . . . . . . . KOREA. . . . . . . . LUXEMBOURG . . . NETHERLANDS . . . NORWAY . . . . . . PORTUGAL . . . . . SLOVAK REPUBLIC . SPAIN . . . . . . . . SWEDEN . . . . . . SWITZERLAND . . . UNITED KINGDOM . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 319 320 320 321 321 322 322 323 323 324 324
. . . . . . . . . . . . 325
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
13
ISBN 92-64-03627-X International Migration Outlook Sopemi 2006 Edition OECD 2006
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
15
EDITORIAL
With an increase in migration and developing labour shortages, migration has jumped up the policy agenda in OECD countries
International migration has jumped up the policy agenda in most OECD countries over the past decade. There are several reasons for this. First, immigration flows grew rapidly during the 1990s and are now growing again, using at times irregular or unconventional channels (asylum seeking, tourism overstaying). There are currently close to three million long-term immigrants entering OECD countries legally every year, and even more temporary movements, if international students are included (see Chapter 1). And this does not count unauthorised movements. Secondly, with ageing populations and falling interest in certain occupations in OECD countries (sciences, building trades), it is expected that there will be need for more worker immigration in the near future. This will only be possible if past and current immigrants, who are more and more numerous, are seen to be integrating without difficulty in the host country. Immigrant performance on the labour market, however, for both past and recent arrivals in many countries and even for their offspring, is not as favourable as in the past.
Selection of migrants is not straightforward, and not all migrants can be selected
First, the selection of migrants is not always straightforward. Indeed in all countries, there are significant immigration movements over which governments have limited discretion. This is because of recognised human rights (the right of residents to live with their families, or to marry or adopt whom they wish), or signed international agreements (such as the Geneva Convention on refugees, or free movement treaties). Such nondiscretionary movements (see Chapter 2) are already sources of labour for host countries, but not always for occupations in demand. Satisfying the latter means increasing the total levels, to attract the right people with the right skills.
In some countries the selection is carried out on the basis of language proficiency, work experience, education and age
How are immigrants to be chosen and in what numbers? Should immigrants be selected on the basis of their characteristics, with points given for language proficiency, work experience, education, age, and only those selected who have the required minimum number of points? This is what is done in Australia, Canada and New Zealand, and the
16
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
EDITORIAL
migration regimes of these countries are often pointed to as models for other OECD countries to follow. Some 60% or more of immigrants (including family members) are in the skilled migrant stream in these countries.
while in others, employers do the selecting, so workers have jobs upon arrival
In practice, aside from persons moving under free movement regimes such as the European Union, legal immigrant workers are selected in all countries. The difference with Australia, Canada and New Zealand is that they are selected by employers, rather than national administrations. Governments, however, sometimes impose salary, occupational or educational criteria that limit the possibilities. And when they are selected by employers, immigrants have a job upon arrival, rather than having to fend for themselves in a new country. Historically, introducing selected immigrants into the labour market without prior jobs has worked for Australia and Canada. Recently, however, it is showing its limits, as employers attribute less and less value to foreign work experience and qualifications. So even these countries have started to give points to potential immigrants for job offers and to select persons already in the country on a temporary status.
and some countries do it by fixing pre-ordained targets or limits, to which they hold to themselves
Targets and limits have the advantage of demonstrating to public opinion that movements are being managed. But they need to be carefully fixed to ensure that they meet domestic labour requirements, not always a simple task. One risk is the possibility of backlogs, if the number of eligible applicants exceeds the number of available places. Backlogs can be a source of frustration, make the migration system less flexible and serve as an inducement to irregular entry or stay for otherwise eligible candidates.
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
17
EDITORIAL
If work permits are kept low in the face of strong demand, there is a high risk of irregular movements
If there is little possibility for low-skilled workers to enter, and no other source of labour supply can satisfy needs for low-skilled workers, there is a high risk that irregular movements will be generated. This is especially the case if control of irregular migration and work is weak. In some countries, the unauthorised immigrant population is estimated at over 3% of the total population. Illegal employment, however, is not inevitable. The experience of regularisation programmes suggests that employers, who often must supply proven job offers to potential candidates, do not necessarily have a preference for illegal workers. With an adequate work permit programme which ensures that permits are delivered quickly and in sufficient numbers, their needs could be met.
The migration of highly skilled persons may represent a serious loss to sending countries in the developing world
All countries want high-skilled immigrants. With virtually all OECD countries having become receiving countries, the competition to attract and retain the highly skilled in particular will increase. Language is clearly going to be a problem for countries whose national languages have no basin outside their own borders. And even high-skilled migrants have been encountering problems in the labour markets of OECD countries, often working in jobs for which they are overqualified. There is a growing trend towards the recruitment of finishing students, who may represent serious losses to source countries, especially in small countries, even if this is tempered by significant remittances (see Chapter 3). OECD countries need to weigh the benefits of this kind of recruitment (rapid integration) against any brain drain effects they may induce.
Public policy and discourse with respect to international migration need to be even-handed
Difficulties in integrating immigrants in some countries have led to restrictions on entry and stay and, at times, a public discourse on migration that is ambivalent. The restrictions and discourse, if unbalanced, may have adverse impacts on attempts to attract the kind of migrants which the country needs, as well as on the integration of current immigrants and their offspring. Potential immigrants have many receiving countries to choose from, on the one hand, while labour market and educational outcomes may suffer in an atmosphere in which immigrants are not made to feel welcome.
and countries that can manage the balancing act will come out ahead
In sum, receiving countries that demonstrate an even-handed management of migration movements that is at once welcoming but firm, and in accordance with national needs, will be in a more favourable position to profit from the benefits of international migration. John P. Martin
18
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
ISBN 92-64-03627-X International Migration Outlook Sopemi 2006 Edition OECD 2006
Introduction
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
19
INTRODUCTION
The annual report is now entitled International Migration Outlook. For the past thirty years, the OECDs Continuous Reporting System on Migration (known under by its French acronym SOPEMI) has been producing an annual report. In 1992, the report first appeared as a flagship publication of the OECD, under the title Trends in International Migration. This report, the thirtieth, broadens its analytical scope and its new title, International Migration Outlook, better reflects the growing importance of international migration in a context of accelerating economic globalisation and population ageing.
To improve the international comparability of migration statistics Until now, it has been difficult to provide an accurate overview of immigration flows in OECD countries, because inflow data vary from country to country. Indeed, commonly used national data sources do not all define international migration in the same way. For example, some countries include short-term entries in the flow statistics, while others only cover permanent entries.
the report this year focuses on long-term entries. The current report attempts to make up for some of these gaps by presenting, for the first time and for the majority of OECD countries, harmonised statistics on long-term immigration flows in receiving countries. The emphasis on the flow statistics this year complements the contribution of last years report, which described a new OECD database on the immigrant population by country of residence, country of birth and educational attainment.
The harmonised entries are lower than those usually published. The harmonisation process essentially amounts to excluding from national statistics on immigration flows, categories of migrants (in particular students) with residence permits that are not renewable or are renewable only on a limited basis. The harmonisation of the data results in only a moderate increase in the overall annual change in the inflows for the countries covered, but reduces the level of entries compared to those usually published by about one million.
20
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
INTRODUCTION
Switzerland, New Zealand, Australia and Canada have relatively high immigration levels. Among countries for which harmonised data have been produced, the level of legal longterm entries as a percentage of the total population is highest in Switzerland, New Zealand, Australia and Canada, whereas low levels are observed in Finland and Japan. In Portugal and Italy, the large number of irregular migrants can explain the relatively low levels observed in those countries. In the United States, which also has high levels of unauthorised immigration, the number of legal entries as a percentage of the total population is relatively modest compared to many other OECD countries.
Temporary worker movements are increasing in response to labour shortages. Almost all OECD countries also have temporary worker migration programmes, which have been growing over the past decade (temporary workers, seasonal workers, working holidaymakers, contract workers). There are also other temporary-type movements, such as intra-company transfers of managers within multinational enterprises, traineeships and cross-border service provision. Temporary worker entries increased by about 7% between 2003 and 2004, reaching 1.5 million entries, and this includes only OECD countries for which there are detailed data and excludes movements of students who can work (on a limited basis) during their studies.
There are more immigrants from Russia, the Ukraine, China and Latin America. As each year, the report analyses the trends in migration movements and policies. Migration to neighbouring countries and to countries with which there are historical links tends to predominate. The report underlines the growing importance of certain nationality groups and in particular, of recent flows from Russia, the Ukraine, China and Latin America (especially to Spain) to European OECD countries. Outside of Europe, the movements are more diverse, with persons from countries in Asia, Latin America, but also from the United Kingdom, figuring among the top source countries in North America, Oceania, Japan and Korea. The significant presence in the migration flows of women from the Dominican Republic, the Philippines and the Ukraine suggests an increasing feminisation of the flows, but the trend is not a general one.
Family migration continues to dominate. Family migration (accompanying family of workers and family reunification) is predominant in most OECD countries, even in countries where worker entries are relatively more common than in the past, as in Portugal, Denmark, Switzerland and the United Kingdom.
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
21
INTRODUCTION
Asylum requests continued to decline, while international student flows increased. The trend decline in the number of asylum seekers observed since 2000 continued with a decrease of 20% between 2003 and 2004. In relative terms, requests for asylum remain high in Austria, Norway, Sweden and Switzerland. France is the country which had the highest number of requests in 2004, while the strongest declines between 2000 and 2004 were observed in Australia, Denmark, the Netherlands and the United Kingdom. The increase in the number of foreign students was significant, in particular in New Zealand, Japan, Australia, France and Germany.
Immigrants represent a growing share of the labour force Immigrants represent a growing share of the labour force in OECD countries, although there are important differences from one country to another. For example, they represent less than 1.5% of the working population in Japan, around 12% in Germany, but 25% in Switzerland and in Australia. A detailed analysis of the situation of immigrants on the labour market shows the spread of immigrant employment to the service sectors in most OECD countries while self-employment among immigrants is growing, in particular in Belgium and the United Kingdom.
but some have difficulties integrating into the labour market. Notwithstanding progress in employment of the foreign-born during the last decade, the latter encounter difficulties in most of the receiving countries in integrating into the labour market, as illustrated by a lower rate of employment compared to the native-born and a higher unemployment rate. In the countries of southern Europe and Ireland, as well as non-European OECD countries, this pattern is less apparent, indeed, one observes the opposite.
Younger and older workers are particularly vulnerable In certain OECD countries, the young, older workers and women encounter specific difficulties. Immigrants in these groups are even more at risk because they combine the disadvantages associated with their demographic group and with their origin. For example, in Belgium, France and Sweden, while unemployment among young people 15-24 born in the country exceeds 15%, the figure for young immigrants is twice as high. In a number of member countries, older immigrant workers have to contend with a similar situation in accessing the labour market. In Belgium, fewer than a quarter of 55-64 year olds born abroad are working, while in Germany and Denmark, the figure is a little over 35%.
22
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
INTRODUCTION
as are women, in particular those from non-OECD countries. The 2006 edition of International Migration Outlook looks in particular at the labour market integration of immigrant women in OECD countries. In most of them, foreign-born women have a lower employment rate compared to the native-born, generally below 60%. Moreover, the gap tends to widen with the level of education. This is partly attributable to problems with the recognition of foreign diplomas and qualifications. Women originating from non-OECD member countries are likely to find themselves in an even worse situation in the majority of countries.
Measures are needed to facilitate access to employment of immigrant women. A Seminar organised by the OECD and the European Commission (Brussels, September 2005) focused on the identification of obstacles encountered by immigrant women and on specific measures for facilitating their access to the labour market. These measures concern vocational training programmes and language training, the recognition of qualifications, and labour demand in domestic services sector and care for children and the aged. They also concern the promotion of womens entrepreneurship and efforts to eliminate all forms of discrimination.
Migration policies are focusing on labour recruitment and the fight against irregular migration This report also presents an inventory of the principal migration policies adopted by OECD member countries. Several countries have taken new measures aimed at facilitating the recruitment of highly qualified immigrants, by means of the implementation or improvement of selective policies, and by attracting a larger number of international foreign students, considered as potential qualified workers with strong links to their receiving countries. The report also considers the impact of EU enlargement on labour migration flows within Europe The increased need for temporary immigration of low skilled workers is a matter for concern in several OECD countries. Security and the fight against irregular migration are at the heart of policies aimed at a better management of migration flows.
as well as on the integration of immigrants. In parallel, new measures have been adopted to develop or improve integration programmes for new arrivals. Particular attention is paid to compulsory language courses, accompanied by initiatives, which are also addressed to already settled migrants, for promoting employment, increasing diversity in enterprises and the fight against discrimination and for equal opportunities.
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
23
INTRODUCTION
Two special chapters deal with topical issues. The first addresses the question of the management of migration inflows through quotas and numerical limits This year two special chapters deal with topical issues. The first concerns the fixing of quotas and numerical limits in the context of the management of migration and evaluates the efficacy of such measures. The chapter highlights their limits and the risks associated with levels that are fixed too high or too low, if non-discretionary migration entries (family or humanitarian migration, for example) are not taken into account, and if irregular migration persists and remains at a high level. Fixing numerical limits or target levels is one of a number of methods for managing migration.
and the second takes another look at the links between migration, remittances and development. The second chapter analyses the links between migration, remittances and development. This was the background document for the Marrakech Conference co-organised by the OECD (February 2005) which sought to identify the necessary conditions for remittances to play a greater role in the economic development of the country of origin. Remittances have indisputably contributed to improving the living conditions of migrants and their families although it seems less evident that these transfers have had a positive impact on the economic development of the country of origin. The report also includes country notes describing recent developments in migration movements and policies and introducing new standardised tables. The statistical annex at the end of the publication contains statistics on flows of the number of immigrants and foreigners, and on naturalisations.
24
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
ISBN 92-64-03627-X International Migration Outlook SOPEMI 2006 Edition OECD 2006
PART I
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
25
I.
he first part of the current report International Migration Outlook is divided in three sections describing the principal developments observed this last three years. The first of these sections looks at changes in migration movements (I.A); the second focuses on the status of immigrants in the labour market (I.B), while the third provides an overview on migration policies (I.C).
26
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
I.
The countries of southern Europe, formerly countries of emigration, were introduced to high volumes of international movement in the latter half of the nineties, largely through irregular migration. Policies have been struggling to adapt, with repeated regularisations taking place. At the same time, the traditional settlement countries of Australia, Canada and New Zealand have increased their targeted levels of migration while Switzerland, the United Kingdom and now Ireland have increased their intake of highly skilled migrants. Switzerland has also opened up its labour market to free circulation of workers from the European Union. Germany, while continuing a restrictive policy towards worker migration, has admitted considerable numbers of ethnic Germans from Eastern Europe and the republics of the former Soviet Union over the past fifteen years. In the Nordic countries, long-term migration has been largely humanitarian in nature, with subsequent family reunification. In most countries of Europe, worker migration has remained restrictive. More recently, the entry of the new accession states into the European movement has seen substantial movements of workers from these countries into Ireland and the United Kingdom in particular, but also into Norway, Sweden and Italy (see below, Section C, the movements associated with EU enlargement). The rise of anti-immigration political parties and the perception that the integration of immigrants has not always been adequate have led in some countries to more restrictive policies with respect to family reunification and in all, to targeted introduction programmes and stronger enforcement measures with respect to unauthorised entry and stay. Although there is evidence or signs of an opening up to skilled migration in most countries, particularly with expected shortages as a result of aging populations, movements in this direction thus far have been small. There is a general reluctance in all countries to open up to low-skilled migration, except for temporary stays (often through bilateral agreements), because such migration is viewed as resulting in a fiscal burden to the receiving countries. For potential immigrants from low-income countries, however, the prospect of a working stay in an OECD country, even a relatively short one, at the higher wages prevailing there, remains a powerful drawing card.
27
I.
28
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
I.
not justified, it has nevertheless been carried out here to give an approximate indication of overall trends. On the whole, the new data show overall flows progressing by about 15% in countries for which harmonised data are available (see Table I.1), which amounts to over 330 000 persons for the countries concerned taken together. Most of this is attributable to a large increase in the United States and to increases in Australia, Canada, Italy and the United Kingdom. In the United States, attribution of green cards rose by about 240 000 after a decline almost as large in 2003 as a result of constraints introduced following the September 11th attacks. The increase reflected a take-up of an accumulated backlog and a return to normal processing rates. Note that the change shown in the upper panel of Table I.1 does not include the impact of the 2003 regularisation programme in Italy. This witnessed the granting of residence permits to almost 635 000 persons. Such persons tend to show up as inflows in the year in which the regularisation takes place, although the immigrants concerned have generally entered over several years. They have not been included in Table I.1, to avoid distorting the statistics. In the lower half of Table I.1, virtually all of the observed change is accounted for by Spain. This country saw an increase in municipal registrations of foreign nationals of almost 220 000 in 2004, to a total level of close to 650 000.2 This was the first significant
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
29
I.
Notes: For information on the compilation of the harmonised statistics, see www.oecd.org/els/migration/imo2006. Note that because the data have not been harmonised in the bottom half of the table, the total may be adding up flows of different kinds across countries. Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/282186485188
increase in registrations since 2001 and preceded the regularisation programme implemented in 2005. Since this programme was announced in the autumn of 2004 and since candidates had to show residence in Spain from at least early August 2004, the announcement of the regularisation itself seems unlikely to have produced this increase. However, there had been some public speculation about the possibility of a regularisation for some months previously and this may have acted as a drawing card for some potential migrants. Among smaller countries, which can undergo significant changes that have only a marginal effect on the statistics as a whole, Norway and Portugal saw significant increases from 2003 to 2004. Inflows of foreign nationals in these countries increased by 14% and 18% respectively in 2004 compared to 2003. Countries showing significant declines (more than 10%), on the other hand, were Finland, Germany and New Zealand.
30
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
I.
In practice, the harmonisation process increases the overall observed year-to-year change in the inflows only marginally for the countries covered, compared to the usual statistics presented, but the harmonised data show a level that is over 1 million immigrants lower. The difference reflects largely the impact of the harmonisation for Germany, Japan, the United Kingdom and Italy, whose statistics include a significant volume of shorter term movements. The statistics on inflows here do not cover unauthorised arrivals, which can be substantial in certain countries. Net unauthorised immigration to the United States is estimated to be in the vicinity of about 500 000 persons per year (http://uscis.gov/graphics/ shared/aboutus/statistics/Ill_Report_1211.pdf), or about one-half of current annual levels for issues of green cards. This amounts to about 0.15-0.20% of the total population per year. In Italy, the 2002 regularisation programmed elicited about 700 000 applications. If all of the persons concerned entered in the years since the previous regularisation (1998), this would amount to unauthorised entries of about 175 000 per year over the period, which is higher than the recorded levels of legal long-term migration to Italy over the same period. In practice, however, some persons previously regularised may have lapsed back into illegality and been regularised again. Finally, although statistics for 2005 are not shown here, the 2005 regularisation for Spain brought out close to 690 000 unauthorised immigrants as well, yielding averaged-out unauthorised inflows over the period since the previous regularisation of about the same annual level as Italy. The number of applications for regularisation is a lower bound for the total number of unauthorised immigrants because it concerns only persons who in principle satisfy the conditions for regularisation, which often include the fact of having an employment contract with a recognised employer. In practice, it is exceedingly difficult to obtain estimates of unauthorised inflows and indicative numbers are available for few countries. They are thus not included in the inflow statistics shown here, with the exception of Spain. The harmonised data presented here are preliminary and may be subject to revision and correction. As they stand, there are significant differences with respect to the usual published statistics on immigration (see www.oecd.org/els/migration/imo2006 for an overview and assessment). The harmonised series allow a comparison across countries, for the first time, of the relative level of long-term legal migration (Chart I.1). Switzerland, New Zealand, Australia and Canada are the OECD countries with the highest relative level of long-term legal migration. At the other end of the spectrum, Finland and Japan appear to be the countries with the lowest relative levels. Portugal and Italy also come in at relatively low levels, but have been subject in recent years to significant unauthorised immigration. The United States has high absolute levels of legal migration, but on a per-capita basis, the amount of long-term legal immigration is modest, compared to many other countries. The statistics shown here include not only entries of long-term immigrants but also changes in status where possible. More and more in OECD countries, long-term immigration permits are being granted to persons already in the country on another status. This is the case by default for recognised asylum seekers and for persons accorded permits under a regularisation scheme. 3 But it is also becoming more common for certain categories of temporary workers (for example, live-in care-givers in Canada or skilled workers on an H1B visa in the United States), international students and indeed, even persons in the country for family visits. For countries doing some form of selection of
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
31
I.
Chart I.1. Inflows of foreign nationals as a percentage of the total population, selected OECD countries, 2004, harmonised data
1.2
1.0
0.8
0.6
0.4
0.2
lia
da
ria
ay
nd
nd
en
ce
ds
es De nm ar k
d lan Fin Ja
Ita ly
an
ga
rw
do
ra
na
ed
lan
rla
ala
an
st
at
Au
ng
Ca
itz e
Sw
Ze
No
er
Fr
rm
St
st
Au
Ki
th
Sw
Ne
Ne
immigrants, whether through a point system or by specifying a minimum level of qualification or pay for immigrant workers identified by employers, choosing from among persons who have been studying, living and/or working in the host country for several years offers some guarantees in terms of knowledge of the language and ability to live and function in the society.
32
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
Un
ite
Un
ite
Ge
Po
rtu
pa
I.
Table I.2. Ten top source countries for immigration, 2000 and 2004, OECD Europe and OECD outside of Europe, usually published statistics
OECD Europe
In thousands 2000 Morocco Ecuador Poland Bulgaria Turkey Romania United States Germany France Italy 96 95 94 81 79 76 64 60 60 56 761 Romania Poland Morocco Bulgaria Turkey Ukraine United Kingdom Germany Russian Federation United States 2004 196 169 121 88 73 68 67 65 65 50 964
Note: Data are not harmonised. Statistics from some countries may include many short-term flows. Source: See Table I.A1.1 in the Statistical Annex. Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/850843028414
but inflows from Latin America, Asia and Central and Eastern Europe have increased
Despite the relative stability in recent years for the top countries of origin, the last decade has seen the emergence of Latin America as a significant source region for migration to Europe, in particular to Spain. From a situation in 1995 in which migration from Latin America to Europe was negligible, movements to Europe from Latin America have ranged between 150 000 and 250 000 persons per year since the year 2000. Most of this is to Spain, with some movements to Italy and Portugal as well. The presence of the Dominican Republic, the Philippines and the Ukraine, countries for which the migration of women has generally been important, among the top countries of migration cited above would seem to point to an increased presence of women among immigrants. The shift in the sex composition of the immigrant population, although present, has not been a strong one, however. Already in 1960, fully 48.5% of immigrants in Europe and 49.8% in North America were women. By the year 2000, the corresponding
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
33
I.
percentages had risen to 52.4 and 51.0%, respectively, a fairly modest increase. The stock figures, however, because they reflect the accumulated effect of past movements, mask a greater increase in the current presence of women in the flows. Still, even among persons having arrived in the previous 10 years, the per cent of women rarely exceeds 55% in European countries in 2004 (OECD, 2005a). In short, if families do not necessarily migrate as a unit, the current sex composition of the immigrant population would seem to suggest either that family reunification is not long delayed or that the female spouse is as likely to be the initial migrant as her husband.
34
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
I.
(whether by the employer or by the receiving state), all family members, whether or not they accompany the worker initially, are considered family migrants in this chart. Thirdly, although persons identified under the work rubric were the only ones admitted specifically on this basis and in many cases may have a job upon arrival, generally it is possible in OECD countries for any long-term migrant to access the labour market. The distinction between work reasons and other reasons here is based purely on the category of entry as specified by the receiving state, independently of what the eventual labour market participation will be. Exceptions concern persons moving under a free movement regime, for whom actual behaviour is used as a proxy for category of entry when there is no reason recorded at the time of entry or registration. Finally, once again the numbers underlying this chart, like the overall harmonised statistics on flows, do not include unauthorised worker movements, which have been substantial in southern Europe in recent years and may also be non-negligible elsewhere.
Chart I.2. International migration by category of entry, selected OECD countries, 2004, harmonised data
Percentage of total inflows
Work Accompanying family of workers Family reunification or formation and accompanying family Other (ancestry-based, pensioners, etc.)
Humanitarian and accompanying family Portugal Denmark Switzerland United Kingdom Finland Australia Italy Netherlands New Zealand Canada Austria Japan Germany Sweden France United States Norway 0 20 40
60
80
100 %
Chart I.2 shows, first of all, that work-related categories of entry were in the minority in all countries in 2004 and exceeded 40% only in Switzerland, Denmark and Portugal. The first two of these countries are characterised by low unemployment rates, high participation rates and a relatively low proportion of humanitarian migrants. In addition, Denmark in recent years has introduced restrictions on family migration, reducing the numbers in this category. Portugal is a recent immigration country and movements for new migration countries tend to be heavily work-based in the early stages. Ancestry-based migration is prominent in Germany and Japan (under other), whereas the Netherlands and Norway are identifiable by the high proportion of humanitarian migrants. Norway has
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
35
I.
little long-term worker migration, but considerable temporary work migration (see next section). Although intra-EU migration might be expected to add significantly to worker movements in European countries, it remains limited. However, it does tend to be significant in relative terms in some countries for which extra-EU work migration is small, such as Finland, the Netherlands and Switzerland. Green card worker migration in the United States is also limited, as is evident from Chart I.2 The United States permanent migration regime is heavily family-oriented, with a broader definition of family than found in other countries. In particular, it allows for immigration of adult sons and daughters as well as siblings of United States citizens, subject to numerical limits (see below Part II). Overall labour market outcomes vary according to the reason for migration, with family and humanitarian migrants tending to have lower employment and higher unemployment rates than persons arriving as worker migrants. As a consequence, the nature of migration flows can affect public perceptions of immigration, if they are predominantly composed of groups whose outcomes tend, for whatever reason, to be less favourable than for persons migrating essentially for economic reasons. This is not the whole story, however, because outcomes also depend on the state of the labour market, on the qualifications and occupations of immigrants, on work incentives and disincentives and on the prevalence of discriminatory hiring practices (OECD, 2004a; and 2005b).
36
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
I.
Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/361357536664
Although one would expect origin countries to change over time as a consequence of shifts in the loci of civil and ethnic conflicts, eight of the ten countries that yielded the most asylum seekers in 2000 were still present in the top ten in 2004. Requests from nationals of Afghanistan and Iraq have dropped to 20% of their 2000 levels, while those from the Russian Federation have more than doubled. Serbia and Montenegro, Turkey, China, India and Iran remain important source countries.
37
I.
Notes: For Belgium, Mexico, the Netherlands and the Slovak Republic, 1999 = 100; for Portugal, 2000 = 100; for Canada, data for 2003 actually refer to 2000. Data include resident foreign students for some countries. Source: OECD Education Database. Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/841141442710
labour shortages. Although the allowed period of work may be temporary, there are sometimes passageways to settlement in some countries, without the necessity of a return to the home country. With more skill shortages expected in coming years, especially in science, medical and ICT occupations, it is likely that these practices will continue and expand. An extended period of residence, study and often, (part-time) work, in a host country is often a guarantee of a smooth transition into the labour market, without the problems of non-recognition of foreign qualifications or experience that some and perhaps many immigrants encounter (Ferrer, Green and Riddell, 2004). Indeed, countries that assess applicants for admission through a points system such as Australia, Canada and New Zealand attribute extra points for a qualification earned in the host country. Close to one half of the principal applicants in Australias skilled migration stream in recent years, for example, have had an Australian qualification.
38
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
I.
Chart I.3. International tertiary students in OECD Europe and outside of Europe, by country of origin, 2003
OECD Europe 200 000 180 000 160 000 140 000 120 000 100 000 80 000 60 000 40 000 20 000 0 OECD outside of Europe
da
ain Po lan d
sia ne ng Ko ng
ly
ey
es
ia
Un
ite
Note: Data include resident foreign students for some countries. Source: OECD database on Education. Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1786/505105338664
Even if a return to the home country is required before an application for immigration can be lodged, it is clear that international study can prepare the terrain for eventual emigration. With expanded international study, the pool of potential candidates for emigration is expanding, with the possibility of significant losses of human capital in some countries. Recent analyses have shown that the per cent of persons with tertiary education born in certain African and Caribbean countries who are living in OECD countries exceeds 50% (OECD, 2005c). Although there may be remittances, technology and know-how transferred to host countries by this Diaspora, it is clear that expatriation on this scale represents a serious loss of human capital. The recent large increases in the number of international students seem likely to continue in the near future, especially if OECD countries continue to send out signals that international study is a gateway for entry, notably in fields where there are labour shortages. The expansion of university programmes provided in English in many countries will contribute to this as well, because English-speaking countries are currently the main receiving countries for labour migrants, especially for highly educated ones. However, although a 2-million stock of international students seems large, the potential for additional migration from this group does not seem overwhelming. For example, if one fourth of international students complete their studies every year and 25% of them decide to stay on,6 less than 5% is added to current levels of international migration and less than 20% to current migration of the highly educated. In short, without a large increase in international students in OECD countries and a significant increase in expatriation rates, it seems likely that most highly qualified immigrants will continue to arrive with qualifications earned in their home countries.
Ho
hi na Si ng ap or e Th ail an d
co
ce
ce
in
di
an
re
in
Ita
pa
rk
an
ee
at
oc
Sp
Ch
Ch
In
rm
Ko
Ja
na
Tu
ala
St
ys
Ca
Ge
In
do
,C
or
Gr
Fr
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
39
Table I.5. Entries of temporary workers in selected OECD countries by principal categories, 1992, 2002-2004
Thousands
1992 Australia Skilled temporary resident programme1 Working Holiday Makers (offshore) Total Canada2 Total France Intracompany transferees Researchers Other holders of an APT 3 Seasonal workers Total 14.6 | 25.2 39.8 (40.3) 60.6 .. 0.9 0.9 2.8 13.6 18.1 (42.3) 115.1 212.4 5.1 332.6 2002 43.3 85.2 128.5 (36.1) 79.5 (137.9) 1.8 1.6 6.4 13.5 23.4 (21.0) 45.4 298.1 4.9 348.4 2003 47.4 88.8 136.1 (38.5) 70.8 (121.0) 1.5 1.7 7.0 14.6 24.7 (20.7) 43.8 309.5 5.9 359.2 2004 .. 93.8 .. (51.5) 74.8 133.7) 1.4 1.6 6.9 15.7 25.7 (20.8) 34.2 324.0 .. 358.2 New Zealand4 Business General work permit Trainees/Working Holiday Makers Special highly qualified (medical, teaching, research, specialist) Other Total Norway Seasonal workers5 Seasonal workers (Transitional Scheme to EU-8) Sweden Temporary permits granted on labour market grounds Of which: Seasonal workers Switzerland Seasonal workers (status abolished in 2002) Persons with a short-term residence permit Trainees Total 1992 .. .. .. 2002 1.8 29.8 21.5 6.1 5.2 64.5 (30.4) 15.7 2003 0.8 35.6 22.8 3.9 3.9 67.0 (20.6) 17.9 2004 0.7 37.7 23.8 5.4 7.7 75.2 (29.8) 4.9 16.3
40
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
(13.6) 4.6
Germany Workers employed under a contract for services Seasonal workers Trainees Total
Italy Seasonal workers Japan Highly skilled workers Trainees Total Korea Highly skilled workers Trainees Total Netherlands Temporary work permits (WAV)
1.7
..
68.0
77.0
.. .. ..
United Kingdom Highly skilled migrant programme (from February 2002) Sectors Based Scheme (from May 2003) Seasonal agricultural workers6 Working Holiday Makers Total United States7 Highly skilled workers Specialists (visa H-1B) Specialists (visa H-2B) Intracompany transferees (visa L1) Specialists (NAFTA, visa TN) Workers of distinguished abilities (visa O-1 and O-2) Seasonal workers (visa H-2A) Industrial trainees (visa H-3) Total
.. .. ..
.. .. ..
..
34.6
38.0
44.1
Table I.5. Entries of temporary workers in selected OECD countries by principal categories, 1992, 2002-2004 (cont.)
Thousands
Note: The categories of temporary workers differ from one country to another. Only the principal categories of temporary workers are presented in this table. The figures in brackets indicate the number of entries of permanent workers. | Indicates a break in series. 1. The data cover the fiscal year (from July to June of the indicated year) and include accompanying persons. From 2000 on, the data are on and offshore and include the Long Stay Temporary Business Programme. 2. Flow of foreign workers entering Canada for the first time (according to CIC, Citizenship and Immigration Canada), including seasonal workers on their initial entry. 3. Beneficiaries of provisional work permits (APT). 4. Fiscal years. Data refer to permits and visas granted to persons who came to New Zealand to work. Humanitarian and family migration are therefore excluded. Other contains arts, culture and sports, special work permits and the category job search. 5. Data in the 1992 column relate to 1993. Excluding new EU citizens in 2004. 6. Seasonal work concerns students in full time education aged between 18 and 25. 7. The data cover the fiscal year (October to September of the indicated year). Data in the 1992 column refer to 1993. Figures refer to non-immigrant visas issued. Sources: Australia: Department of Immigration and Ethnic Affairs (DIEA); Canada: Citizenship and Immigration Canada; France: National Agency for receiving foreigners and for Migration (ANAEM); Germany: Bundesanstalt fr Arbeit; Italy: Ministry of Labour; Japan: Ministry of Justice; Korea: Ministry of Justice; Netherlands: Centre for Work and Income; New Zealand: Immigration Service; Norway: Statistics Norway; Sweden: Ministry of Labour; Switzerland: Office fdral des trangers; United Kingdom: Department of Employment; United States: United States Department of State, Bureau of Consular Affairs. Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/161503167446
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
41
I.
42
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
I.
Some of the forms of temporary migration shown here, such as seasonal work, traineeships or working holiday making are often the object of bilateral agreements between sending and receiving countries (see OECD, 2004b), which may facilitate the recruitment process as well as help ensure return of the temporary migrant to the home country at the end of the work period.
Immigrants account for more than 10% of the total population in a large number of OECD countries
This section presents an update on the series on the foreign-born published last year, using a number of estimation methods developed for the occasion, for a number of countries for which no current estimates were available (See Box I.2). The foreign-born population has increased by about 14% overall from 2000 to 2004, covering all countries for which data for both years are available, with increases of over 20% for Austria, Finland, Ireland and the United States. Increases have been lower (less than 10%) for Australia, Canada, Germany, Hungary, Luxembourg and the Netherlands. Over two thirds of the countries shown had foreign-born populations in 2004 that exceeded 10% of the total population (Chart I.4)
more and more countries are able to estimate the unauthorised population within their borders
The statistics presented here do not necessarily cover the unauthorised immigrant population. Some of the statistics are aggregated from municipal population registers and one normal requirement for registration is the holding of a valid residence permit, which excludes unauthorised immigrants. In population censuses, on the other hand, it is possible in principle for unauthorised immigrants to be counted, because the census is not restricted to legal residents. Whether or not unauthorised immigrants fill in a census form will depend on a number of factors, among them how confident they feel about census enumeration in the light of their residency status, the possibilities for concealing their presence in a private household and the efficacy of enumeration and follow-up procedures. In certain countries, in particular the United States, it is clear that the population census does record considerable numbers of unauthorised immigrants, because the census numbers have yielded population increases that were far in excess of what was expected
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
43
I.
on the basis of population changes due to births, deaths and net legal migration. If the census also compensates for over- and under-coverage,7 in particular of unauthorised immigrants, then it can be used to estimate the unauthorised population residually. This has been done for the United States by subtracting from the total resident foreign-born population, the legally resident foreign-born population. The result yields an estimate of 10.4 million persons (Van Hook, Bean and Passel, 2005) for 2004, or about 3.6% of the total population. For more and more countries, estimates of the unauthorised population are available, through various techniques (see Tapinos, 1999 for a more complete description of these). Table I.6 provides estimates for a number of these, using the specific methods used specified in the table. One involves the use of double entry-cards, in which persons entering a country fill out a card, one half of which is surrendered to the local authorities upon entry and the other half given up upon departure from the country. The number of total accumulated non-matches, after accounting for deaths and changes in status, represents the number of unauthorised immigrants. This method is used by Australia and Japan. It clearly requires a good control over borders, which is facilitated in these two countries by virtue of their being islands.
44
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
I.
Chart I.4. Stock of foreign and foreign-born populations in selected OECD countries, 20041
Percentages of total population
Foreign-born population % of total population 40 Luxembourg (39.0) Foreign population
35 Luxembourg (33.1) 30
25 Switzerland (23.5), Australia (23.6) 20 New Zealand (18.8), Canada (18.0) 15 Switzerland (20.2)
13
12 Belgium (11.4) Ireland (11.0) Netherlands (10.6) Greece 2001 (10.3), France 1999 (10.0) United Kingdom (9.3) 9
11
Norway (7.8)
France 1999 (5.6), Ireland (5.5) Canada (5.3) Sweden (5.1), Denmark (5.0), United Kingdom (4.9) Spain, Norway (4.6) Netherlands, Portugal (4.3) Italy (3.9)
Slovak Rep. (3.9) Finland, Hungary (3.2) Italy 2001 (2.5) Turkey 2000 (1.9) Poland 2002 (1.6)
3 Czech Rep (2.5) Finland (2.1) Hungary (1.4), Japan (1.5) 1 Korea (0.9) Slovak Rep. (0.4) Poland 2002 (0.1)
1. 2004 unless otherwise stated. Sources: Foreign-born population: estimates by the Secretariat for Canada, the Czech Republic, Germany, Ireland, Luxembourg, New Zealand, Portugal, Switzerland and the United Kingdom; for the other countries, please refer to the metadata for Table A.1.4. of the Statistical Annex. Foreign population: please refer to the metadata for Table A.1.5. of the Statistical Annex. Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1786/311311808382
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
45
I.
Estimates for the Netherlands are based on a technique known as capture/recapture borrowed from animal ecology, where it is used to estimate the number of animal species in a particular area or lake. For example, a certain number of fish in a lake are netted over a specific period, tagged and returned to the lake. A second capture is then carried out and based on the per cent of newly captured fish that are found to be tagged, an estimate of the total number of fish in the lake can be made. In the case of the Netherlands, the estimate is based on police records of unauthorised immigrants identified through identity checks in two successive periods (Snel et al., 2005). For Switzerland, the Delphi method was used (GFS, 2005). For this, estimates are obtained locally and independently from a group of informed experts who must justify their figures. They are then fed back to the entire group for confrontation and discussion before a second round. The process continues until there is convergence of views. In the Swiss case, estimates were produced for six urban agglomerations and extrapolated to the rest of the country. Finally, regularisations provide another way of obtaining data on unauthorised migration which are necessarily incomplete, because they cover only the population eligible to be regularised or which applies. Generally, candidates have to have lived in the country continuously from a specified date; this is to prevent uncontrolled influxes following the announcement of the programme. In addition, a regularisation programme will normally cover stays which began during the time interval since the previous regularisation, and any persons present not previously regularised or who were but have fallen back into illegality.
Table I.6. Estimates of the unauthorised immigrant population, selected OECD countries
Number Australia Japan United States Netherlands Switzerland Spain Italy Portugal Greece 50 000 210 000 10 300 000 125 000-230 000 80 000-100 000 690 000 700 000 185 000 370 000 % of total population 0.2 0.2 3.6 0.8-1.4 1.1-1.5 1.6 1.2 1.8 3.4 Year 2005 2005 2004 (18) 2004 2005 2005 (4) 2002 (4) 2001 (6) 2001 (3) Method of estimation Double card system Double card system Residual method Capture/recapture Delphi method Regularisation Regularisation Regularisation Regularisation
Note: The number in parentheses indicates the number of years since the previous major regularisation. The regularisation numbers cover only persons applying and thus are a lower bound for the number of unauthorised immigrants. Sources: Australia, Japan, southern European countries: national SOPEMI reports. United States: Van Hook, Bean and Passel 2005. Netherlands: Snel et al. 2005. Switzerland: GFS 2005. Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/828518448448
With the exception of Australia and Japan, where geography acts as a major filter and the proportion of unauthorised migrants is quite low, the percentage of unauthorised immigrants in countries for which documented estimation methods are available varies between 1% and almost 4% of the total resident population (see Table I.6). Greece and the United States, the countries with highest recorded percentages, are both characterised by an extensive land border with a country with a much lower GDP/capita. In both cases, persons from these neighbouring countries (Albania and Mexico, respectively) constitute a large majority of unauthorised immigrants in the country.
46
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
I.
In some cases, unauthorised immigrants may be family members or relatives of legal residents and eligible for family reunification or sponsoring by residents. Indeed, some may eventually legalise their status in this way. Others become legal residents through marriage with a resident or citizen of the host country. For the majority, however, some form of regularisation is the only way to obtain the legal right of residence in the host country.
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
47
I.
Table I.7. Foreign-born persons with tertiary attainment in OECD countries, circa 2000, as a percentage of all residents
Immigrants from other OECD countries A Emigrants to other OECD countries B Net migration within the OECD zone AB Immigrants from the rest of the world C Total net foreign-born persons with tertiary attainment AB+C
As a per cent of all residents with tertiary attainment Australia Austria Belgium Canada Czech Republic Denmark Finland France Germany Greece Hungary Ireland Italy Japan Korea Luxembourg Mexico Netherlands New Zealand Norway Poland Portugal Slovak Republic Spain Sweden Switzerland Turkey United Kingdom United States Average (simple) OECD zone 16.8 9.1 5.9 10.3 4.1 4.4 0.9 4.2 2.7 4.8 1.4 14.0 2.8 0.2 0.2 43.1 0.8 3.3 14.6 5.2 0.4 4.1 3.3 2.7 6.9 20.0 3.4 6.5 4.2 6.9 4.0 2.4 13.8 6.4 5.4 8.7 7.3 6.8 4.4 8.9 9.4 9.7 26.1 7.3 1.1 1.4 15.4 6.9 8.9 24.4 4.9 10.2 11.2 16.0 2.3 5.4 10.8 4.9 14.9 0.7 8.8 4.0 14.4 4.7 0.5 4.9 4.5 2.9 5.9 0.2 6.2 4.6 8.3 12.1 4.5 0.9 1.2 27.7 6.1 5.6 9.8 0.3 9.8 7.0 12.8 0.5 1.5 9.1 1.5 8.4 3.5 1.9 12.1 5.2 4.2 15.5 2.2 3.2 1.3 8.2 2.3 7.3 4.5 4.0 3.3 0.5 0.2 5.8 0.5 4.4 10.0 3.0 2.3 11.2 0.9 3.8 7.3 7.3 2.7 9.4 9.2 5.2 6.0 26.5 0.5 3.7 20.4 2.3 0.3 4.6 8.0 3.9 2.7 3.8 8.1 1.2 0.4 1.0 33.5 5.6 1.2 0.2 3.2 7.6 4.1 11.9 4.2 8.8 16.4 1.2 1.0 12.7 3.3 6.0
Notes: Data are largely from the 2000 round of population censuses in OECD countries. Tertiary attainment is classified according to the International Standard Classification of Education (ISCED). The education in question may not have been received in the origin country. Net appears in quotes in the fifth column heading because emigration to non-OECD countries is not included. This would have required collecting census data from these countries. For more details, see Counting Immigrants and Expatriates in OECD countries: A New Perspective in Trends in International Migration, 2004 (pp. 115 to 149) (www.oecd.org.els/migration). Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/117272383658
48
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
I.
1. The situation of foreigners and immigrants in OECD member country labour markets
Despite a vigorous upturn in growth in the OECD area, +3.4% real GDP growth in 2004, the labour market remained sluggish, even in those countries which had recorded the best macroeconomic figures. On average, employment rose by only 1.1% in the OECD countries in 2004, a mediocre result coming in the wake of a year of stagnation. The aggregate unemployment rate fell very slightly, by two-tenths of a percentage point to 6.7% in 2004, but remains high in a number of member countries and especially in Poland and the Slovak Republic and, to a lesser extent, in Greece, Spain, Turkey and France (see OECD Employment Outlook, 2005).
Immigrants represent a large and growing share of the labour force in the majority of OECD countries
Foreigners and immigrants accounted in 2004 for a large proportion of the total labour force in the OECD countries (see Table I.8). Where persons born abroad are concerned, the numbers have increased by over 10% over the past five years in almost all the OECD countries (except for France). The increase is especially large in the countries of southern Europe, particularly in Italy, where the number of foreign-born workers rose sixfold over the period in question, and in Spain where they were 3.5 times more numerous. The increase also reached 46% in Ireland, 42% in Sweden and nearly 30% in the United States. The number of foreign workers, however, is rising less rapidly, or even decreasing, in two countries (Belgium and France), because of the scale of naturalisations. In Asia, and more especially Korea, on the other hand, there has been a steep rise in the number of foreign workers over the past five years. In view of current demographic trends and because immigrants (particularly recent arrivals) tend generally to have a younger age structure than that of the native population, the increase in their share in the labour force can be expected to continue and to grow. In 2004, foreign born workers accounted for less than 1.5% of the labour force in Korea, Japan and the central European OECD countries, but some 25% in Switzerland and Australia (45% in Luxembourg). In Canada, the United States and New Zealand, at least 15% of the working population were born abroad. This percentage is, however, close to or in excess of 12% in several European OECD countries such as Austria, Sweden, Germany and Belgium.
even though their participation rate is on the whole lower than that of the native population
In 2003-2004, the immigrant participation rate was generally lower than that of nationals (see Chart I.5). This was particularly true in the case of Poland, where the gap was as much as 30 percentage points, but it was also appreciable, notably in Denmark and the Netherlands, where the immigrant participation rate was on average respectively 20 and 10 points lower than that of the native population. In the countries of southern Europe and Luxembourg however the participation rate of immigrants was considerably higher than that of the native population, due to the scale of employment-related migration and also the relatively low participation rates among the overall population (except in Portugal).
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
49
I.
Table I.8. Foreign and foreign-born labour force in selected OECD countries, 1999 and 2004
Thousands and percentages
Foreign-born labour force 1999 Thousands Australia Austria Belgium Canada Czech Republic Denmark Finland France Germany Greece1 Hungary Ireland Italy Japan2 Korea3 Luxembourg4 Netherlands Norway Portugal Spain Sweden Switzerland United Kingdom United States 2 242 470 450 .. .. 133 54 3 013 4 241 284 69 129 213 .. .. 73 684 124 230 645 428 .. 2 293 17 058 2 474 585 512 2 567 109 161 70 2 987 4 800 402 85 188 1 350 .. .. 88 929 167 379 2 241 606 1 022 2 759 21 985 2004 % of total labour force 24.9 15.3 11.5 17.8 1.2 5.9 2.6 11.3 12.2 8.5 2.1 10.0 5.6 .. .. 45.0 11.1 7.1 7.3 11.2 13.3 25.3 9.6 15.1 1999 Thousands .. 367 380 .. 26 97 31 1 587 3 446 171 .. 57 224 126 93 75 268 68 64 359 179 805 1 116 9 957 .. 320 357 .. 36 107 41 1 444 3 539 303 30 112 759 192 298 88 299 88 150 1 852 204 889 1 557 12 978 Foreign labour force 2004 % of total labour force .. 8.4 8.0 .. 0.7 3.9 1.5 5.4 9.0 6.4 0.7 5.9 3.2 0.3 1.3 45.0 3.6 3.8 2.9 9.3 4.5 22.0 5.4 8.9 Source data
HS (1999), LFS (2004) LFS LFS LFS LFS R LFS LFS LFS LFS LFS LFS LFS WP WP LFS LFS LFS LFS LFS LFS LFS LFS LFS
Note: Data based on Labour Force Surveys cover labour force aged 15 to 64 with the exception of the United States (labour force aged 15 and over). Data from other sources cover the labour force aged 15 and over. 1. Data refer to foreigners who entered Greece for employment purposes. 2. Foreign residents with permission of employment. Excluding permanent and long-term residents whose activity is not restricted. Overstayers (most of whom are believed to work illegally) are not included either. 3. Overstayers are included. 4. Resident workers (excluding cross-border workers). Sources: HS: Household survey; LFS: Labour Force Survey; R: Population register or register of foreigners; WP: Work permits. Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/274073437771
The immigrant participation rate has increased over the past ten years in the majority of countries, though often more slowly than the rate for the native population, which gives a contrasting, even paradoxical impression of the increases recorded. In the Netherlands, for example, nearly 42% of immigrants were unemployed in 1994, compared to 34% in 2004, a reduction of 7.8 percentage points. At the same time, the participation rate for the native population rose by 8.2 points to 78.2% in 2004. Although immigrant participation in the labour market improved in absolute terms, the situation in relation to the native population therefore deteriorated slightly. Similar observations may be made concerning Austria, Belgium, Ireland and, to a lesser extent, France. Undeniable progress has however been made in Spain and Portugal.
50
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
I.
Chart I.5. Participation rate by birth status in some OECD countries, 2003-2004
Total population Foreign-born
80
70
60
50
40
30
20
Sources: European Union Labour Force Survey (data provided by Eurostat) except for Denmark (Population Register), 2004; Australia: Survey of Education and Work; Canada: Survey of Labour and Income Dynamics; United States: Current population survey March supplement. Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1786/033836513570
Trends in foreign employment: progress has been significant but still not sufficient to reduce the disparities
Notwithstanding a recent slowdown, the past decade has been notable for a relatively sharp increase in employment in several member countries. Net job creations totalled over 5 million in Spain, 2.5 million in France, 2.1 million in Italy, 1.9 million in the United Kingdom, 1.5 million in Australia and 1.3 million in the Netherlands. In the United States, net job creation over the period in question totalled over 15.5 million jobs, of which 9 million are occupied by persons born abroad. Immigrants have in many other countries as well contributed substantially to this trend (Table I.9). The employment of both immigrants and natives has increased in all the countries concerned, with the exception of Austria and Sweden. In the United Kingdom, immigrants contributed to and benefited from over 30% of net job creation, while in Spain, the Netherlands, Portugal, Italy and Sweden, the percentage was equal to or in excess of 20%. While the overall picture as regards progress in immigrant access to employment is relatively positive, it should not mask the scale of the disparities vis--vis the native population in a lot of OECD countries (see Annex to Part I). Moreover, these exist at all skill levels (see Table I.10). Skilled immigrants have employment rates which are systematically higher than immigrants whose studies have been of shorter duration, implying that education facilitates their entry into the labour market but the difference in the participation rate with the native population remains negative in almost all countries where higher education graduates are concerned. In Denmark, Germany and Finland, the difference is more than 15 percentage points. The obstacles hindering skilled immigrants access to employment are also reflected in their greater exposure to overqualification, i.e. occupying a less skilled job than their
ar y pu bl Ge ic r Ne man y th er lan ds Fr an ce Un I r ela ite d n Sl Kin d ov g ak dom Re pu bl i Sw c ed en Ita Au ly st ra lia Au Lu st xe ria m bo ur g Fin lan d No rw ay Un Gree ite ce d St at es Ca na da Sp a Po in rtu Sw g itz al er lan d h Re
ar k
lan
nm
iu m lg
Po
De
Cz
ec
Hu
Be
ng
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
51
I.
24.5 16.5 36.6 16.8 .. 79.5 7 611.4 5.9 3.8 132.6 .. 136.2 163.8 322.4 26.0 64.3 71.9 .. 94.6 .. 541.6 131.0 .. 39.4 86.0
19.1 0.4 8.7 13.6 .. 5.4 19.0 11.3 6.2 14.9 .. 13.9 48.0 10.8 15.0 20.0 11.1 .. 13.5 .. 42.7 7.0 .. 7.5 13.4
460 70 113 336 .. 62 54 137 161 191 .. 5 109 402 17 324 63 .. 160 .. 1 479 298 .. 707 9 311
1 506 15 326 1 716 .. 135 380 2 449 2 320 546 .. 18 577 2 128 24 1 341 222 .. 572 .. 5 220 279 .. 1 907 15 698
Notes: 1994-1995 average and 2003 for Canada; 1994 and 2004 for Australia and the United States. Sources: European Union Labour Force Survey (data provided by Eurostat) except for Denmark (Population Register); Australia: Labour Force Survey; Canada: Survey of Labour and Income Dynamics; United States: Current Population Survey March Supplement. Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/842418347054
level of education would theoretically entitle them to expect. The overqualification ratios (see Table I.11) show that immigrant overqualification compared to the native population is substantial in the countries of southern Europe (Italy, Greece and, to a lesser extent, Portugal and Spain) and in some northern European countries (Norway and Sweden). In southern Europe, immigration is recent, made up mainly of workers who are ready to accept unskilled jobs when they arrive, in the hope of moving upwards at a later date. The Scandinavian countries are in a different situation, the proportion of migrants entering for work purposes being small and the proportion of refugees large. These refugees are relatively skilled, but have specific problems because of their status (they did not choose or plan to migrate, have no administrative documents corroborating their level of education and occupational skills, are uncertain how long their stay abroad will last, have been uprooted and have psychological problems, etc.), which may be made worse by severe language problems.
52
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
I.
Table I.10. Employment and unemployment rates of native- and foreign-born populations by level of education, 2003-2004
Percentages
Natives Employment rate Low Australia Austria Belgium Canada Czech Republic Denmark Finland France Germany Greece Hungary Ireland Italy Luxembourg Netherlands Norway Poland Portugal Slovak Republic Spain Sweden Switzerland United Kingdom United States 59.7 43.6 41.9 53.1 22.9 61.0 47.7 47.1 40.2 49.2 27.9 48.0 45.6 33.7 63.9 52.6 22.8 66.5 14.3 53.4 57.7 57.1 52.5 35.9 Medium 80.0 73.1 66.3 76.2 72.0 81.8 72.3 70.6 69.1 59.5 66.2 71.5 65.9 61.9 80.9 77.9 56.4 62.3 66.6 60.2 80.4 80.4 77.5 71.0 High 85.7 84.1 83.9 83.7 85.6 87.9 85.0 78.7 84.5 82.1 82.3 86.5 81.4 82.8 88.1 87.5 80.6 87.6 84.3 79.5 87.4 92.4 88.1 83.0 Unemployment rate Low 8.9 8.6 10.0 10.9 24.0 7.0 18.7 12.2 15.6 8.7 12.5 7.3 10.2 6.0 3.3 8.0 30.4 6.7 49.8 12.6 8.0 4.8 8.8 15.5 Medium 5.1 3.8 6.8 5.9 7.2 4.5 10.3 7.9 10.4 12.4 5.4 3.7 7.7 2.9 1.8 3.6 20.4 6.4 16.4 11.1 5.3 3.1 4.7 6.7 High 2.3 2.2 3.0 3.8 2.2 3.5 4.3 5.8 4.4 7.0 1.8 2.2 5.4 1.9 1.5 2.9 7.4 4.6 5.2 7.9 2.9 1.9 2.3 3.2 Employment rate Low 51.4 54.3 33.9 51.0 36.9 44.3 39.1 47.8 45.1 64.4 25.8 44.4 59.5 63.9 50.7 43.9 11.0 67.5 31.1 61.2 45.9 63.4 39.3 58.6 Medium 68.8 68.5 53.5 69.1 62.4 57.5 64.1 62.1 62.4 64.4 66.5 63.8 67.4 64.7 69.9 67.9 24.6 70.0 53.4 68.9 66.8 74.1 66.9 70.0 High 78.4 77.5 73.7 75.4 86.4 64.2 69.5 70.8 68.1 68.7 82.2 76.5 78.8 78.4 78.3 79.8 51.6 83.6 85.0 73.2 76.0 81.9 81.8 77.6 Foreign-born Unemployment rate Low 7.5 12.7 22.6 10.4 27.1 16.0 31.5 18.4 20.3 9.0 7.0 10.5 9.6 4.2 6.5 15.0 15.4 11.2 43.6 15.3 18.3 10.4 12.2 9.1 Medium 5.3 9.4 16.1 8.2 10.1 11.6 18.8 14.4 14.7 12.1 4.1 6.4 8.3 6.9 7.3 8.9 29.3 7.5 23.8 13.0 11.6 8.2 7.9 5.7 High 4.6 5.1 9.6 9.0 1.3 9.8 15.3 11.8 12.5 13.2 2.1 4.3 5.3 5.9 3.3 5.6 3.0 7.5 5.7 11.9 8.8 5.7 4.2 4.3
Note: Data refer to 2002 for the Netherlands, 2003 for Canada and to 2004 for Australia, Denmark and the United States. Sources: European countries: European Union Labour Force Survey (data provided by Eurostat) except Denmark (Population Register); United States: Current Population Survey March Supplement; Australia: Survey of Education and Work; Canada: Survey of Labour and Income Dynamics. Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/142486051538
Whether young or old, immigrant workers have to contend with specific difficulties when entering the labour market
In some OECD countries, certain categories of immigrants of working age encounter specific difficulties in entering the labour market. This is the case of women, young people and elderly workers in particular. However, the factors responsible for this vary from one group to another (and depending on the country), therefore justifying the introduction of targeted and/or specific active policies. Better links between training and employment and the development of apprenticeships are recognised as ways of encouraging youth employment, while financial incentives and life-long training are advocated as ways of keeping older people in work. Subsidies for child-care systems, the introduction of more balanced taxation and measures to combat discrimination are being stressed where women are concerned (OECD-2006 Live Longer, Work Longer, OECD-2002 Women at Work: Who Are They and How Are They Faring?, in OECD Employment Outlook).
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
53
I.
Table I.11. Overqualification rates of the native- and foreign-born populations in some OECD countries, 2003-2004
Percentages
Total Australia Austria Belgium Canada (2003) Czech Republic Denmark Finland France Germany Greece Hungary Ireland Italy Luxembourg Norway Portugal Spain Sweden Switzerland United Kingdom United States (2002) 20.4 11.5 16.2 7.2 5.2 10.9 14.4 11.6 12.3 11.3 6.4 16.6 7.0 5.5 9.2 9.0 25.5 7.6 10.5 15.5 14.0 Native-born (A) 19.0 10.3 15.6 5.9 5.2 10.4 14.3 11.2 11.4 9.0 6.3 15.7 6.4 3.4 8.4 7.9 24.2 6.5 10.0 15.3 13.4 Foreign-born (B) 24.6 21.1 21.6 13.2 10.0 18.6 19.2 15.5 20.3 39.3 9.7 23.8 23.5 9.1 20.3 16.8 42.9 16.1 12.5 17.8 18.1 B/A 1.3 2.0 1.4 2.2 1.9 1.8 1.3 1.4 1.8 4.4 1.5 1.5 3.6 2.7 2.4 2.1 1.8 2.5 1.3 1.2 1.4
Note: Rates for the European countries do not take into account small entrepreneurs. Sources: European countries: European Union Labour Force Survey (data provided by Eurostat); United States: Current Population Survey March Supplement; Canada: Survey of Labour and Income Dynamics; Australia: Household, Income and Labour Dynamics. Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/564745030646
It is important in this connection to emphasise that immigrants in these groups are unequally affected by the difficulties of gaining access to employment. For example, young people born abroad are significantly more exposed to unemployment than are their native counterparts in the majority of OECD countries, with the exception of Greece, Spain, the United States, Italy and the Czech Republic (see Chart I.6). In France, for example, while unemployment among young people born in that country is nearly 20%, the figure for young immigrants is 35%. All told, nearly 50 000 immigrants aged between 15 and 24 are looking for work in France. Much the same can be said about Belgium and Sweden, where unemployment among young immigrants is at least twice that of the native population. There are a number of explanations for this phenomenon, in particular the fact that it is those who attended school outside the country of residence who have the greatest difficulty in having their skills and competencies recognised. For those who immigrated recently, language can be an additional obstacle. In any event, in view of the scale of the difficulties observed and the possible risks of social unrest in these countries, there is an urgent need to gauge the problem and introduce policies that promote access to employment for young people and the development of their professional careers, including taking more vigorous measures to combat discrimination. In a number of member countries, older immigrant workers have to contend with much the same situation as that facing young people; they combine the difficulties specific to their age group with those stemming from their immigrant past (see Chart I.7). In Belgium, fewer than a quarter of 55-64 year olds born abroad are in work, while in
54
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
I.
Chart I.6. Unemployment rate of young workers (15-24) by birth status, 2003-2004
Native-born 40 35 30 25 20 15 10 5 0 Foreign-born
ar k
ly
iu m
ce Fr an St
de
nm
St a
Sw e
lg
De
Sources: European Union Labour Force Survey (data provided by Eurostat) except for Denmark (Population Register), 2004; Australia: Survey of Education and Work; Canada: Survey of Labour and Income Dynamics; United States: Current population survey March supplement. Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1786/506247236014
Un
ite
Chart I.7. Unemployment rate of older workers (55-64) by birth status, 2003-2004
Native-born Foreign-born
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
iu m
ic
st ria
m an y De nm ar Lu k xe m bo ur g Fr an ce
Ita ly
lan ds
ain
ga l
ee ce
lia
en
Be
Au st
Re p
th er
Ge r
Be
Po
Sw
itz
Ne
Sw
Cz ec
Sources: European Union Labour Force Survey (data provided by Eurostat) except for Denmark (Population Register), 2004; Australia: Survey of Education and Work; Canada: Survey of Labour and Income Dynamics; United States: Current population survey March supplement . Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1786/284225552242
Un i
Un i
te
te d
Ki
at es No rw ay
na d
lan
ub l
ng do
Sp
rtu
lg
ed
Fin
Au
Gr
Ca
er
lan
ra
Fin
lan
Ita
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
55
I.
Germany, in Denmark and the United Kingdom the figures are approximately 35, 37 and 50%, respectively. The European situation is in contrast with that found in North America, where the employment rate among older people is higher and does not really depend on their place of birth. To understand the situation prevailing in some of the most affected European countries, it is important to look at the history of migration. Workers who immigrated at the age of 20 between 1965 and 1975 to work in the automobile, metal-working, chemical or construction industries in Germany, Belgium, France and Switzerland are now aged between 55 and 65. The major restructuring which affected some of these sectors in the last few decades in many cases put an end to the working careers of these immigrant workers. Their chances of reconversion were all the more limited because they had not benefited from occupational training opportunities, and the requirements of the labour market had changed radically with the gathering pace of technical progress and the expansion of the services sector. The question nevertheless arises as to whether the above facts are attributable mainly to the specific characteristics of the cyclical shocks that marked the late 20th century, or whether they are more structural and due to the relative failure of the process of integration. The situation of immigrant women is also worrying and is the subject of a more thorough analysis in Section I.B.2 of this publication.
56
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
I.
Other services
4.2 6.2 5.5 5.1 6.8 6.0 3.9 2.7 6.4 .. 1.9 5.4 8.0 3.6 10.8 6.1 8.4 16.4
8.8 10.7 9.6 6.1 13.6 9.7 10.1 2.4 12.5 .. 6.3 12.2 20.7 3.7 18.6 13.4 14.5 ..
2.9 9.1 3.6 4.5 .. 6.8 3.3 1.4 2.9 .. 12.2 4.6 3.7 2.0 3.9 3.4 5.2 2.5
25.0 27.1 32.5 18.9 26.9 27.2 21.9 9.7 25.4 25.9 29.8 28.2 27.0 18.5 27.5 24.1 31.9 26.6
Note: The numbers in bold indicate the sectors where foreign-born are over-represented (i.e., the share of foreignborn employment in the sector is larger than the share of foreign-born employment in total employment). The sign . . indicates that the estimate is not reliable enough for publication. 1. Data refer to June 2002. The Hotels and restaurants sector is included in the Wholesale and retail trade sector. Sources: European countries: European Union Labour Force Survey (data provided by Eurostat) except Denmark (Population Register), 2004; Australia, Japan: Labour force surveys; Canada: Survey of Labour and Income Dynamics; United States: Current Population Survey March Supplement. Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/636251543631
same could be said of child-minding and caring for old people, as well as cleaning services. Domestic services account, for example, for over 12% of immigrant employment in Spain, and 13% in Greece.
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
57
I.
Table I.13. Foreign-born in self-employment in some OECD countries, 1999 and 2004
Percentages
Share of foreign-born in total self-employment 1999 Australia Austria Belgium Czech Republic Denmark France Germany Greece Ireland Luxembourg Netherlands Norway Portugal Spain Sweden Switzerland United Kingdom United States .. 6.0 10.0 .. 5.2 10.4 9.2 1.9 7.5 31.7 7.2 6.1 2.8 2.7 9.9 .. 10.2 .. 2004 26.7 9.2 12.4 3.1 8.4 11.2 10.3 2.6 8.0 38.7 8.7 8.0 3.8 4.5 13.7 17.5 10.9 13.1 Share of self-employment in total foreign-born employment 1999 .. 3.9 7.6 .. 12.0 5.2 4.0 7.2 11.0 4.2 5.1 6.1 10.5 10.5 6.4 .. 8.3 .. 2004 12.7 7.6 15.2 24.3 9.7 10.4 9.2 9.7 14.2 6.9 9.8 8.4 13.8 12.5 11.2 10.3 15.0 9.2
Sources: European countries: European Union Labour Force Survey (data provided by Eurostat) except Denmark (Population Register), 2004; United-States: Current Population Survey; Australia: Survey of Education and Work, 2004. Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1786/541122430563
Immigrants and foreigners are often more exposed to unemployment than the native population or nationals
In 2003-2004, immigrants in the majority of European OECD countries were relatively harder hit by unemployment than was the native population (see Chart I.9). It is in the Netherlands that the share of foreigners in unemployment relative to their share in the labour force is highest, but it is also significant in Denmark and Belgium. In the latter two countries, immigrants are at least twice as numerous among the unemployed as they are in the labour force (in other words, their rate of unemployment is at least double that of the native population). Compared with previous years, the situation has improved appreciably
58
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
I.
Chart I.8a. Share of temporary employment in total employment, by birth status, 2004
% 45 40 35 30 25 20 15 10 5 0 Native-born Foreign-born
ria
Ita ly Ge rm an y
iu m
ar y
ur
lan
lan
bo
Ire
Au
Ki ng
er
Hu
Be
xe
Lu
Source: European Union Labour Force Survey (data provided by Eurostat). Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1786/220642645357
Un
ite
Chart I.8b. Share of part time jobs in total employment, by birth status, 2004
% 50 45 40 35 30 25 20 15 10 5 0 Native-born
Sw
itz
Sources: European Union Labour Force Survey (data provided by Eurostat); Australia: Survey of Education and Work; United States: Current population survey March supplement.
nc e Au st ria Fin lan d Un Be ite lgiu d Ki m ng do m Sw ed e De n nm ar Ge k rm an Au y st Sw rali itz a er lan d Po lan d No Ne rwa y th er lan ds
Ita
Cz
ec
Fr a
ly
Fr
Sp a
do
st
lg
ng
in
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
59
I.
Chart I.9. Proportion of foreign and foreign-born in total unemployment, relative to their share in the labour force
2003-2004 average
Foreign 3 Foreign-born
2.5
1.5
0.5
Sources: European Union Labour Force Survey (data provided by Eurostat) except for Denmark (Population Register), 2004; Australia: Survey of Education and Work; Canada: Survey of Labour and Income Dynamics; United States: Current population survey March supplement. Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1786/783541268035
in Sweden and, to a lesser extent, in Switzerland. In a number of OECD countries, however, especially the main settlement countries (Australia, Canada, the United States) and recent immigration countries (Italy, Spain, Greece, Hungary, Poland), the unemployment rate does not vary much by place of birth. As a general rule in terms of unemployment, the situation of foreigners is relatively less favourable than it is for persons born abroad. This is especially true in the Nordic countries, in Italy and Portugal and in France. In the latter two countries, some of the findings for immigrants are influenced by the fact that repatriates constitute a large group which tends to do well on the labour market. More generally, the discrepancy between foreigners and foreign-born persons may be partly due to the fact that acquiring the nationality of the host country reflects a de facto integration and that, in some countries, certain categories of job are not open to certain categories of foreigner (e.g. public service jobs for nationals of third countries in the majority of European OECD countries). In approximately half of the countries for which data are available, immigrants are relatively more exposed to long-term unemployment than are natives (see Chart I.10). In Switzerland and the Netherlands, the gap is in excess of 10 percentage points (14 and 13 points, respectively), while it is also substantial in France, Belgium and, to a lesser extent, Norway and Sweden. In Belgium, more than half of all unemployed immigrants or foreigners have been looking for work for more than a year, whereas they receive proportionately less unemployment benefit than do nationals (OECD Economic Survey of Belgium, 2005).
60
bo ur g Ca na da Sl ov Irel an ak Re d pu bl i Un Po c ite rtu g d a K Cz ing l ec do h Re m pu bl ic Fr an c Ge e rm an y Au s Sw tri itz a er lan Sw d ed en No rw ay Fin lan Be d lg iu De m nm Ne a th rk er lan ds
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
ce
ar y
lia
ly
es
d lan
Ita
Gr ee
ra
at
St
st
Hu
Po
Sp Lu
ng
Au
Un
ite
xe
ain
I.
60
50
40
30
20
10
es
en
ay
ria
ain
ly
rla nd
ds
iu m Be lg Cz ec h
nc e
ce
an y
bo ur
lan
lan
rw
do
Ita
at
Gr ee
er lan
Fr a
Ki ng
Ge rm
St
Fin
Sw
No
Au
Ire
tze
xe
Sw i
ite
Un
Lu
Sources: European Union Labour Force Survey (data provided by Eurostat); United States: Current population survey March supplement. Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1786/222628387354
2. Overview of the labour market integration of immigrant women on the labour market in OECD countries
As has been emphasised, certain groups of immigrants face specific difficulties in integrating into the labour market in certain OECD countries. Among them, women immigrants are particularly affected, as they accumulate a number of obstacles and face multidimensional discrimination.
Access of immigrant women to the labour market: a lower employment rate than their native-born counterparts
In all countries under consideration, except in the Czech Republic, foreign-born women have lower employment rates than their native-born counterparts (Table I.14 and the Annex). Less than 60% of immigrant women aged between 15 and 64 have a job, except in Norway, Portugal and Switzerland. The differences between native and immigrant women increase with the level of education. Among those who have pursued post-secondary education, the gap exceeds 19 percentage points in Denmark, Germany and Greece. For those with lower education attainment, the differences are lower on average, and more heterogeneous. In 9 of 21 countries for which data are available, low-skilled immigrant women have higher employment rates than native born. In other countries, the employment rates of immigrant women is lower than that of native-born women at all education levels. These figures conceal the sometimes sizeable differences according to the migrants region of origin. Taking into account only immigrants from non-OECD member countries, it can be seen that they have proportionally even lower employment rates. The difference
Un
ite
Ne
th
Re
pu b
ed
st
Sp
lic
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
61
I.
Table I.14. Employment and unemployment rates for foreign-born women (15-64), by level of education, 2004
Foreign-born Secondary and under Unemploy- Employment rate ment rate Australia Austria Belgium Canada Czech Republic Denmark Finland France Germany Greece Hungary Ireland Italy Luxembourg Netherlands Norway Poland Portugal Slovak Republic Spain Sweden Switzerland United Kingdom United States 7.3 16.7 23.5 10.7 28.9 17.6 46.5 20.9 17.0 16.6 16.4 7.3 .. 12.8 19.9 17.8 12.4 9.3 12.1 42.2 41.3 25.0 44.1 32.9 38.1 24.0 39.3 35.6 43.1 22.9 31.2 40.1 54.2 .. 41.8 58.3 38.9 44.8 42.1 54.7 30.0 39.5 Upper secondary Unemployment rate 5.6 8.6 13.7 9.9 8.9 11.4 17.7 15.0 14.5 20.8 12.1 13.1 .. 52.1 38.6 15.4 13.7 8.5 8.3 6.0 Employment rate 59.1 60.3 42.8 61.9 54.9 53.1 53.7 54.4 54.8 46.7 56.7 54.6 53.5 48.9 .. 62.4 14.8 59.0 39.9 60.5 63.2 66.7 59.2 59.6 Tertiary Unemployment rate 4.6 8.4 9.4 9.0 13.6 14.3 19.4 8.2 7.2 .. 15.8 7.6 6.5 4.9 4.6 Employment rate 71.7 69.4 67.3 69.9 82.6 62.9 65.6 63.0 60.0 56.5 67.6 69.7 68.8 67.1 .. 74.7 42.8 82.4 62.4 75.6 72.5 76.5 68.4 Total Unemployment rate 5.6 10.7 15.0 9.8 13.5 12.7 25.3 17.4 15.2 19.1 6.4 5.3 13.2 9.6 10.6 7.3 29.3 9.6 30.5 17.1 12.6 9.2 7.3 6.8 Employment rate 57.6 53.7 40.1 60.7 49.9 44.8 47.1 47.9 46.5 47.2 50.8 54.0 49.1 54.8 50.1 62.2 19.0 64.1 43.3 54.1 59.1 63.8 55.0 56.2 Foreign-born non-OECD Total Unemployment rate 7.2 11.4 20.2 .. 8.2 15.3 28.6 21.7 20.4 17.9 14.6 16.3 11.8 35.0 9.5 18.3 17.9 14.4 8.3 6.0 Employment rate 63.7 55.7 37.1 .. 49.8 38.5 41.0 43.9 38.4 48.3 50.8 25.2 49.1 49.1 47.5 54.4 17.6 66.9 79.0 54.4 49.4 59.9 51.1 61.0
Notes: indicates that the figure is not significant and . . indicates that it is not available. Data for Canada refer to 2003. Sources: European countries: European Union Labour Force Survey (data provided by Eurostat) except Denmark (Population Register); Australia: Survey of Education and Work; Canada: Survey of Labour and Income Dynamics; United States: Current Population Survey March Supplement. Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1786/032014542005
relative to the rate for all immigrant women is particularly pronounced in the case of Ireland, but is also large in Sweden, Germany and Denmark. Highly qualified immigrant women from non-OECD member countries are particularly disadvantaged. In Germany, for example, the employment rate of this group is only 43% (compared to 60% for all highly qualified immigrant women and 81% for native-born women with the same level of education). Similar results hold for most receiving countries and notably for Switzerland, Luxembourg and the Nordic countries, where the gap with the natives reaches 20% or more. It is likely that this is partly attributable to the problems of the recognition of foreign qualifications, and more generally of their training, but also to factors such the impact of attitudes and behaviour imported from the country of origin, or to language problems. Even though such obstacles are not restricted to immigrant women, the fear is that they may be more affected, because of the fields in which they tend to be concentrated. Highly qualified immigrant women are in effect largely over-represented with respect to their male counterparts, in education and medical professions, i.e. in occupations which are generally regulated, but very largely under-represented in engineering-type occupations. Immigrant
62
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
I.
women are also systematically over-represented, both with respect to native-born women and immigrant men, in the arts and humanities. An analysis of the unemployment rates shows results similar to those observed for employment rates. More than 15% of immigrant women in the labour force are seeking employment in Belgium, Germany, Spain, Greece, Spain, Finland, France, the Slovak Republic and Poland. In relative terms, the unemployment rate of immigrant women is at least twice as high as that of natives in Austria, Denmark, Finland, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Sweden and Switzerland (Chart I.11). The difference in levels vis--vis the native-born is systematically positive, but does not generally increase with the level of qualifications.
Chart I.11. Ratio of unemployment rate of foreign-born women to that of native-born women (15-64), 2004
All Foreign-born 5 Non-OECD foreign-born
Note: Data for Canada refer to 2003. Sources: European countries: European Union Labour Force Survey (Eurostat) except Denmark (Population Register), 2004; United States: Current Population Survey March Supplement; Canada: Labour Force Survey; Australia: Survey of Education and Work. Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1786/876404068235
lia
ce
ar y
ain
es
p.
ly
ga
d lan Sl o va
Sp
rtu
Re
ee
lan
Ita
ra
at
Ire
Hu
Au
Po
ite
Un
Cz
ec
Po
Gr
kR
ng
St
st
ep
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
63
I.
Table I.15. Percentage of women in highly skilled (HS) occupations, native- and foreign-born (15-64), 2004
Native-born Of which: HS occupations (ISCO = 1) 3.7 6.9 4.1 3.8 5.4 5.9 3.7 7.5 5.4 11.6 7.7 4.0 4.6 4.5 6.8 4.8 6.2 3.3 3.6 10.5 8.8 Foreign-born Of which: HS occupations (ISCO = 1) 3.3 14.3 4.9 7.2 2.7 2.2 8.3 13.8 6.3 5.0 6.0 4.1 3.1 4.1 10.2 6.4 Foreign-born non-OECD 18.6 42.5 29.6 33.9 21.9 31.1 .. 6.8 40.8 20.4 26.3 23.8 57.4 31.3 12.3 25.7 29.2 39.8 40.9 Of which: HS occupations (ISCO = 1) 2.9 12.4 6.8 5.9 2.5 3.3 8.5 6.1
Austria Belgium Czech Republic Denmark Finland France Germany Greece Hungary Ireland Italy Luxembourg Norway Poland Portugal Slovak Republic Spain Sweden Switzerland United Kingdom United States
38.2 42.9 41.3 43.3 42.8 37.7 46.0 36.6 40.8 40.0 43.9 51.3 42.2 39.0 25.7 43.9 36.2 45.4 44.1 36.2 43.8
25.3 41.6 32.4 38.6 32.5 30.5 30.5 13.5 42.7 47.9 29.2 38.5 38.9 57.1 33.6 39.9 21.6 38.3 38.0 43.7 36.4
Note: indicates that the figure is not significant. Sources: European countries: European Union Labour Force Survey (data provided by Eurostat); United States: Current Population Survey March Supplement. Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1786/286453240753
Table I.16. Percentage of women (15-64) in jobs for which they are overqualified, by birth status, selected OECD countries, 2003-2004
Native-born Austria Belgium Czech Republic Denmark Finland France Germany Greece Hungary Ireland Italy Luxembourg Norway Portugal Spain Sweden Switzerland United Kingdom 9.3 17.7 6.6 10.5 18.8 14.2 9.9 9.0 7.3 15.6 7.1 3.2 10.6 8.9 24.4 7.2 7.6 14.9 Foreign-born 24.8 24.6 12.8 19.7 26.2 18.8 23.6 53.4 10.5 23.9 27.4 14.1 25.1 16.2 47.6 15.3 13.8 17.0 Foreign-born non-OECD 32.8 27.2 22.0 31.0 38.0 19.8 32.3 62.0 8.9 38.2 34.0 31.0 35.9 18.7 56.7 23.2 19.8 18.7
Source: European Union Labour Force Survey (data provided by Eurostat). Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1786/058547576021
64
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
I.
exposed to overqualification than native-born women. The differences are particularly large in southern Europe. Taking into account only immigrant women from non-OECD countries, the differences are even more marked. The preceding analysis suggests a vertical segmentation in the labour market for women to the disadvantage of immigrant women, similar to that observed along gender lines. Table I.17 presents in more detail for the European OECD countries, the types of jobs held by immigrant and native women. It can be observed, notably, that the two groups are generally over-represented in the same occupations, i.e. in professional and associate professional occupations in the health sector, as well as in secretarial and sales occupations. An analysis of the distribution of employment among occupational sectors confirms, however, that women immigrants are much more frequently employed in lowskilled occupations, and particularly as manual and unskilled workers (20% versus 9.2%). Women, whatever their origin, are largely under-represented in engineering and associated occupations.
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
65
I.
Table I.17. Female employment by occupation and birth status (15-64), 2003-2004, data pooled over EU countries
Foreign-born Occupational share of total employment of foreign-born women 100-Legislator, senior officials and managers 110-Legislators, seniors officials and managers 120-Corporate managers 130-General managers 200-Professionals 210-Physical, mathematical and engineering science professionals 220-Life science and health associate professionals 230-Teaching professionals 240-Other professionals 300-Technicians and associate professionals 310-Physical and engineering science associate professionals 320-Life science and health associate professionals 330-Teaching associate professionals 340-Other associate professionals 400-Clerks 410-Office clerks 420-Customer service clerks 500-Service workers and shop and market sales workers 510-Personal and protective service workers 520-Models, sales persons and demonstrators 600-Skilled agricutural and fishery workers 610-Skilled agricutural and fishery workers 700-Craft and related trade workers 710-Extraction and building trade workers 720-Metal, machinery and related trade workers 730-Precision, handicraft, craft printing and related trade workers 740-Other craft and related trade workers 800-Plant and machine operators and assemblers 810-Stationary plant and related operators 820-Machine operators and assemblers 830-Drivers and mobile plant operators 900-Elementary occupations 910-Sales and services elementary occupations 920-Agricultural, fishery and related labourers 930-Labourers in mining, construction, manufacturing and transport 17.6 2.5 Yes Ind. 7.4 0.5 1.3 Yes Ind. No 3.3 Ind. 0.4 2.7 0.3 No No No 1.5 No 0.4 0.4 0.5 1.9 No No No No 2.4 No 15.3 6.2 Yes Yes 12.5 8.2 Yes Yes 10.2 2.6 Ind. Yes 15.1 3.5 Yes Yes 1.5 4.6 1.5 7.1 No Yes Yes No 1.6 4.9 2.2 10.2 No Yes Yes Yes 1.3 2.0 4.0 3.9 No Yes Ind. Ind. 1.1 1.9 6.1 4.0 No Yes Yes Ind. 2.7 2.5 No No 0.1 2.9 2.5 No No No Native-born Occupational share of total employment of native-born women
Over-represented
Over-represented
Notes: Columns do not sum to 100 because not all employed women indicate their occupation. indicates that the figure is not significant. Overrepresentation occurs when the share of foreign- or native-born women in one particular occupation is more important than their share in total employment. Sectoral over-representation is supposed to be undetermined (Ind.) if the share of foreign- or native-born women in the employment divided by their share in total employment is higher than 0.9 and lower than 1.1. Source: European Union Labour Force Survey (data provided by Eurostat). Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1786/116635726855
66
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
I.
Table I.18. Female employment by sector and birth status (15-64), 2003-2004, data pooled over EU countries
Share of total employment of foreign-born women Agriculture and fishing Mining, manufacturing and energy Construction Wholesale and retail trade Hotels and restaurants Education Health and other community services Households Administration and ETO Other services 1.1 12.1 1.0 12.6 8.1 8.1 17.0 6.2 4.7 23.2 Over-represented Share of total employment of native-born women 3.3 12.8 1.5 15.6 4.4 11.2 16.5 1.6 7.5 21.2 Over-represented
Notes: Columns do not sum to 100 because not all employed women indicate their sector of activity. Overrepresentation occurs when the share of foreign- or native-born women in one particular sector is more important than their share in total employment. Sectoral over-representation is supposed to be undetermined (Ind.) if the share of foreign- or native-born women in the employment divided by their share in total employment is higher than 0.9 and lower than 1.1. Source: European Union Labour Force Survey (data provided by Eurostat). Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1786/277180413166
Table I.19. Share of temporary and part-time employment in total employment, by birth status, women (15-64), 2004
% temporary employment Foreign-born Australia Austria Belgium Canada Czech Republic Denmark Finland France Germany Greece Hungary Ireland Italy Luxembourg Netherlands Norway Poland Portugal Slovak Republic Spain Sweden Switzerland United Kingdom United States .. 9.0 14.7 .. 19.2 16.5 34.5 14.7 13.7 24.7 8.9 5.4 16.9 3.9 20.8 20.1 51.5 28.2 53.1 22.9 11.6 10.6 .. Native-born .. 8.6 11.2 .. 10.4 10.3 20.6 13.8 12.1 13.3 5.9 3.7 14.8 7.7 15.4 11.5 21.2 20.5 4.9 31.8 16.7 13.0 5.7 .. % part-time employment Foreign-born 41.8 36.9 38.5 21.4 8.1 29.9 32.6 33.6 46.8 13.3 7.4 29.7 36.2 39.5 67.1 43.5 11.3 22.2 35.2 51.9 34.8 14.7 Native-born 47.5 41.9 41.2 26.9 7.9 33.9 17.5 29.6 40.6 8.0 5.9 31.9 23.9 40.9 75.7 45.5 12.5 13.1 4.0 17.5 36.1 60.2 44.5 18.6
Notes: indicates that the figure is not significant. Data for Canada refer to 2003. Sources: European countries: European Union Labour Force Survey (data provided by Eurostat); Australia: Survey of Education and Work 2004; Canada: Survey of Labour and Income Dynamics; United States: Current Population Survey March Supplement. Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1786/401640128008
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
67
I.
Box I.3. Migrant women into work: What are the best practices?
A desk-based research study was undertaken of six OECD countries (Australia, Canada, Germany, the Netherlands, Sweden and the United Kingdom) in 2005, to identify good practices amongst projects to support migrant women moving into work. It involved a survey of 15 successful work preparation projects of differing sizes. These provided services exclusively or largely to migrant women with less than tertiary level education. In addition, all participants had arrived for family reunion, or as refugees or asylum seekers but not as labour migrants. The key features across projects were the following: i) supported work experience; ii) childcare provision; iii) linking work experience with training and language acquisition; iv) confidence building; v) good links with the local labour market; vi) client participation for six months or more. Supported work experience enhanced opportunities for finding work, language acquisition and improving self-confidence. Support was provided by: classroom-based language and skills teaching in parallel with work experience, or contact between a project employee, the client and the employer during work experience. Assisting project participants with their childcare needs was an obvious measure to enhance participation and retention. All the projects surveyed attempted to help with this but where projects did not provide childcare themselves, and the national system was not comprehensive, some problems relating to retention appeared to occur. Confidence building is one hard-to-measure factor in identifying why projects succeeded. But it was mentioned as essential by virtually all projects and provided by them in a variety of ways, including: i) mentoring schemes; ii) engaging with participants; iii) families; iv) support during the initial period in work; v) outreach work; vi) less traditional job opportunities; vii) diversity management training. Mentoring was offered in 2 projects which considered it assisted clients significantly in retaining work. In one, mentors were volunteers from outside the workplace and in the other, they were co-workers. Both projects trained mentors in their roles. Apart from workplace integration, mentoring can create social networks amongst the host country population as well as mobilise community goodwill. Evaluating project success Projects usually measured their success by numbers of clients completing training, achieving employment and/or entry into further education or training. Occasionally, an independent qualitative examination of outcomes was commissioned. These often provided useful insights about why particular strategies appeared to be working (e.g. the importance of bilingual workers). Only one project engaged in an experimental evaluation. It worked side-by-side with a control group, compared to which its outcomes were significantly better. Unsurprisingly, project outcomes were varied. Influences included the state of the local job market as well as participants individual characteristics. Some projects, for example, had minimum language requirements. Others targeted those with the least language skills and little labour market experience. When it comes to seeking work, discrimination is also likely to affect outcomes. Project links with local employers appeared invaluable in negotiating this. Projects also required a considerable, often full-time, commitment from participants who might also be managing a household in economically difficult circumstances and caring for children whose own settlement experiences might not be straightforward. But overall, all the projects in their local contexts had positive outcomes.
68
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
I.
Box I.3. Migrant women into work: What are the best practices? (cont.)
Increased provision for experimental evaluations to identify more clearly what is working would be invaluable. Evaluation strategies also need to identify difficult-tomeasure qualitative issues. These include the training and continuity of project staff and issues such as engaging with participants family members. Much has been written about language acquisition. Early availability of host country language classes together with free and accessible childcare is particularly important. If language classes are free and childcare is not, this may be problematical for immigrant women. Linking language classes with work experience or forms of mentoring or social interaction also appears to improve effectiveness. It was noticeable that several projects ran diversity management training for local employers and/or negotiated informally with employers in what were obviously situations of cultural misunderstanding. Some of the countries in the survey have some mandatory active employment equity requirements. They may be one way in which workplaces can be encouraged to act to remove barriers to workforce participation by migrant women.
Source: Heron, A. (2005) Migrant women into work: What is working? for OECD and European Commission Seminar on Migrant Women and the Labour Market: Diversity and Challenges, Brussels, September 2005.
Finland, Greece and Spain. The gaps are however, negligible in Austria, France and, to a lesser extent, in Germany. The analysis of employment rates may tend to overestimate the integration of women into the labour market, as they are more often in part-time employment. Although this general observation also holds for foreign-born women, no significant difference has been observed for the native-born. Large differences have been recorded, for example, in Finland (+15 percentage points) and Italy (+12 points); the contrary is observed in the United Kingdom, Austria, the Netherlands and Switzerland (around 10, 9, 9 and 8 percentage points, respectively). From this overall picture of the employment of immigrant women in OECD countries, the image that emerges is essentially of a segmented labour market where foreign-born women tend to share the same characteristics of employment as women in general, but generally in a more pronounced fashion. The situation of women born in non-member countries of the OECD appears to be even more critical in the majority of OECD countries. The cumulative difficulties which generally face the immigrant population (lack of domestic labour market experience and human capital specific to the receiving country, language problems, lack of recognition of foreign qualifications, discrimination, etc.), combined with problems of integration into the labour market for women (lower appreciation of their human capital, difficulties to pursue a professional career, etc.), are the prime reasons for putting into place specific measures to overcome these obstacles (see Box I.3).
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
69
Annex Table I.A1.1. Labour market situation of foreigners and nationals in selected OECD countries, 1995, 2000 and 2003-2004
Participation rate (%) Nationals 1995 Men Austria Belgium Czech Republic Denmark Finland France Germany Greece Hungary Ireland Italy Luxembourg Netherlands Norway Portugal Slovak Republic Spain Sweden Switzerland United Kingdom 80.3 72.6 .. 84.1 75.0 74.7 79.7 77.1 .. 76.2 72.4 73.6 80.8 .. 76.4 .. 74.2 82.6 .. 83.6 79.5 73.7 78.9 83.5 79.3 75.1 79.0 76.6 .. 79.3 .. 75.8 84.6 84.9 78.9 76.4 78.4 78.0 89.6 83.4 78.9 73.0 77.8 82.2 79.1 75.4 79.2 76.3 67.7 78.6 .. 71.9 84.8 82.3 79.2 76.6 79.1 80.3 88.5 82.7 76.8 73.0 77.6 82.5 78.3 75.2 79.2 78.5 67.0 79.3 .. 72.3 84.5 81.8 79.0 76.5 79.6 80.2 88.2 81.9 85.6 68.7 .. 58.1 58.2 76.0 79.0 86.7 .. 73.4 84.6 80.1 63.9 .. 64.3 .. 84.0 69.7 .. 75.8 85.2 73.9 90.1 59.8 82.0 76.5 77.2 89.4 .. 74.5 .. 77.4 70.1 82.5 80.1 81.1 84.4 63.1 88.5 75.9 84.2 68.3 79.4 58.7 80.8 74.8 77.6 89.7 77.3 74.9 .. 80.7 72.1 81.3 87.7 89.1 71.6 88.0 77.2 78.9 70.2 83.1 60.3 84.3 77.4 76.8 88.3 78.6 76.4 .. 78.4 71.5 80.6 83.7 89.4 71.7 87.4 77.2 3.7 6.1 .. 6.6 17.9 9.3 6.2 6.3 .. 12.1 9.3 5.4 .. 6.8 .. 18.1 8.3 .. 10.0 4.4 4.3 7.4 3.6 10.2 7.9 7.1 7.5 .. 4.4 .. 2.0 3.6 3.2 19.5 9.6 5.5 1.4 6.0 4.7 6.5 5.8 3.9 10.9 7.6 9.4 5.9 6.2 4.8 .. 1.9 3.2 4.2 5.4 17.0 7.8 5.7 2.7 5.3 4.6 6.0 7.2 4.8 10.1 8.2 10.4 6.6 5.9 5.0 .. 2.2 4.2 4.3 5.9 17.8 7.9 6.8 2.9 4.8 6.2 19.8 .. 23.2 20.2 15.1 .. 23.2 .. .. .. 20.3 23.5 .. 16.6 8.6 15.1 7.7 10.1 28.6 18.0 13.6 7.4 .. .. .. .. .. 13.8 16.1 5.0 11.7 4.4 9.2 12.3 .. 12.3 15.8 7.7 8.5 9.3 17.4 7.1 8.9 18.6 17.9 5.8 .. 6.7 10.0 14.5 2.5 11.5 21.4 16.6 19.5 4.8 1.0 7.1 .. 4.7 9.1 12.9 12.7 5.2 11.4 17.2 7.6 7.3 77.3 68.2 .. 78.6 61.6 67.8 74.8 72.2 .. 66.9 65.6 72.2 76.5 .. 71.3 .. 60.8 75.8 .. 75.3 76.0 70.6 73.1 80.5 71.3 69.2 73.4 70.9 .. 75.8 .. 75.0 82.9 81.9 76.4 61.6 70.9 73.7 88.3 78.5 75.2 68.2 73.2 79.0 70.4 69.7 71.7 71.8 63.5 74.8 .. 70.5 82.0 78.9 75.0 63.5 73.0 75.7 86.1 78.3 73.3 68.6 72.0 78.5 70.4 69.1 70.9 73.3 63.1 75.3 .. 70.7 80.9 78.3 74.5 62.9 73.4 74.8 85.7 77.9 80.3 55.0 .. 44.6 45.4 60.7 67.0 77.7 .. 60.6 78.7 78.0 49.0 .. 59.3 .. 66.9 53.3 .. 63.2 77.9 62.7 83.2 53.8 58.6 62.7 66.7 82.8 .. 70.1 .. 75.0 66.3 78.1 74.1 .. 72.7 52.9 84.0 67.0 76.4 56.4 73.8 53.5 65.5 60.9 63.7 84.5 75.8 69.9 .. 77.2 65.5 71.2 78.8 .. 78.1 60.3 81.3 70.6 71.0 60.0 81.0 53.4 66.2 64.6 61.9 84.1 77.8 71.0 82.6 74.7 65.0 70.1 73.1 88.7 79.2 59.4 80.7 71.5 2000 2003 2004 1995 Foreigners 2000 2003 2004 1995 Nationals 2000 2003 2004 1995 Unemployment rate (%) Foreigners 2000 2003 2004 1995 Employment/population ratio (%) Nationals 2000 2003 2004 1995 Foreigners 2000 2003 2004
70
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
Annex Table I.A1.1. Labour market situation of foreigners and nationals in selected OECD countries, 1995, 2000 and 2003-2004 (cont.)
Participation rate (%) Nationals 1995 Women Austria Belgium Czech Republic Denmark Finland France Germany Greece Hungary Ireland Italy Luxembourg Netherlands Norway Portugal Slovak Republic Spain Sweden Switzerland United Kingdom 62.1 53.0 .. 75.7 69.4 61.5 62.3 44.1 .. 47.1 42.5 40.2 59.2 .. 59.2 .. 44.9 79.2 .. 66.5 62.4 58.1 63.6 77.0 74.2 63.4 64.4 49.5 .. 55.8 .. 47.8 66.7 76.7 63.7 62.9 51.7 74.2 72.8 68.5 64.0 57.2 62.7 76.3 74.7 64.3 66.4 50.7 53.8 57.9 .. 49.9 69.2 76.1 66.5 63.2 54.2 76.8 74.9 68.8 64.0 58.6 62.2 77.1 74.4 64.4 66.6 54.0 53.6 58.2 50.1 50.6 70.1 75.9 66.7 63.0 55.9 76.2 74.9 69.1 64.2 38.0 .. 44.3 65.9 46.8 50.6 56.3 .. 44.6 49.3 51.2 39.8 .. 35.1 .. 48.6 60.2 .. 55.5 64.4 41.3 52.8 45.5 61.9 48.6 49.7 55.8 .. 53.5 .. 56.8 46.1 68.3 68.8 43.6 58.2 60.3 66.4 56.2 63.6 41.3 60.8 45.2 63.7 51.5 52.0 56.6 49.7 55.2 .. 61.1 52.0 62.8 71.0 .. 65.0 63.3 70.1 57.8 57.4 49.0 58.3 47.2 56.6 51.8 51.0 57.1 51.8 53.1 60.5 59.3 49.5 66.8 68.6 76.7 65.7 64.6 70.2 59.6 4.7 11.0 .. 8.5 16.2 13.6 9.3 14.0 .. 11.9 16.3 8.2 .. 8.0 .. 30.6 7.1 .. 6.8 4.1 7.8 10.6 4.4 11.8 11.5 8.1 16.9 .. 4.2 .. 3.3 3.3 4.8 18.6 20.6 4.6 2.4 4.8 4.0 7.3 9.6 4.3 9.9 9.5 8.9 13.8 5.4 3.9 .. 3.2 3.6 3.9 7.5 17.3 15.8 4.8 3.1 3.9 4.4 7.5 9.7 5.3 10.3 10.2 9.7 16.0 5.9 3.7 10.1 4.2 4.8 3.8 7.4 19.7 15.2 5.8 3.3 4.0 7.8 31.5 .. 25.5 30.4 24.4 14.9 18.2 .. 22.8 24.3 .. .. .. 27.0 15.6 .. 11.8 9.1 16.4 .. 11.3 25.6 11.6 17.6 .. .. .. .. 9.7 .. .. .. 17.6 13.0 6.5 8.0 7.1 19.8 13.9 9.6 19.3 14.7 13.8 .. .. 6.4 9.9 .. 18.2 10.3 10.3 7.2 13.7 18.1 9.9 12.9 31.3 21.6 15.6 16.7 6.3 6.3 15.4 10.0 11.3 8.3 14.1 15.5 16.2 15.1 10.8 7.6 59.2 47.1 .. 69.2 58.2 53.1 56.5 37.9 .. 41.5 35.6 38.7 54.3 .. 54.4 .. 31.2 73.6 .. 62.0 59.8 53.6 56.9 73.6 65.4 56.1 59.2 41.1 .. 53.4 .. 46.7 64.5 74.2 60.6 51.2 41.0 70.8 71.1 65.2 61.4 53.0 56.6 73.0 67.3 58.2 60.5 43.7 50.9 55.6 .. 48.3 66.7 73.1 61.5 52.3 45.6 73.1 72.6 66.1 61.2 54.2 56.1 73.0 66.7 57.9 60.1 45.3 50.5 56.1 45.1 48.5 66.8 73.0 61.8 50.6 47.4 71.8 72.4 66.3 59.1 26.0 .. 33.0 45.9 35.4 43.1 46.1 .. 36.1 38.1 48.5 30.1 .. 28.0 .. 35.5 50.8 .. 49.0 58.5 34.5 49.3 40.4 43.4 36.2 43.9 46.0 .. 49.7 .. 54.6 41.6 65.3 61.9 .. 48.0 52.4 62.1 51.7 59.1 33.2 52.3 40.8 52.5 41.5 44.3 48.8 44.5 51.8 .. 57.2 46.8 58.3 62.1 .. 53.2 56.8 62.9 53.7 49.5 40.2 52.5 41.1 38.9 40.7 43.0 47.6 48.6 49.8 51.2 53.4 43.9 61.2 58.9 64.9 55.1 54.8 62.6 55.0 I. 2000 2003 2004 1995 Foreigners 2000 2003 2004 1995 Nationals 2000 2003 2004 1995 Unemployment rate (%) Foreigners 2000 2003 2004 1995 Employment/population ratio (%) Nationals 2000 2003 2004 1995 Foreigners 2000 2003 2004
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
71
Annex Table I.A1.1. Labour market situation of foreigners and nationals in selected OECD countries, 1995, 2000 and 2003-2004 (cont.)
Participation rate (%) Nationals 1995 Men and women Austria Belgium Czech Republic Denmark Finland France Germany Greece Hungary Ireland Italy Luxembourg Netherlands Norway Portugal Slovak Republic Spain Sweden Switzerland United Kingdom 71.1 62.8 .. 79.9 72.2 68.0 71.0 60.0 .. 61.7 57.3 57.2 70.1 .. 67.5 .. 59.4 81.0 .. 75.1 70.9 66.0 71.2 80.3 76.8 69.2 71.7 62.7 .. 67.6 .. 62.6 75.8 80.8 71.1 69.6 65.0 76.2 81.1 76.1 71.4 65.1 70.2 79.3 76.9 69.8 72.8 63.3 60.6 68.3 .. 61.0 77.1 79.2 72.7 69.8 66.7 78.5 81.6 75.9 70.4 65.8 69.9 79.8 76.4 69.8 72.9 66.1 60.1 68.8 .. 61.6 77.4 78.9 72.7 69.7 67.8 78.3 81.4 75.4 75.5 54.8 .. 51.4 61.9 62.3 66.2 70.2 .. 58.2 66.7 65.9 53.1 .. 49.9 .. 65.9 64.7 .. 65.0 74.7 58.3 73.0 52.6 72.9 63.0 64.3 71.8 .. 64.4 .. 66.7 58.1 75.5 74.7 .. 70.7 61.7 78.3 65.4 74.0 55.6 69.6 51.7 71.5 63.3 65.2 73.4 61.6 65.3 .. 70.9 62.2 71.9 79.6 82.4 76.9 67.4 79.7 67.1 68.6 59.8 70.6 53.6 69.8 64.8 64.3 72.9 64.8 64.8 .. 68.9 60.5 73.4 75.6 83.6 77.6 68.1 79.3 67.7 4.1 8.2 .. 7.5 17.1 11.3 7.5 9.2 .. 12.0 11.9 2.5 6.5 .. 7.3 .. 22.9 7.7 .. 8.6 4.3 5.8 8.8 4.0 11.0 9.6 7.5 11.3 .. 4.3 .. 1.6 2.6 3.4 3.9 19.1 13.9 5.1 1.9 5.4 4.4 6.9 7.5 4.1 10.4 8.5 9.2 9.1 5.8 4.4 .. 2.4 3.4 4.1 6.4 17.1 11.0 5.3 2.9 4.7 4.5 6.7 8.3 5.1 10.2 9.2 10.1 10.4 5.9 4.4 .. 3.0 4.4 4.1 6.6 18.6 10.9 6.3 3.1 4.5 6.8 23.5 .. 24.2 26.3 21.7 15.1 13.8 .. 18.1 12.9 3.6 23.6 .. .. .. 22.8 19.7 .. 14.4 8.8 15.6 7.3 10.6 29.0 20.9 12.9 11.6 .. 6.4 .. 3.4 7.2 .. .. 15.5 14.6 5.6 10.0 8.3 18.2 10.2 9.2 18.3 18.8 16.7 8.8 .. 6.5 .. 5.2 9.5 10.1 11.2 .. 14.8 13.2 8.8 7.9 11.5 15.9 5.6 12.1 25.6 18.5 18.0 9.3 .. 6.8 .. 7.0 10.0 10.7 13.3 .. 13.4 16.2 8.9 7.5 68.2 57.7 .. 74.0 59.9 60.3 65.6 54.4 .. 54.3 50.4 55.7 65.5 .. 62.6 .. 45.8 74.7 .. 68.7 67.9 62.1 64.9 77.1 68.4 62.6 66.3 55.6 .. 64.6 .. 61.6 73.8 78.1 68.3 56.3 56.0 72.3 79.6 71.9 68.2 60.6 64.9 76.0 68.9 63.9 66.1 57.5 57.0 65.3 .. 59.6 74.5 76.0 68.1 57.8 59.4 74.4 79.2 72.3 67.2 61.4 64.1 75.8 68.6 63.4 65.5 59.2 56.6 65.7 .. 59.8 73.9 75.7 68.0 56.7 60.4 73.3 78.9 72.1 70.4 42.0 .. 39.0 45.6 48.8 56.3 60.5 .. 47.7 58.1 63.5 40.6 .. 43.8 .. 50.8 52.0 .. 55.6 68.2 49.2 67.6 47.0 51.8 49.8 56.0 63.5 .. 60.2 .. 64.4 53.9 71.8 68.3 .. 59.8 52.7 74.0 58.9 67.8 45.5 62.5 47.0 58.4 51.4 54.4 66.9 58.1 61.0 .. 67.2 56.3 64.7 70.7 65.5 58.5 72.7 61.8 60.6 50.3 66.6 47.1 52.0 52.8 52.8 66.1 62.7 60.4 .. 64.1 54.5 65.5 65.6 .. 67.2 57.1 72.2 62.6 2000 2003 2004 1995 Foreigners 2000 2003 2004 1995 Nationals 2000 2003 2004 1995 Unemployment rate (%) Foreigners 2000 2003 2004 1995 Employment/population ratio (%) Nationals 2000 2003 2004 1995 Foreigners 2000 2003 2004
72
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
Note: . . means not available and means non significative at B threshold. Sources: European Union Labour Force Survey, population aged 15 to 64 (data provided by Eurostat) except for Denmark (Population Register). Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1786/141268266488
Annex Table I.A1.2. Labour market situation of foreign- and native-born populations in selected OECD countries, 1995, 2000 and 2003-2004
Participation rate (%) Native 1995 Men Austria Belgium Czech Republic Denmark Finland France Germany Greece Hungary Ireland Italy Luxembourg Netherlands Norway Portugal Slovak Republic Spain Sweden Switzerland United Kingdom Australia Canada United States 80.4 72.4 .. 84.2 75.1 75.0 .. 77.0 .. 76.0 72.4 72.2 81.0 .. 76.5 .. 74.2 82.7 .. 83.7 85.3 83.0 81.6 79.6 73.9 .. 83.8 79.4 75.6 79.3 76.6 67.5 79.1 73.6 74.2 85.5 85.2 78.0 .. 78.3 79.9 .. 83.5 84.3 82.1 80.8 78.8 72.9 77.9 82.5 79.0 75.3 79.3 76.1 67.6 78.5 74.5 70.9 85.5 82.3 79.0 76.5 79.0 80.7 88.5 82.8 83.7 82.6 79.0 76.7 73.0 77.7 82.9 78.2 75.1 79.2 78.4 66.9 79.1 74.6 70.5 85.0 82.1 78.6 76.5 79.4 80.7 88.1 82.0 85.3 .. 78.4 84.0 70.9 .. 64.4 .. 78.8 .. 81.9 .. 76.7 84.8 83.0 69.9 .. 73.0 .. 78.9 73.3 .. 78.5 80.1 84.4 83.8 83.3 72.9 .. 65.2 78.9 78.0 76.2 86.3 71.8 79.2 88.2 80.2 74.0 80.0 83.7 .. 85.9 69.9 .. 78.7 77.8 82.0 85.9 83.8 70.0 74.7 63.8 80.6 75.8 77.1 89.8 76.5 77.7 89.8 82.6 75.3 82.2 85.5 82.3 87.8 74.4 87.8 78.5 79.3 82.0 85.4 79.1 70.8 73.5 63.3 83.4 77.3 77.7 87.1 76.1 79.6 86.0 81.2 76.2 77.5 85.5 81.2 89.0 74.5 87.8 78.5 80.6 .. 85.2 3.6 6.3 .. 6.4 17.7 9.1 .. 6.1 .. 12.0 9.3 4.9 .. 6.6 .. 18.0 7.9 .. 9.9 8.4 8.6 6.2 4.3 4.2 .. 3.4 10.3 7.7 6.9 7.4 7.3 4.4 8.4 1.8 3.4 3.1 .. 9.5 5.1 .. 5.9 6.6 5.7 4.5 4.4 6.0 5.8 3.8 10.9 7.3 9.3 5.8 6.2 4.8 7.0 2.3 2.8 4.0 5.3 17.0 7.9 5.2 2.8 5.2 6.0 6.5 7.0 4.3 5.6 7.0 4.6 9.9 8.0 10.3 6.5 5.9 4.9 6.4 2.4 3.6 4.3 5.7 17.8 7.8 6.2 2.9 4.7 5.6 .. 6.9 6.6 16.9 .. 20.5 .. 16.6 .. 14.0 .. 16.8 19.5 .. .. 24.4 24.8 .. 14.2 10.6 10.4 7.9 8.7 14.7 .. 9.5 14.5 12.9 9.5 6.5 5.4 6.8 3.9 .. 12.4 12.3 .. 9.6 6.5 6.1 4.5 9.7 18.3 9.0 8.8 18.4 15.4 16.9 6.5 .. 6.6 3.8 3.9 9.1 11.1 7.9 10.4 12.7 7.2 8.1 6.5 7.8 7.2 11.2 14.9 12.4 11.8 21.3 13.8 18.3 6.5 2.0 6.7 6.2 4.4 10.3 8.9 9.8 17.9 11.4 14.2 7.5 7.3 5.5 .. 5.8 77.5 67.8 .. 78.9 61.8 68.2 .. 72.3 .. 66.9 65.6 70.7 77.0 .. 71.5 .. 60.8 76.2 .. 75.4 78.2 75.9 76.5 76.2 70.8 .. 80.9 71.2 69.8 73.8 70.9 62.6 75.6 67.4 73.2 84.0 82.3 75.5 .. 70.8 75.9 .. 78.6 78.7 77.4 77.2 75.3 68.5 73.4 79.4 70.4 69.8 71.3 71.7 63.4 74.7 69.2 69.3 83.1 79.0 74.8 63.5 72.8 76.5 86.1 78.5 78.7 77.2 73.5 73.4 68.9 72.3 79.1 70.5 69.1 70.4 73.3 62.9 75.3 69.8 68.8 81.9 78.6 74.2 62.9 73.2 75.7 85.6 78.1 80.6 .. 73.0 78.5 58.9 .. 51.2 .. 65.7 .. 70.4 .. 63.9 78.9 81.3 56.2 .. 65.4 .. 59.7 55.1 .. 67.4 71.6 75.6 77.2 76.1 62.2 .. 59.0 50.4 66.7 66.3 78.1 69.4 74.9 82.4 78.1 69.9 74.6 80.5 .. 75.2 61.3 .. 71.1 72.7 77.0 82.0 75.6 57.2 68.0 58.2 65.8 64.4 64.1 84.0 74.8 72.6 86.4 79.4 68.4 73.1 78.8 63.0 78.7 64.6 81.6 72.2 74.1 75.6 79.2 70.2 60.3 64.5 55.8 65.7 66.6 63.5 81.4 74.6 74.3 80.7 77.6 68.4 70.6 77.1 66.7 78.8 63.6 81.2 72.8 76.2 .. 80.2 I. 2000 2003 2004 1995 Foreign-born 2000 2003 2004 1995 Native 2000 2003 2004 1995 Unemployment rate (%) Foreign-born 2000 2003 2004 1995 Employment/population ratio (%) Native 2000 2003 2004 1995 Foreign-born 2000 2003 2004
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
73
Annex Table I.A1.2. Labour market situation of foreign- and native-born populations in selected OECD countries, 1995, 2000 and 2003-2004 (cont.)
Participation rate (%) Native 1995 Women Austria Belgium Czech Republic Denmark Finland France Germany Greece Hungary Ireland Italy Luxembourg Netherlands Norway Portugal Slovak Republic Spain Sweden Switzerland United Kingdom Australia Canada United States 62.3 52.9 .. 75.9 69.6 62.0 .. 43.8 .. 46.9 42.5 40.3 59.5 .. 59.1 .. 44.8 79.5 .. 66.8 66.7 68.8 69.5 62.5 58.1 .. 77.3 74.2 63.8 64.8 49.2 52.5 55.5 46.2 48.0 67.6 77.1 63.3 .. 51.6 76.6 .. 68.9 68.1 70.4 71.4 63.8 57.4 62.7 76.6 74.8 64.4 66.7 50.6 53.7 57.8 48.6 50.4 70.3 76.3 66.0 63.3 54.0 77.7 75.5 69.3 70.0 73.1 69.9 64.1 59.3 62.2 77.6 74.5 64.5 66.9 53.8 53.6 58.1 50.1 49.9 71.2 76.2 66.4 63.0 55.7 76.9 75.2 69.6 69.9 .. 69.2 62.0 41.8 .. 52.4 .. 54.4 .. 53.7 .. 49.5 49.1 51.7 47.8 .. 58.0 .. 51.5 64.0 .. 57.7 57.1 63.4 58.4 62.8 45.2 .. 53.4 56.8 53.0 56.9 52.3 58.8 51.4 57.2 52.8 67.1 66.5 .. 57.9 63.4 .. 57.5 58.2 65.3 61.1 64.8 45.5 59.8 53.0 65.5 57.3 55.4 57.3 56.1 57.3 55.0 60.8 56.5 66.0 74.8 61.9 64.2 66.4 69.5 58.3 59.7 65.7 61.7 60.1 47.2 57.7 51.3 63.1 58.0 54.9 58.3 54.3 57.0 56.6 60.6 56.0 67.1 70.9 62.2 65.2 67.7 70.3 59.3 61.0 .. 60.3 4.6 11.2 .. 8.4 16.1 13.6 .. 13.7 .. 11.9 16.3 7.7 .. 7.8 .. 30.5 6.6 .. 6.7 7.7 9.8 5.3 4.2 7.4 .. 4.3 12.0 11.3 8.0 16.6 5.8 4.2 14.9 3.0 3.2 4.9 .. 20.5 4.2 .. 4.6 5.8 6.2 4.2 4.0 6.9 9.6 4.2 9.7 9.2 8.8 13.7 5.4 3.8 12.0 3.6 3.2 3.8 7.4 17.2 15.8 4.4 3.0 3.9 6.1 5.9 5.7 4.3 7.5 9.6 5.2 10.2 9.9 9.6 15.7 5.9 3.7 10.1 4.5 4.3 3.7 7.4 19.5 15.1 5.2 3.4 3.9 5.7 .. 5.5 7.3 23.8 .. 20.7 .. 19.0 .. 20.8 .. 15.4 23.5 19.8 .. .. 30.5 18.5 .. 10.9 9.6 13.3 8.2 7.2 17.5 .. 9.6 .. 19.7 12.1 21.1 .. 21.2 7.6 .. 5.4 .. 20.7 10.8 .. 7.8 7.0 8.7 5.5 6.6 17.3 15.7 8.7 20.0 16.4 14.0 15.7 .. 6.0 10.5 5.9 8.6 10.4 17.2 9.5 9.1 6.3 6.5 9.9 8.0 10.7 15.0 13.5 12.7 25.3 17.4 15.2 19.1 6.4 5.3 13.2 9.6 10.6 7.3 9.6 30.5 17.1 12.6 9.2 7.3 5.6 .. 6.8 59.4 46.9 .. 69.5 58.4 53.6 .. 37.8 .. 41.3 35.6 38.8 54.9 .. 54.5 .. 31.1 74.2 .. 62.3 69.8 62.0 65.8 59.9 53.8 .. 73.9 65.3 56.6 59.6 41.1 49.4 53.1 39.3 46.5 65.6 74.6 60.3 .. 41.0 73.4 .. 65.7 71.4 66.0 68.4 61.3 53.5 56.7 73.4 67.5 58.5 60.2 43.7 50.8 55.6 42.7 48.6 68.0 73.4 61.1 52.3 45.5 74.4 73.3 66.6 72.3 68.8 65.9 61.4 54.9 56.2 73.5 66.8 58.1 60.5 45.3 50.4 56.0 45.0 47.6 68.1 73.4 61.5 50.7 47.3 72.9 72.7 66.9 65.9 .. 65.4 57.5 31.9 .. 41.5 44.1 .. 42.5 .. 41.9 37.5 48.8 38.4 .. 49.9 .. 35.8 52.2 .. 51.4 61.8 55.0 53.6 58.3 37.3 .. 48.3 45.6 46.6 44.9 49.8 55.2 40.5 55.3 48.8 63.5 62.9 .. 45.9 56.6 .. 53.0 63.5 59.6 57.7 60.5 37.7 50.4 48.4 52.5 48.0 43.4 48.3 53.7 53.9 49.2 57.2 51.6 61.8 67.1 48.6 53.2 60.1 63.2 54.6 64.9 59.2 56.8 53.7 40.1 49.9 44.8 47.1 47.9 46.5 47.2 50.8 54.0 49.1 54.8 50.1 62.2 64.1 43.3 54.1 59.1 63.8 55.0 57.6 .. 56.2 2000 2003 2004 1995 Foreign-born 2000 2003 2004 1995 Native 2000 2003 2004 1995 Unemployment rate (%) Foreign-born 2000 2003 2004 1995 Employment/population ratio (%) Native 2000 2003 2004 1995 Foreign-born 2000 2003 2004
74
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
Annex Table I.A1.2. Labour market situation of foreign- and native-born populations in selected OECD countries, 1995, 2000 and 2003-2004 (cont.)
Participation rate (%) Native 1995 Men and women Austria Belgium Czech Republic Denmark Finland France Germany Greece Hungary Ireland Italy Luxembourg Netherlands Norway Portugal Slovak Republic Spain Sweden Switzerland United Kingdom Australia Canada United States 71.4 62.7 .. 80.1 72.4 68.4 .. 59.9 .. 61.6 57.3 56.4 70.4 .. 67.5 .. 59.4 81.1 .. 75.3 76.0 75.9 75.4 71.1 66.0 .. 80.6 76.8 69.6 72.1 62.6 59.9 67.3 59.8 61.6 76.7 81.2 70.4 .. 64.9 78.3 .. 76.3 76.2 76.2 76.0 71.3 65.3 70.3 79.6 76.9 69.8 73.0 63.1 60.5 68.2 61.5 60.8 78.0 79.3 72.4 69.8 66.6 79.3 82.1 76.2 76.9 77.9 74.3 70.5 66.2 70.0 80.3 76.4 69.8 73.0 66.0 60.1 68.7 62.3 60.4 78.2 79.2 72.5 69.7 67.6 78.9 81.7 75.7 77.6 .. 73.7 72.8 56.3 .. 58.5 .. 66.7 .. 66.0 .. 62.6 66.7 67.7 59.0 .. 65.2 .. 64.2 68.3 .. 67.7 68.8 73.7 71.1 72.7 59.0 .. 59.3 65.8 67.4 64.8 70.3 61.0 68.9 69.3 68.4 63.4 73.5 75.8 .. 71.4 66.6 .. 67.7 68.1 73.3 73.6 73.9 57.3 66.9 58.3 72.5 66.4 66.3 73.1 64.6 67.5 72.5 71.8 65.8 74.1 79.9 70.2 75.7 70.7 78.5 68.1 69.4 73.5 73.7 69.2 58.9 65.3 57.3 72.6 67.5 66.3 72.4 64.0 68.1 70.0 70.9 66.0 72.2 77.6 69.7 76.8 71.4 78.8 68.4 70.7 .. 73.0 4.1 8.4 .. 7.3 17.0 11.2 .. 9.0 .. 12.0 11.9 2.6 6.0 .. 7.2 .. 22.8 7.3 .. 8.5 8.1 9.1 5.8 4.3 5.6 .. 3.9 11.1 9.4 7.4 11.1 6.6 4.3 10.9 2.0 2.3 3.3 3.9 .. 13.9 4.7 .. 5.3 6.2 6.0 4.4 4.2 6.4 7.5 4.0 10.3 8.2 9.1 9.0 5.9 4.4 9.0 2.9 2.9 3.9 6.3 17.1 11.0 4.8 2.9 4.6 6.0 6.2 6.4 4.3 6.4 8.2 4.9 10.1 9.0 10.0 10.3 5.9 4.4 7.9 3.3 3.9 4.0 6.5 18.6 10.8 5.7 3.1 4.3 5.6 .. 6.2 6.9 19.5 .. 20.6 .. 17.6 .. 17.1 .. 16.2 13.1 3.4 19.6 .. 12.1 .. 27.0 21.7 .. 12.8 10.2 11.7 8.0 8.0 15.8 .. 9.5 16.7 12.6 14.6 5.7 12.1 2.9 6.3 6.1 4.5 .. 15.9 11.6 .. 8.8 6.7 7.3 4.9 8.3 17.8 12.1 8.7 19.2 15.8 15.7 10.2 6.3 6.3 4.8 8.9 9.0 9.1 22.4 13.3 11.1 8.0 7.3 6.5 8.7 7.5 11.0 14.9 12.9 12.2 23.1 15.4 17.0 11.6 6.1 9.3 6.7 10.4 8.1 9.7 24.7 13.8 13.4 8.3 7.3 5.6 .. 6.2 68.5 57.5 .. 74.2 60.1 60.7 .. 54.5 .. 54.2 50.4 54.9 66.1 .. 62.7 .. 45.8 75.2 .. 68.9 69.8 68.9 71.1 68.0 62.4 .. 77.5 68.3 63.1 66.7 55.6 55.9 64.4 53.3 60.4 74.9 78.5 67.6 .. 55.9 74.6 .. 72.2 71.4 71.7 72.7 68.3 61.1 65.0 76.5 69.0 64.1 66.4 57.4 57.0 65.2 56.0 59.0 75.7 76.2 67.9 57.9 59.2 75.5 79.7 72.7 72.3 73.0 69.6 67.5 62.0 64.3 76.3 68.7 63.5 65.8 59.3 56.5 65.7 57.4 58.4 75.1 76.0 67.8 56.8 60.3 74.4 79.2 72.4 73.2 .. 69.1 59.0 61.8 65.1 65.4 61.8 63.5 68.0 70.0 67.8 45.3 .. 46.4 .. 55.0 .. 54.7 .. 52.4 58.0 65.4 47.4 .. 57.3 .. 46.8 53.5 66.8 49.7 .. 53.6 45.1 56.2 56.7 60.0 58.5 64.9 60.9 66.4 59.4 69.0 72.4 .. 60.0 58.9 67.7 47.1 58.8 53.3 58.6 55.9 55.9 65.7 62.4 63.2 68.0 68.4 59.9 67.5 72.7 54.5 65.6 62.3 72.2 63.1 64.9 67.1 68.2 61.5 50.1 56.9 50.3 55.8 57.1 55.1 64.0 61.4 63.9 63.5 66.2 59.1 66.4 70.1 52.4 66.2 61.3 72.3 63.4 66.8 .. 68.5 I. 2000 2003 2004 1995 Foreign-born 2000 2003 2004 1995 Native 2000 2003 2004 1995 Unemployment rate (%) Foreign-born 2000 2003 2004 1995 Employment/population ratio (%) Native 2000 2003 2004 1995 Foreign-born 2000 2003 2004
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
Note: The sign . . means not available and means non-significative at B threshold. Sources: European countries: European Union Labour Force Survey, population aged 15 to 64 (data provided by Eurostat) except for Denmark (Population Register); United States: Current Population Survey; Australia: Labour Force Survey; Canada: Survey of Labour and Income Dynamics. Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1786/761421002264
75
I.
Facilitating the immigration of the highly skilled: implementation and enhancement of selective policies
In order to facilitate the immigration of highly skilled workers in several OECD countries, a variety of measures have been adopted. In Finland, the new Aliens Act of 1 May 2004 broadens the right to work without a work permit for some skilled occupations. Among the proposed measures are the immigration of foreign researchers and selfemployed persons, and new possibilities for students and family members to enter the labour market. In Japan, a new plan, part of the E-Japan Strategy, was created to bring in 30 000 information technology (IT) engineers by the end of 2005. Moreover, facilitated procedures were introduced for the issue of permanent residence permits for highly skilled workers. In Austria, quotas for the settlement of non-EU citizens and their families are open exclusively to the highly skilled. The United States, without changing the current annual quota system on H-1B visas (65 000 temporary visas for skilled immigrants), adopted in 2005 the Omnibus Appropriations Act, which make available another 20 000 temporary skilled worker visas, by exempting from the H-1B visa programme foreigners with Masters or Higher Degrees obtained in United States educational institutions. In 2005, the E-3 visa was also established, making available an additional 10 500 visas annually for professionals in specialty occupations. As far as the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) is concerned, starting from 1 January 2004, most of the transitional restrictions applying to Mexican professionals wanting to enter the United States are no longer in force. New Zealand recorded an increase in the number of skilled/business permits granted in 2004-2005 (61% of the total), mainly due to the improvements made to the Skilled Migrant Category (SMC) policy since December 2004. Increased points were allocated to
76
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
I.
applicants with work experience and qualifications, the range of occupations considered as skilled was broadened, and additional points were given for those with close family relatives in New Zealand. In Australia, the skilled stream of the migration programme will also increase in the next eight years, providing an additional 20 000 places. Meanwhile, the system will become more selective by an increase of the passmarks. In Canada, one of the five priorities of the November 2005 Strategic Directions for Immigration will consist in improving selection, by a multi-year level planning and a better promotion of the system. Some European OECD member countries have shown a growing interest in selective policies (see also Box I.4). In Ireland, a new Employment Permits Bill was approved in October 2005. A Green Card was established for a list of skill shortage occupations. It will be very restricted for occupations in the annual salary range inferior to EUR 30 000 (average industrial salary for the unskilled), less restricted from EUR 30 000 to 60 000, and more extensive for salaries above EUR 60 000. The Green Card will be issued for two years in the first instance, with a possibility of obtaining long-term residence thereafter. Green Card holders are allowed to bring their spouses and families into the country, and spouses will have the right to work. In the United Kingdom, as part of the government proposal of February 2005 for a new, managed migration system a strategy concerning labour migration is outlined in the document Selective Admission: Making Migration Work for Britain (July, 2005).The core proposal of the document is to move from the existing two-tier work permit system to a five-tier labour immigration management system. The five tiers are: 1. Highly skilled immigrants (existing Highly Skilled Migration Programme HSMP). Selection will be based on a point system. There will no need for employer sponsorship.
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
77
I.
2. Skilled workers with a job offer and workers recruited to meet specific requirements not filled by United Kingdom or European Economic Area (EEA) citizens. The selection will be based on a point system and a sponsor (employer) will be required. 3. A limited number of workers to fill low skill shortages. This tier will be similar to the existing Sector Based Scheme (SBS) introduced in May 2003 to provide a certain number, of low-skilled workers, decided by quota, to fill shortages in sectors like hospitality and catering. 4. Students. 5. Other temporary categories. Tiers 1 and 2 could open the way to permanent residence, after five years of initial residence. The other tiers will not. The proposed scheme is a point system, and a new application process in two stages is proposed. The prospective migrants would make an initial self-assessment in order to establish whether they can qualify for one of the five tiers, and if so, to which tier. If the self-assessment was successful in one of the tiers, the formal application can then be lodged overseas or in the United Kingdom. The Netherlands are also developing a selective labour migration system . New legislation came into force on 1 October 2004, aiming at stimulating highly qualified labour immigration, by introducing simplified procedures. Labour migrants who are able to earn more than EUR 45 000 (for immigrants under 30 years of age the wage criterion is EUR 32 600) in the Dutch labour market, are eligible for residence permits for a maximum of five years and can work without a work permit. After five years of residence, they can obtain a permanent residence permit. In Switzerland, the 2002 project for a new Federal law on the entry and stay of foreigners was approved by the Conseil national on 28 September 2005, and will be voted in the second chamber (Conseil des Etats) at the end of 2005. Among its main objectives, it introduces a more selective policy for the admission of non-EU25 citizens: only very highly skilled people capable of integrating and of benefit to the Swiss economy in the long term will be accepted. Quotas have not been established and the selection will be made by assessment on a local level. In the Czech Republic, a project of Active Selection of Qualified Workers, aimed at attracting young qualified people interested in permanent settlement, launched in 2003 with a few countries, is being implemented with a number of new countries (Belarus, Bulgaria, Canada, Croatia, Kazakhstan, Moldova, Serbia and Montenegro, and the Ukraine). The project offers the immigrants and their families the possibility to obtain a permanent residence permit after a short stay (two and a half years). The applicants must have previously been granted a long term-visa and be in possession of a document proving a level of at least secondary education. They are selected on the basis of a point system. The criteria for obtaining points are previous employment in the Czech Republic, level of education, experience of life in the Czech Republic, language skills, and family. This project still concerns only a very small number of people and at the end of September 2005, only 308 persons were selected according to this procedure.
An increase in the recruitment of low-skilled temporary foreign workers in response to labour market needs
The need for temporary low-skilled immigration is also an issue of concern in a number of OECD countries.
78
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
I.
In Canada, new procedural measures and agreements were adopted to facilitate the entry of temporary workers to alleviate shortages in the domestic labour market. In Ireland, the new Employment Permits Act put into place a revised work permits system for occupations not included in Green Card lists (see above), and for which there is a significant labour shortage. The new system will allow both the employee and the employer to apply for a work permit based on an offer of employment. In Korea, measures were adopted to rationalise and simplify the temporary work permits scheme that has become, after the abolishment in May 2005 of the industrial trainee system for helping small and medium-sized industries, the only scheme to bring foreign workers into Korea. The foreign worker and the employer will be exempted from payments to the national pension plan and employment insurance. The government is considering signing agreements with sending countries concerning social welfare. In order to simplify the procedures to hire migrant workers, an institution supporting Korean enterprises in recruiting migrant workers was established. Moreover, an electronic visa scheme will be introduced. The United States, in order to face their need for temporary workers without altering the related quotas, approved in 2005 the Save our Small and Seasonal Businesses Act (SOS), concerning low-skilled temporary visas (H-2B). While the cap remains, the SOS Act significantly widened the programme by altering the manner in which H-2B visas are counted. During its period of applicability (1 October 2004 through 1 October 2006), H-2B workers who were admitted in any of the three fiscal years prior to their current application may be readmitted under the programme without counting against the current years cap. Hence, during fiscal years 2005 and 2006, as many as 198 000 workers annually could be admissible under this programme. In Finland, the new Aliens Act introduces the right for horticultural workers (mainly berry-pickers) to work without work permits for a period of three months. In Greece, as a result of the new law on Entry and Stay of Foreign Nationals on Greek Territory of 2005 a new seasonal work permit was created. In Hungary, new regulations on seasonal work in agriculture came into effect. In New Zealand, where a general trend towards an increase in the need for temporary workers is being registered, and as a consequence of the number of work permits granted (+12% in 2004-2005), a pilot scheme was launched in July 2004 that allows horticultural employers to recruit overseas workers for seasonal work. There has also been an increase in the number of places in the Working Holiday Scheme (WHS) (which allows young people aged between 18 and 30 from partner countries to spend 12 months in New Zealand and undertake work of a temporary nature): 31 000 in 2004-2005, 36 000 in 2005-2006, 40 000 in 2006-2007. Two new countries became partners in 2004-2005 (Norway and Thailand). Australia, in order to reduce labour shortages during the harvest period without introducing a temporary worker permit, opted for an enlargement of the Working Holiday Makers (WHM) Programme. From 1 November 2005, Working Holiday Makers who have done at least three months seasonal harvest work in regional Australia may apply for a second Working Holiday visa. Finally, in Switzerland, the new Federal law on the entry and stay of foreigners did not introduce a specific programme for temporary low-skilled immigrants, however, as the access to the labour market has been freed for the new EU member states, it is intended to alleviate labour shortages, if necessary, with the citizens of these countries.
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
79
I.
Attracting international students as potential skilled workers with strong links with the receiving country
Many countries are continuing to introduce and implement programmes aimed at attracting international students, seen as a resource for the society and the economy, especially because they are potentially skilled workers (see also Box I.5). Canada is consolidating its general strategy by increasing access to the Canadian labour market during the period of study, enhancing post-graduation employment opportunities and expediting the process of study permit applications. In this framework, and in a perspective of regionalisation, agreements with several Provinces were signed, to enable students to work there after their graduation. In April 2005, two Citizenship and Immigration Canada (CIC) projects were announced, whose aim is to better attract, integrate and retain international students in regions throughout the country, in partnership with the Provinces. The first programme allows international students to work off-campus during their studies; the second allows them to work for a period of two years after their graduation. New Zealand, from September 2005, allows students who have graduated with a qualification that would gain points under the Skilled Migrant Category (SMC) to apply for a six-month open work permit. In addition, the number of hours students are able to work part-time while studying has been increased. Partners accompanying students who are studying in areas of absolute skill shortage, and partners of all postgraduate students, can apply for an open work permit valid for the duration of their partners course of study. Since October 2004, in the Czech Republic, the Active Selection of Qualified Labour Force project is also open to foreign students newly graduated from Czech universities. Since July 2005, the same measures have been extended to foreigners who have completed Czech secondary school education. However, the effective number of selected foreign students remains very small. Up to September 2005, only 27 students had been chosen. Greece introduced eased conditions to obtain a student permit. In Japan, since 2004,
80
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
I.
foreign nationals with the residence status of college student can be granted a status of temporary visitor for a maximum period of six months after their graduation, in order to look for a job.
Depending on the countries, new measures implement restrictive or more liberal policies concerning family-related immigration
Although some OECD countries continue to implement restrictive policies concerning family related immigration (see Trends in International Migration, OECD, 2004), others have introduced new measures to better grant immigrants the right to family reunification, to more simplified procedures and to facilitate the integration of their relatives. In Poland, the new Aliens Act introduced a regime on settlement and residence permits, which is more favourable to spouses and children. Settlement permits can be granted to minor children born in Poland of a foreigner with a settlement permit, and to the
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
81
I.
France (1981-1982) 8.8 Tunisia 6.2 Morocco African countries Portugal Algeria Turkey
2
Greece (1997-1998) (1997-1998) 12.5 Albania 9.2 Bulgaria 7.6 Romania 6.3 Pakistan 4.1 Ukraine Poland 38.1 Other 77.8 Total Italy (1996)5 (1998)5 34.3 Albania 29.7 Romania 21.4 Morocco 14.4 China 12.8 Senegal 11.1 Egypt 120.8 Other 244.5 Total 24.1 Ukraine 23.9 Albania 16.8 Morocco 10.7 Ecuador 9.5 China 93.2 Other 217.1 Total
3
17.3 Algeria 16.7 Morocco 15.0 China 12.7 Dem. Rep. of Congo 11.7 Tunisia 8.6 39.1 Other 121.1 Total
Other Total
351.0
(1987-1988) Morocco Sri Lanka Philippines Tunisia Senegal Former Yugoslavia Other Total 21.7 Morocco 10.7 Tunisia 10.7 Senegal
17.0 Philippines 11.3 China 8.7 Peru 8.3 Romania 97.1 Other 217.7 Total Portugal
10.0 Former Yugoslavia 8.4 Philippines 7.1 China 50.1 Other 118.7 Total
(1992-1993) Angola Guinea-Bissau Cape Verde Brazil Sao Tome and Principe Senegal Other Total (1985-1986)8 Morocco Portugal Senegal Argentina United Kingdom Philippines Other Total Switzerland (2000)11 Sri Lanka Fed. Rep. of Yugoslavia Bosnia-Herzegovina Turkey 8.9 Mexico 4.9 El Salvador 0.6 Caribbean 0.3 Guatemala Colombia Philippines Other Total 0.5 Other 15.2 Total 7.9 Morocco 3.8 Argentina 3.6 Peru 12.5 Angola 6.9 Cape Verde
(2001)7 63.5 36.6 12.3 10.7 8.3 8.1 39.8 179.2 Total Spain
2004
6.8 Guinea-Bissau 5.3 Sao Tome and Principe 1.4 Brazil 1.4 4.8 Other 39.2 Total
4.0 Rep. of Moldova 1.2 Romania 2.0 Cape Verde Angola 3.7 Other 21.8 Total
3.0 (2000)9 (2001)10 45.2 Ecuador 20.2 Colombia 12.5 Morocco 8.8 Romania 7.3 6.9 63.1 Other 163.9 Total (2000)14
(1991) 49.2 Morocco 7.5 Peru 5.7 China 5.5 Argentina 4.2 Poland
2005 52.3 Ecuador 40.8 Morocco 31.7 Romania 20.4 Colombia Bolivia Bulgaria 89.4 Other 234.6 Total 548.7 122.4 95.8 64.5 48.3 37.2 21.3
7.0 Morocco 1.4 Colombia 1.3 China 1.1 Pakistan 0.8 Romania 7.8 Other 21.3 Total
2.9 Dominican Rep. 2.6 China 1.9 Poland 21.1 Other 43.8 Total (1986)12
3.3 Dominican Rep. 34.7 Other 110.1 Total United States (1997-1998)13 2 008.6
152.3 El Salvador/Guatemala 300.0 110.5 Haiti 64.0 Nicaragua 30.3 Eastern Europe 25.7 Cuba 293.5 2 684.9 Total 405.0 Total 400.0 50.0 40.0 10.0 5.0
82
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
I.
Table I.20. Main regularisation programmes in selected OECD countries, by nationality (cont.)
Thousands
1. A regularisation programme started in January 2000. Asylum seekers who were residing in Belgium in October 1999 and who fill certain conditions could apply. Figures indicate the number of persons who applied (including dependents). A total of 35 000 dossiers have been received. 2. Excluding seasonal workers (6 681 persons) and around 1 200 small traders not broken down by nationality. 3. Persons who were granted a white card (first stage of the regularisation). Data by nationality are preliminary. 4. Number of applications of work and residence permits according to the October 2001 law. A new programme has been launched in 2004. 5. Number of permits granted based on estimates done by M. Carfagna, I sommersi e i sanati. Le regolarizzazioni degli immigrati in Italia in Stranieri in Italia: Assimilati ed esclusi, A. Colombo and G. Sciortino (eds.), Mulino, Bologna, 2002. 6. Data refer to the number of permits issued at the beginning of 2004. 7. The new foreigners act (January 2001) allowed the regularisation of undocumented Non-EU citizens in possession of registered work contracts. The figures indicate the number of one-year residence permits delivered between January 2001 and March 2003. In 2003, around 10 000 Brazilians benefited from a specific programme. 8. Number of applications received. 9. Regularisation programme held from 23 March to 31 July 2000. 10. Arraigo programme. Excluding 24 600 other applications which have not yet been examined. 11. Programme called Action humanitaire 2000. People accepted should have been in Switzerland since 31 December 1992 and have encountered big troubles. 12. Data refer to all persons granted a permanent residence permit (excluding their dependents) during the period 1989-1996 following the 1986 Immigration and Reform Control Act. Data are broken down by country of birth. 13. Includes some estimates of foreigners who are eligible for the Nicaraguan Adjustment and Central American Relief Act (November 1997) and for the Haitian Refugee Immigration Fairness Act (October 1998). 14. Estimates of applications for legalization under the Legal Immigration Family Equity (LIFE) Act. Sources: Switzerland: Office des trangers; France: Agence nationale daccueil des trangers et des migrations (ANAEM); Greece: National Employment Observatory; Belgium, Italy, Portugal and Spain: Ministry of the Interior; United States: Immigration and Naturalization Service. Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1786/555834153506
foreign spouse of a Polish citizen who has been married for at least three years, and who has held a temporary residence permit for at least two years. The procedure is simplified (no need for a stable and regular source of income, and accommodation). Moreover, minor foreigners born in Poland, and staying in Poland without a legal guardian, and family members of a foreigner residing in Poland who are entitled to individual procedures of legalisation of stay, are granted a temporary residence permit on an obligatory basis. Finally, the required length of stay of a foreigner who wants to enter under the family reunification procedure (a spouse and minor children) has been shortened from four to three years. The amendment also introduced the right to family reunification for family members who are already in Poland. They are granted a temporary residence permit for two years. After five years, the family members are entitled to obtain their own settlement permit. In the Czech Republic, the first amendment to the Act on Stay of Foreigners transposed in Czech law the European directive on the right of family reunification. It determines the conditions for the implementation of family reunion with nationals of third countries who reside legally in a member state. In Greece, the conditions for family reunion and the immigrants family members are more clearly defined (spouse of more than 18 years of age and minor children). According to the new Settlement and Temporary Residence Law, in Austria, family reunion is essentially unregulated and uncapped for third country origin citizens who are partners of or are dependent children of an Austrian or other EU citizen. Concerning third country citizens, partners or dependants of third country citizens, a new quota has been introduced for people who have a permanent residence permit on the basis of family
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
83
I.
reunification (without access to the labour market), and who want to work. This new quota aims at speeding up labour market integration of family members of long-term residents. In Canada, welcoming family class immigrants sponsored and supported by close family members remains one of the main focuses of immigration policy. A two-year plan has been financed to increase the processing of applications from parents and grandparents, and to cover integration costs once they are in Canada. In 2004-2005 a public policy has been developed to permit spouses and common-law partners without legal temporary status in Canada to be eligible for consideration in the spouse and commonlaw partner in Canada class. More specific policies for the facilitation of family reunification are also carried out (towards people of Vietnamese origin who remained in the Philippines without legal status after the fall of Saigon in 1975, and the victims of the south Asian tsunami of December 2004).
Changes in policies for refugees and acceleration in the processing of asylum requests
Some countries are experiencing the effects of recent restrictive policies concerning asylum. This is the case in Ireland and the Netherlands, where as a consequence of the changes introduced for the former in 2003-2004, and for the latter in 2000, with the new Alien Act, the number of applicants for asylum has significantly decreased. In the Netherlands, following some criticisms of the excessive restrictiveness of this policy, some changes were introduced in 2004: the temporary residence for humanitarian reasons has been extended from three years to five years On the contrary, claims of solitary asylum seekers under the age of twelve are no longer assessed by the accelerated procedure. Other countries, on the contrary, are experimenting with policies which are more favourable to asylum seekers. In Canada, the number of refugee landings in 2004 rose (+20% over the figures of the previous three years), as a consequence of the Immigration and Refugee Board Chairpersons Action Plan (increasing efficiency, among others, by streamlining the refugee determination system). Measures were also introduced to reunite the family members of protected individuals in Canada and to promote sponsorship initiatives for refugees. Finland increased the number of favourable decisions during the last year, and in Norway, the quota of refugees accepted for resettlement has been increased to 1 000 (instead of 750) in 2005. In Sweden, two new government bills were approved in September 2005. The first allows residence permits for witnesses before international courts and tribunals, and will allow them and their close family to obtain protection in Sweden. The second establishes that people who have well-founded fear of persecution because of their gender or sexual orientation shall be granted refugee status. In France, the 2004 reform of asylum legislation has extended the refugee status to people menaced by other entities than a state, and has introduced a subsidiary protection status (which replaces the previous territorial asylum). People who do not fill the conditions to be granted refugee status, but who are nonetheless exposed to a severe danger in their country (tortures, inhuman penalties, death penalty, generalised violence due to internal or international conflicts perpetrated by the public authority or other actors), can benefit from a subsidiary protection which entitles them to a one-year renewable residence permit, giving them the right to work. In Japan, the amended Immigration Act, establishing a new refugee recognition system, entered into force on 16 May 2005. Foreign nationals in an irregular situation who
84
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
I.
are applying for the recognition of refugee status are permitted a provisional stay, and a stable legal status for foreign residents in an irregular situation who have been recognised as refugees is introduced. In addition, the appeal system has been overhauled, by the creation of a refugee counsellors system, to ensure fairness and impartiality in the decisions. Despite the national differences, some general trends can be recognised in the evolution of asylum policies. Several countries have introduced or are planning to introduce measures aimed at simplifying and accelerating procedures concerning asylum. On 17 June 2005, the Australian government announced that all primary protection visa applications will be decided within three months of receipt. This time limit also applies to decisions by the Refugee Review Tribunal (RRT), when reviewing protection visa decisions. Norway introduced measures to make procedures more efficient. The most important consists of the early distribution of asylum applications into different procedures: applications that may be rejected with no need for further investigation; applications that may be approved with no need for further verification, and applications that need further inquiries. Moreover, Norway concluded six new readmission agreements with countries where return is currently difficult and has focused on the need for harmonised procedures with other receiving countries. In France, the reform of asylum has entitled the Office franais de protection des rfugis et apatrides (OFPRA) to become the only institution processing asylum demands, unifying procedures that were previously shared between the OFPRA and the Ministry of Interior. Decisions will be taken, both on the form and on the substance, by the same institution, the OFPRA and a new independent judicial authority, the Conseil du contentieux des trangers, will be in charge of appeal procedures. Once the new procedure is in place, decisions will be given in less than one year. Another common concern among OECD member countries is an improvement in the management of the refugee determination process, in order to ensure national security and avoid the fraudulent use of humanitarian protection. This trend is particularly evident in North America. In the United States, the Real ID Act of 2005 restricted the terms under which asylum may be granted, and limited judicial review of asylum claims that had failed. It also expanded the grounds on which aliens involved in terrorist activities may be deported or denied admission. At the end of 2004, the Safe Third Country Agreement was implemented between Canada and the United States, as part of the Smart Border Declaration signed in December 2001. European Union policy legislation concerning asylum goes in the same direction, especially with the Directive on minimum standards for the reception of asylum seekers, the Dublin I and Dublin II Agreements and Eurodac. New accession countries are making great efforts in order, not only to integrate the acquis communautaire in this field, but also to harmonise their own asylum policies with the EU requirements (see Box I.6). For example, the Slovak Republic envisaged new measures concerning asylum. In order to prevent the misuse of the asylum status and to make procedures more efficient, new methods for establishing identity, nationality, age, conditions in the home country of asylum seekers, are to be used, and the procedure will be shortened. In Bulgaria, in the perspective of accession to the EU, new amendments to the law on Asylum and Refugees were made in March 2005, in order to complete the legislative alignment with the 1951 Geneva Convention.
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
85
I.
Box I.6. Acquis communautaire and the harmonisation of migration policies in the new EU member countries
The majority of the new EU accession countries have taken various measures concerning reception and housing facilities, comprehensive integration programmes and access to the labour market. In 2005, two amendments were made to the Czech law on Stay of Foreigners by the Ministry of the Interior, and submitted to the government and the parliament. The first contains a section on the improvement in the conditions of detention and expulsion of foreigners. More specifically, it sets out special conditions for the detention of children between 15 and 18 years old residing on the territory of the Czech Republic, not accompanied by their statutory representatives, and it suggests an improvement in the conditions (e.g. compulsory school attendance for children under 15 years of age). The second makes important changes in the granting of permanent residence permits (the requested period of residence is reduced from ten to five years), and introduces the status of long-term residence. In Poland, the amended Aliens Act was passed in April 2005 and enacted in October, incorporating six directives of the Council of the European Union. They concern the status of third country nationals who are long-term residents; the right to family reunification; the minimum conditions for admission of asylum seekers; entry permits for third country nationals who are i) victims of human trafficking, and/or ii) involved with networks organising undocumented migration and who co-operate with the authorities; assistance to persons in the process of deportation; temporary protection standards in case of a mass influx of displaced persons and co-operation between the EU member states in this area. The most important changes include the introduction of the EU long-term residence permit, restrictions in the category of people who can apply for a residence permit and the facilitation of the related procedures, the expansion of the category of people who are granted a temporary permit on an obligatory basis (especially in favour of family members and victims of human trafficking), measures concerning family reunion, and asylum seekers. In January 2005, the Slovak Republic has adopted new measures concerning the entry and stay of foreigners in accordance with European Union policy and priorities. The main objectives are improving resources (human, material, financial) and co-ordination among the competent institutions, and developing an institutional framework for the implementation of the policies; engaging actively in European Union legislative action in the field of migration, and increasing harmonisation with EU law. In the short term, the Slovak Republic intends to join the Schengen information system and to implement the Dublin agreements.
86
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
I.
Italy, the Planning Document on Immigration 2004-2006, which is intended to govern the quota system and guide overall migration policy, is strongly security-oriented. The National Commission on Terrorist Attacks on the United States released its final report on 22 July 2004. It contained a series of recommendations concerning immigration controls and the sharing of information among Federal agencies. There were a number of changes in visa processing and passport procedures. Border control apprehension seems to be decreasing with the diminished number of illegal entries. An important exception concerns the new European Union (EU) accession countries and the candidate countries for future entry. These are now countries that are making efforts to better manage and secure what has become the new external border of the EU. In the Concept of Migration Policy document adopted by the government in January 2005, the Slovak Republic, which is a transition country for irregular migrants trying to reach other EU countries, points out that better protection of the borders is needed in order to meet the Schengen requirements, and that European visa policy must be efficiently implemented. Romania and Bulgaria have also been very active in this field. In Romania the Decision of 1 April 2004 on the National Strategy of Romanias State Borders Integrated Management sets out the conditions for Romania to meet the preliminary requirements to take part in the Schengen Agreement. As regards the combat against irregular migration, different measures are envisaged, among others, the systematic implementation of the Schengen rules related to visas. In Belgium, the European Directive (2001/51/CE) was transposed in December 2004. It contains measures against transporters introducing foreigners in an irregular situation. The transporter becomes responsible for returning irregular immigrants to their country of origin. In Spain, following the Royal Decree December 2004, transporters have become guarantors as they are required to check the documents of their passengers, and to inform the authorities of any unused return tickets. If they fail to do so, they may be obliged to pay fines. In the Netherlands, the Memorandum for Return Migration (2003) proposed, among other measures, to improve border control, and to enforce the responsibilities of transporters to remove foreigners who have been intercepted at the border. Advanced Passenger Screening (APS) was introduced in New Zealand in July 2003. As part of this scheme, a control on the validity of passengers passports and visas is made by the airlines at their check-in desks, on the basis of Department of Labour Immigration systems data. This became compulsory for all airlines flying to New Zealand in July 2004. Mexico has initiated measures to create an integrated migration policy proposal for its southern border. Three forums were held in 2005, in order to reflect on and debate this proposal. Four strategic directions were elaborated: facilitation of documented migrants, whose temporary and final destinations are the states along Mexicos southern border; protection of the rights of immigrants entering through Mexicos southern border; contributions to security on the border, and permanent updating of migration flow management.
The use of new technologies in the fight against the fraudulent use of identity documents
Another important point in several new measures has been the fight against the fraudulent use of identity, especially through biometric technologies. The United States has an extensive programme on this issue. Authorities took action to implement the US Visitor and Immigration Status Indicator Technology (US-VISIT) programme from
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
87
I.
October 2004. Under US-VISIT, consulates abroad began to require nearly all foreign nationals requesting a visa to enter the United States to establish their identity by having their two index fingers scanned and a digital photograph taken. This information would then be verified when the individual approached a US port of entry. The programme also requires travellers from all 27 Visa Waiver Program countries to present machine-readable, biometric passports to gain entry without a US visa. The Department of Homeland Security also began enrolling visa waiver travellers through US-VISIT. All visa-adjudicating consular posts abroad are now equipped with fingerprint-scanning equipment. In May 2004, the US State Department announced that the United States would participate in a new programme intended to contribute substantially to worldwide travel document security. All participating countries must submit information on lost and stolen passports to Interpol, which is accessible to border authorities worldwide. The REAL ID Act of 2005 had a significant impact in the United States by prohibiting Federal agencies from accepting State-issued drivers licenses and other identification cards, unless the States satisfied new Federal standards for issue. Each State must also provide all other States with electronic access to their Department of Motor Vehicles database. These new Federal standards, which will necessitate a complete overhaul of licensing procedures throughout the country, have been strongly resisted by the States. In Canada, Citizenship and Immigration Canada (CIC) has begun to develop a comprehensive Identity Management Framework that will enhance their capacity to systematically address the risks of theft and fraudulent use of identity and related documents. CIC also continues to work with the CBSA to investigate how biometrics and other technologies might further strengthen client identification. In Australia, the implementation of biometric technologies to support and improve identity management began in July 2005 and should be completed by 2009. In Japan, the system for examining travel documents has been reinforced with high-performance devices. Biometrics research has been developed.
88
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
I.
Netherlands and Luxembourg. In September 2004, the 2001 European Directive on the mutual recognition of removal decisions was transposed into Belgian law. A foreigner who should have been removed from one member state but was not, can be removed by another member state. The costs are paid by the state that takes the removal decision. A report on removal conditions was released at the beginning of 2005, aiming to make the removal policy more humane and effective. Denmark also has a very active repatriation policy. In 2004, the number of repatriations was the highest ever recorded. Repatriates receive financial support. The same trend was registered in France the number of expulsions has been increasing since 2001 (+33% between 2003 and 2004), in accordance with the will of the French government to fight against irregular migration, and with the orientations provided by the law of November 2003. More precisely, this law extended the detention period before the expulsion takes place, in order to make this measure more efficient, and limited the rules concerning the expulsion of irregular migrants who have close personal or family links with France. In Japan, as part of the amended Immigration Control Act, two new systems came into force in December 2004: the departure order system (obliging foreign nationals in an irregular situation to leave Japan immediately), and the status of residence revocation system. Hungary and Norway both introduced stricter rules on expulsion. In Norway, they concern particularly foreigners convicted for acts of violence or harassment; in Hungary, appeal is no longer possible in case of an expulsion decision, and detention in preparation for expulsion was introduced. Hungary has also been very active concerning bilateral re-admission agreements, signed with 21 countries. Negotiations are taking place with a number of other countries. Sweden is also continuing negotiations with a number of countries for readmission agreements. Greece has introduced new provisions aiming at making the process of expulsion more humane and fair. In case of expulsion, the immigrant has the right to appeal to the Public Order Ministry and to benefit from judicial protection. Expulsion is forbidden in the following situations: minor child whose parents live legally in Greece, parent of a child of Greek nationality, person aged over 80 years, and refugees.
and new measures to combat people trafficking and the illegal employment of foreigners
Particular attention has been given to the fight against people trafficking. Measures to fight against smuggling and trafficking in people were reinforced in Japan, and are included in the new laws in Greece and the Netherlands. In Norway, the new Action Plan to combat trafficking in women and children for the period 2005-2008 introduces measures to increase penalties for traffickers and improve protection for victims. In May 2004, Belgium adopted the Royal Decree on the fight against people trafficking. A Centre for Information and Analysis on human trafficking and smuggling has been created, which receives, centralises and analyses all useful data on the subject. A law voted in August 2005 better defines the concepts of trafficking and smuggling of people: people smuggling has been introduced as a crime in the Penal Code, as has profiteering in housing (marchands de sommeil).
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
89
I.
A number of other countries have decided to facilitate the entry and stay of people who are victims of trafficking, and who have decided to co-operate with the authorities in investigations. In January 2004, in Australia, the Bridging F and Witness Protection (Trafficking) visas came into effect. These new visas, coupled with the existing Criminal Justice Stay Visa, form a regime that enables persons who are assisting, or who have assisted, an investigation or prosecution of people trafficking offenders to remain lawfully in Australia. In Hungary, residence permits are issued on a humanitarian basis to foreign nationals effectively co-operating with the authorities in investigating crimes. In Poland, according to the amended Aliens Act passed in 2005, foreigners who are victims of human trafficking, who are in Poland and who decided to co-operate with the authorities must be granted a temporary residence permit. The Directive of 29 April 2004 relating to residence permits issued to third country nationals who were victims of human trafficking, or had been helped to immigrate clandestinely, and who co-operate with the authorities, institutes at the European level the results of the experiences conducted by some member states to combat human trafficking by issuing a six month residence permit to the victims, if they agree to co-operate with the legal authorities in the dismantling of criminal networks. Many OECD member countries have adopted new measures to combating the illegal employment of foreigners. Since November 2004, in Australia, a new Internet-based realtime visa entitlement checking system has been created that allows employers and labour suppliers to quickly and easily check the work entitlements of non-citizens they wish to employ. This service is free and available 24 hours a day. In Finland, the debate on the illegal work of immigrants has been recently launched by the media. The Department of the International Movement of Labour was formed within the Advisory Board for Labour Policy in 2004, as well as a special task unit set up in the National Bureau of Investigation, to combat the informal economy, and the illegal employment of immigrant workers. In the Netherlands, the Memorandum on Illegal Aliens, presented in April 2004 by the Minister for Immigration and Integration, announces a new range of measures to combat the illegal employment of foreigners. In Switzerland, in June 2005, the Parliament adopted a Federal law introducing measures to fight against illegal employment. Also, in the proposed new law on the entry and stay of foreigners, there is a section which strengthens sanctions against employers who illegally hire foreign workers.
3. Policies aiming at facilitating the integration of immigrants into the labour market and society of receiving countries
One of the main trends in integration policies consists of the introduction or improvement of integration programmes for newcomers. New programmes are put in place and existing good practices continue to be implemented, with more substantial financing (see Box I.7). Particular attention is paid to compulsory language courses combined, with job-oriented initiatives, and to the strengthening of anti-discrimination and diversity measures. Other initiatives have been undertaken concerning social policies, unaccompanied minors, young immigrants and refugees.
90
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
I.
Providing immigrants with better reception conditions and special measures to improve their language skills
The common perception is that if, on the one hand, migration policies become more selective and restrictive, on the other, receiving countries should provide better chances to really integrate into the society those migrants who arrive in a legal situation. This is for example, the orientation of the new Dutch policy concerning immigrants, the French law of November 2003, and of the newly approved Swiss Federal law on the entry and stay of foreigners. In Switzerland, the new Federal Programme for the Promotion of Integration (2004-2007) gives priority to five points: language courses, access to institutions, facilitating community harmony, encouraging the development of specialised services, promoting innovation and quality rules. Moreover, according to the Amendment of the Ordinance on the Integration of Foreigners approved on 7 September 2005, the level of integration of the migrant will be taken into account by the authorities when granting or renewing of a residence permit. If the integration is considered successful, a residence permit will be granted after five years. The enhancement of the integration system is also one of the focal points of the new immigration policy programme in Finland, as well as of the new Greek law on the Entry and Stay of Foreigners. In Germany, the implementation of measures for occupational integration and the improvement of language skills are regarded as two Federal priorities, and in France, since 2003, integration and the fight against discrimination have become two focal points of the action of the President of the Republic. In France, a new policy concerning the integration of newly arrived permanent migrants was launched in 2003. Its principal tool is the welcome and integration contract (Contrat daccueil et dintgration). This contract consists of a voluntary individual agreement between the immigrant and the state, the main objective of which is to establish reciprocal rights and duties. It lasts for one year and it can be renewed once. It is composed of two parts: a reciprocal engagement, for the newcomer to respect the laws and the values of the French Republic and to attend the civic training programmes, and for the state to grant
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
91
I.
access to individual rights and to language learning. A second section assesses the specific needs of each immigrant, language skills, life in France and social assistance. The Contrats daccueil et dintgration were launched in July 2003 in some pilot dpartements, and have been extended to the whole territory since January 2004. In Norway, in September 2005, training in Norwegian language and society (300 hours of classes) became compulsory, and at the same time, a condition for receiving settlement permits and nationality for all newcomers aged between 18 and 55. The training must be completed within the first three years in Norway. Immigrants aged between 55 and 67 have the right, but no obligation, to participate. Resident foreign workers have an obligation to do the training but they have to pay for it themselves. Beyond the compulsory training, those who have further needs will have the opportunity to take more classes. A new subsidy was introduced for all students who finish the language test. The municipalities are responsible for providing the training. In Denmark, integration policy is based on the 1999 Integration Act and its 2004 amendment. Its main tool is the introduction programme (offered by local authorities to newcomers over 18 years of age, and coming from non-EEA and non-Nordic countries), by the means of a individual contract that defines the scope and contents of the programme. Immigrants participating in the introduction programme are entitled to an allowance. This was reduced on 1 July 2002, in order to encourage their participation in the labour market. The 2004 amendment redefines the contents of the introduction programme, which now comprises language courses and three offers of active involvement, including counselling and upgrading, job training, and employment with a wage supplement. The amendment also established an incentive system for local authorities that succeed in their integration efforts. An Act on Danish Courses for Adult Aliens and Others entered into force on the 1 January 2004. Danish language and culture courses have become more employmentoriented (see Trends in International Migration, OECD, 2004). In the Netherlands, as the system of compulsory introduction programmes for newcomers launched in 1998 experienced difficulties, especially numerous drop-outs and a lack of language skills improvement, a reform of the introduction programmes has been decided which introduces a stricter system based on obligations and sanctions. The main changes are: newcomers should possess some basic knowledge of the Dutch language before their arrival. Tests to assess their level are taken at the Dutch Embassy in their country of origin; introduction courses are no longer compulsory, but newcomers will be obliged to pass an immigrant introduction exam, at the latest five years after their arrival, which will be one of the preconditions to obtain an unrestricted residence permit. Moreover, as the courses are no longer compulsory, the immigrants are themselves responsible to learn the language. They themselves bear the costs of the courses, and will be partly reimbursed after passing the immigrant introduction exam successfully. These new conditions apply also to asylum seekers. Some categories of immigrants who arrived before 1998, especially those living on social benefits, and women responsible for raising children, will be obliged to pass the immigrant introduction exam. Introduction courses for immigrants will be privatised. In Belgium, in the Flemish community, the Decree of 28 February 2003 on civic integration entered into force on 1 April 2004. It creates the right/duty of integration and introduces compulsory integration programmes to be attended by all new immigrants to
92
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
I.
Flemish towns. It consists of an individual training and follow up scheme, providing language courses, citizenship initiation and personal vocational orientation. Germany and Canada also are increasing their efforts to provide job-oriented language courses. In particular, the Canadian government, in December 2004, committed an additional CAD 15 million annually to an enhanced language training initiative, to deliver advanced, occupation-specific language training. In Sweden, the government is planning to present a bill in Spring 2006 concerning the integration of newcomers. The new introduction programme will be more job-oriented. A flexible Swedish language course will be introduced that will enable new immigrants to combine language courses with vocational training and work experience, as part of a new special labour market programme. In Finland, a government bill for the amendment of the Integration Act of 1999 came into force at the beginning of 2006. Its major objectives are to clarify the division of responsibilities in the implementation of integration measures between local authorities and the government, and to give more consideration to the integration of immigrants who are not part of the labour force. Up until now, only immigrants who have been entered in the population data system and who are eligible for labour market subsidy and/or social assistance have been entitled to an integration plan. Some other initiatives are intended to better inform newcomers with regards to services, rights and opportunities. In Belgium, in May 2004 the Newintown Web site was launched, aiming at improving the information given to newly arrived immigrants. Canada further invests in the Going to Canada Internet portal, aiming to provide immigrants with easy access to information concerning the services available to assist them, and support for the Canadian Orientation abroad initiative, that provides pre-departure information. Australia has been very active in providing assistance to newly arrived immigrants. In 2004, the Newly Arrived Youth Support Services project was launched, which aims to connect homeless young migrants and young humanitarian migrants at risk of homelessness, with family, work, education, training and the community. Moreover the new Settlement Grants Program will provide grants to eligible organisations to assist newly arrived migrants and humanitarian entrants to establish themselves in Australia during the early settlement period. A regionally-focused settlement planning framework was developed, which aims to improve the services available to settlement clients by identifying their priority needs on an annual basis. In Spain, in 2005 the government approved a sum of EUR 120 million in the general budget allocated to the Immigrant Integration Fund, which will be distributed to autonomous regions and local authorities, in order to finance reception, integration and educational programmes. Following recent events in Ceuta and Melilla, the government has assigned a further EUR 3 million for social integration programmes. Supplementary funds were also allocated in Australia in order to implement the recommendations of the Review of Settlement Services for Migrants and Humanitarian Entrants and in New Zealand, to enhance English teaching to foreign children in schools, development of a network of migrant resource services, career advice and support for unemployed migrants. In the new Austrian law on residence and settlement of foreigners, local regions themselves devise an institutional and budgetary framework to organise the integration of migrants.
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
93
I.
94
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
I.
The German labour market reforms provide new orientations towards the integration of immigrants into the labour market. The target group are Germans of foreign origin already naturalised, and foreigners with unlimited labour market access and permanent residence status. In principle, all persons belonging to this target group and who experience occupational labour market integration problems are entitled to personalised help aiming at reducing, depending on the case, the following deficiencies: lack of: language skills, qualifications or underexploited qualifications, counselling and social capital networks. Meanwhile, the Labour Market Authority has increased its efforts to use the existing instruments. Among others, it is worth quoting:
The Job-AQTIV law, which introduces a profiling procedure aimed at identifying individual needs and assets for integration into the labour market. The placement strategy resulting from the profiling must be set out in an integration agreement. Language of origin and intercultural competences are considered as pluses for immigrants. The Immediate Youth Programme, which involves an intensification of measures aiming at preparing young people who are not yet ready for vocational training, supporting unemployed young people without qualifications and those who have given up vocational training, and improving the language skills of young migrants. The Federal Employment Agency project to reduce unemployment among foreigners. It promotes intensive placement, advice and special training. Development of counselling and information networks and specific consultancy offices as part of EQUAL projects. Federal initiatives to support business start-ups of individuals with a background of migration, e.g. self-employed foreigners, can benefit from lowinterest loans granted by the KFW (development loan corporation)
The Plan Rosetta encourages the employment of young people of foreign origin as part of the convention on the first job. Denmark took a more gender-specific approach to the issue of integration, by introducing several measures to increase employment and education rates among immigrant women. In August 2003, an action plan against forced marriages was launched. In 2004, a two-year fund was established to support attempts to reinforce employment efforts for immigrant women (coaching, training courses, special courses carried out by ethnic advisers, educational and employment initiatives). In 2004, the Danish Centre for Information on Women and Gender created a Mentor Network (a professional women-to-women network). Finally, in 2005, an action plan to stop domestic violence by men against women and children, and an action plan was launched against gender-specific barriers to integration for men and women with immigration background. In Poland, integration has become one of the governments main concerns. In January 2005, the Council of Ministers adopted a document, entitled Proposals of Actions Aimed at Establishing a Comprehensive Immigrant Integration Policy, and in March, the InterMinisterial Task Force for Social Integration of Foreigners was created. Social and professional integration was named as one of seven priorities of the Polish social policy strategy over the period 2007-2013. A document was prepared and adopted by the Council of Ministers in September 2005. Four main objectives of social policy were spelled out: the promotion of social and professional integration of immigrants, introduction of an antidiscrimination policy, training of public administration and social partners, and designing a comprehensive scheme of protection of and assistance to refugees. Four EQUAL EU projects are being implemented, aiming at supporting the social and professional integration of asylum seekers.
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
95
I.
Other initiatives concerning immigrants integration into the labour market aimed more specifically to facilitate the recognition of foreign workers skills and credentials. In Sweden, two new labour market programmes, Trial Opportunity and Skill Assessment on the Job, were introduced in February 2005, and will continue in 2006. Trial Opportunity is an additional form of job practice introduced for individuals who lack work experience in Sweden. Trial Opportunities are offered for three months, with supervision. If the job practice does not lead to employment, the individual will receive a document from the work-place that can be included in the curriculum vitae when making job applications. In September 2005, approximately 450 individuals were enrolled in Trial Opportunity. The Skill Assessment on-the-Job programme is designed to make quick assessments of foreign credentials, individual skills and work experience. Immigrants with skills acquired abroad are offered a three-week apprenticeship within their profession, to demonstrate their skills on the job. At the end of the three weeks, the individual will receive a document or certificate from the work-place that can be used as skill verification for job applications. In Australia, in the 2005-2006 budget, AUD 1 million, was allocated over four years, to establish a national skills recognition Website to help new arrivals and potential skilled migrants to have their overseas skills and qualifications recognised. In Canada, the Internationally Trained Workers Initiative, led by Citizenship and Immigration Canada (CIC), Human Resources and Skills Development Canada, and others bodies, aim to reduce the barriers to the employment of newcomers caused by the non-recognition of foreign credentials by employers. In Denmark, the Centre for Assessment of Foreign Qualifications provides assessments, which are brief statements comparing foreign qualifications with the Danish educational and training system, and pointing out any similar Danish qualifications. In addition, five Regional Knowledge Centres for the Clarification of the Competences of Refugees and Immigrants have been established, in order to carry out competence assessments by testing, and then recommending, good practices.
96
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
I.
ethnic minorities, and created a new Anti-discrimination Board to assist it. The Act broadened the Ombudsmans duties allowing meetings to be arranged aiming at reconciliation between the parties. The Ombudsman can take the matter to the Antidiscrimination Board, which can impose is decisions by the means of a fine. In addition, the Ministry of Labour has implemented different programmes to promote diversity and non-discrimination, such as a national awareness-raising campaign, specific training programmes and information brochures. As far as discrimination in working life is concerned, a Penal Code amendment adds nationality as grounds for work discrimination and a new penalty provision was enacted in order to cover work discrimination resembling profiteering. In Norway, the main principles for a policy of diversity were approved by the Storting in 2004, promoting diversity through inclusion and participation, and mainstreaming. The Plan of Action to Combat Racism and Discrimination for 2002-2006 is currently being implemented. As part of this Plan, a new Anti-discrimination Act has recently been adopted and a proposal has been submitted concerning the establishment of two new authorities: the Equality and Anti-Discrimination Ombud and the Equality and AntiDiscrimination Tribunal. Moreover, initiatives to improve interpretation services are implemented and public enterprises have been instructed to interview at least one applicant of immigration background when making new appointments (provided that the applicant is qualified). In Sweden, the government has assigned the Swedish Integration Board to enter into a contract with the International Labour Organisation (ILO) to perform situation testings in the labour market in Sweden, and has appointed two commissions of inquiry to investigate problems of institutional discrimination on grounds of ethnic and religious affiliation. In Portugal, an extensive anti-racist and pro-intercultural society campaign was launched in the middle of 2005, via media. In Italy, following the creation of the National Office for Promoting Equal Treatment and Removal of Racial and Ethnic Discrimination in 2003, anti-discrimination measures were strengthened in 2004. The national hotline for reporting discrimination went public on 10 December 2004. The hotline gathers cases of reported discrimination and provides advice to callers. The Office can also investigate cases of discrimination. Special attention has been paid to measures aiming at increasing diversity in the public administration, considering that the public sector should be a model for all other employers. In Belgium, following three studies carried out in 2004, an Action Plan for the diversity in the public administration was launched for the period 2005-2007. In Denmark, the government has established the goal that 4% of all state-sector employees be immigrants or their descendants. In Sweden, the government is intensifying its training and information efforts aimed at people working in the recruitment field. A commission of inquiry has been appointed to investigate the feasibility of a system of anonymous job applications in the public sector.
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
97
I.
announced in September 2005, including the extension of the residence qualifying period from two to three years, and a security check of applications, which can be refused on security grounds. Also, the New Zealand Citizenship Amendment Act, approved in 2005, prolonged the standard period of residence required in order to be eligible for citizenship (from six months in each of the preceding three years, to a minimum of 1 350 days during the preceding five years, including a minimum period of 240 days in each of the five years). Time spent in New Zealand on temporary permits is no longer counted. Moreover, applicants who are married to a New Zealand citizen now have to meet the same requirements as other applicants, and from 1 January 2006, children born in New Zealand will no longer automatically become citizens. Citizenship will be granted only to children who have at least one parent who is a citizen or resident. In France, the law of November 2003 introduced new restrictive conditions to obtaining French nationality for the foreign spouses of French citizens. The minimum length of marriage necessary to be granted French nationality by declaration was extended from one to two years. Moreover, this condition is required, but not sufficient. At the moment of the declaration of nationality, spouses must prove that they are living together, and that they have a good knowledge of the French language. Finally, the fact of having children no longer allows an exception to made on condition of the minimum duration of the marriage. Nonetheless, the number of foreigners obtaining French nationality has significantly increased in the last two years (see Table I.21). This is mainly due to the implementation since January 2003 of the Action Plan for the simplification and acceleration of the process to obtain French nationality. As a consequence, the average time taken to examine an application has been reduced to one month. The new Norwegian Nationality Act of September 2005 requires language skills in Norwegian or Sami as a pre-condition to obtain nationality. Also introduced are new rules for children born in Norway, who are automatically given the nationality of both parents and at the age of 12 years, and can apply for Norwegian nationality, irrespective of the consent of the parents. Children who cannot renounce their own nationality before a certain age can nevertheless apply and obtain Norwegian nationality. Some new provisions concern the so-called third generation. In the Netherlands, dual citizenship is no longer possible for people of the third generation, since it is considered that they should choose their nationality. In Portugal, a law to amend the Portuguese Nationality Law presented in July 2005 reintroduces some elements of jus soli in order to guarantee the full access to citizenship and to favour the social integration of people who have been born in Portugal and who keep strong links with the national community. New provisions aim at attributing automatically Portuguese nationality to the third generation. Individuals born in Portugal, children of foreigners, can obtain Portuguese nationality when at least one of the parents is born in Portugal. In addition, according to the new Law, nationality is granted automatically to individuals born in Portugal, children of foreigners, if at the moment of their birth, one of the parents has continuously resided legally in Portugal for at least six years and, on demand, to foreign minors born in Portugal, once one of the parents fulfils a minimum of six years of continuous legal residence in Portugal. Finally, children can be naturalised when they are 18 years old, and can prove 10 years of continuous residence in Portugal. A trend is also emerging to give naturalisation a more symbolic and ceremonial status. A Dutch law proposal goes in this direction. The new Norwegian Nationality Act introduces
98
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
I.
Table I.21. Acquisition of nationality in selected OECD countries, numbers and percentages
Numbers 2004 Australia Austria Belgium Canada Czech Republic Denmark Finland France Germany Hungary Italy Japan Luxembourg Mexico Netherlands New Zealand Norway Portugal Slovak Republic Spain Sweden Switzerland United Kingdom United States EU-25, Norway and Switzerland North America 87 049 41 645 34 754 192 590 5 020 14 976 8 246 168 826 127 153 5 432 11 934 16 336 841 5 554 .. 22 142 8 154 1 346 4 016 .. 26 769 35 685 140 795 537 151 690 947 285 193 2003 79 164 45 112 33 709 155 117 3 410 6 583 3 712 144 640 140 731 5 261 13 406 17 633 785 4 245 28 799 18 296 7 867 1 747 3 492 26 556 33 006 35 424 125 535 463 204 659 775 238 526 Change in % 2003-2004 10.0 7.7 3.1 24.2 47.2 127.5 122.1 16.7 9.6 3.3 11.0 7.4 7.1 30.8 .. 21.0 3.6 23.0 15.0 .. 18.9 0.7 12.2 16.0 4.7 19.6 Annual average 1993-1997 113 786 15 700 24 912 181 268 .. 5 760 916 .. 80 417 10 531 7 547 13 052 749 742 61 298 15 757 10 074 1 310 .. 8 343 32 831 16 405 42 084 575 958 193 698 398 403 1998-2002 83 602 27 292 45 958 163 349 6 824 14 138 3 499 138 297 153 759 6 400 10 796 15 268 616 2 496 52 643 25 451 9 326 927 .. 16 025 40 388 26 889 80 211 674 741 657 222 249 447
Note: Statistics cover all means of acquiring the nationality of a country, except where otherwise indicated. These include standard naturalisation procedures subject to criteria such as age, residency, etc., as well as situations where nationality is acquired through a declaration or by option (following marriage, adoption, or other situations related to residency or descent), recovery of former nationality and other special means of acquiring the nationality of a country. Sources: Refer to Table A.1.6 of the Statistical Annex. Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1786/253716260340
a voluntary ceremony which includes an oath and an official gift, and in Australia, in 2004-2005, many significant citizenship ceremonies and events such as the Australia Citizen Day and affirmation ceremonies, took place, aiming at promoting the acquisition of Australian citizenship.
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
99
I.
In Australia, the Integrated Humanitarian Settlement Strategy (IHSS) provides intensive support on arrival to humanitarian entrants. It is expected that improvements will be made to the previous system, especially concerning settlement in regional Australia. In addition, in 2004, the Family Relationship Services for Humanitarian Entrants was launched. It provides early intervention services to assist youth and families at risk of not settling successfully, due to the stress their refugee experiences have placed on the family. Finally, in September 2003, a pilot scheme of the Australian Cultural Orientation (AUSCO) Programme for humanitarian entrants commenced in Nairobi and at the Kakuma refugee camp in Kenya. The programme was then expanded to locations in Egypt, Pakistan, Sudan and Uganda. In 2004-2005, it was extended to Ghana, Guinea, Iran, Jordan, Lebanon, Sierra Leone, Syria, Tanzania, Thailand and Turkey. In 2004-2005, over 320 courses were run, assisting 5 960 people, compared to 67 courses in 2003-2004, with 1 850 people. The AUSCO course runs for five hours per day over three consecutive days, and provides an introduction to aspects of Australian life and the initial settlement process. In Italy, since 2002, the law recognises the System of Protection for Asylum Seekers and Refugees (SPRAR) run by the National Association of Municipalities (ANCI). Municipalities apply for funding (that comes from the European Refugee Fund and from the Ministry of the Interior), to provide a reception and complete integration package, with language courses, social and legal assistance, and school and job placement. Asylum seekers are not required to enrol in SPRAR, although they must renounce other assistance if they refuse a vacant place in the system. In Denmark, since July 2005, foreigners who are granted asylum but who still live at an accommodation centre are offered 20-25 hours per week (instead of 10) of Danish language, culture and society classes, in order to accelerate their integration. New rules were adopted in several countries in order to improve the reception of asylum seekers, especially concerning housing facilities and access to the labour market. In the Netherlands, since 1 January 2005, the New Reception Model is in force. Asylum seekers who are awaiting a decision after their first application, or who were granted a residence permit, but are waiting for housing, are lodged in centres for orientation and integration. Those whose applications have been rejected are accommodated in return centres. In Norway, since November 2005, asylum seekers whose applications were rejected, and whose fixed exit date is overdue, are no longer denied accommodation, but will be transferred from reception centres to special centres which provide basic shelter and food. According to the amended Polish Aliens Act, approved in April 2005, it has become easier to obtain a settlement permit for refugees who have been living in Poland for at least five years (the requirement was changed from eight years and the period of refugee status procedure is counted), and for foreigners granted tolerated status who have been in Poland for at least 10 years (the period of refugee status procedure is taken into account). Moreover, the period of assistance to the asylum seeker was prolonged to three months in the case of a positive decision, and to one month in the case of a negative decision. Asylum seekers for whom a decision has not been taken after one year, are granted access to the labour market. In Austria, according to the new Asylum Law, each applicant for asylum is entitled to financial support from the state. In addition, since 2004, after a waiting period of three months, asylum seekers can obtain a temporary work permit if they have a job offer.
100
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
I.
In Luxembourg, a new law proposal introduces the possibility for asylum seekers to apply for work permits if their application has not been processed after nine months. In Hungary, also, there is a project to extend the possibility of obtaining a work permit for persons applying for refugee status. On the contrary, the reform of asylum in France did not open the way for asylum seekers waiting for a decision to be able to take a job. In the Czech Republic, the state integration programme for accredited refugees provides housing and free language courses. In January 2004, Romania adopted an Ordinance aiming at facilitating the integration of foreigners who acquired have humanitarian protection status in Romania. Their access to the following rights is thus ensured: a job, a dwelling, medical care and social assistance, education, counselling and language training. Within the context of its future accession to the EU, Bulgaria adopted a National Refugee Integration Program in May 2005. It is aimed at reinforcing the existing measures and at providing specific integration support to newly recognised refugees.
Reducing the costs of remittances and increasing their role in the economic development of sending countries
In several emigration countries, remittances in 2004, estimated by the IMF at USD 126 billion, largely exceeded the volume of official development aid (ODA), and in certain cases even of foreign direct investments (FDI) or income from the export of goods and services. Remittances constitute a considerable source of hard currency for countries of emigration, sometimes covering several months of imports. The issue of remittances and the strong growth registered during the last decade have attracted increasing interest in several international organisations (IMF, World Bank, OECD), at a time when the volume of official development aid is tending to diminish slightly. According to certain analysts, remittances, which can be considered as structured financial flows, could contribute to a reduction in poverty, constitute an important supply of foreign hard currency for economic
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
101
I.
Box I.8. External relations of the European Union in the field of international migration
The European Union is continuing its efforts to convince certain third countries to co-operate in the fight against irregular immigration. The wish of the EU to have new readmission agreements has so far known only a relative success, since no new agreements have been concluded, except those involving Macao; Hong Kong, China and Sri Lanka, as well as more recently, Albania and Russia. However, this does not take into account the arrangements on readmission that were included in the agreement signed with the National Office of Tourism in China on the delivery of visas at the request of the Chinese agencies which are authorised to organise group travel in the European Union area. In addition, the European Union was obliged, in the case of Russia, to accept the reciprocity in the conclusion of a readmission agreement with that of an agreement facilitating the delivery of visas. This creates a precedent which is likely to occur again, in particular in the case of the Ukraine. The European Union is also paying growing attention to the possibility of linking immigration policies with development, in order to maximise the positive aspects, and to alleviate the negative effects of migration for the third countries concerned. In September 2005, the European Commission made specific proposals on migration and development, with Africa and the Mediterranean area as priorities. The Council adopted measures aiming to promote surer and less costly means of placement to transfer migrants remittances to their countries of origin and to reinforce their impact on development, to facilitate the role played by the members of the diaspora as vectors of development in their country of origin, to explore the options of temporary and circular migration, and to alleviate the consequences of the loss of competences in vital sectors. The Commission and the Secretariat of the Council are charged with following up the progress achieved and with reporting to the Council every eighteen months. The first report is expected in December 2006.
development, or accompany the growing flows of foreign direct investment, which are sources of development and employment creation. The Marrakech Conference allowed, in the first instance, to underline the fact that relative to macroeconomic indicators, remittances are significantly higher in low and lower middle-income countries than in the other developing countries. Remittances are also unequally distributed across regions, with Asia receiving the lions share, followed by the American continent and, far behind, Africa. A review of recent studies on remittances and development has shown that they have indisputably contributed to improve the living conditions of migrants and their families, although it seems less evident that these transfers have had a positive impact on the economic development of the countries of origin. In fact, the diversity in the personal characteristics and economic situations of immigrants, and the ways in which they make use of their savings, makes it very difficult to attract and massively orient these funds towards the economic development of their home countries. The reduction in the costs of transfers of funds was analysed in depth, based on experiences from OECD member countries (Greece, Italy, Mexico, Portugal and Turkey, but also in the Philippines and Morocco). The crucial role of the banking system was emphasised, as were best practices to reduce the costs of the transfer of remittances. In the case of Portugal, private banks have attracted the greatest part of remittances and they are
102
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
I.
transferred at relatively low costs. In Turkey, the system is more complex. It is first based on the networks of Turkish banks abroad, and the savings banks in receiving countries, mainly in Germany. The Turkish Central Bank pays a large proportion of the transfer costs of remittances to Turkey. During the conference, examples from Portugal (Caixa Geral de Depositos) and from Morocco (Banque centrale populaire du Maroc), demonstrated also that the migrant is not only considered by these banks as a foreign hard currency provider, but is a client who can benefit from all the banks services. Consequently, not only is the transfer cost reduced, but it is also easier to channel part of the remittances to productive investment. On the contrary, in the case of a failure in the banking system or a lack of confidence in banks, intermediaries, such as Western Union, occupy a predominant position, even if the costs of transfers are very high. In fact, migrants prefer to resort to reliable services which permit the quick delivery of the funds to the recipients. Taking advantage of new technologies could also help reduce the cost and reinforce the security of transfers. The development of new technologies is increasing the competition among suppliers of banking and financial services in both receiving and sending countries. The rich and varied experiences of the Equitable PC Bank in the Philippines allow valuable lessons to be drawn in this respect. This bank provides a wide range of services related to remittances, life and health insurance, and education of children, to future immigrants who present themselves to the administration charged with sending Filipinos abroad. The growing interest in migrant remittances and in the use of new technologies was also illustrated by the presentations of the MasterCard Group and the Inter-American Bank for Development. The latter institution is interested in migrants banking, especially those originating from Latin America and Mexico. The Marrakech Conference revealed that the diversity in the personal characteristics and the economic situation of immigrants, and the ways in which they make use of their savings, makes it very difficult to attract and orient these funds towards the economic development of their home countries. Remittances are private transfers and the savings involved belong to the migrants and their families, who decide on their allocation. Many attempts to channel these funds towards development have been unsuccessful, because they have failed to recognise the primacy of individual choice. However, good practices do exist, the objective of which is to help migrants to make better choices, to gain their confidence, and to rely on the networks built up both abroad and in the home countries, to put remittances to good use for individuals, their families, and social and economic development as a whole. In fact, the best way to maximise the impact of remittances on economic growth in developing countries is to implement sound macroeconomic policies and policies of good governance, as well as development strategies involving all actors in the economy. Good governance, a sound banking system, respect for property rights, and an outward-oriented trade and FDI strategy, are prerequisites for enhancing the efficiency of remittances in an economic development perspective. The state has a primordial role to play in establishing these key building blocks for economic development, supported by the international community. Remittances are neither a substitute for ODA nor for FDI flows. The Marrakech Conference demonstrated that the artificial distinction between productive and non-productive uses of remittances must be reconsidered. Remittances are used to reduce household poverty and satisfy basic needs, but also to increase investment in health and education, i.e. to improve investment in human capital in the
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
103
I.
countries of origin. There is an important gender dimension to such human capital investments. Finally, in order that remittances may play a greater role in the economic development of countries of origin, it was highly recommended that information be widely distributed on remittance channels and opportunities for investment, and that one-stop shops be created, in order to provide information at all stages of the migration process. Policies should support and accompany migrants who wish to engage in entrepreneurial activities. If special incentive schemes are put in place, they should be designed for everybody, and be open to migrants and non-migrants alike. Over and above remittances, migrants make other, invisible, transfers to their countries of origin: economic behaviour, knowledge and know-how, and social and cultural exchanges. Numerous examples, notably from Mexico and Morocco, show that migrants not only contribute to the financing of the infrastructure at local level (electrification, water provision and irrigation, road building, medical centres and schools), but that this is accompanied by profound transformations in the way of life and of traditional local management. A participative process, involving all the actors (migrants, villages, local authorities), constitutes the best guarantee of sustainability of the infrastructures and ongoing productive projects. More attention should be paid to civil society and private initiatives in both the receiving countries and sending countries, as well as to the decentralised co-operation processes, and to the role of local authorities, the scientific Diaspora and the second generation.
Increasing the international co-operation in bilateral labour agreements and the fight against irregular migration
An increase in international co-operation concerning labour migration, especially through bilateral agreements on foreign workers, has been observed in many countries over the last few years. In December 2004, Hungary had signed bilateral labour agreements with Austria, the Czech Republic, France, Germany, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Romania, the Slovak Republic and Switzerland. The agreements facilitate the access of the nationals of the contracting parties the labour market, and also concern the improvement of the professional skills and language proficiency of the applicants. Those who apply for a job in the framework of these agreements (mainly skilled workers) must be granted work permits, without labour market testing in the receiving country. One of the new aspects in the policy of promoting legal labour emigration is the conclusion of bilateral agreements on a regional level between the public employment offices of Bulgaria and regional authorities in the receiving country. An agreement was initiated in 2003 between the National Employment Service of Bulgaria and the Italian Regional Employment Service of Lombardy. In New Zealand, the Samoan Quota and the Pacific Access Category (PAC) schemes (which concern citizens from Fiji, Kiribati, Tonga and Tuvalu), provide a residence option for citizens of the Pacific nations with which New Zealand has had long-standing relationships. Applicants are required to secure a job offer prior to applying for residence, and must meet English language and health criteria. In August 2004, changes were made to the Samoan Quota and PAC, to improve take-up of places in these categories, primarily by facilitating matching of prospective applicants with opportunities in the New Zealand labour market. The minimum income requirement was also adjusted, and people already
104
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
I.
legally in New Zealand became eligible to apply. A Pacific Division was established within the Department of Labour in January 2005, to meet the needs of immigrants from the Pacific Area, by building links with their communities, and providing labour market advice and services. The Closer Economic Partnership Agreement between New Zealand and Thailand entered into force on 1 July 2005, providing measures on temporary entry of Thai entrepreneurs to New Zealand, and vice versa. Negotiations on the Trans-Pacific Strategic Economic Partnership between Brunei Darussalam, Chile, New Zealand and Singapore were concluded in July 2005. The agreement aims at facilitating the temporary entry of business persons, while ensuring border security and protecting the domestic labour force. New Working Holidays Agreements were signed with Norway and Thailand. The Korean Government has already signed agreements for the work permit programme with Indonesia, Mongolia, the Philippines, Sri Lanka, Thailand and Vietnam. The government is considering signing social welfare agreements with the sending countries. International co-operation is being reinforced in the field of security and the fight against irregular migration. National security in US immigration policy has permeated all regional initiatives in North America. The Security and Prosperity Partnership of North America (SPP) is a new trilateral alliance adopted by Canada, Mexico and the United States. The SPP covers two major areas development and security. Its sphere of action is relatively wide and diverse. As regards movements of people, it includes: shared technology to enrolled passengers through North America, access to databases, special clearances for pre-cleared border residents, co-ordinated visa policies, exchange of intelligence information on persons of special interest, and fast-track lanes, among other issues. In December 2004, the Safe Third Country Agreement between Canada and United States concerning asylum seekers was implemented, as part of the Smart Border Declaration signed in December 2001. In May 2004, the State Department announced that the United States would participate in a new programme intended to contribute substantially to worldwide travel document security. All participating countries must submit information on lost and stolen passports to the Interpol Lost and Stolen Document Database, which is available to border authorities worldwide. In the context of an enlarged Europe, security is a very important issue. The Salzburg Forum (Austria, Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Poland, the Slovak Republic and Slovenia,) provides an example of regional co-operation concerning initiatives in the area of border control and irregular immigration in the perspective of harmonisation with European policies in these areas. A new bilateral agreement for the protection of borders was signed in February 2005 by Bulgaria and Romania. The regulation of October 2004 is the most important step taken by the EU, leading to the creation of the European Agency for the Management of Operational Co-operation at EU External Borders. This Agency will be the main body for advice and co-ordination in their multi-task efforts to better controls the external borders to the east and to the south of the EU. As part of the second series of bilateral agreements between Switzerland and the EU, the Association Agreements to Schengen and Dublin were signed on 26 October 2004, and were approved by means of a referendum on 5 June 2005. They are now being ratified and should come into force at the beginning of 2008.
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
105
I.
The impact of the recent EU enlargement on labour migration inflows is currently significant only in several OECD countries
Following the last wave of enlargement of the European Union (EU) on 1May 2004, the majority of the EU15 countries introduced a transitional period before approval of free movement from the eight larger accession countries (A8): the Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, the Slovak Republic and Slovenia (given their size, Cyprus and Malta are not subject to these restrictions). The transitional period is divided into three specific phases of respectively, two years, three years and two years. The transitional period can thus not exceed seven years. For the first phase, ending on 30 April 2006, three countries the United Kingdom, Ireland and Sweden decided to open up their labour markets to nationals of the A8 countries. On the other hand, three new member countries (Hungary, Poland and Slovenia) decided to apply reciprocal arrangements for the EU15, enforcing restrictions to the access of their labour market. Two other countries (Italy and the Netherlands) put in place special quotas for nationals of the new member states. Denmark and Norway in the context of the EEA allow nationals of A8 countries to access their labour market if they have a full-time job offer at regular condition of work and pay. At least three countries (Spain, Finland and Portugal) are considering not to apply the transition period after 1 May 2006. France is envisaging to end labour market testing for nationals of A8 countries in specific sectors were there are labour shortages. In Switzerland, the agreement with the EU on the free movement of persons was extended to the 10 new EU member states. This was approved by referendum in September 2005 and came into force at the beginning of 2006. Nevertheless, restrictions concerning access to the labour market in Switzerland (national preference, wage and work conditions controls and quotas) will be implemented until 2011. The implications of EU enlargement in terms of migration flows from new member states vary from country to country, but are only significant in some of the countries which did not apply the transition period. The most important inflows relative to the resident population were noted in Ireland. According to Irelands National Training and Employment Authority (FS),11 over the first twelve months to April 2005, 83 000 Personal Public Service Numbers (PPSN) were issued to EU10 nationals, which is equivalent to almost 4% of Irelands labour force. Some of these people were however already in Ireland prior to May 2004. Another 66 000 PPSNs were issued in the six months from May to October 2005 (see Table I.22), an increase of 46% on the same period for the previous year. For comparison, in 2003, about 8 000 new work permits were issued to nationals of the new member states. The United Kingdom also received numerous immigrants after EU enlargement, and has put in place the Workers Registration Scheme (WRS), to monitor inflows and claims to social welfare systems from nationals of A8 countries.12 Registration is compulsory for those taking up a job in the United Kingdom and who have not been employed for at least 12 months without a break. In total, there were 345 000 applications to the WRS between 1 May 2004 and 31 December 2005. Of these, about 80 000 concern re-registration or multiple registration, and at least 31 000 persons who entered the United Kingdom before May 2004. Based on 2005 figures, the average number of monthly applications is slightly over 17 000, a rise as compared to the previous year. The peak period for migration is between June and August. The vast majority of immigrants are young and single (82% of
106
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
I.
Table I.22. Inflows of citizens from 8 new EU member states1 in some OECD countries, 2004-2005
Inflows Austria 3 282 3 423 8 033 8 901 Denmark Finland Germany 2 097 4 594 2 169 4 485 10 597 1 965 Iceland Ireland Italy Netherlands Norway Sweden United Kingdom United States 515 (+666 renewals) 3 279 (+1 510 renewals) 83 000 149 000 26 313 83 590 20 190 16 975 (+3 558 renewals) 36 276 (+21 460 renewals) 3 963 8 768 134 550 345 410 20 905 Applications registered under the Worker Registration Scheme Permanent immigrants EEA permits New work permits EEA permits New work permits New Personal Public Service Number (PPSN) First time EU Work Permit (new immigrants) Permanent work permits, mainly for people who had been legally employed for at least 12 months EEA permits EEA permits Type of permits First time work permit (duration : more than 6 months) Permanent work permits, mainly for people who had been legally employed for at least 12 months EEA permits Period 2004 2005 2004 2005 May 2004-December 2004 May 2004-December 2005 May 2004-December 2004 May 2004-December 2005 2004 2004 May 2004-December 2004 May 2004-December 2005 May 2004-April 2005 May 2004-October 2005 May 2004-December 2004 May 2004-December 2005 2004 May 2004-December 2004 May 2004-December 2005 May 2004-December 2004 May 2004-December 2005 May 2004-December 2004 May 2004-December 2005 2004
1. Excluding Malta and Cyprus. Sources: United States (US Department of Homeland Security), United Kingdom (Accession Monitoring Report May 2004December 2005), Ireland (Fas, the Irish Labour market 2005), Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway and Sweden (Status report 2006 semi-annual memo from the Working Group under the Labour Market Committee of the Nordic Council of Ministers), Italy and the Netherlands (National SOPEMI reports), Austria (Work Permit Statistics provided by the Austrian Labour Market Service) and Germany (Work Permit Statistics 2004, Federal Employment Agency). Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1786/440011815822
workers were aged between 18 and 34 years, and 95% had no dependants living with them in the United Kingdom; the male/female ratio was 57:43). Most people are working in administrative, business and manufacturing services (30%), hospitality and catering (22%) and agriculture (12%). Occupations are low fairly skilled, process operative workers (36%), kitchen and catering assistance (10%) and packers (9%). In terms of nationality, the figures are quite similar in Ireland and in the United Kingdom. In the latter case, the highest proportion of applicants were Polish (59% of the total), followed by Lithuanian (13%) and Slovak (11%). These proportions have remained roughly constant throughout the period. In the case of Ireland, the country composition is as follows: Poland (54%), Lithuania (19%), Latvia (9%), and the Slovak Republic (8%). Between May 2004 and December 2005, total emigration to the United Kingdom and Ireland represents approximately 0.7% of the total population of Poland, but 2% of the total population of Lithuania. The situation is quite different in Sweden, which also decided not to apply the transition period. About 6 300 workers from A8 countries emigrated to Sweden between May 2004 and August 2005 although this does not include work periods for less than three months. The corresponding figure is much higher for Norway (13 700), which applies the
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
107
I.
transition period, but accepts labour immigrants from new member states with relatively few restrictions (full-time employment and normal conditions of work and pay). Norway has received almost 50% of all labour immigrants from A8 countries to the Nordic countries. In 2005 alone, 19 300 work permits were granted to nationals of A8 countries in Norway. Italy and the Netherlands applied the transition period, but put in place special quotas for nationals of the new EU member states. This mechanism allowed the Italian government to apply a transition period, reassuring the public against a feared inflow of central European workers, while effectively opening access to the labour market. Italy established a quota of 36 000 work permits in 2004, 79 500 in 2005 and 170 000 for 2006. In 2004, approximately 26 000 permits have been granted (76% seasonal), including 14 300 for Polish workers, whereas in 2005, 57 000 permits were delivered including 33 500 to Polish workers. As far as the Netherlands is concerned, a quota of 22 000 was set for 2004 which has been almost fully used, mainly by Polish workers (approximately 20 000). With regards to other EU member states which applied the transition period, two changes should be mentioned. The first concerns the fact that, even within the transitional period arrangement, nationals from new member states have now preferential access to the labour market of the EU15 as compared to third country nationals. In Germany, for example, a new type of permit has been created to respond to this new situation. More than 11 000 of these permits were issued to nationals of A8 countries in 2004 (more than 90% were newcomers to Germany). The second concerns people who have been legally employed for at least 12 months prior to enlargement in the EU15 and, under certain circumstances, their family members are entitled to claim unrestricted access to the labour market (in total 2 000 persons in 2005). It should be clear however that these people are not new immigrants. In Austria about 9 000 of these special permits have been delivered in this context against 8 000 in 2004. In Austria, there is also a new key worker permit for A8 nationals arrived after May 2004: 648 permits were issued in 2005 compared to 474 in 2004. In other non-EU OECD countries, no particular increase in inflows of nationals from A8 countries was recorded, except as indicated previously for Norway and, to a lesser extent, the United States. No significant change was observed either in new member states, except in the case of the Czech Republic, where the total stock of work permits for new member states increased by almost 7.5% to 69 000 in 2004. According to an interim report produced by the European Commission on the Functioning of the Transitional Arrangements Set Out in the 2003 Accession Treaty,13 the impact on the EU15 labour market has not been negative. New member state nationals represented less than 1% of the working-age population in all countries, except for Austria (1.2% in 2005) and Ireland (3.8% in 2005). Furthermore, the employment rate has increased in several countries since enlargement, and unemployment rates dropped significantly in almost all of the A8 countries, reducing push factors. Furthermore, according to the EC report, EU10 nationals alleviate skills bottlenecks in the EU15 member states and contribute to long-term growth through human capital accumulation.
108
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
I.
Notes
1. Unauthorised immigration is not covered in these numbers, because statistics do not exist for most countries. In some countries, this accounts for a substantial fraction of total entries. 2. In Spain, unlike other countries, it is not necessary to hold a resident permit in order to register in a municipality. For this reason, Spain is the one country whose inflow statistics include substantial numbers of unauthorised immigrants. 3. Persons receiving a long-term permit under a regularisation scheme are not included in the flow data shown here, to avoid distorting estimates of change in the level of inflows. 4. This is all the more the case in countries which have a point system and accord additional points to a potential immigrant on the basis of the educational qualifications of the spouse. 5. Asylum seekers must make their request in the first safe country of origin through which they transit and only in that country. In principle, this means that persons making requests in interior countries of the European Union must have arrived by air or sea from outside the Union. In practice, however, since the request is not necessarily made at the time of entry into the country, it may be difficult to ascertain if the asylum seeker has transited through another EU country. 6. Expatriation rates of 25% or higher are found in few countries and are associated with small population size and countries with limited numbers of tertiary graduates (OECD, 2004c). Rates for countries like China and India overall are less than 4%, although they are probably much higher for the very highly educated. 7. Many censuses incorporate post-censal enumeration checks, to determine the amount of underor over- enumeration of the target population. 8. In some countries such as Austria, France and Luxembourg, persons with low educational attainment are also over-represented among immigrants. In other words, the distribution of education relative to the native-born population is U-shaped. 9. Bearing in mind that there are numerous European Union institutions in their countries, 9% of persons born abroad work in the public service and extraterritorial organisations in Belgium, while in Luxembourg the figure is 12.2%. 10. The Ombudsman for Minority is an independent authority in charge of monitoring ethnic discrimination. Its traditional duties consist of guidance, advice and recommendation. 11. FS (2005), The Irish Labour Market Review 2005. A FS Review of Irish Labour Market Trends and Policies. 12. www.ind.homeoffice.gov.uk/ind/en/home/about_us/reports/accession_monitoring.html. 13. http://europa.eu.int/comm/employment_social/news/2006/feb/report_en.pdf.
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
109
I.
SNEL, E., de BOOM, J., ENGBERSEN, G. and WELTEVREDE, A.(2005), SOPEMI Report for the Netherlands, Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development Paris. TAPINOS, G. (1999), Clandestine Immigration: Economic and Political Issues, Trends in International Migration, Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, Paris.
110
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
ISBN 92-64-03627-X International Migration Outlook SOPEMI 2006 Edition OECD 2006
PART II
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
111
II.
Introduction
The prospect of ageing populations in OECD countries and the appearance of skill shortages in certain occupations have brought the issue of a pro-active migration policy onto the government agenda in many countries. If indeed there will be a need for more foreign workers in the future, how are the migration movements to meet this need to be organised and managed? Since the scale of migration and the size of the immigrant population are politically sensitive issues in quite a number of countries and since many such countries have seen little labour migration over the past thirty years, the debate in this area is sometimes phrased in terms of establishing quotas or limits to the number of workers that will be required to fill labour needs (see Box II.1). This is often presented against the backdrop of migration policy in traditional settlement countries such as Australia, Canada, New Zealand and the United States, where there exist annual targets or ranges of immigrants to be admitted, which seem to be the object of a broad political consensus.1 However, these are not the only countries in which migration limits or target levels exist, nor are such limits necessarily restricted to the kind of permanent migration that exists in the settlement countries. This document is intended as a preliminary broad-brush overview of the management of migration through numerical limits. Before one can consider the question of how migration numbers are managed in theory and practice through quotas or limits, it may be useful to examine first how economic immigrants are selected in OECD countries and the nature and scale of legal migration,2 particularly of those forms of migration over which governments can exercise little discretionary control, because they are based on international conventions or widely recognised basic rights. Following this is a description of methods of capping or targeting migration levels, both overall and by migration category, and examples of how these are implemented in a number of countries. The limits or targets themselves are, however, one set of tools among others for managing migration, whose appropriateness and efficacy need to be considered in the context of overall policy goals and objectives. This is the subject of the final section, which will consider as well whether any general principles can be distilled from the experience of selected OECD countries in this area.
1. Selecting immigrants
Employer selection process
Under a pro-active migration policy, how are the immigrants to be admitted to be chosen? There are two ways in which this is commonly done. The first is to delegate the responsibility for doing this to employers, who themselves identify the persons whom they require according to their skill or occupational needs and who request the work and residence permits. This is the standard procedure in most European countries.
112
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
II.
Employers can identify workers themselves either through prior knowledge of potential candidates, through recommendations of current employees, by advertising positions in media accessible to potential candidates in other countries or by resorting to recruitment firms. It seems to be generally the case that employers have few difficulties
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
113
II.
supplying names of potential foreign candidates for employment even if such candidates are not currently or have never been present in the host country. The available networks and means of communication seem to be more than adequate to match jobs and candidates even across national borders. Indeed, in situations in which there is a maximum to the number of permits available to employers for recruited workers and labour demand is strong, it is common to see the maximum met very early in the calendar year (Italy and Spain, and more recently Switzerland with numerical limits on EU workers). Note that the fact that the employer identifies the potential migrant obviously does not preclude the receiving country from specifying a priori minimal skills, qualifications or salary requirements or, for that matter, the precise occupations or sectors for which admissions will be approved or accelerated. In many OECD countries, employer requests for work permits for potential cross-border recruits are subject to an employment test, that is to say, a determination that no resident qualified candidates exist to fill the available position. In many countries where unemployment rates are high, either nationally or among groups or regions, this test is rarely passed and few work permits are approved. There are some obvious advantages to delegating the selection process to employers. In the first place, it tends to ensure a close link between immigrant worker entries and labour market needs, provided it can be ensured that the entries are restricted to sectors and occupations where there are genuine shortages, a condition not always easy to determine. In addition, the immigrant worker is immediately employed upon arrival and thus imposes no immediate financial burden on the receiving state. In cases such as these, immigration helps to satisfy current, well-identified needs and in so doing, aids in moderating wage demands in the shortage areas. On the other hand, it may slow the salary adjustment process that would help generate a domestically developed supply of workers in the shortage occupations. Although the employer may satisfy the immediate labour needs of his/her enterprise, the longer term consequences of admitting the particular worker(s) in question do not usually enter into play. Moreover, when employers (or private recruitment agencies) are left in charge of the selection procedure, problems of moral hazard may arise. This is because the implicit contract between the government and firms responsible for selecting candidates does not always cover the indirect costs incurred by the receiving country (e.g. return to sending country, social costs of job loss) whenever the wrong candidate is chosen, needs are overestimated or an economic downturn occurs. (see DEELSA/ELSA/(2002)9). Considerations such as the future employability of the worker in the event of job loss may not figure among the criteria considered important by the employer in the hiring decision. As noted above, however, the possibility of constraining the hiring decision, by excluding certain categories of workers or occupations, can reduce the risk to the host country.
114
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
II.
Potential candidates may be awarded points based on their characteristics, with a certain minimum number of points required in order for an application to be approved and a permanent residence permit granted. The permit includes the right to work and is granted to the immigrant upon entry. Often the immigrant is allowed to come with his/her entire immediate family, essentially because the aim of this kind of migration is deemed to be permanent settlement. In many such cases, the immigrant is admitted into the country and enters the labour market just as any other new entrant to the domestic labour market. In practice, however, the situation may be different from what is described here, because the immigrant granted a permanent residence permit may already be present in the host country. He/she may be present as temporary worker, student or visitor. For example, in 2003 (2002 for the United States), of the employment-related permanent residence permits granted, 77% went in the United States to persons already present in the country, 33% in Australia, over 55% in New Zealand but less than 2% in Canada.4 In other words, it would appear that in many cases, employers or educational institutions may already be selecting (or constrained to select) persons who are or will eventually be admissible under the skilled permanent migration programmes of these countries. Alternatively, the persons selected, through the presence in the host country, acquire characteristics that may be rewarded in the point system (better knowledge of the language, host-country labour market experience, host-country qualifications, etc.). From the perspective of job and worker matching, employer selection of workers as described above corresponds to cross-border job matching (the supply is in one country, the demand in another), whereas when selection is carried out by the host country government, the matching process generally takes place in the usual fashion, within the territorial borders of the host-country, in particular when the immigrant arrives without a prior job offer. The former may involve increased (recruitment) costs for the employer relative to normal procedures, while the latter involves costs for the host country doing the selection and for the migrant him/herself, who must in most cases defray the cost of moving to, and the initial cost of establishment in the host country.
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
115
II.
examined on the territory of the host country. Certain conditions may be imposed by the host country that can restrict the number of persons eligible to enter under these rights, such as the need for appropriate lodgings and an adequate source of revenue in the case of family reunification, or the safe-country-of-origin and safe-country-of-transit rules in the case of asylum seekers, but they cannot be unduly restrictive without violating the spirit if not the letter of international conventions or rights. Numbers may be reduced in practice, however, as the result of administrative measures, such as a change in resources dedicated to the processing of applications. Still, whether or not there are migration restrictions, because of the recognition of certain rights there is always a certain amount of migration over which policy has limited direct control. The amount of such migration will depend on a number of factors, among them the size of the total and immigrant population (which will affect the number of foreign spouses or adopted foreign children), the number of resident married migrants who are present in the host country without their spouses or children, the restrictions concerning the entry of some family migrants, the prevalence of repressive political regimes or of ethnic conflict or strife and potential migrants knowledge and view of the host country itself and of their prospects in settling there. Any numerical limit to total permanent migration that may seem desirable to fix for whatever reason (see below) will necessarily have to be larger than this inertial migration, so as to be consistent with the actual numbers of immigrants entering the host country and to allow a certain room for manoeuvre within the numerical limit. How large then is the group of what might be called non-discretionary migrants, that is, those which countries more or less have to accept as a consequence of recognized international agreements or rights?
3. How much migration is subject to control and how much is relatively free?
Tables II.1 and II.2 present some results for a selected number of OECD countries on this question.7 The statistics for settlement countries (Australia, Canada, New Zealand, United States) are restricted to persons obtaining the right of permanent residence. The temporary migration programmes of the settlement countries are therefore excluded. Among persons falling into these categories are international students and trainees, persons (including researchers and professors) on exchange programmes, intra-corporate transfers and various temporary worker programmes, covering among others seasonal workers and certain highly skilled workers on temporary assignment. Entries for European countries, which are almost always on the basis of permits of limited duration, often tend to combine movements of a permanent character, that is, those involving permits that are more or less indefinitely renewable (France, Sweden, Switzerland and the United Kingdom), provided certain conditions are met, and those that concern a presence that is in principle temporary and that are not indefinitely renewable. In practice, however, persons with permits that imply a temporary presence can in some circumstances change status and obtain a longer-term renewable permit, just as the possibility to change to permanent residence status may exist in settlement countries for persons who have entered under the temporary migration programme. Still, for purposes of comparison, it is useful to maintain the distinction between an entry that in principle potentially implies a permanent presence and one that, initially at least, is temporary by definition. Thus, from the entry permit statistics of non-settlement countries, we will
116
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
II.
Table II.1. Inflows of permanent immigrants by entry category, selected OECD countries, 2003
Australia All immigration categories As a per cent of the total population Non-discretionary Immediate family Spouses Children Humanitarian Recognised asylum seekers, persons with protection status and dependents Other Free movement and other non-discretionary Total non-discretionary Discretionary Work or settlement Principal applicant Accompanying family Family Parents and other relatives Humanitarian Resettled refugees and dependents Other Other discretionary Total discretionary 90 252 5 177 159 079 11 478 29 104 7 703 28 073 4 742 34 537 1 956 1 799 4 866 35 035 123 364 87 212 432 631 11 802 10 758 865 1 637 270 34 496 7 210 22 081 10 271 n.a. 5 515 102 5 749 228 786 35 320 35 920 54 225 66 838 6 906 449 16 646 3 724 9 366 14 049 319 2 965 44 480 37 830 36 775 45 362 20 861 57 733 62 273 37 226 143 993 11 500 80 864 4 979 13 399 9 234 39 392 51 641 77 433 63 840 120 345 273 196 1 862 15 226 12 461 726 606 9 586 6 614 20 975 10 431 32 350 2 660 43 426 3 621 77 606 16 700 68 638 6 494 1 320 20 572 19 178 31 365 4 165 184 741 78 024 147 985 0.74 Canada 221 352 0.70 France 173 097 0.29 Italy 108 937 0.19 New Zealand 47 936 1.20 Sweden 41 348 0.46 Switzerland 82 300 1.13 United Kingdom 243 709 0.41 United States 705 827 0.24
n.a.: Not available. Notes: Data cover only immigrants obtaining the right of permanent residence or a status that can eventually lead to permanent residence. In particular, students, trainees, seasonal workers, etc., are excluded, as is irregular migration. See text and Annex II.A1 for details of migration categories. The classification of national migration categories as discretionary or non-discretionary was carried out by the OECD Secretariat. Immediate family for Italy may include some parents of resident migrants who therefore do not appear under the rubric of discretionary family migration. Data for Switzerland are for 2004. For the United States, the discretionary family category includes spouses and children of alien residents who do not have the automatic right of entry given to spouses and children of US citizens. Source: Statistics are based on permit or visa data, except for the United Kingdom, where they are based on immigration control data and the International Passenger Survey. See Annex II.A1. The population data used to estimate immigration rates are taken from the OECDs Annual Labour Force Statistics. Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1786/647801882483
attempt to exclude, to the extent possible and if they are indeed counted in the immigrant entries, the same categories of entries that figure in the temporary migration programmes of the settlement countries. On the other hand, it is not always clear that it will be possible to capture in the statistics of European countries situations involving a change from a temporary status, such as that of international student, to that of a status involving a permit that can lead to permanent status, such as that of a skilled worker. A further complication involves the question of non-citizens entering a country under free-movement economic and/or political unions, such as the European Union, the Nordic Passport Union and the Australia-New Zealand Trans-Tasman Union. Movements of this kind are generally subject to very few restrictions although, as has been seen with EU enlargement, the fear or prospect of substantially increased movements under such migration regimes can lead to the imposition of constraints that can effectively delay
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
117
II.
Work or settlement
Australia Canada France Italy New Zealand Sweden Switzerland United Kingdom United States
147 985 221 352 173 097 108 937 47 936 41 348 82 300 243 709 705 827
39 28 83 74 28 95 94 49 39
61 72 17 26 72 5 6 51 61
24 24 4 15 20 1 4 18 5
(through a transition period), limit (by means of a numerical maximum) or act as disincentives (by limiting access to social security benefits) to movements. Despite the possibility of imposing such (temporary) constraints to new members, it nevertheless seems appropriate to include such movements under the rubric of those which are not subject to control for long-standing members, because the international treaties concerned have defined new rights of entry for non-citizens, over which signatory countries cannot in principle exercise discretion once they come fully into force.8 The aim of Tables II.1 and II.2 is essentially to illustrate both the scale and the relative importance of what might be called non-discretionary migration movements in a number of OECD countries, that is, those which occur on an on-going basis because of recognised rights accorded to residents of a country (marriage, adoption and family reunification). Any decision to open up national borders to migration will thus involve numbers over and above those persons currently entering under these modalities. This is a prelude to considering the question of how the numbers of migrants to admit under a discretionary regime are to be determined.9 In Table II.1, under the rubric of non-discretionary movements figure entries of spouses, children, fiancs, adopted children, asylum seekers recognised as refugees or as persons in need of special protection and their spouses and dependents. Entries of other family members such as adult children or siblings, parents, grandparents and other relatives are considered discretionary movements for the purposes of this table, because although there may in some cases be humanitarian arguments to be made in favour of their admission, which receiving countries may or may not wish to take on board, there is no recognised international right of reunification for such family members. In certain countries, movements of these categories of family members are simply not allowed, in others they may be subject to a numerical limit or are subject to similar selection criteria imposed for labour migration, with the presence of family members in the host country favouring but not guaranteeing entry.
118
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
II.
Likewise, resettled refugees (that is, persons admitted from UNHCR refugee camps) are considered a discretionary category because the numerical limits assigned to/accepted by countries are voluntary and can vary from year to year depending on policy choices. Finally all worker or skilled migration is categorised as discretionary, because it is almost always subject to conditions, such as employment tests or skill or education minima, and even when these are waived, they can be re-instated overnight. Finally, in situations when workers or skilled migrants are admitted into receiving countries, the right of entry is sometimes and even often (for skilled migrants) granted concurrently to the immediate family. The accompanying family may be admitted under the same conditions as the selected worker or principal applicant, that is, with immediate access to the labour market and to a certain range of social benefits. If the entry of the migrant is discretionary, then so also will be considered that of the family for the purposes of this document, if the family is allowed to enter at the same time as the worker. Although it is true that the receiving country generally does not exercise any discretion with respect to the accompanying family, this form of migration will nonetheless be categorised as discretionary because any increase or reduction in the migration of workers or principal applicants (discretionary migrants) clearly has immediate repercussions on the numbers of immediate family admitted. On the other hand, if the immediate family does not or is not allowed to accompany the selected worker or skilled migrant, the admission of the latter presupposes the willingness to admit the family at some point down the line, if this is considered a right and provided the standard conditions are met. In short, the admission of the family becomes more or less non-discretionary, once the migrant or worker has been admitted into the country. This may seem inconsistent with what is done for accompanying family members, because one could argue here as well that the admission of the worker determines that of the family. However, the statistics do not allow a distinction between the reunification of existing spouses and children with the initial migrant and the entry of (recent) foreign spouses and fiancs of residents. A significant fraction of family migration actually consists of the latter. In addition, there is not necessarily a guarantee at the time of entry of the initial migrant that he/she will remain in the country and that the existing family (if any) will eventually be brought in. Finally, the emphasis here is on classifying family migrants as discretionary/non-discretionary at the time of their entry, not retroactively on the basis of the entry of the initial (worker) migrant. For these reasons, it seems appropriate to consider subsequent family reunification of spouses and children as non-discretionary, even if that of the original migrant was not. Table II.2 shows, not entirely surprisingly, that in the traditional settlement countries of Australia, Canada, New Zealand and the United States, the extent of discretionary migration exceeds 60%; in the United Kingdom it is slightly more than fifty per cent. In all other countries shown, most migration is non-discretionary in the sense that the persons concerned are admitted because they are considered, subject to certain conditions, to have the right to enter and eventually or concurrently, to settle and to work. In France, Sweden, the United Kingdom, Italy and Switzerland, non-discretionary migrants include sizeable numbers of citizens of countries of the European Economic Area (between 20 and 25% of all immigrants in the first three countries, about 10% in Italy and fully 63% in Switzerland). In France, Italy and Sweden, over 60% of the total number of legal immigrants consists of spouses (of either nationals or foreigners), children, fiancs, recognized asylum seekers and persons in need of protection. This is in part a consequence of the fact that direct
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
119
II.
labour migration is relatively uncommon in these countries.10 In the United Kingdom, on the other hand, migration of spouses, children and recognised asylum seekers accounts for 23% of total migration, similar to what one observes in settlement countries. In all countries depicted, less than a fourth of entering immigrants do so for work or settlement reasons. Perhaps surprising is the figure for the United States, where labour migration amounts to only 5% of all permanent immigrants. Contrary to generally accepted notions, however, permanent immigration policy in the United States is heavily oriented towards family migration and allows for entries of more extended family members than is the case in other countries. Note that even in countries which exercise a strong selection of migrants as a function of personal characteristics, such as Australia, Canada and New Zealand, only about one fifth to one quarter of immigrants are directly selected. Implicitly, however, the selection process extends to a much higher proportion of entering immigrants, for a number of reasons. Since persons tend to marry persons of similar educational background, any selection of immigrants on the basis of educational qualifications tends to extend to their spouses as well.
120
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
II.
short term, as the experience of the dotcom bubble amply illustrated. Canada, by contrast, attaches less weight to specific occupational criteria, especially compared to the past, reasoning that general human capital considerations are more important and these workers may need to adapt to significant changes in labour market conditions over their working lives. This approach has some obvious limitations, at least in the short term, in addressing structural labour shortages in certain specialised professions or trades, such as medicine or plumbing.11 The planning or target levels in place in Australia and Canada are in fact not meant purely to respond to labour market needs but have a settlement intention, that is, the immigrants selected are expected to settle permanently in the host countries and to become part of the resident population; there is no requirement that they have a prearranged job prior to arrival. How the target levels are arrived at is not always entirely clear, however. No doubt historical migration levels and population and participation rate increases provide some guidance. There is, however, a concern relative to the ability of the economy and society to more or less smoothly integrate immigrants, without overly taxing domestic social infrastructure, creating adjustment problems and giving rise to xenophobic sentiments in the population. A heavy influx of immigrants will generally require increases in the housing stock and in social services, especially with respect to educational and health facilities, if family members accompany the workers that are admitted. The setting of levels involves a complex set of social and economic policy objectives that must be balanced in arriving at the targets; there is no formula or calculation that yields a precise number or range. Regardless of how the exact numbers are determined, the management of immigration numbers through target levels or numerical limits is intended, among other things, to transmit the notion that the process is neutral and non-discriminatory for the candidates satisfying the selection criteria and that the governmental authorities are in control of the situation. The ability to set and meet publicly announced target levels that have been the object of some consultation is undoubtedly part of this strategy. However, it is a credible process only if the numbers, along with other means of short-term entry, reflect minimum labour requirements and if there are some reasonable accompanying actions that limit the possibility of illegal immigration and work as well as the temptation of queue-jumping for those whose chances may be limited under the existing system (see Box II.2). Establishing such annual target levels in an environment in which immigration is a highly charged political issue may not be quite the same process as in countries where there is a broad political consensus on immigration. No doubt hybrid strategies are possible, in which target levels or relaxed employment tests are set in sectors or occupations where there is a consensus about labour needs and where immigration is relatively uncontroversial, but more stringent control measures where there is more uncertainty or concern about possible abuses. In any system in which numerical limits or ranges are specified and mandated, the question of how applications are to be processed to ensure that limits are not exceeded and of how to handle excess applications are issues of importance.
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
121
II.
Box II.2. Immigration limits in a context of strong labour demand the case of Italy and Spain (Einaudi 2003)
Both Italy and Spain have undergone a transformation from countries of emigration to countries of immigration in recent decades. Inflows initially were small but increased over time, expanding substantially towards the end of the nineties. As in most new immigration countries, initial entries generally occurred extra-legally, among other reasons because of limited national experience with the management of migration. In both cases, the initial extra-legal pattern tended to be exacerbated and perpetuated by the fact that the size of the underground economy was relatively large, providing more numerous employment opportunities for persons illegally present in the country, often in the domestic sector, and the fact that programmed migration levels have tended to be significantly lower than required by the labour market. At periodic intervals, attempts have been made in both countries to regain control over the situation by means of regularisation programmes, the introduction of visas for nationals of countries with a significant immigrant presence, stronger sanctions against illegal migrants and against employers resorting to undocumented workers, and more extensive border and coastal control measures. At the same time, the reality of migration and of labour market needs were recognised through the introduction of national numerical migration limits and the allocation of quotas to regions and sectors, following consultations with employers and regional officials. In practice, however, the national limits and associated quotas have been less than the numbers requested by employers and have proven to be significantly under actual labour market needs, if the extent of regularisations of persons with employment contracts is any indication. For example, about 700 000 requests for regularisation were presented in Italy in 2002, which corresponds to an average of about 175 000 entries per year since the previous regularisation in 1998. Total nonseasonal permit numbers provided for over the same period amounted to 249 000, or an average of about 62 500 per year. Likewise in Spain, programmed non-seasonal worker migration for the period 2002-2004 amounted to less than 100 000, but regularisation requests in 2005 totalled 700 000. In practice, some of the work permits provided for in the migration programmes have been granted to persons already in the country and have thus served as a regularisation tool rather than as part of normal procedures for recruiting from abroad. The regular lack of concordance between the programmed migration levels and labour market needs meant that in practice, the levels had become almost irrelevant. Employers may well have become accustomed to a situation in which they could hire outside of legal channels with relative impunity, with a reasonable probability that the hiring would be formally recognised a few years hence through a regularisation. However, new migration regulations have been introduced in both Italy and Spain, including an increase in programmed migration to 179 000 (including seasonal workers) in Italy. Whether the new regulations will be effective remains to be seen. Redirecting irregular migration into legal channels would require programmed migration levels that are in line with labour market needs, an efficient processing of permit requests and perhaps as well, employer incentives to resort to legal hiring, at least in the early stages, until a revitalised permit system has proven itself adequate for employer needs.
122
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
II.
discretionary migrants is then determined residually as the difference between the numerical level for the total and the number of non-discretionary migrants admitted. The numerical levels are treated in two different ways depending on the country: as limits not to be exceeded or as target levels to be attained. The latter is especially the case in settlement countries with a planned migration programme providing for target levels for entries of different categories of immigrants, such as skilled workers, self-employed, immediate family, parents, etc. The objective is to come as close to the target level as possible. There is generally a certain amount of leeway in the numerical levels because of difficulties in practice in managing precisely the flow of applications to ensure that the levels are met or that they are not exceeded. In some countries, levels are set even for non-discretionary migration because the expected numbers are relatively predictable from past entries (spouses and children) or because of prior knowledge of applications on file and of processing times and recognition rates (recognised refugees). The number of applications for places in discretionary migration categories, on the other hand, can in principle be open-ended or at least significantly exceed the number of places specified in the migration programmes of countries. Since there is a lag between the submission of an application and its processing, there needs to be a continuing supply of applications in the pipeline to ensure that there are sufficient numbers to meet target levels, especially if applications are subject to a point assessment. Adjusting the threshold points value for acceptance to ensure that there are sufficient numbers of candidates on hand but not a substantial oversupply seems to be a challenge, especially since the attempt to apply a higher threshold retrospectively to limit numbers has in at least one case not gone unchallenged. Achieving a specified target level or falling within a specified range in the case of discretionary migration categories seems to be handled generally by a judicious management of application processing procedures. One country (New Zealand) has introduced a two-step process in which interested migrants must identify themselves and satisfy a certain number of requirements prior to being formally invited to apply for residence. This procedure provides an automatic control over numbers. In other cases where there may not be enough places to satisfy demand and where a cut-off of applications seems problematical ( e.g. immigration of parents or of other relatives), a significant backlog can (and in some cases, has) build up, leading to substantial frustration on the part of candidates for entry and their sponsors in the host country. The details of how the numerical or target levels are determined for a number of countries (Australia, Canada, New Zealand, Switzerland and the United States) and of how the flow of applications is managed to ensure that the levels are (more or less) respected is described in Annex II.A2.
Conclusion
With the perceived need for worker immigration in many countries in the near future, in connection with labour shortages arising out of the retirement of the baby-boom generation, has arisen the issue of how the numbers required are going to be determined and their entry managed. Employment tests have traditionally been used in many countries to assess labour market needs, but a certain number of countries, among them Australia, Canada, New Zealand, the Switzerland and the United States, control
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
123
II.
immigration levels by means of maxima not to be exceeded or target levels to be attained, at aggregate level or by individual immigrant categories. In all countries currently, there are non-trivial numbers of immigrants entering, over which countries exercise little discretionary control. These involve spouses and children of current residents and persons fleeing persecution. Their entry is governed by international convention or generally recognised human rights. In the countries cited above (Switzerland excepted), their numbers account for between 18 and 39% of immigration, whereas in France, Italy and Sweden, it is 61, 64 and 73% respectively. Free movement of EU/EFTA citizens accounts for a further 21, 11 and 22% of movements in the latter countries, respectively, and fully 63% in Switzerland. Any pro-active migration policy is going to involve supplementing these current entries with selective labour migration, where either employers or the national administration take on the role of identifying appropriate candidates. The numbers to be admitted can continue to be determined, in those countries where this is the current system, by means of employment tests, with the risk that this entails with regard to negative externalities. The risks can be reduced, however, by constraining the employer selection process, for example by specifying the minimum skill or wage of levels or the eligible occupations for entering immigrant workers. Alternatively, the candidates can be chosen nationally according to specific criteria, with characteristics deemed to ensure better insertion into the labour market favoured. This can include a specific job offer or accepted candidates can enter the labour market following entry just as any other new entrant. The number of immigrants to be admitted under such a government-selection scheme needs to be determined, however. In practice, countries have adopted a number of strategies involving setting maximum numbers not to be exceeded or target levels to be attained, whether overall or by specific migration category. The process by which these levels are established is far from transparent. The determining of this figure and the procedures introduced to ensure that it is respected are not without difficulty, however, especially if the levels are set below actual requirements or if processing procedures lead to extensive application backlogs. In addition, the process is credible only in an environment in which illegal migration and work are or can be placed under reasonable control. If the setting and meeting of target levels is intended in part to convey the impression that immigration is a planned and orderly process, this can be defeated if irregular migration movements are proliferating in parallel. The regulation of migration over the past decades has rarely been a simple process and it is even less so in an environment of facilitated international travel, the possibility of instantaneous communication about labour market conditions and requirements in other countries, and a huge supply of workers around the world willing to displace themselves and their families to countries where living, working and economic conditions appear more favourable. Guaranteeing a certain degree of freedom of movement for citizens of other countries while ensuring that rules concerning entry and stay are respected, requirements for labour that the domestic market is not satisfying are met and that the process remains politically and socially acceptable, remains a daunting policy challenge. Any pro-active migration policy in the near future, to respond to labour shortages, needs to first take into account the significant number of immigrants entering over which
124
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
II.
countries exercise little discretionary control and which are a source of labour supply. If this is insufficient to satisfy labour market needs, then there are a number of tools available to manage the entry of the additional workers that will be needed. Establishing numerical limits or target levels is but one method among others, one which is not necessarily easy to manage, as the experience of a number of countries has shown, and which entails a certain number of risks if the levels are set at levels that are either too high or too low.
Notes
1. The target numbers in these countries generally bear on green card type migration, that is, migration in which persons admitted are accorded the right of permanent residence upon entry. In most other OECD countries, the right of permanent residence is rarely granted upon entry, except perhaps to resettled refugees, but is generally accorded after a certain number of years of residence in the host country and indeed, in some cases, comes only with naturalisation. A proactive migration policy, in a situation in which potential migrants are faced with a number of competing offers, may well involve some recruitment incentives, among which an extended residence permit might figure. 2. Irregular migration will not be considered in this document. 3. As will be seen, only a fraction of persons admitted as permanent migrants are actually selected on the basis of characteristics in these countries. 4. In principle, until recently applying for permanent residence status from within the country was discouraged in Canada. However, the possibility to apply from the territory of a near neighbour was not excluded and it may be that some temporary migrants or visitors availed themselves of this opportunity. 5. For an overview of bilateral agreements and other forms of recruitment of foreign workers, see Migration for Employment: Bilateral Agreements at a Crossroads, OECD, 2004. 6. Germany, however, has admitted (and continues to admit) considerable numbers of ethnic Germans, who are descendants of Germans who settled in parts of Eastern Europe and the Soviet Republics several centuries ago and who, once their German ancestry has been established, are granted German nationality upon entry into the country. It could be argued that this is immigrant selection based on rudimentary selection criteria. This is not labour migration strictly speaking, however, even though such migrants can enter the labour market after entry. 7. The selection of countries for Tables II.1and II.2 was dictated by the availability of, and easy access to, permit or migration control data that could be broken down or estimated according to the categories in the Table II.1. 8. For the purposes of this document, immigration into Switzerland under the Swiss agreement with the European Union concerning the free movement of persons is considered non-discretionary migration. The reason is that the data presented for Switzerland are for 2004 and after June 2004, native workers no longer have priority over EU citizens for jobs, nor is there a control on the wages and working conditions of the latter. Although this form of longer term migration continues to be subject to numerical limits until 2008, in practice persons entering in excess of the prescribed limit are given (renewable) short-term permits until a long-term permit becomes available in a subsequent year. 9. The classification of national migration categories according to the discretionary/nondiscretionary distinction is given in Annex II.A1 for the countries appearing in Tables II.1 and II.2. 10. As the 2002 regularisation in Italy indicated, inflows into that country have included substantial numbers of irregular labour migrants (on average about 175 000 per year over the 1999-2002 period). 11. Canada also has a provincial nominee program which allows Provinces to select permanent immigrants on the basis of specific economic needs.
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
125
II.
Bibliography
CHALOFF, Jonathan (2004), SOPEMI report for Italy, OECD Continuous reporting system on migration. De COULON, Claire (2004), Rapport SOPEMI pour la Suisse, Systme dobservation permanente des migrations de lOCDE. DHS (2004), 2003 Yearbook of Immigration Statistics. Office of Immigration Statistics, US Department of Homeland Security, Washington, DC. DUDLEY, Jill (2004), Control of Immigration: Statistics United Kingdom, 2003. Home Office Statistical Bulletin, London. EINAUDI, Luca (2003), Programmation de quotas, rgularisations et travail au noir : les politiques de limmigration en Italie et Espagne (1973-2003) 2nd Stockholm Workshop on Global Mobility Regimes, June 2004. EINAUDI, Luca (2005), Personal communication. HAGOS, Michael (2004), SOPEMI report for Sweden, OECD Continuous reporting system on migration. LEBON, Andr (2003), Rapport SOPEMI pour la France, Systme dobservation permanente des migrations de lOCDE. LITTLE, Marilyn (2004a), SOPEMI report for New Zealand, OECD Continuous reporting system on migration. LITTLE, Marilyn (2004b), New Zealands Skilled Migration Policy: An Overview of the New Selection Framework. OECD Working Party on Migration DELSA/ELSA/WP2(2004)4, Paris. OECD (2002), Trends in International Migration , Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, Paris. OECD (2004), Migration for Employment: Bilateral Agreements at a Crossroads, Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, Paris. RIZVI, Abul (2004), SOPEMI report for Australia, OECD Continuous reporting system on migration. RUDDICK, Elizabeth (2004), SOPEMI report for Canada, OECD Continuous reporting system on migration. SALT, John (2004), SOPEMI report for the United Kingdom, OECD Continuous reporting system on migration. SMITH, Shirley (2004), SOPEMI report for the United States, OECD Continuous reporting system on migration.
126
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
II.
ANNEX II.A1
spouses and own children; fiancs and adopted children; recognised asylum seekers or persons in need of protection; persons entering for a long term stay under a free movement regime.
In practice, there may be special rules or conditions concerning fiancs and spouses, to ensure that current or planned marriages are legitimate and are not being used purely as a means of entry into the country. Discretionary migration, on the other hand, includes:
all economic migrants, whether identified by employers or selected by the receiving state; accompanying family of economic migrants; relatives that are not members of the immediate family; resettled refugees; other categories specific to a country.
The statistics in Table II.1 are based on a classification of the various categories of (permanent) entries into each country, based on national official statistics. For settlement countries (Australia, Canada, New Zealand and the United States), permanent entries refer to admissions of persons with the right of permanent residence. In some cases, such persons may have actually entered the country with a temporary status and had their status changed to a permanent one. In non-settlement countries permanent entries consist of persons who may have a temporary permit at the time of entry but which is more or less indefinitely renewable and who will likely settle in the host country with their families. For this reason, certain categories such as international students or diplomatic personnel, who are not considered to be permanent residents, have been excluded from the statistics of some countries. The following lists the categories included under discretionary and non-discretionary immigration, according to national terminology. The classification of the categories as discretionary or non-discretionary was carried out by the OECD Secretariat; it does not originate in the national sources that are cited.
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
127
II.
all skilled immigrants; parent; preferential/other family; refugee and SHP (Special Humanitarian Program).
Non-discretionary
spouse/interdependency; child; fianc; special eligibility; permanent protection visa; onshore SHP; New Zealand citizens and other non programme migration.
all economic immigrants; parents and grandparents; government assisted refugees; privately sponsored refugees.
Non-discretionary
spouses and partners; sons and daughters; refugees landed in Canada; refugee dependents; other immigrants.
parents of French nationals; parents of French children; salaried and non salaried workers; spouses of scientists; visitors; re examination cases; pensioners due to a work accident > 20%.
128
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
II.
Non-discretionary
family reunification; family members of French nationals; foreigners born in France; personal and family ties; foreigners in France > 10/15 years; children of French nationals; minors in France since at least the age of 10; statutory refugees and accompanying minors; beneficiaries of territorial asylum; families of refugees and stateless persons; free movement of EEA nationals.
dependent workers; self-employed; accompanying family of labour migrants; migration for religious motives; elective residence (persons with private means).
Non-discretionary
family reunification (including parents with no means of support in origin country); adopted children; recognised asylum seekers; free movement of EEA nationals.
general skills; employees of businesses; entrepreneur category; investor/business investor; family parent and other; quota refugees; samoan quota; other.
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
129
II.
Non-discretionary
family marriage and child; recognised refugees; humanitarian family; Australian citizens.
Data for permanent and long term entries of Australian citizens are proxied by arrivals of permanent and long term non New Zealand citizens from Australia.
Non-discretionary
family ties; adoption; humanitarian reasons; recognised refugees or other protection; EU/EEA free movement.
Note: Only total family members for all refugees were available. These were allocated to each of the humanitarian categories in proportion to the number of persons in each category.
foreigners with remunerated activity subject to limits (except trainees); foreigners without remunerated activity not subject to limits (except civil servants of foreign administrations); foreigners without remunerated activity; other relatives; returns to Switzerland; other entries into Switzerland.
Non-discretionary
spouses and children; recognised refugees; humanitarian motives; EU/EEA free movement.
Note: For Switzerland, accompanying family of immigrants are not identified separately in the statistics but included under a general family reunification rubric along
130
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
II.
with spouses, children and other relatives. Thus, spouses/children and other accompanying family of immigrants needed to be estimated. It was assumed, first of all, that EU/EFTA workers would normally be arriving with their families, that students and stagiaires are not married or with their families and that non-EU/EFTA workers would be arriving alone (as the law does not grant them the right to arrive with their families unless they have an establishment permit). Family reunification statistics were available separately for EU/EFTA countries. It was then assumed that the share of family migration accounted for by EU and EFTA workers arriving with their families was proportional to their share of total EU and EFTA non-family, non-student migration. The derived average family size was then applied to other forms of non-family non-student discretionary migration to estimate total accompanying family migration for these categories. The residual family reunification numbers were considered to be non-discretionary family migration. The agreement between Switzerland and the EU/EFTA countries concerning the free movement of persons within their respective territories came into force in 2002. Although numerical limits will continue until 2008, for the purposes of this document, migration of EU/EFTA nationals is considered non-discretionary. The reason is that the statistics presented are for 2004 and as of June 2004, there is no longer an employment test carried out, nor are the wages and working conditions verified for workers from these countries. In addition, even if the numerical limit has been attained every year since 2002, in practice, it is not operable because persons entering in excess of the limit are given short-term permits which are renewed until a longer-term permit becomes available.
work permit holders (long term) and accompanying family; UK ancestry; refugees granted settlement on arrival; parents, grandparents and other relatives; grants of settlement to persons on permit free employment; businessmen, persons of independent means and their spouses and dependents; other grants on a discretionary basis; category unknown.
Non-discretionary
spouses and fiancs; children seeking settlement; recognised refugees and dependents; persons with exceptional leave and dependents; free movement (EU); accepted for settlement on arrival.
Data on dependents of work permit holders do not distinguish between short and long-term permit holders; for the purposes of this document, the dependents are assumed to be exclusively those of long-term permit holders.
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
131
II.
IRCA legalization; family-sponsored immigrants; employment-based immigrants; refugee adjustments; other immigrants (including diversity).
Non-discretionary
132
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
II.
ANNEX II.A2
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
133
II.
In Australia, numbers for the Migration Program and the Humanitarian Program are managed independently. Specific planning levels are specified by the Minister for Immigration in April for the following fiscal year. For 2004-2005, for example, planning levels were 105 000 to 115 000 places under the Migration Program (plus an additional 5 000 places for the new Skilled Independent Regional Visa) and 13 000 places under the Humanitarian Program. These levels are not maxima strictly speaking, but rather targets to be attained, that is, the main objective is not to ensure that the planning levels are not exceeded (although this is an additional objective), but rather that they are met. It would be considered a policy failure if migration levels were to fall significantly below the planning levels. In the Humanitarian Program, 6 000 of the humanitarian places are for overseas refugees and 7 000 are for the Special Humanitarian Program (SHP), which admits sponsored victims of substantial discrimination. However, recognized asylum seekers also fall under the SHP total, so that high numbers for the latter group can effectively reduce the number of places available for the standard SHP target group. The Migration Programme is subdivided into individual categories, covering largely family immigrants (immediate family, parents and other relatives) and skilled migrants (employer-sponsored, skilled independent and skilled Australian relative-sponsored, etc.). Planning levels are specified for each individual category. Despite the aggregate level maximum range, there is no cap on entries of immediate family members (spouses, dependent children, adoptee and orphan unmarried relatives) and they are processed on a priority basis. However, the numbers for these categories are apparently highly predictable, so that the actual outcome for the year is generally close to the planning levels. Limits may be placed on the parent and other family categories if these show signs of exceeding significantly their planning levels. Planning levels for the remaining skilled migrant categories reflect at once the distribution of skilled migration by the specified categories for the past year as well as policy choices. How are applications managed? Each regional office indicates the number of places it expects to deliver (approximately) in each migration category and manages the processing of applications to ensure that the required number of places (more or less) is attained. However, this does not exclude the possibilities of backlogs per se, so some fine-tuning is necessary. For categories where there may be caps, once a cap is reached, applicants wait in a queue for the visa to be granted in the following year(s), subject to available places. In July 2003, for example, there were about 16 400 applications in the Parent visa queue, with some applications dating back as much as three to four years. For the skilled migration stream, on the other hand, for which the number of applications could in principle be open-ended, a different system is in place. Here immigrants are selected on the basis of certain characteristics deemed to be important for integration into the labour market. Points are awarded depending on where potential migrants stand with respect to these characteristics.3 A certain minimum number of points are necessary in order for an application to be accepted. Applicants with less than the required number but above a certain minimum are placed in a pool, where they can remain for two years. Clearly, if the threshold value for acceptance is too low, the number of applicants accepted for admission may be excessive and the planning level or range exceeded. Thus, in practice, a relatively high threshold value is used, which is adjusted downward as required to ensure the right number of admissions. The limited two-year
134
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
II.
stay in the pool of non-selected applicants then avoids the build-up of an excessive backlog. All of these procedures are made clear to potential immigrants upon application. A comparison of the Australian migration programme planning levels and the corresponding outcomes is given in Table II.A2.1 for fiscal year 2003-2004.
1. Includes parent contingency reserve of 6 500. 2. Employer Nomination Scheme/Labour Agreement/ Regional Sponsored Migration/State-Territory Nominated Independent Scheme. For definitions of the specified categories, see www.immi.gov.au/migration/#migration. Source: 2003 and 2004 SOPEMI reports. Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/144261102365
In Canada, there is a legal requirement for the Minister of Citizenship and Immigration to table in Parliament on or before 1 November of each year, the number of permanent residents admitted in that year and the number planned for the following year, following consultation with the provinces. Parliament is not explicitly involved in the process, but there is formal Cabinet approval for the planning levels before they are tabled. The planning levels are given in terms of ranges, both overall and for each category of migration, that is, as in the Australian case the levels constitute number of immigrants to be admitted, not limits not to be exceeded. There is an additional constraint which was announced by the Minister some years ago and which the government has tried to adhere to, namely that 60% of the total level be allocated to economic migrants (skilled workers and dependents, business immigrants, provincial/territorial nominees, live-in caregivers) and 40% to family migrants (spouses, partners and children, parents and grandparents) and refugees (government and privately assisted, refugees landed in Canada, refugee dependents, human compassionate cases). In practice, there is a specific target level for resettled refugees which is closely respected, in particular because immigrants in this group are provided with significant settlement services, for which planning is required. Spouses and dependent children are processed on a priority basis with no limits. Their number, however, as in Australia tends to be relatively predictable. The number of recognised refugees is subject to variability in the number of claimants and in processing times, but the number of claimants in the channels is known. The number of parents and other relatives to be admitted is then
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
135
II.
determined residually, subject to the 40% constraint on the overall total on the combined family/humanitarian categories. In practice, this has resulted in a squeezing of the numbers in this category, because the other categories under the family rubric are nondiscretionary. As a result, special measures were announced in April 2005 to reduce the inventory of applications from parents and grandparents. For economic migrants, the system is fairly similar to Australias, with each overseas mission delivering a certain number of admissions in each category. The independent skilled category is assessed on the basis of a points system with a threshold value for acceptance. The overall target range as well as the individual category ranges are respected by means of a management of the application processing flow. There is no fixed-time waiting pool as in the Australian case, and candidates are assessed on the basis of the points threshold in existence at the time they applied. The system can generate accumulating backlogs if there are systematically many more candidates with points exceeding the threshold than there are allotted places.4 The New Zealand Immigration Programme is set on an annual basis, with current levels at 45 000 (5 000). The total is allocated to three migration streams as follows: 60% to the skilled/business stream; 30% to the family sponsored stream; and 10% to the international/humanitarian stream. There are specific quotas assigned within the latter stream to resettled refugees (865), Samoans (1 100) and Pacific countries with which New Zealand has close cultural and historical ties (a total of 650). Aside from these three categories, there are no specific numerical targets for any other categories within the various streams. Within the skill stream, a two-tier system of assessment has recently been introduced, which provides more control over the flow of applications (Little, 2004b). Candidates for immigration are evaluated on the basis of language ability, health, character, employability and contribution to capacity building. Persons scoring a certain minimum level are placed in a pool of people who have expressed an interest in migrating to New Zealand. Persons in this pool are then ranked by their point scores and, depending on verification of information provided and on available places, may be invited to formally apply for residence. Backlogs are effectively eliminated by this approach, because only persons invited to apply at the second stage can do so. This is not the case for the family sponsored stream, in which the number of applications for residence has been growing steadily. At the end of the 2003/2004 financial year, there were 11 660 applications waiting to be processed. Since the family stream level is currently set at 13 500, it is clear that any further increases in family applications may result in numbers exceeding the annual allocation and the subsequent build-up of a backlog. There does not seem to be currently a priority accorded to immediate family over parents and other relatives. The international/humanitarian Stream currently contains a number of categories allowing for entries under specific policies, in addition to the allocated quotas described above. In Switzerland, only certain types of labour migration are subject to numerical limits. There is no cap on total migration per se. There is a dual migration regime in Switzerland, covering, on the one hand, movements of citizens of the European Union and the European Free Trade Association and, on the other, citizens of all other countries. The former essentially have the right of free movement and employment within Switzerland, but their
136
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
II.
number is subject to a numerical limit of 15 000 workers. This limit is managed through a monitoring of residence permits granted on request to citizens of EU and EFTA countries who present a contract of employment. Once the limit of 15 000 is reached, in principle no further permits are issued. Family members are not counted in the limit and are allowed to accompany the migrant and to work. Non-EU and non-EFTA workers, on the other hand, can receive an annual work permit if their putative employer can show that no qualified current resident of Switzerland can occupy the vacant position on offer. In addition, their number is subject to a numerical limit of 4 000, for half of which each canton has an allocation, the balance being allocated at the federal level, irrespective of canton. No further permits are issued once the limit has been reached. Family members are not allowed entry in the first instance. This system was the one prevalent in Switzerland for all foreigners until the signature of the free movement agreement with the EU and EFTA, which came into effect in 2002. Prior to the signature of the free movement regime with the EU and EFTA, the numerical limits for many years were significantly higher than the number of workers actually admitted. The employment test thus seems to have acted as a strong preliminary brake, with the set maximum playing no effective role and certainly not constituting, as in the Australian and Canadian cases, a target level to be attained.
Notes
1. This is a category of immigrants reserved for nationals of countries who have had less than 50 000 permanent immigrants to the United States in the last five years. Persons are drawn at random from a file of qualified entries and are invited to apply for permanent residence. 2. (see http://uscis.gov/graphics/aboutus/repsstudies/BEPQ4v7.pdf.) 3. Some characteristics have threshold values, that is, an application will not be accepted if the individual, for example, is more than forty-five years old and does not have a good command of the English language. 4. See, for example, www.cic.gc.ca/english/press/05/0531-e.html.
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
137
ISBN 92-64-03627-X International Migration Outlook SOPEMI 2006 Edition OECD 2006
PART III
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
139
III.
Introduction
Migrant remittances are a steadily growing external source of capital for developing countries. While foreign direct investments and capital market flows fell sharply in the last years due to the recession in the high income countries, migrant remittances continued to grow, reaching USD 149.4 billion in 2002. The importance of remittances in compensating the human capital loss of developing countries through migration and their potential in boosting economic growth was already recognised in the beginning of the 1980s. A wide range of issues related to remittances became the subject of political debate, as well as of more in-depth research. These topics include the determinants of remittances, the transfer channels used and their economic impact on the remittance receiving countries. Over the past years, partly because of the sharp increase in remittance flows, the research on these issues gained momentum, resulting in a mushrooming of scientific literature. This introduction presents a critical overview of the state-of-art literature on remittances and is organised as follows: in the following section, the data on migrant remittances, methods of estimating the amounts of remittance flows, global and regional trends in remittance flows, and their importance as a source of capital for developing countries, are discussed. The third section gives an overview of the theoretical and empirical research on the determinants of remittances and the following section outlines the transfer channels, the cost involved with international money transfers and the evolutions of money transfer markets. The last two sections examine the literature on the effects of remittances on inequality, growth and the balance of payments, and present the conclusions.
Compensations of employees are the gross earnings of workers residing abroad for less than 12 months, including the value of in-kind benefits (in the current account, subcategory income, item code 2310). Workers remittances are the value of monetary transfers sent home from workers residing abroad for more than one year (in the current account, subcategory current transfers, item code 2391). Migrants transfers represent the net wealth of migrants who move from one country of employment to another (in the capital account, subcategory capital transfers, item code 2431).
While the IMF categories are well defined, there are several problems associated with their implementation worldwide that can affect their comparability. Some central banks (e.g. Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas) book almost all migrants remittances under compensation
140
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
III.
of employees, even for migrants who are abroad for more than 12 months. Other central banks (e.g. the Czech National Bank and the Bulgarian National Bank) do not record workers remittances separately, but pull them together with other private transfers under other current transfers other sectors (item code 2392).2 However, for the Czech National Bank, under other current transfers other sectorsmainly household transfers are recorded (Czech National Bank, 2002). In addition, many central banks do not separately record migrants transfers in the capital account. In order to capture the extent of migrant remittances in a better way than the data reported under the heading of workers remittances alone, scholars use different calculation methods. Some calculate them as the sum of three components: 1) compensation of employees, 2) workers remittances, and 3) migrants transfers (Ratha, 2003). Others sum up just compensation of employees and workers remittances (Taylor, 1999). And finally, Daianu (2001) proposes for the computation of remittance credits the sum of compensation of employees, workers remittances, and other current transfers of other sectors. Daianus method of estimating international migrants remittances flows is considered to be the most appropriate to overcome the discrepancies referred to above. All data presented in this section are calculated using this method. However, the data have serious limitations and the estimates should be interpreted with caution. In some ways, the remittance flows calculated this way overestimate the real flows. First, compensation of employees represents gross earnings of migrant workers that are partly spent in the host country and never remitted. Second, compensation of employees includes income of non-migrants, e.g. local (home country) staff of foreign embassies and consulates, and international organisations, which are treated as extraterritorial entities. Third, other current transfers of other sectors include transfers that are difficult to distinguish from workers remittances, e.g. aid, gifts, payments from unfounded pension plans from nongovernmental organisations (NGO), and even transfers from illicit activities. On the other hand, the same remittance flows can be seen as underestimated because they do not include transfers through informal channels, such as hand-carries by friends or family members, or in-kind remittances of jewellery, clothes and other consumer goods, or through hawala.3 These are believed to be significant in many countries, ranging from 10 to 50% of total remittances, but often are not recorded in the official statistics (Puri and Ritzema, 1999; El-Qorchi, Maimbo and Wilson, 2002). If and when they are recorded, it is not clear to what extent they reflect actual transfers rather than imports. For example, in recent years, India has started recording as imports the gold brought by incoming international passengers, although previously this was classified as remittances (Ratha, 2003).
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
141
III.
Chart III.1. Migrants remittances and other capital flows to developing countries, 1988-2002
Billions of US dollars
FDI Billions of USD 300 Migr an t remittances Por tofolio inves tmen t flow s Official developmen t a ssis tance
250
200
150
100
50
to 216% of exports from the West Bank and Gaza, 90% of exports from Cap Verde, over 75% of exports from Albania and Uganda, and over 50% of exports from Bosnia and Herzegovina, Sudan and Jordan. Remittances were also equivalent to more then 40% of the GDP in Tonga, more then 35% of the GDP in the West Bank and Gaza, more then 25% of the GDP in Lesotho, and more then 20% of the GDP in Cap Verde, Jordan and Moldova (Table III.1).
Table III.1. Top 30 developing countries with the highest remittances received as a percentage of GDP, 2002
Remittances as % of GDP Tonga West Bank and Gaza Lesotho Jordan Cape Verde Moldova Vanuatu Bosnia and Herzegovina Guyana Jamaica 41.9 36.7 25.8 24.0 23.3 22.8 18.4 18.4 18.2 16.7 Albania FYROM Nicaragua El Salvador Republic of Yemen Dominican Republic Ghana Armenia Honduras Philippines Remittances as % of GDP 15.6 15.2 14.6 14.5 12.5 11.7 11.3 11.2 11.1 9.9 Uganda Guatemala Pakistan Morocco Georgia Sri Lanka Latvia Sudan Ethiopia Bangladesh Remittances as % of GDP 9.2 8.9 8.9 8.8 8.3 7.9 7.5 7.2 6.8 6.6
Note: Remittances refer to the sum of the compensation of employees, workers remittances, and other current transfers in other sectors. Source: IMF, Balance of Payments Statistics Yearbook, 2003; World Bank, World Development Indicators, 2003. Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1786/614135851320
142
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
III.
12
11
11
10
10
11
10
42
46
40
42
43
41
44
15
18 14 12
17
16
15
15
13
12
12
12
11
10
18
17
19
19
20
22
21
1996
1997
1998
1999
2000
2001
2002
Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1786/754468305471
Migrant remittance flows are unequally distributed in the world, with Asia receiving the lions share. Since 1996, 40 to 46% of the annual remittance flows were received by Asia, followed by Latin America and the Caribbean with 17 to 22%, and Central and Eastern Europe with 15 to 18% (Chart III.2). This is not surprising, since Asia is the most populous region of the world and also has the most numerous diaspora. It is also not surprising that the top remittance receiving countries are also the most populous, with India and China receiving over USD 14 billion, Mexico over USD 11 billion, the Philippines and Korea over USD 7.5 billion, and Pakistan over USD 5 billion (Table III.2).
Table III.2. Top 30 developing countries with the highest total remittances received, 2002
Millions of US dollars
Total remittances (USD millions) India China Mexico Philippines Korea Pakistan Poland Israel Morocco Bangladesh 14 842 14 383 11 464 7 660 7 586 5 413 3 824 3 783 3 294 3 121 Turkey Egypt Brazil Chinese Taipei Dominican Republic Colombia Jordan Guatemala El Salvador Russia Total remittances (USD millions) 2 990 2 946 2 863 2 547 2 497 2 403 2 227 2 081 2 071 1 817 Indonesia Ukraine Romania Ecuador Croatia Thailand Czech Republic Jamaica Rep. of Yemen Sri Lanka Total remittances (USD millions) 1 682 1 670 1 646 1 470 1 400 1 380 1 343 1 333 1 300 1 296
Note: Total remittances refer to the sum of the compensation of employees, workers remittances and other current transfers in other sectors. Source: IMF, Balance of Payments Statistics Yearbook, 2003. Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1786/326418524774
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
143
III.
Asia
Eastern Europe
Middle East
Aver age
Another way of comparing capital flows internationally is by looking at the amounts received per capita: the regions that received above-average levels of remittances in 2002 were the Middle East with 305%, Latin America and the Caribbean, 210%, and eastern Europe 165%. Asia and Africa received remittances below the 2v002 average of USD 28.53, at proportions of respectively, 72% and 61% (Chart III.3). Regarding the per capita remittances received by different developing countries, the distribution is even more unequal: Israel, Tonga, Barbados, Jamaica and Jordan received in 2002 the highest amounts of remittances per capita (Table III.3), each exceeding by 1 500% the average per capita remittances received by developing countries.
Table III.3. Top 30 developing countries with the highest remittances per capita received, 2002
US dollars
Remittances per capita Israel Tonga Barbados Jamaica Jordan West Bank and Gaza Malta Cape Verde Croatia El Salvador 583 563 512 510 431 344 332 321 320 317 Dominican Republic Slovenia Cyprus FYROM Latvia Bosnia and Herzegovina Albania Vanuatu Guatemala Guyana Remittances per capita 289 288 280 278 270 234 229 209 174 167 Korea Belize Mauritius Czech Republic Tunisia Mexico Chinese Taipei Ecuador Morocco Honduras Remittances per capita 159 154 139 132 114 114 113 112 111 109
Note: Remittances refer to the sum of the compensation of employees, workers remittances, and other current transfers in other sectors. Source: IMF, Balance of Payments Statistics Yearbook, 2003; World Bank, World Development Indicators, 2003. Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1786/701528020322
144
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
III.
The International Monetary Fund (IMF) does not disaggregate remittance flow data by source countries or by destination countries, so it is not possible to distinguish the exact amounts of remittance outflows from remittance source countries that go to developing countries. Nonetheless, some scholars estimated that in 2001, developing countries received USD 18 billion in remittances from the United States alone. Another important source of remittances for developing countries is Saudi Arabia, which is considered to be the largest source on a per capita basis (Ratha, 2003).
Pure altruism
One of the most intuitive motivations for remitting money back home is what has been characterised in the literature as altruism: the migrants concern about relatives left in the home country. Under an altruistic model, the migrant derives satisfaction from the welfare of his/her relatives. The altruistic model advances a number of hypotheses. First, the amount of remittances should increase with the migrants income. Second, the amount of remittances should decrease with the domestic income of the family. And third, remittances should decrease over time as the attachment to the family gradually weakens. The same should happen when the migrant settles permanently in the host country and family members follow. Empirical evidence from Botswana gave support to the first prediction. A 1% increase in the migrants wage, ceteris paribus, induced increases in remittances ranging from 0.25%, at low wage levels, to 0.73%, at high wage levels. However the correlation between remittance levels and home incomes was found to be insignificant. Thus, altruism was found to be insufficient for explaining the motivations to remit, at least for Botswana (Lucas and Stark, 1985). Altruistic motives to remit were found also in recent studies on United States immigrants. Households with children at home are approximately 25% less likely to remit than households without children present. In addition, immigrants with minors left in the country of origin are more than 50% as likely to remit money home (Lowell and de la Garza, 2000).
Pure self-interest
Another motive for remitting money to family members in the home country may be pure self-interest. First, a migrant may remit money to his/her parents driven by the
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
145
III.
aspiration to inherit, if it is assumed that bequests are conditioned by behaviour. Second, the ownership of assets in the home area may motivate the migrant to remit money to those left behind, in order to make sure that they are taking care of those assets. Empirical evidence from Kenya and Botswana shows that wealthier parents received a larger share of migrant earnings through remittances (Hoddinott, 1994; Lucas and Stark, 1985). However it cannot be clearly discerned whether the motive was to inherit or to ensure the household took care of the migrants assets. Survey data on Tongan and Western Samoan migrants in Sydney attest that migrants are motivated to remit for reasons of self-interest, and in particular for asset accumulation and investment in the home areas (Brown, 1997). Third, the intention to return home may also promote remittances for investment in real estate, in financial assets, in public assets to enhance prestige and political influence in the local community, and/or in social capital (e.g. relationship with family and friends). Empirical evidence from the Greek migration experience shows that per migrant, remittance flows from Greek migrants in Germany were much higher (experiencing a return illusion) than from Australia and the United States (experiencing a permanent settlement syndrome) (Glytsos, 1988 and 1997). United States immigrants exhibit the same remittance behaviour: each 1% increase in the time spent in the United States decreases the likelihood of remitting by 2% and immigrantss political lobbies in the United States are half as likely to remit as the rest (Lowell and de la Garza, 2000). Canada, a country that receives mainly permanent immigrants, registered a similar experience, with immigrant households spending just a modest portion of their budgets on remittances. On average, 2 to 6 % of their total household expenditures were devoted to this category (DeVoretz, 2004).
146
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
III.
This is expected to be possible when the migrant has already a secure employment, high enough earnings and has positive expectations about further income. By receiving remittances, the family will then have the opportunity to improve its consumption, to undertake investment projects including much more risk and thus reach a higher level of utility. Evidence from Botswana shows that families with more cattle receive significantly more remittances in periods of drought (Lucas and Stark, 1985). The loan agreement model was theorised as displaying a three waves shape. In a first stage, remittances are assumed to be the repayment of an informal and implicit loan contracted by the migrant for investment in education and migration costs. In a second stage, they are loans made by migrants to young relatives to finance their education, until they are themselves ready to migrate. In this phase, the amounts remitted are expected to diminish in aggregated numbers because not all migrants are expected to give a loan to family members. Then, in the third stage, before returning to their original country, migrants invest accumulated capital at home, therefore the amount of remittances increases. Later, the next generation of emigrants repay the loan to the former emigrantlenders, who may have retired in the home country. Given the nature of the loan, remittances cannot consequently be reduced over time as the co-insurance or altruistic theory predicts and are mainly used for consumption purposes. Empirical estimations for Botswanas rural to urban migration showed that migrants years of schooling, and the years of schooling of their own children, are positively and significantly correlated to remittances, giving support to the loan agreement hypothesis. Empirical support was found as well from Tonga and Western Samoa, due to the regularity of remittance flows (Poirine, 1997). However, survey data on migrants from the these countries in Sydney provide no evidence that in situations where parents have invested more in a migrants education, they will remit more than otherwise (Brown, 1997). Recent empirical studies also reject the loan agreement hypothesis. A 1998 marketing study of Latino households in the United States showed that migrants education has a strong impact on remittances, with each additional year of education reducing the likelihood of remitting by 7% (Lowell and de la Garza, 2000). The results of another study with macroeconomic data from over 30 developing countries are suggesting the same behaviour of migrant workers. These results are striking, suggesting that brain drain flows are not compensated by remittances (Faini, 2002).
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
147
III.
remittances depends on the migrants income, the per capita income in the home country and the bargaining power of the two parties. Empirical evidence for the support of the saving target hypothesis was found for Greek-German migration in the period 1960-1982, and for migration from seven Mediterranean countries (Algeria, Egypt, Jordan, Morocco, Syria, Tunisia and Turkey), the remittances being positively correlated to the per capita income in the host as well as in the home country (Glytsos, 1988, 2002). In a recent paper, Lucas (2004) summarises the answers to the question whether migration for permanent settlement results in lower remittances than temporary migration. Temporary migrants might have higher incentives to remit to those left behind than permanent migrants (Galor and Stark, 1990). Moreover, the longer migrants stay abroad, the lessser are the bonds to the sending economy and the lower are the remittances (Merkle and Zimmermann, 1992). On the other hand, migrants are better paid the longer they live in the destination country. Thus they could (if they wish) remit more. Lucas (2004, p. 13) concludes that remittances may initially rise, then decline with duration of stay, which would suggest an optimal length of stay to maximise remittance flows, balancing greater earning power against diminishing attachment.
148
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
III.
may substantially influence the choice of the channel for transferring the money. Therefore, this issue can become crucial for the amount of officially recorded transfers. Inflation in the home country was found to have a negative impact on remittances, perhaps reflecting uncertainties from the perspective of the remitters (Glytsos, 2001). Similarly, remittances became volatile in the Philippines following the financial crisis at the end of the 1990s, and suffered a decline as the economy slipped into crisis in 1999 and 2000 (Ratha, 2003). It should be pointed out that these numerous hypotheses trying to explain migration decision and remittances are not mutually exclusive. In fact, it may be the case that remittances are driven by all of these motives at the same time, each one explaining a part of the remittance amount or period of remitting practice. One of the elements can predominate over the others for a period or for a sample of migrant workers, and their roles can be later interchanged. This implies the complexity of the remittance phenomenon and its determinants, and explains the challenges of developing a universal theory (El-Sakka and McNabb, 1999).
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
149
III.
called hawaladars. The hawaladar in country A receives funds in one currency from a person from country A to be transferred to another person in country B. The person in country A receives a code for authentication proposes. The hawaladar then instructs his/ her correspondent in country B to pay an equivalent amount in local currency to the designated beneficiary, who needs to disclose the code to receive the funds. Although the remittance is immediately transferred, the liability the hawaladar in country A has to his counterpart in county B is set through various mechanisms of compensation occurs at different moments and often does not involve direct payment between the two hawaladars. There are also formal immigrant-businesses involved in international money transfers. In the United States, these are known as ethnic stores, and most of them operate transfers to Bangladesh, India, Pakistan and the Philippines. As Orozco (2002) reports, these enterprises need to contend with competition from the hawala system (which operates outside the US regulation system). They also face tough competition from wire transfer services, such as Western Union, which have more market power. According to recent estimates, this type of business is gradually losing global market share, from 50% in 1996 to 45% in 2001 (Orozco, 2002). Postal offices also entered the international remittance market in the 1990s, by offering the possibility of transfers through international money orders. EuroGiro, a European company established in 1993, operates in direct co-operation with the Universal Postal Union (UPU) to promote new solutions for postal financial organisations worldwide. Currently, it operates international money transfers in more than 30 countries including the European Union (EU), Canada, United States, most Central and Eastern European countries, Brazil, China and Israel. The US Post Office has its own transfer system that allows transfers to most Latin American countries. Additionally, they introduced in 1998 Dinero Seguro@, a system that offers the possibility of transferring smaller amounts of money (up to USD 2 000) from postal offices in the United States to any of the 2 300 Bancomer branches in Mexico. The most popular businesses for international money transfers are the money transfer companies, like Western Union and Money Gram. Money transfer companies are non-bank financial institutions which are authorised to engage in banking activities not involving the receipt of money on any current account subject to withdrawals by check (Lowell and de la Garza, 2000). The company with the largest global presence is Western Union. It has more than 170 000 agent locations worldwide and a global market share of about 26% (Orozco, 2002). The transfer mechanisms developed by banks and credit unions have the particularity that at least the remittance sender must open a current account with a bank in the host country. Having a current account with a bank allows the remittance sender to electronically send money to a bank account of the receiver in the home country. Moreover modern banking technology permits payments in stores or cash withdrawals at Automated Teller Machines (ATMs) with a debit or credit card at the receiving end. The amounts paid/ withdrawn this way are then credited on the account of the remittance sender. According to the Pew Hispanic Center/Kaiser Family Foundation National Survey of Latinos, major barriers for Latino migrants in the United States wanting to use this mechanism are legal status (which impedes illegal migrants from opening current accounts), lack of information that such methods can be used to remit money internationally and poor banking
150
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
III.
infrastructure in the migrants home countries (Suro et al., 2003). A further barrier to these transfer mechanisms in the United States is that current account holders have to choose between the size of the minimum balance they maintain in the account and the fees they pay for running the current account (i.e. fees decrease as the minimum balance decreases). Maintaining a minimum balance of at least USD 1 000, that eliminates fees, is beyond the abilities of many Latino migrants who earn low wages, live payday to payday, and dispatch most of their disposable income in remittances (Suro et al., 2003). For remittance transfers to Latin America, banks and credit unions have a market share of 13% (Suro, 2003).
The choice of the transfer means and money transfer market evolution
In order to better understand how remitters choose the means to send money home, the Pew Hispanic Center and the Multilateral Investment Fund of the Inter-American Development Bank commissioned Bendixen and Associates, a public opinion research company based in Miami that specialises in polling Latinos in the United States, to conduct an intensive study. Extensive interviews with 302 remittance senders were conducted, focused on their understanding of the costs involved and their willingness to use new methods, such as the electronic transfer products that US banks are now putting on the market. The results are presented in the report Billions in Motion: Latino Immigrants, Remittances and Banking of 22 November 2002.
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
151
III.
Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1786/816701010268
The report shows that most remittance senders according to Suro (2003), 70% of all remitters from the United States to Latin America use international money transfer companies such as Western Union and MoneyGram, which are expensive relative to banks and credit unions. The results of the study indicate that a large segment of the remitting population is willing, even eager, to explore new methods of sending money home. But a variety of legal and institutional factors impede their ability to do so. Many lack proper identity documents and fear that the failure to produce valid papers at a bank will jeopardise their possibility to stay in the country. They are receptive to innovations that help overcome legal impediments to banking, such as the identity cards issued by Mexican consulates in the United States known as the matricula. Yet, despite all the recent developments that have helped formalise and ease remittance flows, for many Latinos it remains an expensive and confusing process, primarily because of minimum balance requirements and the fees charged. These factors all mean that remitters keep going back to the old methods, mainly international money transfer companies, even though they are concerned that they are paying excessive transaction fees and foreign exchange costs. These findings suggest that a wholesale move by remitters to banking channels will only take place if banks can offer similar services to those provided by international money transfer companies, at significantly reduced costs. This will involve more than simply putting an effective product on the market and letting it go head-to-head with existing products. Banks will need to guarantee competitive pricing and quality of service at both ends of the remittance transaction. Given the intimate family connections between remittance senders and receivers, the convenience, reliability and safety of the services provided in Latin America will have to meet or exceed those currently available there. If immigrants who regularly dispatch most of their disposable income in remittances could acquire the habit of accumulating money in a bank account, they would attain benefits that go beyond economising on the costs of remittance. The potential benefits include reduced banking costs, interest-paying savings accounts, the responsible use of credit, and ultimately financial practices that are rewarded by the tax system, such as home ownership and retirement savings accounts. In order to attract new customers, some US banks already offer financial literacy training and help Mexican immigrants to obtain matriculas. Moreover, as other authors argue, ensuring transparency in pricing and greater consumer awareness about the available options are also important for a fair competition
152
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
III.
and efficient market for remittance transfers. This is one of the reasons for the introduction by the United States of the Wire Transfer Fairness and Disclosure Act. According to this act, fees and exchange rates have to be posted in the offices of money transfer agencies and in their advertising, and remitters are to be provided with a receipt stating the exact amount of foreign currency to be received in the foreign country (Suro et al., 2002).
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
153
III.
classes, poorer households benefit from migrant remittances as well and remittances have an equalising effect on income distribution. But evidence derived from dynamic models is also divergent. Using a similar approach to that of Strak, Taylor and Yitzhaki, and inter-temporal data from the 1973, 1978 and 1983 Yugoslavian household surveys, Milanovic (1987) found no support for the U-shape relationship hypothesis. In contrast, his results showed that remittances lead to income divergence. Furthermore, the effects differ according to the periods and social categories considered. There is no decisive conclusion as to whether migrant remittances induce income convergence or divergence at origin, for two main reasons. First, there is diversity in the environments studied in terms of initial inequality. And second, disparities in results may be caused by differences in the empirical methods applied: static versus dynamic, with or without endogenous migration costs, and with or without factoring in the effects of migration on domestic income sources (Docquier and Rapoport, 2003). This theoretical study suggests that the conflicting results of the empirical literature may be reconciled if local wage changes at origin are taken into account. They show that the inequality impact of remittances and local wage adjustment tend to reinforce one another in the case of high initial inequality, but may compensate one another in the low initial inequality case. This has important implications for empirical studies. For example, in the Mexican case, where inequality is high, the omission of wage adjustments may lead to an underestimation of the equalising effect of remittances. On the contrary, in the Yugoslavian case, where inequality is lower, taking this labour market effect into account could possibly reverse an inequality enhancing effect. However, this theoretical finding has to be considered with care, until confirmed by empirical work (Adams and Page, 2003).
154
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
III.
households with remittances have similar consumption patterns to households not receiving remittances. Yet other scholars suggest that remittances are treated differently than other sources of income and are more often saved. Household surveys in Pakistan show that a larger part of international remittances are saved (71%) compared to domestic urban-rural remittances (49%) and rental income (8.5%) (Adams, 1998). In other countries, for example Mali, remittances are used to build schools and clinics (Martin and Weil, 2002). But the decisions of remittance senders (or receivers) to invest more or less is a rational choice about the use of their income, according to the general economic situation in their countries. Household productive investments do not depend on income, but rather on interest rates, stock prices, sound macroeconomic policies and stable economic growth (Puri and Ritzema, 1999). Recent economic research shows that remittances, even when not invested, can have an important multiplier effect. One remittance dollar spent on basic needs will stimulate retail sales, which stimulates further demand for goods and services, which then stimulates output and employment (Lowell and de la Garza, 2000). Most of the theoretical researches considering the multiplier effects of remittances use models that capture both migration and remittances effects on welfare. They consider remittances as a possible offset to the decline in output suffered by developing countries, caused by the loss of trade opportunities as a result of emigration. The results show that if low-skilled migrants emigrate, the welfare of the source country rises in the case that remittances are in excess of the domestic income loss. If highly-skilled persons emigrate and/or if emigration is accompanied by capital, remittances have a welfare increasing effect for the non-migrants only when the capital/labour ratio of the source economy remains unchanged or rises. If the capital/labour ratio falls, the welfare effect is indeterminate or even negative (Quibria, 1997). For example, for the Central and Eastern European countries, Straubhaar and Wolburg (1999) found that remittances do not compensate the welfare loss due to the emigration of the high skilled to Germany. However, when foreign capital is present in an economy, remittance financed capital accumulation improves the welfare of the economy. If remittances are spent for consumption, the welfare impact of remittances depends on the relative factor intensities of traded and non-traded goods (Djajic, 1998). The empirical evidence indicates that multiplier effects can substantially increase gross national product. Thus for example every migradollar spend in Mexico induced a GNP increase of USD 2.69 for the remittances received by urban households and USD 3.17 for the remittances received by rural households (Ratha, 2003). In Greece, remittances generated at the beginning of the 1970s a multiplier of 1.77 in gross output, accounting for more than half of the GDP growth rate. Furthermore, high proportions of employment were supported by remittances: 10.3% in mining, 5.2% in manufacturing and 4.7% in construction. And the capital generated by remittances amounts to 8% of the installed capacity in manufacturing. Of particular interest is the finding that spending on consumption and investment produced similar multipliers of respectively 1.8 and 1.9. And contrary to common opinion, expenditure on housing was found to be very productive, with a multiplier of 2 (Glytsos, 1993). By carrying out an econometric test on data from 11 Central and Eastern European countries, Lon-Ledesma and Piracha (2001) found that remittances significantly contribute to the increase of the investment level of the source economies. Drinkwater et al. (2003) attained similar results through a study of
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
155
III.
20 developing countries. Moreover, their results showed that remittances also diminished unemployment, but insignificantly. Remittances do not only have positive effects on the source economy. If remittances generate demand greater than the economys capacity to meet this demand, and this demand falls on non-tradable goods, remittances can have an inflationary effect. In Egypt, for example, the price for agricultural land rose between 1980 and 1986 by 600% due to remittances (Adams, 1991). Along with the positive effects remittances had on Jordans economy, in the years 1985, 1989 and 1990, they seem to have intensified recession very strongly and generated negative growth rates of over 10%. Other potential negative welfare implications of remittances are the encouragement of continued migration of the workingage population and the dependence among recipients accustomed to the availability of these funds. All these could perpetuate an economic dependency that undermines the prospects for development (Buch et al., 2002). Finally, because remittances take place under asymmetric information and economic uncertainty, it could be that there exists a significant moral hazard problem leading to a negative effect of remittances on economic growth. Given the income effect of remittances, people could afford to work less and to diminish labour supply. Using panel methods on a large sample of countries Chami et al. (2003) found that remittances have a negative effect on economic growth (which according to the authors indicates that the moral hazard problem in remittances is severe).
156
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
III.
One of the negative effects of remittances on the current account is the boomerang effect. This occurs when remittances induce an increase of imports and trade balance deficits in the remittance-receiving country. However, most scholars disagree that it is the remittance-induced imports that cause these trade balance problems. The propensity to import can also increase as a consequence of the general development of the economy, of a structural change in the production of consumer or investment goods, or of the international division of labour. Neither is the boomerang effect supported by empirical research. Evidence shows that in south European countries, remittance-induced imports between 1960 and 1981 accounted for minimums of 1% in Spain and Italy, to maximums of 4.9% in Greece and 6.2% in Portugal (Glytsos, 1993; Straubhaar, 1988). Another negative effect can be produced where remittances generate demand greater than the economys capacity to produce. When this demand falls on tradable goods, remittances can induce an appreciation of the real exchange rate. The overvalued exchange rate reduces the competitiveness of the domestic industries in the foreign markets (by expensive exports), in the home markets (by cheap imports), and shifts resources from the tradable sector into the non-tradable sector, so-called Dutch Disease effect. This may further lead to balance of payments pressure, a slower growth of employment opportunities, and consequently to a further increase in the incentive to emigrate. Empirical evidence from Egypt, Portugal and Turkey supports such fears, but the effect remained marginal in most of the observed cases and periods (McCormick and Wahba, 2004; Straubhaar, 1988). A possible reason for an insignificant Dutch disease effect of remittances is that the additional import of cheap capital goods may increase productivity and therefore improve the competitiveness of domestic products. Moreover, the imported capital goods may be used to substitute other imports and/or to produce exportable goods. Further, in a system based on non-convertible domestic currency, the privilege of holding foreign currency in corroboration with inflationary tensions may have adverse consequences in monetary terms. For example, in the countries of the Maghreb, the development of a black market for foreign exchange, the increased use of swap transactions in the foreign and domestic trade, and the very high prices for foreign goods lead in the 1980s and beginning of the 1990s to a situation in which foreign exchange was used for the domestic exchange for luxuries, or to buy services in order to obtain them more rapidly. Under such circumstances of currency substitution (known in the literature as dollarisation or euroisation), the authorities of countries with a non-convertible domestic currency used to devaluate the national currency periodically in order to attract remittances from emigrants. For example, Algeria started to devaluate the dinar after 1985 and consequently its value dropped from 5 dinars a dollar in 1985 to 9 dinars a dollar in 1990, and 20 dinars a dollar in 1992 (Garson, 1994).
Conclusion
On the basis of this survey on the complex phenomenon of international migrant remittances, the following conclusions can be drawn. International migrant remittances are a very important source of capital for developing countries. They are less important than FDI, but surpass by far official development assistance and capital market flows. Moreover, remittances are a very stable source of capital. In contrast to FDI and portfolio investment that fell sharply in the last
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
157
III.
years due to the worldwide recession, international migrant remittances grew further, evidence of an anti-cyclical character. Many central banks face difficulties in implementing the distinctive booking of international migrant remittances as income (compensation of employees), current transfers (workers remittances) and capital transfers (migrants transfers), according to IMF definitions. The main problem that occurs is that many central banks in developing countries have difficulties in distinguishing workers remittances from the other private transfers. Therefore they book entire or important parts of workers remittance flows under other current transfers of other sectors. This often means that the level of official remittance flows to developing countries is undervalued, and creates difficulties for any international comparison of remittance data. The best way to overcome this data problem is by evaluating formal remittance flows as the sum of the following three balance of payments components: compensation of employees, workers remittances, and other transfers of other sectors. The different hypotheses attempting to explain remittance motivations pure altruism, pure self-interest, implicit family agreements, the migrants saving target and portfolio management decisions complement each other. Some or all of these motives together may simultaneously drive remittances, each one explaining a part of the amount remitted or a period of remitting practice. One motive can predominate over the other for a period or for a sample of migrants with the same characteristics, and their roles can be interchanged. This illustrates that the remittance phenomenon is a very complex one, and explains the difficulty in developing a universal theory of remittance determination. A very important recent assumption regarding the contribution of remittances in compensating the human capital loss of migrant sending countries is that migrants propensity to remit diminishes with education. There is little empirical work regarding this issue (an exception is Faini, 2002), but if confirmed by future research, the results would be outstanding. It would imply that high skilled workers do not compensate (or compensate less) for the loss they induce to the economy they are leaving. A significant part of the money remitted by international migrants goes to the transfer companies as profits rather than to the migrants families in developing countries. Empirical studies show that a reduction of the costs of remitting money to the level charged by the financial institutions with the cheapest transfer services, i.e. commercial banks, would free up several billions each year for poor households in Africa, Asia, Latin America and eastern Europe. This can be achieved by two sets of policies in industrial, remittance-sending countries. First, policies that target fair competition and efficient markets for remittance transfers, e.g. ensuring transparency in pricing and greater consumer awareness about the available options. Second, innovations that allow illegal migrants to open bank accounts (such as the matriculas in the United States) and thus give access to cheaper transfer services. By assuring lower cost for remittance sending, larger remittance flows could be channelled through the formal financial system too. In addition to direct impacts of remittances on migrant sending economies, i.e. poverty reduction, offset of balance of payments deficits, reducing of foreign exchange shortages, productive investments, etc., remittances also have positive indirect effects. These are the easing of capital and risk constraints, the release of other resources for investment and the generation of multiplier effects of consumption spending. Despite this, remittances are not a panacea and cannot substitute sound economic policies in
158
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
III.
developing countries. An economic environment that encourages emigration also limits the developmental impact of remittances in migrant sending areas. Productive investment does not depend on income, but rather on market infrastructure, interest rates, stock prices, macroeconomic policies and stable economic growth. Following models of sound macroeconomic management and development strategies involving the whole economy will be the best means to maximise the positive growth effects of remittances in developing countries.
Notes
1. The paper has been written by Thomas Straubhaar and Florin P. V dean, Hamburg Institute of International Economics (HWWA). It is a result of the Hamburg Institute of International Economics (HWWA) Migration Research Group. Valuable comments from Christina Boswell, Michael Bruniger, Jean-Pierre Garson, Drago Radu, and Nadia V dean are gratefully acknowledged. Financial support from the Friedrich Naumann Foundation and the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) are noted with appreciation. 2. Other current transfers of other sectors (item code 2392) together with workers remittances (item code 2391) are the two subcomponents of current transfers, other sectors (item code 2390). Other sectors refer to other non-government sectors. 3. For more about hawala (meaning transfer), see below under The transfer channels. 4. In the model, the savings target is excluded from the remittance flows. 5. As far as is known, almost all East European bus transport companies that link the East European countries to the EU also offer courier services. Because of the low cost, mainly poor and unskilled workers use them both for travelling and sending remittances. 6. Remarkably, spending on education is generally categorised in the literature as consumption, in spite of the fact that scholars regard education as one of the main determinants of economic growth. 7. One extra drachma of remittances generated 1.7 drachma of gross output.
Bibliography
ADAMS, R.H., Jr. (1991), The Effects of International Remittances on Poverty, Inequality and Development in Rural Egypt, Research Report No. 96, International Food Policy Research Institute. ADAMS, R.H., Jr. (1998), Remittances, Investment, and Rural Asset Accumulation in Pakistan, Economic Development and Cultural Change No. 47, October, pp. 155-173. ADAMS, R.H., Jr. (2003), International Migration, Remittances and the Brain Drain: A Study of 24 LaborExporting Countries, Policy Research Working Paper No. 3069, World Bank (Poverty Reduction Group), Washington, DC. ADAMS, R.H., Jr. and J. PAGE (2003), International Migration, Remittances and Poverty in Developing Countries, Policy Research Working Paper No. 3179, World Bank (Poverty Reduction Group), Washington, DC. AGARWAL, R. and A. HOROWITZ (2002), Are International Remittances Altruism or Insurance? Evidence from Guyana Using Multiple-Migrant Households, World Development, Vol. 30(11), pp. 2033-2044. AHLBURG, D.A. (1996), Remittances and the Income Distribution in Tonga, Population Research and Policy Review, Vol. 15(4), pp. 391-400. BROWN, R. (1997), Estimating Remittance Functions for Pacific Island Migrants, World Development, Vol. 25(4), pp. 613-626. BUCH, C. and A. KUCKULENZ (2004), Worker Remittances and Capital Flows to Developing Countries, Centre for European Economic Research (ZEW) Discussion Paper No. 04 31, ZEW, Mannheim. BUCH, C., A. KUCKULENZ and M. LE MANCHEC (2002), Worker Remittances and Capital Flows, Kiel Working Paper No. 1130, Kiel Institute for World Economics, Kiel.
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
159
III.
CHAMI, R., C. FULLENKAMP and S. JASHJAH (2003), Are Immigrant Remittance Flows a Source of Capital for Development?, Working Paper No. 03/189, International Monetary Fund (IMF), Washington, DC. CZECH NATIONAL BANK (2002), Balance of Payments Report 2001, Prague. DAIANU, D. (2001), Balance of Payments Financing in Romania The Role of Remittances, Romanian Center for Economic Policies, Bucharest. DeVORETZ, D. J. (2004), Canadian Immigrant Monetized Transfers: Evidence from Micro Data, Proceedings of Migration and Development: Working with the Diaspora, International Labour Organization (ILO), Geneva. DJAJIC, S. (1998), Emigration and Welfare in an Economy with Foreign Capital, Journal of Development Economics, No. 56, pp. 433-445. DOCQUIER, F. and H. RAPOPORT (2003), Remittances and Inequality: A Dynamic Migration Model, IZA Discussion Paper No. 808, Institute for the Study of Labor, Bonn. DRINKWATER, S., P. LEVINE and E. LOTTI (2003), The Labour Market Effects of Remittances, FLOWENLA Discussion Paper No. 6, Hamburg Institute of International Economics, Hamburg. EL-QORCHI, M. (2002), Hawala, Finance and Development, Vol. 39(4). EL-QORCHI, M., S.M. MAIMBO and J.F. WILSON (2002), The Hawala Informal Funds Transfer System: An Economic and Regulatory Analysis. EL-SAKKA, M. and R. MCNABB (1999), The Macroeconomic Determinants of Emigrant Remittances, World Development, Vol. 27(8), pp. 1493-1502. FAINI, R. (2002), Development, Trade, and Migration, ABCDE Europe, World Bank. GARSON, J.P. (1994), The Implications for the Maghreb Countries of Financial Transfers from Emigrants, Migration and Development: New Partnerships for Co-operation, OECD, Paris. GLYTSOS, N.P. (1988), Remittances in Temporary Migration: A Theoretical Model and Its Testing with the Greek-German Experience, Weltwirtschaftliches Anrhiv, Vol. 124(3), pp. 524-549. GLYTSOS, N.P. (1993), Measuring the Income Effects of Migrant Remittances: A Methodological Approach Applied to Greece, Economic Development and Cultural Change, Vol. 42(1), pp. 131-168. GLYTSOS, N.P. (1997), Remitting Behaviour of Temporary and Permanent Migrants: The Case of Greeks in Germany and Australia, Labour, Vol. 11(3), pp. 409-435. GLYTSOS, N.P. (2001), Determinants and Effects of Migrant Remittances. A Survey, in S. Djajic (ed.), International Migration: Trends, Policies and Economic Impact, Routledge, London and New York. GLYTSOS, N.P. (2002), A Model of Remittance Determination Applied to the Middle East and North Africa Countries, Working Paper No. 73, Centre of Planning and Economic Research, Athens. HODDINOTT, J. (1994), A Model of Migration and Remittances Applied to Western Kenya, Oxford Economic Papers, No. 46, pp. 459-476, Oxford. INTERNATIONAL MONETARY FUND, Balance of Payments Statistics Yearbook, Washington, DC, various issues. LEN-LEDESMA M. and M. PIRACHA (2001), International Migration and the Role of Remittances in Eastern Europe, Studies in Economics, No. 0113, Department of Economics, University of Kent. LOWELL, B.L. and R.O. DE LA GARZA (2000), The Developmental Role of Remittances in US Latino Communities and in Latin American Countries, A Final Project Report, Inter-American Dialogue. LUCAS, R.E.B. (2004), International Migration to the High Income Countries: Some Consequences for Economic Development in the Sending Countries, Boston University (mimeo). LUCAS, R.E.B. and O. STARK (1985), Motivations to Remit: Evidence from Botswana, Journal of Political Economy, Vol. 93(5), pp. 901-918. MARTIN, P., S. MARTIN and P. WEIL (2002), Best Practice Options: Mali, International Migration, Vol. 40(3), pp. 87-99. McCORMICK, B. and J. WAHBA (2004), Return International Migration and Geographical Inequality. The Case of Egypt, Research Paper No. 2004/7, World Institute for Development Economics Research (WIDER), United Nations University. MERKLE, L. and K.F. ZIMMERMANN (1992), Savings, Remittances and Return Migration, Economic Letters, No. 38, pp. 77-81.
160
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
III.
MILANOVIC, B. (1987), Remittances and Income Distribution, Journal of Economic Studies, Vol. 14(5), pp. 24-37. MUNSHI, K. (2003), Networks in the Modern Economy: Mexican Migrants in the US Labor Market, Quarterly Journal of Economics, No. 118, pp. 549-599. NAYYAR, D. (1994), Migration, Remittances and Capital Flows: The Indian Experience, Oxford University Press, Delhi. OROZCO, M. (2002), Worker Remittances: The Human Face of Globalization, Inter-American Development Bank. OROZCO, M. (2003), Worker Remittances: An International Comparison, Inter-American Development Bank. PURI, S. and T. RITZEMA (1999), Migrant Worker Remittances, Micro-Finance and the Informal Economy: Prospects and Issues, Working Paper No. 21, Social Finance Unit, International Labour Organization, Geneva. POIRINE, B. (1997), A Theory of Remittances as an Implicit Family Loan Arrangement, World Development, Vol. 25(4), pp. 589-611. QUIBRIA, M.G. (1997), International Migration, Remittances and Income Distribution in Source Country: A Synthesis, Bulletin of Economic Research, Vol. 49(1), pp. 29-46. RATHA, D. (2003), Workers Remittances: An Important and Stable Source of External Development Finance, Global Developing Finance 2003, World Bank, pp. 157-175. RODRIGUEZ, E. (1998), International Migration and Income Distribution in the Philippines, Economic Development and Cultural Change, Vol. 46(2), pp. 329-350. STARK, O. (1991), The Migration of Labor, Blackwell, Oxford and Cambridge, Mass. STARK, O., J.E. Taylor and S. Yitzhaki (1986), Remittances and Inequality, The Economic Journal, No. 96, pp. 722-740. STARK, O., J.E. Taylor and S. Yitzhaki (1988), Migration Remittances and Inequality: A Sensitivity Analysis using the Extended Gini Index, Journal of Development Economics, No. 28, pp. 309-322. STRAUBHAAR, T. (1986), The Determinants of Workers Remittances : the Case of Turkey, Weltwirtschaftliches Archiv, Vol. 122(4), pp. 728-740. STRAUBHAAR, T. (1988), On the Economics of International Labor Migration, Haupt, Bern-Stuttgart. STRAUBHAAR, T. and M. WOLBURG (1999), Brain Drain and Brain Gain in Europe: An Evaluation of the East-European Migration to Germany, Jahrbcher fr Nationalkonomie und Statistik, Vol. 218 (5-6), pp. 574-604. SURO, R. (2003), Remittance Senders and Receivers: Tracking the Transnational Channels, Pew Hispanic Center, Washington, DC. SURO, R., S. BENDIXEN, L. LOWELL and D.C. BENAVIDES (2002), Billions in Motion: Latino Immigrants, Remittances and Banking, Pew Hispanic Center and Multilateral Investment Fund Report. TAYLOR, J.E. (1999), The New Economics of Labor Migration and the Role of Remittances, International Migration, Vol. 37(1), pp. 63-86. TAYLOR, J.E. and T.J. WYATT (1996), The Shadow Value of Migrant Remittances, Income and Inequality in a Household-farm Economy, Journal of Development Studies, Vol. 32(6), pp. 899-912. TERRY, D.F., F. JIMINEZ-ONTIVEROS and S.R. WILSON (eds.) (2004), Beyond Small change: Migrants, Remittances and Economic Development. Inter-American Development Bank and Baltimore, Johns Hopkins University Press.
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
161
ISBN 92-64-03627-X International Migration Outlook SOPEMI 2006 Edition OECD 2006
PART IV
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
163
IV.
AUSTRALIA
Australia
The number of permanent immigrants accepted under the 2004-2005 Migration (nonHumanitarian) Programme was the highest in over a decade. Australia continues with a programme of strict control over migration movements while increasing admissions in all migration categories. The increase in grants of permanent permits in 2004 was relatively small (+6 000) but brought the total level (non-humanitarian) to 120 060. The skill stream accounted for almost two thirds of this (including family members of principal applicants). It is expected that an additional 20 000 will be accepted in the skill stream in 2005-2006 to help meet both short- and long-term labour force needs. International students (172 000 visas in 2003-2004, +9 000) and working holidaymakers (94 000 visas, +5 000) continue to increase, providing a significant source of labour for part-time and less skilled jobs in Australias labour market. O f t h e 6 2 6 0 0 p e r s o n s w ho d ep ar t e d permanently in 2004-2005, over 50% were foreignborn, a figure that has been fairly steady in recent years. Over one fifth of these are New Zealanders, who have the right of free movement to Australia. The Australian government has taken a number of measures in order to increase the pool of skilled independent visa applicants. From November 2005 holders of a Working Holiday Maker visa or an Occupational Trainee visa will be able to apply for and be granted a Skilled Independent Regional visa without leaving Australia. To be eligible for this visa, the WHM visa holder will need to have held their visa for at least six months while in Australia and meet other basic requirements for General Skilled Migration. From the same date Working Holiday Makers who have done at least three months seasonal harvest work in regional Australia may apply for a second WHM visa. Within the Business Skills programme, a new temporary visa subclass, the Investor Retirement Visa was introduced in July 2005. This visa requires State or Territory government sponsorship and can assist in the dispersal of migrants to regional, rural or low growth areas. From July 2005, an eVisa lodgement option was introduced, allowing overseas students in Australia and Skilled Independent visa applicants to lodge their visa application over the Internet. To complement this initiative, a new General Skilled Migration website was developed. In addition, a National Skills Recognition Web Portal is being developed which will provide people with overseas qualifications seeking to migrate to Australia with links to information for assessment, licensing and registration authorities across Australia for all shortage occupations. Since April 2005, Sponsored Family Visa applications are lodged in Australia by the sponsor and are processed and decided in the country rather than overseas, as was previously the case. In June 2005, the International Organisation for Migration was provided with $A 2.5 million to establish a no-interest loan scheme to help Special Humanitarian Programme proposers meet travel costs associated with bringing SHP entrants to Australia. During the second half of 2004-05, onshore processing of certain offshore applications was extended to cover all processing sub-regions in Africa and the Middle East. The electronic application system for visas has been extended into electronic health assessment and in 2005 an additional predeparture health check was introduced for certain refugee visa holders from Africa and some other regions. In 2004-05, the cultural orientation programme was expanded to provide classes in seven broad locations Cairo, West Africa, Middle East, Tehran, New Delhi and South East Asia. It will be further expanded in 2005-06 and will target client groups with special needs, such as illiteracy. In June 2005, the Government announced that all primary protection visa applications will be decided within three months of receipt of the application. This time limit also applies to decisions by the Refugee Review Tribunal. From May 2005 there has been a requirement that all children adopted overseas applying for Australian citizenship will need to hold an adoption visa or other permanent visa. Other changes, announced in September 2005, relate to extension of the residence qualifying period, to security checking and to the use of personal identifiers.
164
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
IV.
AUSTRALIA
1995
2000
2003
2004
7.5 1.5
Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1786/614135851320
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
165
IV.
AUSTRIA
Austria
M i g rat i o n to Aus t r i a continued at relatively high l eve l s , b u t t e n d s t o b e oriented more towards family reunification. As elsewhere the number of asylum seekers declined in Austria in 2004. L eg i s la t i o n reg a rd i ng f o re ig n e r s ha s b e e n fundamentally revised. Inflows of foreigners reached a level of about 109 000 in 2004, an increase of about 12 000 over 2003 and of 37 000 relative to 2001. A significant proportion of these appear to be short-term, however, since outmigration of foreigners stood at about 48 000 in 2004. The latter is at the same level as in 1999. The increase in net migration over the period is due to an increase in the number of immigrants. A total of about 65 000 residence permits were issued in 2004, with about half being first settler permits and half temporary residence permits. This was about 6 000 less than in 2003. Few of the settler permits were subject to quotas on permits for thirdcountry nationals, essentially because naturalisation, allows them to bring in their next of kin without impediments. The number of asylum seekers, after peaking at 37 000 in 2002, stood at about 25 000 in 2004. A further decline of about 15% is projected for 2005, on the basis of requests up to October. In 2003 and again in 2004 there was a marked rise in the employment of foreigners.* This was due to a significant increase of EU citizens, especially Germans, looking for work in Austria, as well as new legislation granting aliens of third country origin who have legally resided in Austria for 5 years permanent residence status with right of access to the labour market without the need for a work permit. The regulation pertaining to residence status and access to work has been overhauled and the law systematised in accordance with EU guidelines. For instance family reunion is essentially unregulated and uncapped for third country origin citizens who are partners of or dependent children of an Austrian or EU citizen. In addition, third country citizens who have the right of settlement in another EU country have the right to settle also in Austria. Only the inflow for settlement of third country citizens and of their family members is regulated by quotas. Access to the labour market is now granted to settlers, regulated by the 2005 Settlement and Temporary Residence Law. Labour market access is also granted to temporary residents according to the Foreign Worker Law. In consequence, an annual quota is fixed for third country citizens who want to work in Austria (the highly skilled only) and for family reunion of third country citizens with third country nationals. Following similar action in 1997 and 2003, further major amendments to asylum legislation occurred in 2005. The most recent amendment stipulates that every applicant for asylum has the right to financial support from the state, with the burden being shared by all federal states according to a quota related to population size. This change has meant that all asylum seekers tend to be registered in the central population register, boosting the population inflow statistics in 2004. In Austria, both migration and integration policies are decided upon and implemented in the regions, with federal laws providing a general framework. The new laws relating to the residence and settlement of foreigners leave it up to the states to devise an institutional and budgetary framework to organise the integration of migrants. However, due to the strong regional focus of integration policy formulation and implementation, little is still known at federal level about such details as how much money is spent on integration, the instruments and measure used and their effectiveness.
* The statistics in the table on the opposite page show a drop in the employment-population ratio, due to a break in the series.
166
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
IV.
AUSTRIA
1995
2000
2003
2004
8.1 5.5
13.3 5.9
Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1786/078770643127
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
167
IV.
BELGIUM
Belgium
Entries into Belgium in 2004 reached a peak relative to the situation over recent decades, and a number of measures for the integration of foreigners were adopted. In 2004, slightly over 72 000 foreigners immigrated into Belgium, some 45% of whom came from another EU country. This was a slight increase over the previous year. The main nonEU nationalities were, by order of size, Moroccans (8 000) and Turks (3 200), followed by Romanians, Chinese and Indians. In 2004, Romanians showed the sharpest increase in entries (+ 50%, to roughly 1 400 entries). Net migration for foreigners stood at approximately 34 000. Despite this net migration, the foreign population is tending to decrease in Belgium. In 2004, foreigners accounted for 8.4% of the total population, as against 9% on average in the 1990s. T h i s t r e n d i s e x p l a i n e d by t h e nu m b e r o f naturalisations, which have risen sharply following the reform of the Nationality Act in 2000. A total of 34 800 people acquired Belgian nationality in 2004, which is a high level, but lower than in the years following the reform. Since 2000, which saw a record number of nearly 43 000 asylum requests, the number of applicants has fallen rapidly and in 2004 only 15 000 requests were filed. However, the inflows of the 1990s have led to a large backlog in the processing of asylum requests. To address this problem, the last in, first out principle has been adopted and a complete revision of the procedure has been announced. In 2004, more than 4 300 initial type A work permits (unlimited stay without any restriction on employer) and type B permits (limited to a renewable 12-month period for a specific employer) were issued to foreign workers, some 1 100 of whom were women. This was down slightly over the previous year. Just under 5 500 work permits (both first-time permits and renewals) were also granted to highly-skilled and managerial-level workers in 2003. For these permits, neither the labour market situation nor the workers origin are taken into account. Roughly half of these permits are granted to Japanese, Indians or US nationals. Since 2003, there has been a new type C work permit that is issued to foreigners who have been admitted for a temporary stay for reasons other than work (students and asylum seekers whose re q u e s t h a s b e e n r u l e d a d m i s s i bl e ) . S o m e 30 000 permits of this type were granted in 2004 (24 000 in 2003). The most significant changes in migration policy concerned the integration of foreigners. Three important measures have been taken in this field:
The Anti-Discrimination Act was strengthened in 2003 and an Action Plan against Racism, AntiSemitism and Xenophobia was approved by the federal government in July 2004. The Flemish Community introduced a civic integration programme that provides for language courses, initiation into citizenship and vocational guidance for all newly arrived immigrants. The right to vote in communal elections was granted to non-EU foreigners who have resided in Belgium for at least 5 years (the Act of 2004, which will be in force for the 2006 elections).
In addition, in order to improve knowledge of migration trends in Belgium, a Migration Observatory was established in 2003, with the main missions of ensuring respect for the basic rights of foreigners, keeping the government informed about the nature and magnitude of migration flows and promoting co-operation and dialogue between all public and private players concerned by policies for the reception and integration of foreigners. It should also be mentioned that additional rights have been guaranteed for certain categories of migrants, such as unaccompanied foreign minors and migrants benefiting from temporary p r o t e c t i o n . I n M ay 2 0 0 4 , a R oya l O rd e r o n combating smuggling and trafficking in human beings established the Interdepartmental Unit for Co-ordinating the Fight against Trafficking in Human Beings, which is responsible for ensuring effective co-ordination between all services involved. Lastly, a Federal Council for Combating Illegal Work and Social Security Fraud was set up in 2003 in order to co-ordinate the efforts of the various inspection services.
168
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
IV. BELGIUM
1995
2000
2003
2004
7.0 3.6
Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1786/120564762624
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
169
IV.
BULGARIA
Bulgaria
Even though the number of i mm ig ra n t s in B u l g a r i a continued slowly to expand in 200 4, the predominant feature remained emigration, which contributed to further declines in the total population. There is currently a potential for supply shortages in the labour market as the economy continues its high-growth path and at a time when projected EU-accession entails the need for investment in infrastructure. Harmonisation with the Unions legal immigration framework has been the main purpose driving reform in legislation. Total emigration from 2001 to 2004 is estimated at 60-100 000 persons, a considerable slowdown compared to the 1998-2001 period, for which estimates are over 210 000. Return migration over the entire 1992-2001 period is estimated not to exceed 19 000 and there is no indication that this is changing. With respect to immigration, the number of both permanent and long-term residence permits issued grew strongly in 2004, increasing respectively by a fourth to over 3 000 and by a fifth to over 13 000. Migration outflows remained rather diversified in terms of destination, but continued to shift in favour of Spain and Greece, whose Bulgarian populations are estimated to be 60 000 and 33 000, respectively. As a consequence of this strong presence, the Bulgarian authorities have undertaken steps to f o r m a li s e s ho r t -t e r m l ab ou r mi g ra t i on by establishing bilateral agreements with the respective governments. Despite the growing success of these endeavours, Bulgarian citizens employed in jobs through these agreements fell to just over 4 000 in 2004, down by almost a fifth compared to 2003. This was due mainly to the fact that fewer workers were employed in Germany due to the economic situation in that country. The emigrant community was the main contributor to private financial transfers to Bulgaria, which accounted for more than 4% of GDP in 2004. This constituted an increase of a third compared to 2003 and twice the percentage of GDP recorded in 1999. Compared to emigration, immigration is a sma ll but grow ing phenomen on. Stocks of permanent and long-term residents stood at an accumulated total of over 66 000 persons in 2004. A fifth of those were permanent residents who had come during the communist era as students, notably from African countries and the Soviet Union. Naturalisation is restrictive and tends to be concentrated among Bulgarian minorities from neighbouring countries. Applications for asylum declined by over a fourth and stand at just over 1 000, below the peak level of about 3 000 in 2002. Notwithstanding the low level, the government adopted a National Refugee Integration Program in May 2005, in the context of Bulgaria's future EU Accession. It aimed at consolidating existing measures and at providing refugee-specific integration for newly recognised refugees. Capacity building has been focusing on Bulgarias asylum accommodation capacity and the conduct of the accelerated procedure within the framework of the new legislation in line with EU standards. Legislative alignment of Bulgarian law with EU migration was nearly completed in mid-2005, but the administrative capacity of the Interior Ministry to deal with migration issues needs to be enhanced. One primary concern of migration policy currently concerns border control because accession will transform Bulgaria into a border. Border apprehensions in 2004 stood at about 5 200. However, there remain concerns about border control procedures and the level of control, especially at airports and seaports. In 2005 Bulgaria joined the Salzburg Forum to co-operate with the other participating states (Poland, the Czech and Slovak Republics, Slovenia and Austria) in the area of asylum and migration. Regional initiatives are to be organized in the area of border control, illegal migration, and development of common positions on EU migration policies. The co-operation with Romania on strengthening border control was further enhanced by the new bilateral agreement for protection of borders that was signed in February 2005.
170
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
IV.
BULGARIA
Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1786/757464654030
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
171
IV.
CANADA
Canada
I m mi g ra t io n t o C a n ad a remains at high levels, with increases relative to 2003 being found in all major categories. There is growing concern that initial labour market outcomes (especially earnings) following entry are less favourable than was the case in the past. Close to 236 000 persons were admitted to Canada as permanent residents, an increase of 15 000 over the previous year. Less than 35 000 were already present in Canada, in proportional terms much lower than the other settlement countries. The target balance between economic and non-economic migration is 56/44 and the 2004 result was close to this objective. Provincial Nominees, which are an attempt to achieve a better geographic balance, increased by over 40%, but are still limited in number at about 6 250. China and India remain the leading countries of origin. Over 245 000 temporary residents were admitted in 2004, unchanged since the previous year but off from the peak of about 285 000 in 2001. Workers account for over one third of this. Entries of new foreign students are declining, now standing at about 57 000 compared to over 70 000 in 2001. Asylum seekers at 26 000 have almost halved from their peak of three years earlier. In November 2005, federal, provincial and territorial ministers responsible for immigration adopted a strategic direction on immigration. They identified six key priorities: improved selection, including multi-year levels planning and better promotion to recruit immigrants; the development of an in-Canada economic class, to retain better those who have Canadian experience or training; improved outcomes to ensure immigrants skills are used to full potential; increased regionalisation to share the benefits of immigration with local economies; and improved client service, including shorter waiting times and streamlining the refugee determination system. The Canadian government has invested in a two year programme (2005-06) to increase the processing of parent and grandparent applications and to cover integration costs once they arrive in Canada. These new measures are expected to increase the number of parents and grandparents immigrating to Canada by about 12 000 each year. In 2004-05 a public policy was developed to permit spouses and common-law partners without legal temporary status in Canada to be eligible for consideration in the spouse-of-common-lawpartner-in-Canada class. In December 2004, the government committed additional funds to deliver advanced occupation-specific language training in an effort to improve the economic performance of some immigrants. A regulatory change made in 2004-05 allows foreign workers who are citizens of visa-exempt countries and who have a confirmed job to apply for a work permit at a port of entry. This has facilitated the entry of workers whose services are urgently required by their Canadian employers. An agreement was reached to facilitate the recruitment of oil sands workers needed for the further development of the Alberta oil sands. In 2004-05 Citizenship and Immigration Canada s i g n e d ag re e m e n t s w i t h t h e p rov i n c e s o f Saskatchewan, Nova Scotia, Newfoundland and Labrador to allow international students to work in Canada for a second year after graduation. In April 2005, CIC announced the expansion of two pilot projects better to attract, integrate and retain international students in regions throughout the country in partnership with the provinces and educational institutions. In December 2004, Canada and the United States implemented the Safe Third Country Agreement as p a r t of t h e S m a r t B ord e r D e c l ara t i o n o f December 2001. This agreement enhances the handling of refugee claims in order to reduce the abuse of refugee programmes. In 2004-05 a major overarching activity has been to establish new partnerships and strengthen existing ones, both within Canada and internationally, to ensure co-operation and c o- o rd i n a t i o n i n s c re e n i n g t e m p o ra ry a n d permanent residents against inadmissibility criteria. With increased concerns regarding the theft and fraudulent use of identity, CIC has begun to develop a comprehensive Identity Management Framework that will enhance the Departments capacity to address these risks systematically.
172
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
IV.
CANADA
1995
2000
2003
2004
7.4 ..
6.8 ..
7.4 ..
235.8 ..
China India P hilippines P akis tan United States Iran United Kingdo m Ro mania* Ko rea* F rance* Sri Lanka Chinese Taipei Hong Kong, China 0 2.5 5 7.5 52.5 10 12.5 49.9 15 17.5
Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1786/303637765572
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
173
IV.
CZECH REPUBLIC
Czech Republic
Immigration into and emigration from the Czech Republic of foreign nationals maintained in 2004 the i n c r e a s e d l ev e l s f i r s t recorded in 2002, two years before accession to the EU. Most movements are by persons from neighbouring countries. As in other accession states, many policy changes concern harmonisation with EU migration regulations. Inflows of foreign citizens fell to 53 000 in 2004 from 60 000. Many of these are short-term, however, since the number of emigrants was close to 35 000 in both years. Slovaks and Ukrainians are the main foreign nationals concerned, with Vietnam the third-ranking country. The same three nationalities head the list of foreign residents and account for almost two-thirds of the total. The foreign population remains relatively small, accounting for 2.5% of the total population. Foreign residents are split between long-term residents (more than one year) and permanent residents. The permanent residence permit requires a ten-year uninterrupted stay in the Czech Republic on a long-term permit. Permanent residents account for 40 per cent of all foreign residents and are headed by Vietnamese and Slovaks, respectively. Persons on long-term residence permits are in the Czech Republic overwhelmingly for either employment or business activities. In 2004 the number of persons claiming asylum dropped to about 5 500, the lowest level since 1998 and less than half the level of 2003. Most claims are from the states of the former Soviet Union, in particular Russia and the Ukraine, and less than three per cent of applicants receive asylum. With entry into the EU of the Czech Republic and the other accession states, the Czech Republic is now entirely surrounded by other EU countries. The decrease in claims thus may be a consequence of the Dublin system, because potential claimants cannot make a claim in the Czech Republic if they have first transited through one of the other accession states. Illegal crossings of Czech Republic borders have also decreased in 2004, by about 15%, to 9 400. On 1 October 2004 a new Act on Employment (fully implementing the acquis communautaire relating to legal conditions of the employment of EU nationals), came into force. At the same time it introduced changes relating to employment of nationals of third countries. In particular, it tightened conditions relating to entry to the labour market through companies and co-ops and extended the authority of bodies supervising the employment of foreigners. In accordance with this law, nationals of EU, EEA and Switzerland do not need a work permit in the Czech Republic since 1 May 2004. Employers of such nationals, however, are obliged to inform a locally authorised labour office at the latest on the day of the start of work. A first step in launching an active migration policy by the Czech Republic was the Project of Active Selection of Qualified Labour Force, the verification phase of which started in July 2003 and continued throughout 2004. The aim is to attract young, qualified persons, interested in permanent resettlement in the Czech Republic. Such persons (and their family members) will be offered the possibility to obtain the right of permanent residence after only 2.5 years. The selection procedure is aimed at both foreign nationals residing legally, applicants from abroad as well as newly graduated foreigners from Czech secondary schools and universities (with the exception of students who entered in the framework of development assistance). At the beginning of 2004 responsibility for coordination of activities related to implementation of integration policy concerning foreigners living in the Czech Republic was transferred from the Ministry of the Interior to the Ministry of Labour a nd S oc ia l Af f ai r s. M any mi nis tr i e s, ot her government bodies, local authorities and nongovernment stakeholders have been actively involved in the implementation.
174
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
IV.
CZECH REPUBLIC
1995
2000
2003
2004
5.0 3.3
0.7
3.3 2.3
50.8 33.8
Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1786/826536234001
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
175
IV.
DENMARK
Denmark
Following a strong decline in 2003, long-term immigration to Denmark seems to have levelled off in 2004 (residence permit, excluding students, trainees, au pairs data). However, there has been a substantial shift in the composition of migration flows away from humanitarian and family-related migration towards work migration. Work-related long-term immigration increased by almost 25% in 2004, to more than 7 300. This strong increase is attributable to about 2 100 work-related residence permits for immigrants from the new EU member countries, despite the transition period which is applied by Denmark. In contrast to the increase in work migration, both family reunification and humanitarian migration continued their continuous decline since 2001. Residence permits on humanitarian grounds were at 1 600 (2003: 2 450), and for family reunification (adoptions and EU citizens not included) almost 3 850 (2003: 4 800). Immigration in both categories was at its lowest level in more than a decade. Like long-term migration, trends in certain f o r m s o f t e m p o ra ry m i g rat i o n m a i n t a i n e d themselves. Migration of students continued to raise, with more than 10 000 residence permits being granted in 2004 to students, almost twice the figure of 2000. By contrast, asylum applications continued their marked decline since 2000 (when they stood at more than 12 000), and were at around 3 200 in 2004 the lowest figure in the past two decades. Naturalisations, which had been markedly declining in 2003 due to a tightening of the conditions for acquiring Danish nationality, increased to a level comparable to that prior to the policy shift from about 6 500 in 2003 to almost 15 000 in 2004. Only naturalisations of Turkish nationals did not increase and dropped sharply instead. The immigration trends outlined above reflect a number of recent changes in immigration policy which have made family reunification, long-term residency and the acquisition of Danish citizenship more difficult. In addition to the tightening of f a m i ly reu ni f i c a t i o n r u l e s i n re c e n t yea r s , applicants for family reunification and their spouses now also have to sign a declaration of integration since July 2005. This obliges an applicant to participate along with his/her children actively in Danish language courses and integration into Danish society. The spouse living in Denmark has to declare that he or she will actively support this process. Along with the tightening of immigration law, the government has taken several steps to promote the integration of immigrants. A particular focus is being laid on employment and active involvement policies. In June 2005, the parliamentary majority reached an agreement on a variety of integration measures in the context of a new plan titled a new chance for everyone. The measures inter alia include the introduction of mandatory integration contracts for all immigrants who do not have longterm residency (which can generally be obtained after seven years of residence). These contracts oblige immigrants to participate actively in job training and to apply for employment. Respect of the contract influences eligibility for long-term residency. In addition, bilingual children will be offered language stimulation and homework coaches. Danish language skills will be regularly tested. Furthermore, in July 2005, Danish language tuition to which accepted asylum seekers may be eligible was increased from 10 to 20 or 25 hours per week. A variety of changes were introduced with respect to Denmarks acceptance of quota refugees. The Danish Immigration Service now takes the individual quota refugees chances of integration into consideration, based on his or her language skills, education, age, and family situation.
176
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
IV.
DENMARK
Average 1995 2000 2003 2004 3.5 1.7 1995-1999 4.5 1.3 2000-2004 4.0 1.6
Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1786/051441270837
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
177
IV.
FINLAND
Finland
In the context of a favourable economic climate in 2004, long-term immigration of foreign nationals to Finland reached its highest figure since 1991, at 11 500. If i m mi g ra t io n o f Fin n is h nationals is included, the figure was the highest ever recorded, and topped 20 000 for the first time ever. Long-term immigration of foreign nationals to Finland continues to be largely dominated by family formation and reunification, which accounts for about 60% of total permanent immigration. The second most important component is humanitarian migration, accounting for about 10%. The number of humanitarian resettlers arriving in Finland in 2004 734 was the highest over the past decade. Until recently, a significant proportion of immigrants were Ingrians (ethnic Finns) from Russia and Estonia. In 2003, however, language requirements were introduced for potential Ingrian immigrants, which has reduced arrivals of persons in this group and affected the age structure (relatively older Ingrians). There about are 15 000 applications of persons in this group waiting to be processed. Finland has decided apply a transition period for the new EU member states from Central and Eastern Europe, although its extension beyond May 2006 is currently being questioned. After Russians (about 1 900 immigrants in 2004), Estonian nationals (1 700) are the main group of permanent immigration a 50% increase compared to 2003. These two nationalities also strongly dominate temporary migration, particularly in with respect to seasonal work (garden and agriculture). Preliminary figures for 2004 show that Russians and Estonians each accounted for about one third of work permits. Another important element of overall migration continues to be asylum-seeking, which reached a new high with more than 3 700 individuals, but only somewhat higher than levels of the past few years. The new Nationality Act of 2003 allowed for dual nationality. It also enabled persons who had lost Finnish citizenship or who are descendants of Finnish or former Finnish citizens to acquire Finnish citizenship if the application is posted before June 2008. Due to these changes, naturalisation more than doubled compared to previous years, with more than 8 200 people obtaining Finnish citizenship in 2004. A new Aliens Act entered into force in May 2004, which abolished the previous separate issuance of work and residence permits to a single residence permit for employed immigrants. Due to this change, there is currently no 2004 data on employment-related immigration available. The new Act also facilitates immigrants access to work. Anti-discrimination legislation, in accordance with the EU Racial Equality and Employment Equality Directives, became effective in February 2004. Among other measures, it obliges authorities to actively promote diversity and non-discrimination by means of equality plans, which must be presented by the end of 2005. A major reform of immigration policy is currently debated. The main aim of the reform is to promote labour market-related immigration to Finland by facilitating recruitment of foreign nationals by public and private employers in Finland and the immigration of researchers and self-employed persons. There are also measures envisaged to promote access of foreign students and family members to the labour market, as well as the development of a framework for the integration of immigrants. In addition, it is intended to improve planning of immigration policy by regular meetings of the ministerial group on migration-related issues and by addressing a migration report to parliament at least once during each electoral term.
178
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
IV.
FINLAND
1995
2000
2003
2004
2.2 0.8
Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1786/186855561608
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
179
IV.
FRANCE
France
After growing briskly for a number of years, the increase in permanent immigration flows slowed in 2004. The Welcome and Integration C o n t ra c t ( CA I o r C o n t ra t daccueil et dintgration) for recent immigrants was put into operation. The number of foreigners admitted for residence reached 140 000 in 2004, which was slightly up on 2003. These figures do not include nationals of the E u ro p e a n E c on o m i c A re a ( E E A ) , w h o s i n c e November 2003 have no longer been required to have a residence permit to settle in France. It is under the heading of family migration that foreigners most frequently obtain a permanent residence permit (64% of cases in 2004). The balance between the number of men and women entering France in this way is tending to shift. Labour immigration accounts for only 12% of all permanent entries and the number of refugees is stable at around 7%, but the number of applications made is tending to decline. The number of recipients of temporary work permits fell slightly in 2004 (settling at nearly 10 000) after rising for five years. North American nationals account for the bulk of these flows, while Africans on the other hand now represent a smaller proportion. Almost 2/3 of temporary permits were granted to men, slightly less than in previous years. Flows of seasonal workers picked up sharply as of 2000, the numbers involved exceeding 15 000 in 2004. They work mainly in farming. Flows of foreign students have more than tripled over the past ten years, going from 15 000 to 55 000. The increase since 2000 is close to 50%. Africans still constitute the biggest group. The number of foreigners taking French nationality is increasing every year. In 2004 they totalled 170 000, the vast majority of them from Africa (69%). The number of people acquiring French nationality through marriage continues to increase. The steep rise observed starting in 2002 is due mainly to an action plan aiming to reduce the number of outstanding applications and the time required to process them. However, legislation introduced in November 2003 brought changes regarding nationality which made the situation more restrictive. The length of time that a foreigner had to be married to a French national in order to acquire French nationality by declaration was extended from one year to two, in addition to which, when making the declaration of nationality, the spouses had to prove that they were living together. Also, the foreign spouse now has to prove sufficient knowledge of the French language. As far as acquiring French nationality by decree is concerned, applicants have to prove their knowledge of the language as well as the rights and duties associated with French nationality. In 2004, nearly 70 000 deportation orders were served and more than 15 000 were implemented. This figure has increased sharply since 2001, in line with the French Governments stance vis--vis controlling flows and combating illegal immigration.
With effect from 1 January 2004, Welcome and Integration Contracts (CAIs) were extended to the whole of France following an experimental period which concerned twelve pilot dpartements. The contracts are in two parts:
A standard contract for everyone, which involves mutual commitments. For the new arrival, these include abiding by the laws and values of the Republic and attending courses in civics, while for the State, it is a matter of ensuring access to individual rights and language courses. An annex tailored to peoples requirements, which deals with the undertaking to attend language training and/or additional training in knowledge of life in France and also suggests a social referent if one is needed.
As at 31 December 2005, more than 45 000 recent immigrants had signed a CAI. The overall sign-up rate is approximately 90%. T h e a s y l u m re f o r m c a m e i n t o f o rce o n 1 January 2004 and the French Office for the Protection of Refugees and Stateless People (OFPRA Office franais pour la protection des rfugis et apatrides) has become the sole centre for the referral and processing of asylum applications. This reform brought in two major changes. The first extended the scope of conventional asylum by doing away with the criterion involving the state where the persecution took place, while the second ended the territorial asylum procedure and created subsidiary protection. The latter is aimed at people who do not fulfil the conditions required to be awarded conventional asylum but are in grave danger in their own country. Subsidiary protection is awarded for one year, but can be extended.
180
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
IV. FRANCE
1995
2000
2003
2004
2.3 ..
1.3 ..
2.0 ..
140.1 ..
Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1786/003551300054
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
181
IV.
GERMANY
Germany
Germany continues a steady decline in long-term migration evident since the mid- to late nineties. Inflows of persons of foreign nationality in Germany have ranged between 600 000 and 700 000 for the last six years (1999-2004) and outflows between close to 500 000 and 600 000. Net migration of foreigners, at about 55 000, is at its lowest point since 1997 and 1998 when it was negative. However, this does not include inflows of ethnic Germans the largest group of permanent immigrants in the past two decades whose numbers are also at a low level (59 000) not seen since 1987. Inflows of some groups of temporary migrants, such as trainees and contract workers, are also falling (but slightly), as are those of asylum seekers (continuously since 1992). Entries of seasonal workers and of international students, on the other hand, are increasing. Germany continues to describe its immigrant population in terms of foreign nationals and this population decreased strongly from 2003 to 2004 by 618 000 or 8.1% for a number of reasons. Most importantly, a cross check between the Central Aliens Register (AZR), on which the stock of foreign nationals is based, and the residential registers resulted in a large number of foreigners no longer resident in Germany according to the residential registers being suppressed from the AZR. The 2004 figures are thus no longer comparable to those of previous years. In addition, recent years have seen declines in the number of foreign births. The latter is the result of a new provision in the Naturalisation Law (2000), granting German nationality at birth to children one of whose parents has been living in Germany for at least eight years and has the right of permanent residence. The key policy development in Germany is the implementation of the new Immigration Act, which came into force on 1 January 2005. It has reduced the number of residence permits from 5 to 2, namely a residence permit of unlimited duration and one of limited duration, with the duration va ryi n g a c c o rd i n g to t h e p u r p o s e o f e n t ry (vocational training, gainful employment, family migration, humanitarian reasons). Procedures have been simplified so that work and residence permits are issued in one process, once the labour administration consents to the work permit. Under the new law, entry into Germany depends on the skill level of the immigrant. Highly qualified persons can receive an establishment permit and the full right to take up work upon arrival. A ban on recruitment for unskilled workers or persons with low qualifications continues to hold, with some exceptions allowed for certain professions. This ban does not apply to persons admitted under family reunification (see below). Ordinary admission for work is subject to a priority check, to verify that the job cannot be filled by a German or EU national. For certain qualified professions, persons from the ten new EU member countries are given priority ove r p e r s o n s f ro m t h i rd c ou n t r i e s b u t a re nonetheless subject to a priority check to ensure that no eligible German or EU national is available. Finally family members arriving to join a relative in Germany will henceforth have the same labour market access as the relative they are joining. Formerly, there was generally a waiting period of one year and a priority check after the expiry of the one-year period. Under the new act, language instruction and orientation to German law, history and culture are available to new arrivals and to a limited number of prior resident immigrants. These so-called integration courses are generally compulsory for immigrants lacking knowledge of the German language and a minimum level is required before a permanent residence permit can be granted. The new law has also imposed language requirements on family members of ethnic Germans.
182
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
IV.
GERMANY
1995
2000
2003
2004
7.3 6.6
8.3 7.2
7.8 6.3
602.2 547.0
Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1786/140024251354
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
183
IV.
GREECE
Greece
Data on migration flows continue to be difficult to obtain in Greece, with much of the inflows in recent years being unauthorised. Recent d eve lo p m e nt s i nvo l ve a significant effort to harmonise the national legal framework with EU standards, with a new law on migration. The 2001 population census remains the source of reference for information on the foreign and foreign-born populations in Greece. The census counted 1 123 000 foreign-born persons (about 10.3% of the total population), of which 656 000 were foreigners. An additional 105 000 persons of foreign nationality were born in Greece. Various other sources that are more current give numbers for foreigners or for holders of residence permits that are 100 to 200 000 lower than the census figures. Residence permit data in particular from the Ministry of the Interior show 686 000 residence permits as of 30 August 2004, of which over 60% were held by Albanians. It is expected that the planned 2006 regularisation will provide additional information to supplement the data on residence permits. A substantial revision of Greek law concerning the entry and stay of third-country nationals was proposed in May 2005 and is slated for implementation for 2006. The proposed law calls for:
language, knowledge of the basics of Greek history and civilisation as well as the character and morals of the immigrant.
The establishment of the conditions for family reunification for spouses of more than 18 years of age and minor children. The granting of seasonal work permits of a maximum 6 months duration. The establishment of criteria for the granting of residence permits to members of artistic groups. Facilitated residence permit procedures for intellectual creators and members of foreign archaeological schools. The granting of permits to investors in an economic activity in Greece, with the requirement of a EUR 60 000 deposit in a bank. The simplification of requirements concerning Greek language knowledge for study permits. The introduction of special residence permits for foreign journalists and members of religious orders. The eligibility of legally resident immigrants for social security insurance and their benefiting of the same social, labour and security rights as Greek workers. In the case of expulsion, the immigrant has the right of appeal to the Minister of Public Order as well as the right to judicial protection. Expulsion is forbidden if an immigrant is a) a minor with parents residing legally in Greece; b) a parent of a child of Greek nationality; c) more than 80 years of age; d) recognised as a political refugee.
The establishment of an inter-ministerial committee with a view to ensure co-operation among all the competent services on migration issues. The introduction of a single stay and work permit, of 2-year duration, depending on local labour market supply and demand conditions and renewable for another two years. The transfer of legal competence with regard to the granting of permits from prefectures to regions. The introduction of a long-term residence permit for immigrants having lived in Greece for more than five years. The criteria for granting this permit will include a sufficient knowledge of the Greek
F i n a l l y, t h e n ew l aw p r ov i d e s f o r t h e regularisation of two categories of irregular migrants residing in the country: a) those who have lost their legal status because of the expiry (before 23 August 2005) of a residence permit, not since renewed; b) those who have never stayed legally in the country, provided they can prove their presence in Greece before 1 January 2005.
184
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
IV.
GREECE
Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1786/184121451816
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
185
IV.
HUNGARY
Hungary
Migration movements from and to Hungary remained stable in 2004. There has been a substantial drop in asylum seekers in recent years. With EU-enlargement, the country ha s rev is e d i t s e nt ry requirements for EU/EEE-citizens on a reciprocity basis. Since 1999, inflows of foreign citizens into Hungary have oscillated between 18 000 and 20 000 and 2004 was no exception. Most of the inflows (close to 80%) consist of persons of Hungarian origin from neighbouring countries, in particular Romania, Ukraine and Serbia and Montenegro. Outflows, although at about a fifth of the level, of inflows, were at a ten-year high. The end-year stock of foreign citizens resident in Hungary stood at about 142 000, or about 1.4% of the total population, a relatively low level compared to most OECD countries. Despite the relative stability in the inflow of foreigners, the number of residence visas, which are entry visas granted to persons who wish to enter with the intention to stay for more than one year, has tripled since 2002 and stood at about 45 000 in 2004, with citizens of neighbouring countries again being predominant. Persons with such visas can obtain a residence permit if they wish to prolong their stay. However, since the number of first-time residence permits granted is less than half of the number of residence visas, it would appear that many persons with residence visas do not stay on. Applications for asylum decreased again in 2004 and at about 1 600 stand at one sixth of the level of 2001. Most applicants continue to arrive illegally, but the proportion of these is decreasing. The recognition rate was about 14%. The number of work permits issued (maximum duration of one year) increased by over 10% to about 65 000, with an additional 14 000 registrations of persons from EU-enlargement countries, most from the Slovak Republic. Hungarian law imposes a maximum on the number of foreign citizens employed at one time through a work permit. The cap is estimated as the average number of vacancies at the start of a month plus the average number reported over the month. In 2004, this maximum stood at 84 000 persons. As of spring 2004 new regulations took effect regarding the seasonal employment of foreigners in agriculture. Work permits can be granted for up to 150 days in a 12 month period. Applications may be refused if the employer is unable to respect the working conditions required or pays a wage considerably below the national average. With accession to the European Union, Hungary implemented a differential treatment regarding access to the Hungarian market for EEE-citizens depending on their degree of openness to Hungarian citizens. The four groups distinguished were: i) countries that apply no or a very weak transitory regime (the United Kingdom, Ireland, Sweden, Malta, Cyprus); ii) fellow new members of the EU (excluding Malta and Cyprus); iii) Denmark and Norway and iv) all other EEA-member states. Citizens of the first group are treated just like Hungarian nationals. Citizens of fellow new member countries need no work permit but must register with the authorities. Citizens from Denmark and Norway need a work permit but are not subject to an assessment of the labour market situation. Citizens of all other EEAmember states do not benefit from any advantage relative to over any other foreigner wishing to work in Hungary. A new five-year residence permit for EEA nationals was introduced in 2004, in accordance with Community law. In addition, the process of harmonization of legislation on asylum with EUstandards was completed, with the adoption and enforcement of the provisions laid down in the Dublin Agreement. In continuation of the provisions of the controversial Status Law of 2001, a referendum was held in the end of 2004, on the question of whether the state should offer citizenship to ethnic Hungarian minorities in neighbouring countries. This referendum took place, but the proposed law, involving a preferential scheme for non-citizens of Hungarian origin, had already been toned down by the parliament in 2003.
186
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
IV.
HUNGARY
1995
2000
2003
2004
1.8 0.3
1.5 0.2
1.9 0.2
18.1 3.4
Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1786/482107538523
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
187
IV.
IRELAND
Ireland
T he most significant d ev e l o p m e n t i n I r e l a n d concerns the large increase in i n f l ow s f ro m t h e n ew a c c e s s i on s t a t e s o f t h e European Union. In addition a p p l ic a t io n s f o r a s y lu m approximately halved from 2003 to 2004. A number of legislative and policy proposals have been put f o r wa rd t o re s p o n d t o t h e n ew m i g ra t i o n developments in Ireland. Both gross and net migrations into Ireland a re t h e i r h ig he s t l eve l s eve r a t 7 0 0 0 0 a n d 53 000 respectively for the year ending April 2005. About three fourths of the inflows consisted of foreign nationals and about 26 000 were from the new accession states. These are estimates based on the Irish labour force survey. However, statistics based on Personal Public Service numbers, which are necessary to work in the Irish Republic, show 80 000 such number issued to persons from the new member states in the 12 months following enlargement. Some numbers may have been issued to persons already in the country and some were obtained fraudulently (estimated to be 10%). On the other hand, it is known labour force surveys tend to undercover recent arrivals, so the true picture may lie somewhere in between. The large drop in work permits issued and renewed, in general, and in particular to persons from the accession states indicates that nationals of these countries are now playing a more significant role in the supply of foreign labour to the Irish labour market. The strong increase in inflows from these countries was accompanied by a drop in the skill profile of the jobs taken up by persons immigrating (fewer managers and professionals, more semiskilled and unskilled workers). The Employment Permits Bill 2005 is intended to put in place a statutory framework for an active managed economic migration policy. It proposes green cards, an intra-company transfer scheme and revised work permits system. It will enable the Minister for Enterprise, Trade and Employment to limit by regulation the number of work permits that may be granted and provides certain protections for non-nationals in employment. A green card is to be established for occupations where there are skill shortages, with a restricted list of occupations in the annual salary range from 30-60 000 euros and a more extensive list of occupations for annual salaries over 60 000 euros. Green cards will be issued for two years in the first instance, with the possibility of long-term residence thereafter. The intra-company transfer scheme, suspended a few years ago, is to be re-established for temporary transnational management transfers for a period up to five years. The work permit scheme is modified to provide for a very restricted list of occupations in the annual salary range up to 30 000 euros where the shortage is one of labour rather than skills. The existing work permit system is modified by allowing both the employee and the employer to apply for an employment permit based on an offer of a job. Policy proposals for a new Immigration and Residence Bill put forward for discussion cover a broad range of migration-related matters, in particular visas and pre-entry clearance; border controls; entry to the State; admission for the purposes of work, of self employment and research, of study and of family reunification; admission for non-economically active persons; residence status and residence permits; monitoring and compliance; removal from the State; and administration and delivery of services. The Irish Naturalisation and Immigration Service (INIS) was established. This will provide a new structure that takes on the immigration and asylum responsibilities of the Departments of Justice and Foreign Affairs and also includes a new Immigrant Integration Unit whose focus will be on the integration of migrants into Irish society. Prior to the May 2004 EU accession date, a habitual residency test was introduced which restricts access to social assistance and Child Benefit. The basic requirement is that a person must have been resident in Ireland or the UK for a continuous period of two years before making an application for social assistance. The introduction of the test has had an impact on asylum seekers entering after May 2004 who would previously have been entitled to certain benefits and payments. These are now dealt with through exceptional needs payments, to which the residency test does not apply.
188
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
IV.
IRELAND
..
Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1786/280767860528
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
189
IV.
ITALY
Italy
Italy remains an important destination country, with 320 000 first time residence permits issued in 2004. R o m a n i a, A l b an i a a n d Morocco are confirmed as the main countries of origin. Entries for family reunification recorded a significant increase over the previous year (+23%) accounting for more than 60% of long-term visas. The number of entries for dependent employment has increased (one third). The number of university students from abroad remains small. Italy is a minor destination for asylum seekers. The number of applications, following a general trend, has strongly diminished in the last year and stood at about 9 700 in 2004. The foreign population increased significantly in 2004, from about 2 000 000 individuals to 2 400 000. Romanian nationals showed the largest net increase, but Ukrainian nationals, particularly women, rose sharply in number. Among settled migrants there seems to be a very low rate of return. A stronger family presence is confirming itself, with an increase in births of foreign children (both parents foreigners) of over 42% in 2004, accounting for almost 9% of all births in Italy in 2004. Acquisition of citizenship among foreign residents remains uncommon, because of stringent eligibility requirements. The immigrant labour force is continuing to g row. R eg ul a r c on t ra c t wo r k re ma i n s t h e predominant form of employment for foreigners. According to the Italian Chamber of Commerce, the expected demand for foreigners has increased in the past few years (from 164 000 in 2002 to 224 000 in 2003, which represent 24% and 33% respectively of the total predicted labour demand). In 2004, because of the saturation effect of the regularisation, the expected foreign labour demand dropped to 136 000. Permit quota levels for 2002 and 2003, however, stood at 79 500, but were increased by 36 000 and 79 500 for 2004 and 2005 respectively (see below). Despite the 2002 regularisation, the domestic sector continues to attract many irregular foreign workers. Immigrant self-employment is also growing. While the total number of businesses (3.5 million) scarcely changed, those owned by the foreign-born rose by more than 18% to almost 190 000. Following the EU enlargement in May 2004, Italy decided to apply transitional measures regulating the access to the labour market for citizens of all new accession states except Cyprus and Malta (the A8 countries). However, the Italian Government chose to allot a separate quota to A8 countries, by means of separate decrees allowing an additional 36 000 authorisations in 2004 and 79 500 in 2005. Illegal immigration to Italy continues, although the presence of undocumented foreigners seems to be declining. The regularisation process launched in 2002 was closed in early 2004 with the issuing of almost 650 000 permits in total. Close co-operation with Albania, Turkey and Egypt has led to a drop of arrivals on the coasts of Apulia and Calabria. The main path of illegal immigration in Italy remains the one through Libya and Sicily. Nevertheless the total number of undocumented migrants intercepted along southern Italian coasts has passed from about 24 000 in 2002 to 14 000 in 2004. Also the number of expulsions of undocumented foreigners has registered a significant drop since 2002. Anti-discrimination measures were reinforced in 2004, following the opening of the National Office for the Promotion of Equal Treatment and Removal of Racial and Ethnic Discriminations: The office has a national hotline for reporting of discrimination and to provide advice to callers, as well powers to investigate cases. Major changes were made in 2005 concerning the asylum system. The new measures, which came into force in mid-2005, accelerate the review process and provide increased resources for social integration. Italy implemented the EU directive on minimum standards for asylum seekers on 30 May 2005.
190
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
IV.
ITALY
1995
2000
2003
2004
5.5 ..
3.3 ..
5.3 ..
319.3 ..
Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1786/663488602457
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
191
IV.
JAPAN
Japan
I m m i g ra t io n i nt o Ja p a n re m ai n s l im i t e d with g ove r n m e n t p o l i cy b e i n g centred on the acceptance of foreign workers in high-skilled occupations, control over illegal migration and caution with respect to admissions of less skilled workers. The number of foreign nationals who entered Japan with a status other than temporary visitors was ab o u t 3 7 5 0 0 0 i n 2 0 0 4 , v i r t u a l ly u n ch a n g e d since 2003. This figure includes students, trainees and entertainers. If only those categories of persons who stay for more extended periods are included (investors and business managers, engineers, specialist in humanities/international services, skilled labour, dependents, designated activities, spouses or children of Japanese nationals or permanent residents and long-term residents), then inflows were about 88 000 in 2004, almost unchanged over the previous year. The number of registered aliens (length of stay superior to 3 months) at the end of 2004 reached almost 2 million. Foreign nationals account for 1.5% of the total population, with Korean and Chinese c i t i z e n s a c c o u n t i n g f or m o re t h a n h al f . Naturalisations remain uncommon (about 16 000 in 2004) and concern predominantly Korean and Chinese nationals. In May 2004 the total number of foreign students was the higher ever recorded (117 000), an increase of 7% on the previous year. The two main nationalities are again Chinese (66%) and Korean (13%). In 2004 more than 5 000 foreign students changed their status from College student to a residence status that allows them to work after graduation. The estimated number of leg al foreign workers was about 590 000 at the end of 2004, of which the vast majority were in manufacturing, services and education and learning support. In manufacturing, more than 50% of foreign workers are from South America. The number of overstayers has decreased significantly since 1993 (30%) to reach about 207 000 in January 2005, as a result of expanded efforts to counter irregular immigration and stay. In December 2003 an Action plan for the realization of a society resistant to crime was launched, with the aim of reducing the number of illegal foreign residents by developing close co-operation and coordination between the government and law-andorder authorities. On 2 December 2004 the amended Immigration Control Act came into force introducing two new measures: the departure order system to facilitate immediate departure of illegal foreign nationals and the status of residence revocation system established for the purpose of removing illegal foreign residents. As a consequence, the number of executed deportation measures recorded a sharp increase in 2004 (+20%). The general orientation of the Japanese government concerning work-related immigration consists in more actively promoting the acceptance of foreign workers in professional and technical fields while moving cautiously with respect to unskilled workers who would be expected to have a major impact on the Japanese economy, society and national life. The Government announced a plan in 2002 to introduce 30 000 IT engineers by the end of 2005 as part of the E-Japan strategy. Foreign nationals who have passed or obtained prescribed IT examinations or qualifications are considered to fulfil the requirements for landing permission. New guidelines were published to facilitate the obtaining of permanent resident permits for highly-skilled workers. Some legislative changes were introduced in 2004 in order to facilitate the access to work of some categories of immigrants. Foreign nationals holding a residence status as college students can now be granted a temporary visitor residence status that allows them to remain in Japan for 180 days after their graduation in order to find employment. Foreign nationals entitled to residence as spouses of Japanese nationals or descendents will now on be allowed to work in Japan without restrictions. A new Immigration Act, establishing a revised refugee recognition system, entered into force on 16 May 2005. The main changes consist in the establishment of a system permitting provisional stay to illegal foreign nationals applying for refugee status, the introduction of a stable legal status for illegal foreign residents recognized as refugees and the review of the appeal system by the creation of the Refugee examination counsellors system.
192
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
IV.
JAPAN
1995
2000
2003
2004
2.9 2.2
2.0 1.5
2.8 1.9
372.0 278.5
Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1786/053003855045
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
193
IV.
KOREA
Korea
Entries of long-term migrants (permit duration > 1 year) continue to increase in Korea. Problems with illegal foreign workers continue, however, with policy measures attempting to address the causes. Over 450 000 long-term immigrants entered Korea in 2004, a 60 000 increase compared to 2003. Most of these are on one- or two-year permits, however, and include trainees, students, language teachers, persons with special occupations and family visitors. Persons entering for longer term settlement (permit duration 5 years) numbered about 76 000, a 20 000 increase over the previous year. In 2003, the regularisation provisions resulted in a drop of about 150 000 overstayers. About half of overstayers did not come forward to regularise their situation. At the same time, the introduction of the work-permit system (see below) resulted in an increase of similar amount of illegal workers. Early 2004, there were 212 500 work visa holders. This figure has decreased since. It was 196 600 at the of 2005 and 125 000 mi-2005. As a result, with the decline in visa holders and trainees in 2004 and early 2005, overstayers accounted for about 55% of all unskilled workers in mid-2005. Policy changes in Korea have focused on the industrial trainee system and the work permit system. The former was designed to help small- and medium-sized employers but was criticised on the grounds that trainees were really foreign workers. Often these workers had paid agents to get them to Korea, but many left their training places for other jobs and did not return home. In 2004 the new government brought in a work permit system for unskilled workers and in May 2005 it decided to abolish the industrial trainee system as from January 2007. The government proposes to introduce various measures to rationalise the work permit system and make it the only programme for bringing foreign workers into Korea. Firstly, migrant workers and the Korean businesses that hire them will be exempt from paying into the national pension plan. While Korean workers and their employers are required to split the cost of an employees pension payments, migrant workers will be allowed to waive the otherwise mandatory employment insurance. Instead, the government is considering signing social welfare agreements with countries that send workers to Korea. Secondly, measures to simplify the procedures for hiring migrant workers will be put in place, including the establishment of an institution to support Korean businesses when recruiting migrant workers. An electronic visa scheme will be introduced to reduce the time in processing applications, with a linking of the computer systems of the Ministries of Justice and Labour. Employers will be allowed to replace migrant workers if the existing ones are scheduled to leave within three months. Thirdly, in order to prevent migrant workers from being exploited, only public institutions in sending countries will be permitted to act as recruitment agencies and to charge agency fees, following an inter-governmental Memorandum of Understanding. In the event of discrepancies between the official and the actual fees, the MOU will be cancelled. Sending country governments will also be expected to play a role in preventing their nationals working in Korea from leaving their contracted workplace for another job. A clause to send illegal workers back to their own country will be included in the MOU. Fourthly, countries that send their nationals under the industrial trainee scheme will be given the MOU under the work permit programme if they meet certain requirements, including those of transparency. So far, MOUs have been signed with the governments of the Philippines, Sri Lanka, Vietnam, Thailand, Indonesia and Mongolia, with twelve more planned.
194
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
IV.
KOREA
1995
2000
2003
2004
.. ..
.. ..
3.7 ..
178.3 152.3
Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1786/286476303444
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
195
IV.
LUXEMBOURG
Luxembourg
T h e f ore i g n re s id e nt population has been steadily increasing for several decades in Luxembourg. Policy is p l a c in g m o re a nd m o re emphasis on the schooling of immigrant children. Net migration of foreigners declined to about 1 580 in 2004, compared to 2 070 in 2003 and has been falling continuously since 1999. With arrivals at about 12 500 and departures at 10 900, it is clear that the s tatistics record many short-term movements. Foreign nationals by year-end 2004 accounted for fully 39% of the total population, the highest among all OECD countries. Portuguese nationals account for about two thirds of the increase in net migration, with the new accession states accounting for the remainder. Inflows are becoming more feminised: in 2004 net womens migration was 15% higher than mens. The 2002 nationality law significantly lowered the age and duration of residence required to apply for naturalisation. Under the new law, persons must be eighteen years of age and have resided in Luxembourg in the five years preceding the request. In addition, the categories of persons able to obtain nationality by option was expanded to include, among others, children born in the country of a foreign parent, born abroad to a person born in Luxembourg or born abroad to a foreigner having had all of his/her required schooling in Luxembourg. As a result of this change, naturalisations increased by about 40% and concerned about 840 persons in 2004. In contrast to most other countries the number of asylum seekers increased by about 17% in 2004 to 1 580. Most are from Africa or the Balkans and are men, with a notable increase in unaccompanied minors. Resident foreigners represent 27% of wage and salary workers while cross-border workers 40%. The number of cross-border workers is increasing at four times the rate of resident workers. The integration in schools of foreign children is an issue of significant concern in Luxembourg both because of the large number of foreign students in scho ols but a lso because of acknowledg ed difficulties related to the trilingualism of the country. Foreign students represented 36% of all students and of these almost 53% are Portuguese. From 2005/2006, all communes are obliged to establish pre-school education programmes, with Luxembourgeois to be taught but the native language of the child taken into account. There are numerous measures implemented to ensure that children of foreign orig in obtain the same t r e a t m e n t a s L u x e m b o u rg ch i l d r e n . O t h e r programmes in place include the training of teachers, information sessions for parents of students, information meetings for associations, language courses in Italian and Portuguese, intercultural mediation, specific measures for children of asylum seekers and international exchanges. As of 22 February 2003, all foreign residents are allowed to vote in communal elections.
196
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
IV.
LUXEMBOURG
1995
2000
2003
2004
25.0 21.2
24.0 14.2
25.0 18.9
11.3 9.6
Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1786/068722722165
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
197
IV.
MEXICO
Mexico
The flow of Mexican citizens across the northern border to t h e U n i t e d States, many of them undocumented, continues while the southern border is increasingly used by citizens of Latin and South America on their way to the United States. An trilateral alliance known as the Security and Prosperity Partnership was adopted by Mexico, Canada and the United States, with spheres of action involving the movement of people. The principle of shared responsibility for migration among sending and receiving countries is at the heart of ongoing reflection in Mexico. The statistic closest to describing the level of inflows into Mexico relates to foreign workers, of which 69 000 entered Mexico in 2004, roughly in the same range every year since 1989. Seasonal workers from Belize and Guatemala are particularly important, but are declining steadily since the year 2000. The foreign-born population stands at about 430 000 persons or 0.4% of the total p o p u l a t i o n . B y c o n t ra s t , t h e M ex i c a n - b o r n population of the United States exceeds 10 million people and accounts for almost one third of all immigrants in the United States. Flows of Mexican nationals leaving to settle indefinitely in the United States are estimated by Mexican authorities to be currently more than 400 000, at least half of whom enter the United States without the proper documentation. Other estimates place the level of undocumented migration even higher, at close to half a million. The Security and Prosperity Partnership involving the three NAFTA countries specifies a long list of actions entrusted to 23 task forces, which will report every six months to heads of state of the three countries. The sphere of action in the migration area ranges from shared technology for registering passengers in North America, shared access to databases, special clearance for precleared border residents, coordinated visa policies, exchange of intelligence information on certain persons and fast-track lanes, among others. Policy within Mexico is focusing on proposals for an integrated migration policy for Mexicos s o u t h e r n b o r d e r, b a s e d o n t h e n o t i o n o f
co-responsibility. The aim is improve border management and facilitate migration flows, while respecting the rights of migrants and keeping the countrys borders secure. The proposal is composed of four strategic lines:
The facilitation of documented migration flows whose temporary or final destination are the states along Mexicos southern border. Specific objectives are to facilitate the documentation and entry of temporary workers and of local visitors, tourists and business travellers across the southern border, fostering the use of migration documents and the diffusion of their benefits. The protection of the rights of migrants entering through Mexicos southern border. Specific objectives include intensifying the training of personnel; supervision of migrant rights during h olding, lo dg ing and repatriation; timely treatment of cases of migrant rights violations; legal protection of migrants who are victims of trafficking or smuggling; better co-ordination of authorities concerned with migrant rights; and stronger protection of the rights of refugees, asylum seekers and stateless individuals. Contribution to security on the southern border. Specific objectives are to reinforce migration control and the verification of foreigners legal stay in Mexico; combating trafficking and human smuggling in co-ordination with other institutions, especially where women and minors are involved; providing better information exchange between institutions involved in combating criminal activities; and taking measures to combat corruption among immigration authorities. The permanent updating of migration flow management and legislation, in order better to handle the changing dynamics of migration on the southern border. Specific objectives include the modernisation of the infrastructure for the registration and control of migration flows; implementation of specific mechanisms for the collection and analysis of information for decision making; evaluation of programmes, projects and actions to obtain appropriate feedback; and adaptation of legislation in the light of the changing dynamics of migration in the region.
198
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
IV.
MEXICO
Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1786/254148808413
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
199
IV.
NETHERLANDS
Netherlands
N e t m i g ra t i o n f o r t h e Netherlands became negative in 2003 (that is, there was an e xc e ss o f ou t f l ow s ove r inflows) and figures for 2004 s h ow a w i d e n i n g g a p. A tightening of asylum policy has resulted in a considerable reduction of both flows and stocks of asylum seekers. At the same time, measures have been taken in order to stimulate the inflow of high-skilled citizens and of low-skilled temporary immigrants in specific occupations. In 2003 the Dutch central statistical office (CBS) reported for the first time in a decade that emigrants outnumbered immigrants. In 2004 the net outflow was close to 16 000. While departures of foreigners rose by almost a tenth to roughly 24 000, immigration of foreigners decreased strongly in relative terms (12%) to about 65 000. However, the emigration of Dutch nationals also increased compared to 2003 (+10% to just over 51 000) and returns declined (7% to 29 000). In contrast to this background of decreasing immigration, the number of Polish immigrants more than doubled to almost 5 000 individuals or 7% of total immigration. This contributed to a rise in the share EU-25 citizens among immigrants from less than a third in 2003 to almost 40% in 2004. Asylum requests continued to fall in 2004 reflecting geopolitical changes but also changes in admission and return policies, introduced in the Aliens Act of 2000. Requests decreased by about one fourth relative to 2003, down to 9 800, the lowest number in more than a decade. Conversely, labour migration remained an expanding phenomenon in 2004, despite a stagnant labour market. 44 000 temporary work permits were issued, an increase of almost 16%. Permits allocated to citizens of the new EU-member states (excluding Cyprus and Malta) almost doubled in numbers and accounted for over half of all permits issued that year. Virtually the entire increase was accounted for by higher inflows of Polish workers. Citizens of the new member states do not belong to the priority labour supply until 2006, i.e. they can only be recruited if there is no citizen from EU-15/ EFTA-countries, Malta, or Cyprus available for a vacant job. However, given persisting labour shortages in a number of specific occupations, the Dutch government adopted measures in early 2004 to encourage labour immigration in selected areas. Since then, the central organisation for Work and Income (CWI) has been publishing a list of occupations (updated every 3 months) for which there is considered to exist an acute labour shortage. Citizens of new member countries can then be recruited without the need of an individual labour market test and can benefit from facilitated administrative procedures. A new scheme for high-skilled immigrants was introduced in autumn 2004. High skilled refers to scientific researchers at universities as well as people who are able to earn more than 45 000 euros, or 32 600 if they are under 30. Those persons do not need a work permit and a decision is taken on a (provisional) residence permit within two weeks. After five years they are authorised to receive a permanent residence permit. In response to critics of the asylum policy i n t ro d u c e d by t h e A l i e n A c t i n 2 0 00 , s o m e modifications have been introduced. As of autumn 2004 accepted asylum seekers receive a fiveyear rather than a three-year residence permit; after five years they can apply for a permanent residence permit. As of 2006, immigrants will be confronted with tighter regulations with respect to the introduction and integration schemes. Prior to entry, they must have some basic knowledge of the Dutch language, which is tested in Dutch embassies abroad. This applies to asylum seekers as well. Once in the country, new entrants (including asylum seekers) must pass an immigration introduction exam within five years. This is obligatory as well for some former migrants, particularly those benefiting from social benefits or who are inactive. In general, an unrestricted residence permit is granted only if the exam is passed.
200
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
IV.
NETHERLANDS
1995
2000
2003
2004
4.0 1.4
4.9 1.4
5.1 1.3
65.1 23.5
Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1786/552216526771
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
201
IV.
NEW ZEALAND
New Zealand
In 2004/2005 net migration in New Zealand continued to d e c re a s e b ut re m a i n e d positive. The inflow of skilled immigrants picked up again. Some major revisions of past a c t s a n d a d m i n is t ra t ive reg u l at i o n s c o n c e r ni n g i m m i g ra t i on we re undertaken. Arrivals and departures of permanent and longterm migrants in (78 600) and out (71 700) of New Zealand continued converging in 2004/2005, with departures increasing and arrivals diminishing. Net migration stood at about 7 000 for the year, a reduction of almost two thirds from the previous year. This was due to a decrease in arrivals of international students and in permanent visas granted abroad, combined with a sizable return of foreign students to their home countries. Outward mobility of New Zealanders has also been more pronounced, in particular to Australia. After a fall in the previous fiscal year, permanent residence approval numbers increased by about 25% in 2004/2005, returning to the 48 800 level. Over this period the Skilled categories (including family members) rebounded to over half of all approved people, compared to about 40% in the previous year. More than 70% of the principal applicants approved in these categories were already in the country at the time of application and more than a quarter were employed in either education or health occupations. With the business category added in, the Immigration Programme attained its quota of 60% for the combined Business/Skills stream. With the increased international competition for students, entries for study fell by almost 11% to roughly 78 000 (almost 2% of the population) in 2004/ 2005. Even though existing quotas have not been exhausted, the Working Holiday Scheme is being expanded. By 2006/2007 up to 40 000 18-30 year olds from partner countries will be allowed to spend 12 months in the country and engage in temporary work. The considerable increase in the number of work permits issued (+12% to almost 82 500) is largely accounted for by a growing number of work permits issued to partners of New Zealand citizens and residents and to partners of work permit holders. In the horticultural sector, employers have been author is ed t o re cr u it ove r s eas wo r k er s f or seasonal work from summer 2004 on. By providing legal ways to address short-term labour shortages, this pilot project is expected to help to combat illicit employment. The Skilled Migrant Category introduced at the end of 2003 was amended in December 2004 in order to make it more responsive to labour market requirements. The number of points allocated to applicants with work experience was increased, the range of occupations recognised as skilled was broadened and weight was given to close family members already in New Zealand. The aim of new legislation on students is also to improve the competitiveness of New Zealand as a destination for skilled individuals. Access to the labour market is facilitated during their course of study. In addition, partners of postgraduate students or of students studying in areas of absolute skill shortages will be entitled to work. After completion of study, graduates can apply for a six-month open work permit, provided they have a qualification that would gain points under the SMC. The 2004 Budget saw additional funding of NZ$ 62 million allocated to a range of settlementrelated services. These include enhanced provision of English for children in schools, more funding for resettlement of refugees, the development of a network of migrant resource services and additional careers advice and support for unemployed migrants. Citizenship legislation was amended in 2005 to address a number of international security and a p p l i c a t i o n in t eg r i t y i s s u e s . A nu m b e r o f prerequisites have been tightened, in particular the minimum length of residence in the country prior to application, which has been increased from six months in each of the previous three years to about eight months in each of the previous five years. Time spent on temporary permits does not count and applicants with serious criminal convictions cannot receive citizenship. Lastly, citizenship will be granted to a child born in New Zealand, only if at least one parent is already a citizen or resident. Otherwise the child will have the more favourable immigration status of either parent.
202
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
IV.
NEW ZEALAND
1995
2000
2003
2004
8.9 7.1
10.1 3.7
11.1 6.1
36.2 29.0
Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1786/228306366814
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
203
IV.
NORWAY
Norway
Net migration of foreigners to Norway increased slightly in 2004. At the same time, t h e re h a s b e en a s t ron g decline in the number of asylum seekers. In addition, the government has taken ex tensive leg islative me as ures to forestall discrimination. During 2004 the immigration of foreign citizens to Norway increased to almost 28 000 whereas outflows diminished to about 14 000; however, in both cases the changes were small relative to 2003. The increase in the number of immigrants was mainly attributable to the new EU member states Poland and Lithuania. Profiting from greater mobility after EU enlargement, immigrants from these two countries almost tripled in numbers, but still accounted for less than 1 400 new migrants (net) in total. The number of employment-related permits issued increased again from 2003 to 2004, in line with trends over the preceding decade. They stood at 33 000 an increase of 30% over 2003. With EU enlargement, the share of EEA permits in all permits rose from just 13% in 2003 to almost three quarters in 2004. This was accompanied by a strong drop in seasonal work permits and in unrestricted skilled work permits granted to persons from these countries. The number of work permits for specialised/skilled workers issued in 2004 (about 750) is far below the limit provided for by law (5 000). The requirement of an EEA-permit before starting to work for citizens of the new EU accession states reflects the application by Norway of a (minimum) two-year transitional period for movements of persons from these countries. In order for this permit to be granted, employment must be full-time and at standard pay and working conditions. Family ties remain the most important source of long-term immigration and this continued in 2004, with about 12 750 entries, accounting for about 60% of long-term migration. More than half of the cases involved husbands, wives or partners while one third were children reunited with or entering with (one of) the parents. The number of asylum seekers decreased strongly, by almost a half to less 8 000. Less than 10% we re g ra n t e d a s y l u m , b u t a n a d d it i o n a l 3 600 claimants were granted humanitarian status, based on the need for protection or significant concerns such as health problems. Legislation on asylum was modified in 2005. Applications are now processed into three streams, one for applications that can be rejected with no need for further inquiries, one for those that can be approved with no need for further verification and one for those that require verification. Readmission agreements were concluded with countries for which returns have proved difficult. Refugees and persons granted humanitarian status along with family members joining them are the target group of the introduction programme, which provides basic skills in the Norwegian language, insight into Norwegian society and preparation for participation in working life or further education. The programme will normally last up to two years and is obligatory for persons 18-55 within the relevant groups. Legislation on citizenship has been modified in 2005 in accordance with the European Convention on Nationality (1997) and will come into force in 2006. Under the new law, language skills must be documented before citizenship is granted. Children at birth obtain the citizenship of both their parents. Dual citizenship remains prohibited. Lastly, the governments plan of action against discrimination (2002-2006) has led it to propose a number of measures in this regard with respect to the labour market, public services, school and education, local communities and judicial protection against ethnic discrimination and racist expressions. Noteworthy are the improvement in interpretation services, a strengthening of the minority perspective in public service provision and a requirement to interview at least one qualified immigrant applicant (if any) when making new public enterprise appointments. In addition an anti discrimination bill on the basis of the EU Councils 2000 directive was adopted, implementing the principle of equal treatment of persons irrespective of racial or ethnic origin.
204
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
IV.
NORWAY
1995
2000
2003
2004
6.1 2.0
5.2 2.4
6.1 2.9
27.9 9.0
Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1786/868431448338
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
205
IV.
POLAND
Poland
Long-term migration movements to and from Poland are limited, based on official statistics. Recorded l o n g - t e r m o u t f l ow s t o Germany remain higher than to the United Kingdom. Recent developments in Poland include the continuing adjustment of Polish laws to standards of the European Union. A little over 10 000 residence permits were granted to foreign nationals in Poland in 2004, of which more than half were EU permits. Comparison with 2003 is impossible, because of changes to the permit system with accession to the EU. Grants of temporary permits were close to 25 000 in 2004. Total permits can be compared, however, and show an increase of over twenty per cent relative to 2003. Still, movements remain quite limited. Ukrainian nationals account for about a third of all permits issued. Recorded permanent emigration of Polish nationals has dropped below twenty thousand for the first time since 1992. Migration to Germany and to North America in particular is declining. On the other hand, Polish citizens reported as staying abroad for more than two months increased by about fifty thousand with EU accession, with most of the increase appearing for persons intending to stay for less than one year. There are further increases in the first two quarters of 2005, with the largest increases occurring for Ireland and the United Kingdom, countries who have opened up their labour markets to the new accession states. In contrast to many other countries, the number of asylum seekers arriving in Poland has been increasing in recent years, with 2004 showing about a 15% increase over 2003. However, preliminary figures for 2005 suggest the beginnings of a decline. Almost ninety per cent of requests in 2004 came from nationals of the Russian Federation. The Aliens Act of 2004, which took up a number of directives of the European Council, also introduced a number of important changes: Introduction of the EU long-term residence permit to foreigners who have lived in Poland for five consecutive years and who have a regular and stable income sufficient to meet all living and medical expenses for themselves and their families. The permit is for an unlimited time period and entitles the foreigner to live in any EU state. Restricting the categories of individuals who can apply for a settlement permit to minor children born in Poland to foreigners, foreign spouses of Polish citizens, refugees and certain other foreigners who have lived in Poland for ten years. Expansion of the category of individuals who are granted a temporary residence permit on obligatory basis, to include among others minor foreigners born in Poland, certain family members, foreigners who have long-term residence status in another EU state and trafficked foreigners who decided to co-operate with the authorities. Shortening from four to three years the required length of stay of a foreigner who wants to bring in his/her family. Introduction of a new definition of the uninterrupted stay required at the time of application for various residence permits in Poland. Access to the labour market for asylum seekers who have waited for more than a year for a first decision on their case to be made. Prolonging the period of provided assistance (including accommodation, medical care, cash allowances and voluntary departure) to an asylum seeker, from two weeks to up to three months. In addition to free access to the labour market, temporary status holders gain access to welfare and family allowances. They may also register a s un e m p l oye d a n d b e c o m e e n t i t l e d t o unemployment benefits. Introduction of a regulation aimed at protecting mixed marriages: the foreign spouse of a Polish citizen, with irregular status, cannot be refused a temporary residence permit. In March 2005, an Inter-ministerial Task Force for the Social Integration of Foreigners was created. Four main objectives of social policy with respect to the integration of immigrants have been articulated: the need to involve all public institutions in setting policy and taking action; introduction of an antidiscrimination policy to limit xenophobic attitudes towards immigrant communities; training provision for public administrators and social partners; and the design of a comprehensive scheme of refugee protection and assistance.
206
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
IV.
POLAND
1995
2000
2003
2004
1.0 ..
0.3 ..
0.7 ..
36.8 ..
Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1786/706007281608
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
207
IV.
PORTUGAL
Portugal
2004 saw the end of grants of stay permits under the 2001 regularisation and an increase in legal migration with the slight improvement in the Portuguese economy. In addition there were significant changes to the rules concerning the acquisition of Portuguese nationality in 2005. Close to 14 000 residence permits were granted to foreign citizens in 2004 (non students), an increase of 17% over 2003. The number of such permits issued has ranged between 10 000 and 16 000 since 1999, but is dwarfed by the 184 000 stay permits issued under the 2001 regularisation. Indeed, the numbers of persons given such stay permits, which have fewer rights than residence permits (with respect to duration of stay, family reunion possibilities, free circulation within EU), rep re s e n t c u mu l a t ively 4 0 % o f t h e f o re i g n population of Portugal in 2004. More than half of persons regularised were from Eastern Europe with significant numbers as well from Brazil and former African colonies. Nationals of eastern European countries currently account for about a quarter of the foreign population of Portugal, with the population of nationals of the Ukraine now being as large as thos e from Cape Verde and Brazil. Eas tern Europeans are also beginning to show up more significantly in issues of residence permits, the numbers of which have steadily increase d since 2002, but represent less than one sixth of the total in 2004. It remains to be seen if migration from Eastern Europe will be long-term or if significant numbers many will be returning to their home countries. U n d e r a n ew 2 0 0 3 l aw, t h e Po r t u g u e s e government has become responsible for the preparation of a bi-annual report that forecasts labour opportunities that cannot be filled by the internal and EU offer. The forecast is supposed to distinguish general labour market needs from s e a s o n a l o n e s a n d t o a d j u s t t h e r eg i o n a l requirements according to the reception capacities of each region. For 2004, the maximum was set at 6 500 new immigrant workers but the demands presented were below this and 4 500 received favourable answers. Some of these were attributed to persons already in the country but working illegally. In short, at the same time that the formal maximum is not attained, irregular foreign workers continue to enter the Portuguese labour market. Traditionally the participation of foreign workers in the Portuguese economy has been polarised with workers in highly skilled occupations (manages and professionals) and in low-skilled jobs (especially in construction and domestic cleaning). With the regularisation, it is clear that the balance has shifted towards the latter group, consisting of workers that are not easy to recruit from abroad. The High Commission for Immigrants and Ethnic Minorities (ACIME) has a major role in contributing to the integration of immigrants, through the provision of information and services by means of large one-stop shops in Lisbon and Porto and small local focal points that have been established in partnership with associations, church institutions and municipalities. ACIME in 2005 also launched an extensive anti-racist and pro-intercultural media campaign aimed at dispelling negative stereotypes about immigrants. A government decree in April 2004 included an article that opened the possibility of a further regularisation of non-EU foreign workers who could prove they were present in the Portuguese labour market before March 2003. There were around 40 000 applications but only about 3 000 foreigners had received work permits by the spring of 2005. In July 2005, the government decided to change the rules of attribut ion and acquisition of Portuguese nationality. Based on the principle of jus soli the new law will allow the attribution of Portuguese nationality to individuals born in Portugal who are children of foreigners when at least one parent was born in the country and lives there, independently of the legal status. Portuguese nationality can also be attributed on demand to foreign minors born in Portuguese territory, once one of the ancestors fulfils a minimum of six years continuous legal residence in Portugal. Under the new law, third generation migrants will be the only ones with automatic access to Portuguese citizenship from the time of birth.
208
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
IV.
PORTUGAL
1995
2000
2003
2004
1.3
0.6 0.1
4.9
14.1 0.1
Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1786/785185682776
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
209
IV.
ROMANIA
Romania
The emphasis in Romania continues to be on emigration and expatriation, largely because recorded inflows are insignificant. The recorded stocks of foreign residents in Romania stood at barely 0.2% of the total population in 2004 and most of these are deemed to be temporary residents. The number of permanent emigrants grew significantly in 2003 and 2004 (respectively 31% and 23%), following more than 10 years of continuous decline. The level in 2004 reached 13 000 individuals, still far below the 30 000-100 000 levels of the early nineties. The first country of settlement for Romanian emigrants remains Germany. Almost two thirds of the emigrants abroad are women and many of the emigrants are qualified; 50% have an upper secondary diploma and 17% a tertiary degree. Among emigrants to Canada and the United States, over one half had a tertiary degree. Work abroad organised by private labour employment agents appears to be increasing strongly in Romania, with about 100 000 contracts concluded in 2004, most of them in Spain, Italy, Hungary and Germany. This exceeds the 44 000 contracts negotiated largely through bilateral ag reements and th e intermediation of the Department for Employment Abroad. Although the number of these stabilised from 2003 to 2004, they have nonetheless tripled since the year 2000. In 2004 Germany supplied more than 70% of the contracts and Spain another 25%. The number of Romanian citizens found in an illegal situation in other countries and repatriated in accordance with readmission agreements reached its highest level since 1994 at almost 23 000. The total number of actual returns is somewhat higher than this, with about one third of these being returns from Italy and a further 10% from France and Spain. A Government Ordinance of July 2005 has tightened the requirements for persons wishing to travel abroad. Candidates must now present documents justifying the reason for the travel and show a minimum level of resources for the specified period of stay in the country of destination. Recent years (2002-2005) have seen the introduction of new residence and work permit systems which define more clearly the conditions under which foreign nationals can stay and exercise an economic activity in Romania. The changes have been motivated by the future expected accession of Romania to the European Union. In particular, work permits are issued for foreign workers if there is no Romanian citizen available for the job and if the foreigner meets the conditions of qualification and expertise requested by the employer. Different types of work permits can be granted: permanent workers, seconded workers, seasonal workers, trainees, sportsmen and cross border workers. The Romanian Government is also making efforts to improve Romanian border security and to fight against illegal migration, in the spirit of the Schengen agreement. A national strategy for the integrated management of Romanias state borders was established in April 2004. Among the different m e a s u re s e nv i s ag e d a re t h e s y s t e m a t i c implementation of Schengen rules related to visas and the strengthening of the role of consular offices i n t h e f i g h t ag a i n s t i d e n t i t y f ra u d a n d o f international transporters in screening irregular immigrants. A new Ordinance was approved concerning the free movement and stay of EU and EEA citizens and their families in Romania. The new provisions entitle these people to an initial 3-month stay right. After this period they can obtain, on request, the right of residence if they have a job and the means to support their family. Other important rights are granted to EU and EEA citizens in Romania: free movement and choice of place of residence, social protection with a national treatment, unlimited access to the labour market, schooling and training activities.
210
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
IV.
ROMANIA
Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1786/462104474622
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
211
IV.
SLOVAK REPUBLIC
Slovak Republic
The Slovak Republic remains a country with comparatively modest immigration and emigration flows. Despite becoming a border country of the European Union, illegal border crossings do not appear to have increased, indeed reported apprehensions dropped. By contrast, asylumrelated entries have been more numerous, with, however, little impact on the number of accepted refugee claimants. Net migration of foreign citizens to the Slovak Republic more than doubled in 2004. Europeans in particular from both inside and outside the EU entered the country in larger numbers. Still, net migration and gross immigration stood at low levels, at below 3 000 respectively 4 500 individuals. Emigration increased by almost a third but also remained low at just under 1 600. The number of residence permits held (about 22 000) accounted for scarcely 0.4% of the total population, and about one fifth of these were temporary. The number of asylum seekers, however, has been steadily increasing in recent years and at almost 11 400 in 2004, stood at more than seven times its level of 2000. The increase was about 1 000 over the level of 2003, with much of this concentrated in the months around the date of EU accession (May 2004). Preliminary data for the first three quarters of 2005 (2 450), however, suggest a very strong decrease for the year. Approvals since the year 2000 have been exceptional, never exceeding twenty despite the multiplication of claims. Most applicants do not await the result of their request, but apparently move on. More than half of the applicants are from South and Southeast Asia (India, China, Pakistan, Bangladesh and Afghanistan) and a significant proportion from the republics of the former Union (Russia, Georgia, Moldova). Illegal border passage in and out of Slovakia was recorded 8 000 times in 2004, the lowest level since 2000 and a reduction of a third compared to 2003. Inflows were heaviest on the eastern (Ukraine) and southern (Hungary) borders and outflows on the western borders (Austria and the Czech Republic), in line with previous years and in accordance with the expected main direction of illegal migration. Initial data indicate that the decrease in recorded illegal border crossings may be continuing in 2005. However, whether this is a reliable indicator for the evolution of illegal migration is uncertain. With accession to the EU on 1st May 2004, the Slovak Republic also took on the provisions of the Dublin agreement with regard to asylum seekers, including acceptance of the safe-country-of-transit rule, stipulating that the first EU country of passage must process an EU asylum request. As a border country of the enlarged Union, Slovakia became administratively responsible for a larger share of applications by asylum seekers trying to access EUterritory. Still, the data for 2004/05 imply that this new regime does not seem thus far to have had major implications for the number of applications to Slovak authorities. On accession to the EU, the Slovak Republic accorded EEA-citizens unrestricted access to its labour market. In contrast, Slovakian citizens, as nationals of a new member state, are subject to the transitory regimes and safeguard measures applied by other EU members. Despite the presence of these measures, bilateral agreements with Germany, Luxembourg and Finland facilitate access to the labour markets in these countries. Longstanding agreements with the Czech Republic, Hungary and Poland assure free movement of workers to these countries independently of EU legislation, but also provide for the possibility to apply safeguard clauses in either direction.
212
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
IV.
SLOVAK REPUBLIC
1995
2000
2003
2004
1.5 0.9
.. ..
1.2 ..
7.9 5.0
10 69.1
15 64.3
20
25
Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1786/546580326105
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
213
IV.
SPAIN
Spain
2005 was marked by the regularisation of over 5 6 0 0 0 0 f o re i g n wor k e r s against a background of strong employment growt h and persisting unemployment. A s a re s u l t , t h e f ore i g n population increased by more than 30% (some 2.6 million foreigners were living in Spain legally at the end of 2005, to which must be added the EU nationals that have not bothered to apply for a residence permit). New legislation on foreigners was also voted with a view both to promoting the integration of immigrants already living in Spain and to strengthening controls and sanctions in the field of the undocumented immigration and the illegal employment of foreigners. The number of foreigners reg istered in municipal registers rose by nearly 50% between 2003 and 2004, for a total of 646 000 newly registered foreigners, with or without a valid residence permit. Nearly 40% of them come from European countries, mainly Romania and the 15 EU countries (headed by the United Kingdom), and 26% from South America (Bolivia, Argentina, Brazil, Ecuador). Inflows of Ecuadorians have grown spectacularly since 2000, with 350 000 registrations during the 2000-2004 period. The introduction of a visa policy for this group in August 2003 has sharply curtailed this trend. There has also been strong growth in entries of Romanians (inflows were insignificant before 2000, but since then a total of more than 200 000 Romanians have registered, with nearly 40% doing so in 2004 a l o n e ) . L a s t ly, e n t r i e s o f A f r i c a n s ( m o s t ly Moroccans) levelled off at around 55 000 annual registrations between 2000 and 2003, although some 90 000 new immigrants were registered in 2004. The measure imposed in April 2005 requiring municipalities to remove from their registers nonEU foreigners (without permanent residence permits) who failed to re-register after two years should soon give a significant idea of the magnitude of returns. Applications for regularisation, which had to be filed by employers (except for domestic workers), had to contain a job offer guaranteeing a job for the equivalent of a minimum of six-months full-time employment (three months in agriculture). As of spring 2005, employers had to be registered with the social security regime in their sector and employees with their municipality at least since 8 August 2004. They had to meet the job requirements and to have had no police record for at least five years. Some 84% of the applications filed were approved. The sectors concerned are in fact those that employ the largest number of foreigners: domestic services, construction, catering, commerce and agriculture. In line with the distribution observed for recent flows, three-quarters of applicants were European nationals and South Americans. One-third of applications concerned domestic service jobs (with one or more employer). On the whole, foreign workers are highly specialised according to their origins, with Africans employed in agriculture, Europeans in industry and Latin Americans in construction and services. With the adoption of the Royal Decree of December 2004, migration policy is now focused on two key aspects: the fight against undocumented immigration and the integration of immigrants legally residing in Spain. To implement this policy, controls are carried out both when immigrants enter the country and when they take up residence, and carriers are now responsible for verifying the legality of the documents shown to them under pain of sanctions. They are also required to inform the authorities of any unused return tickets. Lastly, municipalities are required to keep their registers up to date so as to ensure that their data are consistent with residence permit data. In May 2005, the government decided to appropriate 120 million euros to the Fund for the Integration of Immigrants (FIDI). The Council of Ministers approved the following allocation of funds: 60% for reception and integration and 40% for the improvement of the education level. The criteria for allocating funds between the Autonomous Communities and municipalities are as follows: the number of immigrants registered, the number of workers contributing to Social Security and the number of foreign minors enrolled in school.
214
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
IV.
SPAIN
1995
2000
2003
2004
15.1 ..
2.0 ..
10.8 ..
645.8 ..
5
50.5
10
15
69.4
20
Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1786/125324665132
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
215
IV.
SWEDEN
Sweden
With accession of new EU member countries, Sweden has seen a modest influx of i m m i g ra n t s f rom t h e s e countries. New measures to f ac i l i t a t e l ab o u r m a r k e t integration and to combat discrimination have been introduced. The number of residence permits for new immigrants in Sweden (including students) rose in 2004 to 50 500, its highest level since 1994, despite slight declines in family reunification and refugees. The latter two categories of migration still dominate but their share in total immigration has fallen over the past decade. They now account for more than half of all residence permits. The increase in overall immigration was attributable to higher immigration of EEA nationals, which was at its highest level since Sweden joined the European Union. Sweden is the only country of the EU-15 which chose not to impose any transitional restrictions, with respect to both freedom of movement and access to welfare benefits for nationals of the new EU member countries. From May 2004 to September 2005, 7 300 citizens from the new EU member countries applied for a residence permit, a relatively modest influx. The number of asylum-seekers dropped by more than a fourth to about 23 200 in 2004, and preliminary figures for 2005 show a continuation of this downward movement. The decline in 2004 was largely attributable to fewer asylum seekers from Somalia, Iraq and Serbia and Montenegro. Student migration continued to rise, and reached 6 000. In contrast, temporary labour migration fell to 8 500 from over 10 200). This is attributable to a strong decline in temporary labour migration from European countries, in contrast to that from Asia, which increased substantially but stood at a modest level of 2000. Naturalisations declined to 26 800 in 2004 from 33 000 the previous year, attributable to a strong decline in naturalizations of nationals of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and its successor states. A number of measures have been introduced in 2005 to facilitate the integration of immigrants into the labour market, following recommendations by a joint ministry/employer working group. Among these is a form of job practice called trial opportunity to give (three-month) work experience to persons who lack work experience in Sweden. In addition, immigrants with skills from abroad are offered a three-week apprenticeship in their profession to demonstrate their skills on the job, after which they may receive a certificate as proof. In order to combat discrimination, the Government is intensifying its training and information efforts aimed at women and men working in the recruitment field. A commission of inquiry has been appointed to investigate the feasibility of a system of anonymous job applications in the public sector. The Swedish Integration Board will be contracting with the ILO to perform situation testing in the Swedish labour market. On 31 March 2006, a new Aliens Act enters into force, which establishes a new system for procedures and appeals in aliens and citizenship cases. The new Act aims at a clarification of the different grounds for residence permits. If none of the main grounds for the granting of a residence permit is applicable, exceptionally distressing circumstances may provide an alternative ground. An interim arrangement, introduced in November 2005, gives certain groups who have spent a long time in Sweden and whose decisions of rejection or expulsion have not been implemented a re-assessment of their situation. Wi t h t h e n ew A l i e n s A c t , g r o u n d s f o r protection are given more prominence. For example, witnesses before international courts and tribunals, as well as close family members of these witnesses, will be able to obtain protection in Sweden. Sweden has engaged in agreements with international courts and tribunals to arrange for the migration of these individuals to Sweden. The government also adopted a bill in September 2005 which establishes refugee status for people who are threatened with persecution due to gender or sexual preference. Under the previous provisions, such individuals are given the status of persons otherwise in need of protection. In December 2005, a law on the returning of third country nationals via Sweden entered into force, which implements the Council Directive on assistance in cases of transit for the purposes of removal by air.
216
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
IV.
SWEDEN
1995
2000
2003
2004
5.3 1.8
3.8 1.6
5.1 1.6
47.6 16.0
Denmar k Ir aq Finland Nor way Poland Thailand* Ger many* China* Ir a n Russian Feder ation* United Kingdom Turkey Bosnia and Herzegovina Former Yugoslavia (Others)
0.0
2.5
5.0
7.5
47.6
10.0
55.2
12.5
15.0
Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1786/307827758630
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
217
IV.
SWITZERLAND
Switzerland
Switzerland continued to attract high numbers of longstay immigrants in 2004, even with a stagnant labour market situation. A referendum in 2005 approved an arrangement f o r t h e t e n n ew m e m b e r countries of the EU analogous to the free-circulation regime in place for persons from EU countries, but with a suitable transitional period. Legislation on foreigners and on asylum has also been amended. Inflows of foreign citizens with permits of more than one year remained at approximately the same level as the previous year close to 95 000 or about 1.3% of the permanently resident population, a very high level compared to most OECD countries. Outflows were also stable at about one half of total inflows. Net migration thus remained high relative to the total population. As was the case for 2003, the geographic origin of immigrants continued to shift towards EU-15/EFTA countries, because of the agreement with the European Union on the free mobility of persons between Switzerland and the EU/EFTA. An annual limit of 15 300 exists for long-term work permits for persons from these countries, but this limit has been exhausted every year. Persons entering in excess of the limit have been granted short-term permits, until such time as a long term permit becomes available in subsequent years. Over 60% of all long-term flows took place within the free mobility context in 2004/ 2005. From 2003 to 2004, the number of applications for asylum dropped by almost a third to about 14 000, and close to twenty thousand asylum seekers present in the country either departed or abandoned the asylum process. The recognition rate remained low at about 9%. As of June 2004 labour market restrictions for EU15/EFTA citizens other than the annual quotas have been dropped. In particular, no employment test is being applied to jobs offered to persons from these countries, nor is there any control over wages and working conditions. Switzerland is allowed to reintroduce quotas to all EU countries until spring 2014, if immigration levels prove excessive. The free movement of citizens from the ten new EU-member countries was approved by referendum in autumn 2005. With the exception of citizens from Malta and Cyprus, however, temporary restrictions are in place until spring 2011. These include quotas, the priority accorded to residents for any vacancy and the control of wage levels and working conditions. In summer 2005 the Swiss electorate accepted to join the Schengen and Dublin agreements. The accords will be implemented by 2008. As a consequence of this, Switzerland will be suppressing intra-Schengen border controls by 2008. The Dublin Agreement provides for information sharing on applicants for asylum and sets the conditions under which a participating country is responsible for the processing of demands. Correspondingly, legislation on asylum is currently being amended in order to introduce the concept of safe third countries. Further measures involve a more restrictive handling of applications, faster processing and reinforced measures to expulse rejected applicants. At the end of 2005, the national Council adopted a proposed revision of the law on the stay and settlement of foreigners. The new legislation formalises a policy of restricted entry for persons outside the EEA. The legal status of foreigners is improved, with obstacles to geographic and occupational mobility being reduced. Participation in integration courses can be made a prerequisite for granting a stay or a short-term permit; on the other hand successful integration can be compensated by a considerably shorter delay in issuing establishment permits (5 years instead of 10 years). Importantly also, the status of divorced and separated spouses was strengthened, allowing for continued residence in Switzerland in the case of domestic violence or when there is at least three years of residence with successful integration. Dispositions to fight legal abuse have been strengthened. The ordinance on the integration of foreigners has been amended in autumn 2005 and will come into force in the beginning of 2006. From then on, the duty of the immigrant to engage in integration will be explicitly stated. In the spirit of the new law on foreigners, authorities will be obliged to consider the level of integration of the applicant when extending or granting residence permits.
218
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
IV.
SWITZERLAND
1995
2000
2003
2004
13.0 6.5
10.9 8.9
12.9 6.9
96.3 47.9
5 64.2
10
15 56.3
20
Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1786/711831665521
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
219
IV.
TURKEY
Turkey
Migration statistics for Tu r k ey a r e b a s e d o n estimates derived from disparate sources, which makes a reliable description difficult. Notwithstanding t h i s c av e a t , p e r m a n e n t emigration as a determinant feature of the Turkish economy continued to weaken in 2004 both in magnitude and in its economic importance. On the other hand, temporary labour emigration in a regional context seems to play an ever more important role. In the domain of legislation, no significant changes took place in 2004. Migration inflows into Turkey, based on applications for asylum and issues of residence permits, added up to almost 160 000 persons in 2004, almost unchanged compared to the previous year. The entries for asylum (4 000) were small, those for work (28 000) or study (15 000) more co mm on . Bu t m os t e nt r i e s were fo r o t h e r, unspecified reasons. Official emigration figures are not reported, but the stock of Turkish nationals abroad appears to have diminished by almost 2% to just over 3.5 million people in 2004, as a result of naturalisations in receiving countries and returns of expatriates. This continues a trend which can be observed from 2000 on. The outflow of Turkish citizens seeking asylum abroad continued to diminish from its peak levels in the early 2000s. In 2004 their number decreased by almost a third to about 16 000 people. Since 2001 just over half of these emigrants were heading for Germany or France. In 2004 over four out of ten Turkish asylum seekers filed a claim in Germany compared to just one in ten in France. With the fall in asylum seeking by persons from Afghanistan, Iran and Iraq (down by half to below 30 000), the role of Turkey as a country of transit to Europe is also likely to have diminished in importance. Family-related migration from Turkey is mainly due to the presence of sizeable Turkish migrant communities in receiving countries and the presence of networks which maintain a certain l ev e l o f m ov e m e n t . Fa m i l y m i g r a t i o n h a s historically accounted for a significant part of Turkish emigration in the direction of Western Europe but to a lesser extent to Australia and North America. The statistics of receiving countries suggest a significant decline in the strength of this kind of migration from Turkey, from approximately 100 000 people per year by the mid-1990s to half that level in the early 2000s. Emigration also seems to play an ever decreasing role economically. A decreasing trend in the importance of remittances could already be observed from 1998 onwards. In 2004, workers remittances by the expatriate community stood at only $800 million or 0.2% of GNP, the lowest level since 1975 ($1.3 billion or 2.8% of GNP) and a strong decline over 2003 ($1.7 billion or 0.7% of GNP). In contrast, contract-dependent labour migration via the intermediary of the Turkish Employment Office recovered from a temporary but sharp fall in the late 1990s in double-digit rates to rea ch 4 4 00 0 i n 20 04 ( + 1 8 % fro m 20 0 3) . T h e Commonwealth of Independent States remained in and expanded its lead in that respect by another eight percentage points to a share of more than a half, whereas the share of EU-15 fell to below 10%. In addition to immigration by ethnic Turks from bordering countries (especially Bulgaria), the inflow of asylum-seekers, refug ees, transit migrants, and clandestine labourers in recent decades is historically atypical for Turkey. These groups began to arrive in small numbers and subsequently in an ever-rising tide which has reached sizeable figures in recent decades. In that context, irregular immigration was estimated at over 60 000 people in 2004, an increase of 9% from the previous year but a decline from the estimated peak of 95 000 in 2000. This increase took place despite the efforts of Turkish authorities to combat irregular migration, which seemed to have succeeded in reducing the numbers in 2002 and 2003.
220
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
IV.
TURKEY
1995
2000
2003
2004
2.2 ..
.. ..
2.3 ..
155.5 ..
10 61.4
20
30 59.5
40
Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1786/721352684372
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
221
IV.
UNITED KINGDOM
United Kingdom
In 2004 the United Kingdom continued to attract a high number of immigrants, with increases being recorded in almost all sub-categories. In contrast to most other EU-countries, the United Kingdom has allowed access to its labour market for citizens of new EU member countries as of May 2004. A major revision of the work permit system is underway, but implementation is not envisaged before 2007. The share of foreigners in gross immigration continued to expand from an already high level and accounted for 85% of the total in 2004. Non-British citizens immigrated more numerously (up by 90 000) and British citizens returned in smaller numbers (20 000). Immigration of foreign citizens rose by 20% relative to 2004 to a new historical record of 494 000 people. Nationals of the new member states of the EU, who were granted access to the UK labour market, contributed substantially to the increase in inflows. Note, however, that a significant proportion of inflows for the United Kingdom consists of foreign students and working holidaymakers, most of whom will be returning to their home countries. Asylum requests have declined strongly since 2002 (84 000) and declined to 41 000 in 2004. On the other hand, asylum-related grants of settlement more than doubled in 2004 to over a third of total grants. The reason for the large increase was the Family ILR Exercise, which allowed certain asylumseeking families in the United Kingdom for four or more years to obtain settlement. Still, immigration to the United Kingdom is less and less asylum-related with requests for asylum accounting for not more than a tenth of non-British immigration compared to more than a quarter at the beginning of the millennium. New work authorisations in the form of work
D e c e m b e r 2 0 0 5 t h e re we re a l m o s t 3 5 0 0 0 0 registrations.
The granting of access to the labour market of citizens from the new member countries was accompanied by a reduction of quotas in programs such as the Sector-Based Scheme (SBS) and the Seasonal Agricultural Workers Scheme (SAWS). Still, approvals under the SBS more than doubled to almost 17 000. As well, more persons were admitted under the Working Holidaymakers Scheme (+34% to 62 000) and the Highly Skilled Migrant Programme (+50% to 7 000). One of the main features of labour immigration into the United Kingdom is the high proportion accounted for by corporate transfers. In 2005, according to the Labour Force Survey, a quarter of the interviewees working abroad a year before and in the United Kingdom at the time of the interview were working for the same employer. In July 2005 the government proposed a new fivetier work permit system. The underlying idea is to move away from the two-step process in which an employer obtains a work permit and the worker applies for entry or stay clearance. Work permits will be abolished and the role of the employer will be limited to the interview/job offer process. The new system is to consist of five-tiers: Highly skilled individuals to contribute to growth and productivity. Skilled workers with a job offer and workers to meet specific requirements where an overseas national is necessary. This comprises the two current tiers of the work permit system. Limited numbers of workers to fill low skill shortages. Students. Other temporary categories: visiting workers, selected development schemes and youth mobility/ cultural exchange. The first two tiers would have a route to permanent residence subject to meeting five years residence and other requirements. The others would not, but in some cases, individuals could move quickly into the top two tiers. According to tier, migrants would have different entitlements to work or to be joined by their immediate family. The tier of entry or stay would also affect the possible contribution of a sponsor. At the heart of the process will be a points stay by tier.
permits (in the case of offshore application) and first permissions (in the case of onshore application) issued rose to almost 90 000. This corresponds to an increase of 4% compared to 2003 and occurred despite the fact that citizens of the new member countries no longer need a work permit. Instead, they have to register to take on a job. In 2004 about 130 000 persons registered b ut f or t h e p e r i o d b e t we e n M ay 2 0 0 4 a n d system, which will determine eligibility for entry or
222
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
IV.
UNITED KINGDOM
1995
2000
2003
2004
8.3 2.5
4.5 2.1
7.0 2.7
494.1 151.9
5
59.8
10
48.4
13
15
Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1786/786175786827
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
223
IV.
UNITED STATES
United States
Immigration remained a high profile issue in the United States during 2004 and 2005, with efforts both to liberalise and restrict key worker visa programmes. Demand for both H-1B and H-2B visas exceeded supply. While Congress responded to lobbying for additional visas in both categories, new immigration legislation proved to be impossible to enact directly because of polarised views. Most legislative changes came about through amendments to vital appropriations legislation. During fiscal year 2004, a total of about 946 000 persons were granted permanent resident status, a significant increase over the 2003 level of close to 705 000. The large increase, however, did not reflect an increase in demand but rather a reduction in processing backlogs that had accumulated because of new legislation and documentation requirements following 11 September 2001. In particular, persons granted residence under employment preferences almost doubled to 155 000 after having dropped by about 90 000 from 2002 to 2003. The per cent of immigrants granted permanent status who were already in the United States dropped to less than forty per cent, its lowest level in recent years. The large fluctuations in total immigration in recent years, from about 645 000 in 1999 to 1 065 000 in 2001 to 705 000 in 2003 and back up to 945 000 in 2004 are essentially the consequence of new legislation, increased documentation requirements and ebbs and flows in processing backlogs. Mexico remains the largest sending country with about 18.5% of the total. Unauthorised migration levels remain high, with estimates of entries at about 700 000 per year and net levels at 450 000. The 2005 Omnibus Appropriations addressed various concerns about the H-1B visa programme. While the 65 000 cap was retained, another 20 000 visas annually were made available by exempting from that cap those with postgraduate d eg re e s f ro m U S e d uc a t io n a l i ns t i t ut io n s. Simultaneously, the Act restored and made permanent several worker protections of the H-1B programme that had been allowed to lapse. Both the Training Fee and the special attestations required of H-1B dependent employers were restored and made permanent and the Department of Labor was again authorised to initiate investigations without receiving a formal complaint. Furthermore, H-1B employers for the first time were required to pay 100% of the prevailing wage (previously 95%) and a $500 Fraud Prevention and Detection Fee was mandated for all initial H-1B applications. The Act also prohibited outsourcing of L-1 intracompany transferees to businesses not affiliated with the petitioning employer. It also increased the experience requirement for Blanket L transferees from six months to one year and introduced a $500 Fraud Prevention and Detection Fee for initial L-1 visa petitions. The Emergency Supplemental Appropriations Act for Defense, the Global War on Terror and Tsunami Relief of 2005 addressed several issues related to immigration. The Real ID Act of 2005, added as an amendment to this act, restricted the terms under which asylum may be granted and limited judicial review of failed asylum claims. It also removed numerical caps on the number of asylum seekers and certain types of refugees who may become lawful permanent residents during a given year, waived all legal restrictions impeding construction of barriers along the border and expanded the grounds on which aliens may be deported or denied admission. Additional provisions of the Real ID Act significantly expanded the number of authorised H-2B admissions without increasing the numerical cap for the programme. It also created another category of professional entry, E-3 Australian Professionals and recaptured up to 50 000 permanent EB-3 visas, unused in previous years, for the immediate use of registered nurses and physical therapists and their families. The procedures whereby H-1B workers could receive one or more 3-year extensions beyond their allotted 6-year maximum stay were clarified by the Department for Homeland Security. The Department of Labors Program Electronic Review Management system became operational, expediting the processing of alien employment certification applications for permanent residence. The period of authorised stay for J-1 professors and research scholars was increased from three to five years.
224
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
IV.
UNITED STATES
1995
2000
2003
2004
3.2 ..
2.7 ..
3.2 ..
946.1 ..
10
53.4
15
20
57.3
25
30
Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1786/410215088658
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
225
IV.
Temporary migration
Based on residence or work permit data. Data on temporary workers generally do not cover workers who benefit from a free circulation agreement.
Macroeconomic and labour market indicators Real GDP and GDP per capita
Annual National Accounts Comparative tables at the price levels and PPPs of 2000.
226
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
IV.
Foreign population
National sources. Exact sources and notes are given in the Statistical Annex (metadata related to Tables A.1.5. and B.1.5.).
Naturalisations
National sources. Exact sources and notes are given in the Statistical Annex (metadata related to Tables A.1.6. and B.1.6.).
Ger many S er bia and Mon tenegro Tur key Poland Coun tr ies with an a s ter ix are the new coun tr ies of or igin (i.e. those among top 10 nationalities in 2004 bu t not in 1990-2003). Romania Bosnia and Her zegovina Slovak Republic Hungar y Croatia Macedonia* Italy Coun tr ies in italic below the line wer e among top 10 nationalities over the per iod 1990-2003 bu t no longer in 2004. 0 5 55.3 10 59.8 15 Share of top 10 nationalities in total in flow s of foreigners in 2004 and over the per iod 1990-2003.
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
227
ISBN 92-64-03627-X International Migration Outlook SOPEMI 2006 Edition OECD 2006
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Introduction
Most of the data published in this annex are taken from the individual contributions of national correspondents appointed by the OECD Secretariat with the approval of the authorities of member countries. Consequently, these data have not necessarily been harmonised at international level. This network of correspondents, constituting the Continuous Reporting System on Migration (SOPEMI), covers most OECD member countries as well as the Baltic States, Bulgaria and Romania. SOPEMI has no authority to impose changes in data collection procedures. It has an observatory role which, by its very nature, has to use existing statistics. However, it does play an active role in suggesting what it considers to be essential improvements in data collection and makes every effort to present consistent and well-documented statistics. No data are presented on the native population, since the purpose of this annex is to describe the immigrant population as defined in the specific host country (i.e. the foreign or foreign-born population, as the case may be). The information gathered concerns the flows and stocks of the total immigrant population and immigrant labour force, together with acquisition of nationality. The presentation of the tables in a relatively standard format should not lead users to think that the data have been fully standardised and are comparable at an international level, since few sources are specifically designed to record migration trends. Because of the great variety of sources used, different populations may be measured. In addition, the criteria for registering population and the conditions for granting residence permits, for example, vary across countries, which means that measurements may differ greatly even if a theoretically identical source is being used. In addition to the problem of the comparability of statistics, there is the difficulty of the very partial coverage of illegal migrants. Part of this population can be counted through censuses. The number of immigrants who entered legally but then stay on after their residence permits (or visa) have expired can be calculated from permit statistics, but without it being possible to determine what the number of these immigrants that have left the country. Regularisation programmes, when they exist, make it possible to account for a far from negligible fraction of illegal immigrants after the fact. In terms of measurement, this makes it possible better to evaluate the volume of the foreign population at a given time, although it is not always possible to classify these immigrants by the year when they entered the country. The rationale used to arrange the series has been to present first the tables covering the total population (series 1.1 to 1.6: inflows and outflows of foreign population, inflows of asylum seekers, stocks of foreign-born and foreign population, acquisition of nationality), and then focus on the labour force (series 2.1 to 2.4: inflows of foreign workers, inflows of seasonal workers, stocks of foreign-born and foreign labour force).
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
229
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Since the nature of the sources used differs considerably across countries, each series is preceded by an explanatory note aimed at making it easier to understand and use the data produced. A summary table then follows (series A, giving the total for each host country), which introduces the tables by nationality or country of birth as the case may be (series B). At the end of each series, a table provides for each country the sources and notes of the data presented in the tables.
230
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
STATISTICAL ANNEX
ANNEX 1.A1
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
231
STATISTICAL ANNEX
permit indicating a change of status, or a renewal of the same permit. The data for Australia, those who have been accepted for permanent settlement whilst already in the country with a temporary status. Permit data may be influenced by the processing capacity of government agencies. In some instances a large backlog of applications may build up and therefore the true demand for permits may only emerge once backlogs are cleared.
232
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Inflow data based on residence permits or on other sources: Australia Permanent inflows Temporary inflows Canada Permanent inflows Temporary inflows France Greece Ireland Italy Korea Mexico Permanent inflows Temporary inflows New Zealand Poland Portugal Turkey United Kingdom United States Permanent inflows Temporary inflows EU-25 (among above countries) + Norway and Switzerland North America (permanent) 87.4 | 124.4 .. 212.9 179.7 52.2 .. 13.6 .. .. .. 40.2 30.0 55.9 .. 5.0 .. 228.0 .. 720.5 .. 115.7 130.2 .. 226.1 187.6 51.4 .. 21.5 .. .. .. 43.2 29.2 42.7 .. 3.6 .. 224.2 .. 915.9 .. 101.0 147.1 .. 216.0 195.1 78.1 .. 23.7 .. .. .. 46.2 27.1 32.9 .. 3.3 .. 237.2 .. 798.4 999.6 92.4 173.2 .. 174.2 199.2 113.5 38.2 21.7 111.0 .. .. 48.6 25.3 27.4 5.2 6.5 .. 287.3 .. 654.5 997.3 101.6 194.1 .. 189.9 234.1 83.6 .. 22.2 268.0 .. .. 42.2 22.7 31.0 17.4 10.5 .. 337.4 .. 646.6 1 106.6 114.6 224.0 .. 227.3 262.9 93.0 .. 27.8 271.5 185.4 .. 41.1 24.2 37.6 15.9 15.9 | 168.1 379.3 .. 849.8 1 249.4 138.3 245.1 .. 250.5 283.7 107.6 .. 32.7 232.8 172.5 .. 35.7 26.1 54.4 21.5 141.1 161.2 373.3 .. 1 064.3 1 375.1 119.8 340.2 .. 229.1 263.5 124.8 .. 39.9 388.1 170.9 .. 32.4 24.6 47.5 30.2 61.5 157.6 418.2 .. 1 063.7 1 282.6 705.8 1 233.4 946.1 1 299.3 .. 29.1 43.0 30.3 21.0 152.2 406.8 .. 34.0 36.2 36.8 14.1 155.5 494.1 33.0 .. 178.3 33.2 319.3 188.8 221.4 244.7 135.1 235.8 245.7 140.1 130.2 244.7 150.7 261.6
.. 933.3
.. 1 142.0
.. 1 014.4
1 598.5 828.6
1 948.5 836.5
2 232.3 1 077.2
2 471.5 1 314.8
2 694.1 1 292.8
2 478.9 927.2
2 814.5 1 182.0
Note: Data from population registers are not fully comparable because the criteria governing who gets registered differ from country to country. Counts for the Netherlands, Norway and especially Germany include substantial numbers of asylum seekers. For details on definitions and sources, refer to the metadata at the end of Tables B.1.1. Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1786/122742428620
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
233
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Outflow data based on population registers: Austria Belgium Czech Republic Denmark Finland Germany Hungary Japan Luxembourg Netherlands Norway Sweden Switzerland .. 33.1 0.1 5.3 1.5 561.1 2.4 194.4 4.9 21.7 9.0 15.4 67.5 .. 32.4 0.2 6.0 3.0 559.1 2.8 160.1 5.6 22.4 10.0 14.5 67.7 .. 34.6 0.1 6.7 1.6 637.1 1.9 176.6 5.8 21.9 10.0 15.3 63.4 44.9 36.3 0.2 7.7 1.7 639.0 2.3 187.8 6.7 21.3 12.0 14.1 59.0 47.3 36.4 0.1 8.2 2.0 555.6 2.5 198.3 6.9 20.7 12.7 13.6 58.1 44.4 35.6 0.2 | 8.3 4.1 562.4 2.2 210.9 7.1 20.7 14.9 12.6 55.8 51.0 31.4 20.4 8.9 2.2 497.0 1.9 232.8 7.8 20.4 15.2 12.7 52.7 38.8 31.0 31.1 8.7 2.8 505.6 1.8 248.4 8.3 21.2 12.3 14.3 49.7 46.1 33.9 33.2 8.7 2.3 499.1 2.6 259.4 9.4 21.9 14.3 15.1 46.3 48.3 .. 33.8 .. 4.2 547.0 3.4 278.5 9.6 23.5 9.0 16.0 47.9
Outflow data based on residence permits or on other sources: Australia Permanent departures Long-term departures Korea Mexico Permanent residents Temporary residents New Zealand United Kingdom 40.6 34.4 10.8 101.0 41.5 30.7 12.6 108.0 45.7 27.0 14.7 130.6 47.4 25.0 16.2 125.7 45.9 21.5 15.9 151.6 39.1 22.6 15.6 159.6 31.2 25.7 28.6 148.5 29.1 26.8 22.4 173.7 .. .. 25.4 170.6 .. .. 29.0 151.9 16.9 27.4 .. 17.7 27.7 .. 18.2 28.6 .. 19.2 30.3 .. 17.9 29.4 .. 20.8 30.0 89.1 23.4 42.2 107.2 24.1 31.9 114.0 24.9 29.5 152.3 29.9 29.6 148.8
Note: For details on definitions and sources, refer to the metadata at the end of Tables B.1.1. Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1786/514710850370
234
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables. Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1786/635538552746
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
235
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
236
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
237
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
238
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
239
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
240
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
241
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
242
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
243
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
244
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
245
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
246
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
247
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
248
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Metadata related to Tables A.1.1, A.1.2. and B.1.1. Migration flows in selected OECD countries
Flow data based on Population Registers
Country Austria Types of migrant recorded in the data Criteria for registering foreigners: holding a residence permit and intending to stay in the country for at least 6 weeks. Other comments Source
Until 2001, data are from local population Statistics Austria. registers. Starting in 2002, they are from the central population register, where the nationality field is optional. The other countries line includes persons whose nationality is unknown. Figures do not include asylum seekers who are now recorded in a separate register. Population Register, National Statistical Office.
Belgium
Criteria for registering foreigners: holding a residence permit and intending to stay in the country for at least 3 months. Outflows include administrative corrections.
Czech Republic Criteria for registering foreigners: holding a permanent or a long-term residence permit.
Until 2000, data include only holders of a Czech Statistical Office. permanent residence permit. From 2001 on, data also include refugees and long-term residence permit holders (valid for 90 days or more) whose stay exceeds a year. Central population register, Statistics Denmark.
Denmark
Criteria for registering foreigners: holding a Asylum seekers and all those with temporary residence permit and intending to stay in the residence permits are excluded from the data. country for at least 3 months. However, the data on immigrants only count those who have lived in the country for at least one year. Outflows include administrative corrections. Criteria for registering foreigners: holding a residence permit, intending to stay in the country for at least 1 year. Criteria for registering foreigners: holding a residence permit and intending to stay in the country for at least 1 week. Criteria for registering foreigners: holding a long-term residence permit (valid for up to 1 year). Foreign persons of Finnish origin are included.
Finland
Germany
Includes asylum seekers living in private Central Population register, Federal Statistical households. Excludes inflows of ethnic Germans. Office. Data include foreigners who have been residing in Register of long-term residence permits, the country for at least a year and who currently Ministry of the Interior and Central Statistical hold a long-term permit. Data are presented by Office. actual year of entry (whatever the type of permit when entering the country). Outflow data do not include people whose permit has expired. Excluding temporary visitors and re-entries. Register of foreigners, Ministry of Justice, Immigration Bureau. Central population register, Central Office of Statistics and Economic Studies (Statec). Inflows include some asylum seekers (except those staying in reception centres). Population register, Central Bureau of Statistics.
Hungary
Japan
Criteria for registering foreigners: holding a valid visa and intending to remain in the country for more than 90 days. Criteria for registering foreigners: holding a residence permit and intending to stay in the country for at least 3 months. Criteria for registering foreigners: holding a residence permit and intending to stay in the country for at least 4 of the next 6 months. Outflows include administrative corrections. Criteria for registering foreigners: holding a residence permit and intending to stay in the country for at least 6 months.
Luxembourg
Netherlands
Norway
Includes asylum seekers awaiting decisions on Central population register, Statistics Norway. their application for refugee status. In 1999, inflow data include refugees from Kosovo who received temporary protection in Norway. Register of foreigners, Statistical Office of the Slovak Republic.
Slovak Republic Spain Sweden Criteria for registering foreigners: Residing in the municipality. Criteria for registering foreigners: holding a residence permit and intending to stay in the country for at least 1 year. Criteria for registering foreigners: holding a permanent or an annual residence permit. Holders of an L-permit (short duration) are also included if their stay in the country is longer than 12 months. Statistics on changes of residence (EVR). Asylum seekers and temporary workers are not included in inflows.
Local register (Padron municipal de habitantes), National Statistical Institute (INE). Population register, Statistics Sweden.
Switzerland
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
249
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Metadata related to Tables A.1.1, A.1.2, and B.1.1. Migration flows in selected OECD countries (cont.)
Flow data based on residence permits or other sources
Country Australia Types of migrant recorded in the data A. Permanent migrants: Permanent arrivals are travellers who hold migrant visas, New Zealand citizens who indicate an intention to settle and those who are otherwise eligible to settle. Permanent departures are persons who on departure state that they do not intend to return to Australia. B. Temporary residents: entries of temporary Data refer to the fiscal year (July to June of the year indicated). Data for 2002 and 2003 residents (i.e. excluding students). Includes short and long-term temporary entrants, e.g., have been corrected. top managers, executives, specialists and technical workers, diplomats and other personnel of foreign governments, temporary business entry, working holiday makers and entertainers. Long-term departures include persons departing for a temporary stay of more than twelve months. Canada Permanent: Issues of permanent residence permits. Temporary: Inflows of foreign workers entering Canada to work temporarily (excluding seasonal workers) provided by reason for initial entry. France Data consist of those entering as permanent workers plus those entering under family reunification. Persons entering as selfemployed and persons entering under other permits relating to family reunification are also included. Issues of residence permits. Figures are derived from the CSO series of Annual Labour Force Surveys over the period from 1987 to 1996 and the QNHS series from 1997 on. The estimates relate to those persons resident in the country at the time of the survey and who were living abroad at a point in time twelve months earlier. Issues of residence permits, including shortterm ones (excluding renewals) which are still valid at the end of the year. In principle, this excludes seasonal workers. Data refer to long-term inflows/outflows (more than 90 days). Permanent inflows: Entries of persons with permanent residence permits (inmigrados), including re-entries. Temporary inflows: Entries of inmigrantes (retirees, highly skilled workers, family members, artists, sportsmen), including re-entries. Outflows: Data refer to persons holding a permanent residence permit (inmigrados) or a temporary residence permit (inmigrantes). Data are not available by country of origin. New entries were 130 745 in 1999 and 155 264 in 2000. Other permits are first-time permits issued to foreigners who had applied for regularisation in 1998. Data include those already present in Canada, Statistics Canada and also those granted residence as part of a programme to eliminate a backlog of applications. Other comments Source
Data refer to the fiscal year (July to June of the Department of Immigration and Multicultural year indicated) from 1992 on. From 1996 on, and Indigenous Affairs, Population Research. inflow data include those persons granted permanent residence while already temporary residents in Australia.
All data concern non-EU foreign citizens. Data ANAEM (Agence nationale de l'accueil des by nationality are foreigners registered by the trangers et des migrations). ANAEM. Totals in Table A.1.1. include some estimates for some specific categories of migrants. Excluding ethnic Greeks. Ministry of Public Order. Central Statistical Office.
Greece Ireland
Italy
Korea Mexico
250
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Metadata related to Tables A.1.1, A.1.2, and B.1.1. Migration flows in selected OECD countries (cont.)
Flow data based on residence permits or other sources
Country New Zealand Types of migrant recorded in the data Inflows: Residence approvals. Outflows: Permanent and long term departures (foreign-born persons departing permanently or intending to be away for a period of 12 months or more). Poland Portugal Number of permanent and fixed-time residence permits issued. Data based on residence permits. 2001, 2002 and 2003 figures include respectively 126 901, 47 657 and 9 097 permits which were delivered under the 2001 programme of regularisation. Residence permits issued for a duration of residence longer than one month. Inflows: Non-British citizens admitted to the United Kingdom. Table A.1.1 data have been revised to include short term migrants (including asylum seekers) who actually stayed longer than one year. Outflows: Non-British citizens leaving the territory of the United Kingdom. United States Permanent inflows: Issues of permanent residence permits. The figures include those persons already US Department of Justice. present in the United States, that is, those who changed status and those benefiting from the 1986 legalisation program. Data cover the fiscal year (October to September of the year indicated). Temporary inflows: Data refer to nonUnited States Department of State. Bureau of immigrant visas issued, excluding visitors and Consular Affairs. transit passengers (B and C visas) and crewmembers (D visas). Includes family members. Data by nationality (Table B.1.1.) on inflows do not include short-term migrants who actually stayed longer than one year. Other comments Data refer to calendar years. Source New Zealand Immigration Service and New Zealand Statistics.
Office for repatriation and Aliens. SEF and National Statistical Office (INE).
Directorate of General Security, Ministry of Interior. International Passenger Survey, Office for National Statistics. Data by nationality are provided by Eurostat.
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
251
STATISTICAL ANNEX
252
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Note: For details on definitions and sources, refer to the metadata at the end of Tables B.1.3. The symbol (. .) indicates that the value is zero or not available. Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/636057821508
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
253
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables. Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1786/440878637130
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
254
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
255
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
256
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
257
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
258
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
STATISTICAL ANNEX
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
259
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Who is an immigrant?
There are major differences in how immigrants are defined. Some countries have traditionally focused on producing data on foreign residents (European countries, Japan and Korea) whilst others refer to the foreign-born (settlement countries, i.e. Australia, Canada, New Zealand and the United States). This difference in focus relates in part to the nature and history of immigration systems and legislation on citizenship and naturalisation. The foreign-born population can be viewed as representing first-generation migrants, and may consist of both foreign and national citizens. The size and composition of the foreign-born population is influenced by the history of migration flows and mortality amongst the foreign-born. For example, where inflows have been declining over time, the stock of the foreign-born will tend to age and represent an increasingly established community. The concept of foreign population may also include immigrants having retained the nationality of their country of origin as of the second and third generations born in the host country. The characteristics of the population of foreign nationals depend on a number of factors: the history of migration flows, natural increase in the foreign population and naturalisations. It is possible to find people having always the statute of immigrant even if they were born in the host country. The nature of legislation on citizenship and the incentives foreigners have to naturalise both play a role in determining the extent to which this occurs in practice.
260
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
STATISTICAL ANNEX
migrants are not required to have permits because of a free movement agreement). To this must be added the difficulty of clearing series regularly to eliminate permits that have expired. Census data enable comprehensive, albeit infrequent analysis of the stock of immigrants (censuses are generally conducted every five to ten years). In addition, many labour force surveys now include questions about nationality and place of birth, thus providing a source of annual stock data. However, some care has to be taken with detailed breakdowns of the immigrant population from survey data as sample sizes can be very small. Inevitably, both census and survey data may underestimate the number of immigrants, especially where they tend not to be registered for census purposes, or where they do not live in private households (labour force surveys generally do not cover those living in institutions such as reception centres and hostels for immigrants). Both these sources can detect a portion of the illegal population, which is by definition excluded from population registers and residence permit systems.
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
261
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Note: Data in italic are estimated. For more details on the method of estimation, please refer to: www.oecd.org/els/migration/imo2006. For details on definitions and sources, refer to the metadata at the end of Tables B.1.4. Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1786/600534542236
262
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables. Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1786/383522443626
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
263
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
264
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
265
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
266
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
267
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
268
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
269
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
270
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
271
STATISTICAL ANNEX
23 365.5 26 278.9 27 748.8 28 337.1 28 052.4 29 489.0 30 658.1 33 474.4 34 620.3 35 635.5 16 710.3 17 288.9 17 800.9
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
272
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Canada Denmark
Finland France Greece Hungary Ireland Italy Luxembourg Mexico Netherlands New Zealand Norway Poland Portugal Sweden Turkey United States
Central population register, Statistics Finland. Census, National Institute for Statistics and Economic Studies (INSEE).
Stock of foreign-born citizens recorded in the census (Usual resident population). Holders of a permanent or a long-term residence permit. Reference date: 31 December.
Persons usually resident and present in their usual residence on census night. Census, Central Statistics Office. Reference data: 28 April 2002. Reference date: 2001. Reference date: 15 February 2001. Population aged 5 and over. Reference date: 31 December. Reference date: March 2001. Reference date: 31 December. Census, ISTAT. Census 2001, Central Office of Statistics and Economic Studies (Statec). 2000 Census, National Council on Population (CONAPO) Register of Population, Central Bureau of Statistics (CBS). Census of population, Statistics New Zealand. Central Population Register, Statistics Norway.
Excluding foreign temporary residents who at the time of the census had been Census, Central Statistical Office. staying at a given address in Poland for less than 12 months. Census of population, National Statistical Office (INE) Reference date: 31 December. In Table A.1.4, the statistic for the year 2000 is from the population census. Starting with this level the series is estimated using the trend in foreign-born levels from the CPS. On the other hand, the statistics by country of birth (Table B.1.4) are taken directly from CPS estimates. Population register, Statistics Sweden. Census of Population, State Institute of Statistics (SIS). Current Population Survey March Supplement and Census, US Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census.
Slovak Republic Census of population who had permanent residence at the date of the Census. Ministry of the Interior.
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
273
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Note: Data are from population registers or from registers of foreigners except for France, Greece, Mexico and Poland (Census), Portugal (residence permits), Ireland and the United Kingdom (Labour Force Survey). For details on definitions and sources, refer to the metadata at the end of Tables B.1.5. Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1786/373844821811
274
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables. Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1786/131238325605
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
275
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
276
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
277
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
278
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
279
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
280
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
281
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
282
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
283
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
284
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
285
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
286
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Luxembourg
Stock of foreign citizens recorded in population register. Does not include visitors Population register, Central Office of Statistics and (less than three months) and cross-border workers. Economic Studies (Statec). Reference date: 31 December. Stock of foreign citizens recorded in the population register. Figures include Population register, Central Bureau of Statistics (CBS). administrative corrections and asylum seekers (except those staying in reception centres). Reference date: 31 December.
Netherlands
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
287
STATISTICAL ANNEX
288
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Acquisition of Nationality
Naturalisations must be taken into account in the analysis of the population of foreigners and nationals. Also, differing national approaches to naturalisation between countries must be considered when making international comparisons. In France and Belgium, for example, where foreigners can fairly easily acquire nationality, increases in the foreign population through immigration and births can eventually contribute to a significant rise in the native population. However, in countries where naturalisation is more difficult, increases in immigration and births amongst foreigners manifest themselves almost exclusively as rises in the foreign population. In addition, changes in rules regarding naturalisation can have significant numerical effects. For example, during the 1980s, a number of OECD countries made naturalisation easier and this resulted in noticeable falls in the foreign population (and rises in the population of nationals). However, host-country legislation is not the only factor affecting naturalisation. For example, where naturalisation involves forfeiting citizenship of the country of origin, there may be incentives to remain as a foreign citizen. Where the difference between remaining a foreign citizen or becoming a national is marginal, naturalisation may largely be influenced by the time and effort required to make the application, and the symbolic and political value individuals attach to being citizens of one country or another. Data on naturalisations are usually readily available from administrative sources. As with other administrative data, resource constraints in processing applications may result in a backlog of unprocessed applications which are not reflected in the figures. The statistics generally cover all means of acquiring the nationality of a country. These include standard naturalisation procedures subject to criteria such as age or residency, etc. as well as situations where nationality is acquired through a declaration or by option (following marriage, adoption or other situations related to residency or descent), recovery of former nationality and other special means of acquiring the nationality of the country).
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
289
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Countries where the national/foreigner distinction is prevalent Austria % of foreign population Belgium % of foreign population Czech Republic % of foreign population Denmark % of foreign population Finland % of foreign population France % of foreign population Germany % of foreign population Hungary % of foreign population Italy % of foreign population Japan % of foreign population Luxembourg % of foreign population Netherlands % of foreign population Norway % of foreign population Portugal % of foreign population Slovak Republic % of foreign population Spain % of foreign population Sweden % of foreign population Switzerland % of foreign population United Kingdom % of foreign population 26 129 2.8 .. .. 5 260 2.7 668 1.1 .. .. 71 981 1.0 10 021 7.3 7 445 1.1 14 104 1.0 802 0.6 71 440 9.4 11 778 7.2 1 413 0.9 .. .. 6 756 1.5 31 993 6.0 16 795 1.3 40 516 2.0 15 309 16 243 2.4 24 581 2.7 .. .. 7 283 3.3 981 1.4 .. .. 86 356 1.2 12 266 8.8 8 823 1.2 14 495 1.1 779 0.6 82 700 11.4 12 237 7.6 1 154 0.7 .. .. 8 433 1.7 25 552 4.8 19 375 1.5 43 069 2.2 16 274 2.4 31 687 3.5 .. .. 5 482 2.3 1 439 2.0 .. .. 82 913 1.1 8 658 6.1 9 789 1.0 15 061 1.1 749 0.5 59 830 8.8 12 037 7.6 1 364 0.8 .. .. 10 311 1.9 28 867 5.5 19 170 1.4 37 010 1.9 18 321 2.7 34 034 3.8 .. .. 10 262 4.1 4 017 5.0 .. .. 106 790 1.4 6 435 4.3 12 016 1.2 14 779 1.0 631 0.4 59 170 8.7 9 244 5.8 519 0.3 .. .. 13 177 2.2 46 502 8.9 21 280 1.6 53 525 2.6 .. 142 670 2.0 6 066 4.0 11 335 1.0 16 120 1.1 549 0.4 62 090 9.4 7 988 4.8 946 0.5 .. .. 16 394 2.3 37 777 7.6 20 363 1.5 54 902 2.5 25 032 3.6 24 273 2.7 8 107 3.7 12 416 4.8 4 730 5.6 147 522 24 645 3.6 62 082 6.9 8 335 3.6 18 811 7.3 2 977 3.4 150 026 4.6 186 688 2.5 7 538 4.9 9 563 0.7 15 812 1.0 648 0.4 49 968 7.7 9 517 5.3 721 0.4 .. .. 11 999 1.5 43 474 8.9 28 700 2.1 82 210 3.7 32 080 4.6 62 982 7.3 6 321 3.1 11 902 4.6 2 720 3.0 127 548 .. 178 098 2.4 8 590 7.8 10 382 0.8 15 291 0.9 496 0.3 46 667 7.0 10 838 5.9 1 082 0.5 .. .. 16 743 1.9 36 397 7.6 27 586 2.0 90 295 3.9 36 382 5.1 46 417 5.5 4 532 2.1 17 300 6.5 3 049 3.1 128 092 .. 154 547 2.1 3 369 2.7 10 685 0.7 14 339 0.8 754 0.5 45 321 6.6 9 041 4.9 1 369 0.5 .. .. 21 810 2.0 37 792 7.9 36 515 2.6 120 125 4.6 45 112 6.1 33 709 4.0 3 410 1.5 6 583 2.5 3 712 3.6 144 640 .. 140 731 1.9 5 261 4.5 13 406 0.9 17 633 1.0 785 0.5 28 799 4.1 7 867 4.0 1 747 0.4 3 492 11.8 26 556 2.0 33 006 7.0 35 424 2.4 125 535 4.9 41 645 5.5 34 754 4.0 5 020 2.1 14 976 5.5 8 246 7.7 168 826 .. 127 153 1.9 5 432 4.2 11 934 0.5 16 336 1.0 841 0.5 .. .. 8 154 4.0 1 346 0.3 4 016 13.8 .. .. 26 769 5.9 35 685 2.4 140 795 5.1
Countries where native-born/foreign-born distinction is prevalent Australia Canada Mexico New Zealand United States EU-25, Norway and Switzerland North America 488 088 .. 716 765 1044 689 .. 1200 989 114 757 228 167 510 111 637 155 645 655 108 266 154 624 1 061 15 757 598 225 .. 753 910 112 343 134 485 1 795 20 173 463 060 .. 599 340 76 474 158 753 1 625 34 470 839 944 583 160 1000 322 70 836 214 568 3 227 29 609 888 788 697 902 1106 583 72 070 167 353 1 094 23 535 608 205 670 727 776 652 86 289 141 588 4 737 19 469 573 708 677 100 720 033 79 164 155 117 4 245 18 296 463 204 659 775 622 566 87 049 192 590 5 554 22 142 537 151 690 947 735 295
Note: Statistics cover all means of acquiring the nationality of a country, except where otherwise indicated. These include standard naturalisation procedures subject to criteria such as age, residency, etc., as well as situations where nationality is acquired through a declaration or by option (following marriage, adoption, or other situations related to residency or descent), recovery of former nationality and other special means of acquiring the nationality of a country. For details on definitions and sources, refer to the metadata at the end of Tables B.1.6. The naturalisation rate (% of foreign population) gives the number of persons acquiring the nationality of the country as a percentage of the stock of the foreign population at the beginning of the year. Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1786/428680677736
290
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables. Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1786/172760628142
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
291
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
292
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
293
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
294
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
295
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
296
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
297
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
298
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
299
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
300
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Norway Portugal Slovak Republic Spain Sweden Switzerland United Kingdom United States
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
301
STATISTICAL ANNEX
302
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Note: For details on definitions and sources, refer to the metadata which follow. Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1786/824047508680
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
303
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Belgium Canada
Denmark
Statistics Denmark.
Finland France
Directorate of Immigration, Ministry of Foreign Affairs. ANAEM (Agence nationale de l'accueil des trangers et des migrations).
Work permits issued (including renewals). EU citizens do not need a work permit. Ministry of Labour. New work permits issued to non-EU foreigners (excl. self-employed). Ministry of Labour and National Institute of Statistics (ISTAT).
Residents with restricted permission to work. Excluding temporary visitors and Ministry of Justice. re-entries. Including renewals of permits. Data cover both arrivals of foreign workers and residents admitted for the first time to the labour market. Immigrants and residents with permission to work. Holders of a temporary work permit (regulated since 1995 under the Dutch Foreign nationals labour act, WAV). Social Security Inspection Bureau. National Migration Institute. Center for work and income.
Permanent settlers refer to principal applicants 16 and over in the business and Statistics New Zealand skill streams. Temporary workers refer to work applications approved for persons entering New Zealand for the purpose of employment. Data include granted work permits on the grounds of Norway's need for workers. Directorate of Immigration This includes permanent, long-term and short-term work permits. Data refer to work permits granted. Ministry of Economy, Labour, and Social Policy.
Norway Poland
304
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Spain
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
305
STATISTICAL ANNEX
306
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Note: For details on definitions and sources, refer to the metadata at the end of Tables B.2.1. Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1786/028831505130
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables. Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1786/364837548641
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
307
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
308
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
309
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
310
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
STATISTICAL ANNEX
13 480.7 15 288.6 16 677.1 17 345.1 17 054.7 18 028.5 18 994.1 20 917.6 21 563.6 21 985.2
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
311
STATISTICAL ANNEX
312
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Note: For details on definitions and sources, refer to the metadata at the end of Tables B.2.1. Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1786/187628838875
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
313
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables. Statlink: http://dx.doi.org/10.1786/050358424140
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
314
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
315
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
316
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
317
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
318
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
319
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
320
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
321
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
322
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
323
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
Note: For details on definitions and sources, please refer to the metadata at the end of the tables.
324
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Czech Republic
Holders of a work permit and registered Slovak workers. Excluding holders of a trade licence. Reference date: 31 December (except 2004: 30 July). Data are from population registers. Reference date: 31 December. Foreign labour force recorded in the population register. Includes persons of Finnish origin. Reference date: 31 December. Labour Force Survey. The survey has moved to a continuous one from 2003 on. Data are therefore not fully comparable with those of the previous years. Reference date: March of each year until 2002. Microcensus. Data include the unemployed and the self-employed. Reference date: April.
Denmark Finland
France
National Institute for Statistics and Economic Studies (INSEE). Federal Office of Statistics. Census, National Statistical Service.
Number of valid work permits Reference date: 31 December. Estimates are from the Labour Force Survey. Data by nationality (Table B.2.2.) are issued from the 2002 Census and refer to persons aged 15 years and over in the labour force. Figures refer to the number of foreigners with a valid work permit (including the self-employed, the unemployed, sponsored workers and persons granted a permit for humanitarian reasons). EU citizens do not need a work permit. Foreigners whose activity is restricted according to the Immigration Act (revised in 1990). Permanent residents, spouses or children of Japanese national, spouses or children of permanent residents and long-term residents have no restrictions imposed on the kind of activities they can engage in while in Japan and are excluded from the data. Data are based on registered foreign workers, which excludes short-term (under 90 days) workers. Trainees are included. The huge increase is mainly due to a number of undocumented workers who were given a legal worker status following a regularisation program in mid 2003. Number of work permits. Data cover foreigners in employment, including apprentices, trainees and cross-border workers. The unemployed are not included. Reference date: 1 October. Data are from the Labour Force Survey and refer to the Labour force aged 15 and over. Reference date: March. Data are from population registers. Excluding the unemployed and the self-employed until 2000. Reference date: second quarter of each year (except in 1995, 1996, 1999 and 2000: 4th quarter).
Italy
Japan
Korea
Ministry of Justice.
Luxembourg
Netherlands
Norway
Statistics Norway.
Portugal
Workers who hold a valid residence permit (including the unemployed). Including foreign workers who benefited from the 1992-1993, 1996 and 2001 regularisation programmes. Data for 2001, 2002 and 2003 include workers regularised following the 2001 programme. Reference date: 31 December. Foreigners who hold a valid work permit. Czech workers do not need a work permit but they are registered through the Labour Offices.
Slovak Republic
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
325
STATISTICAL ANNEX
Metadata related to Tables A.2.3. and B.2.2. Foreign labour force (cont.)
Country Spain Comments Number of valid work permits. EU workers are not included. In 1996, the data include work permits delivered following the 1996 regularisation programme. From 2000 on, data relate to the number of foreigners who are registered in the Social Security system. A worker may be registered several times if he/she has several activities. Regularised workers are included in 2000 and 2001 data. Reference date: 31 December (data for 2003 are stocks on January 14th 2004). Sweden Switzerland Annual average from the Labour Force Survey. Til 2001, data are counts of the number of foreigners with an annual residence permit or a settlement permit (permanent permit), who engage in gainful activity. Cross-border workers and seasonal workers are excluded. Since the bilateral agreements signed with the European Union have come into force (1 June 2002), movements of EU workers can no longer be followed through the central register of foreigners. Reference date: 31 December. United Kingdom Estimates are from the Labour Force Survey. The unemployed are not included. There is a break in the serie as 2004 data are calculated using a new weighting system. Home Office. Statistics Sweden. Federal Office of Immigration, Integration and Emigration. Source Ministry of Labour and Social Security.
326
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
JAPAN
KOREA LUXEMBOURG
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
327
MEXICO NETHERLANDS NEW ZEALAND NORWAY POLAND PORTUGAL ROMANIA SLOVAK REPUBLIC SPAIN SWEDEN SWITZERLAND TURKEY UNITED KINGDOM UNITED STATES
Mr. G. MOHAR Ministry of Interior, Mexico Mr. G. ENGENSEN and Mr. E. SNEL Erasmus University, Rotterdam M. S. LOCKYER Department of Labour, Wellington M. E. THORUD Royal Ministry of Local Government and Labour, Oslo Ms. E. KEPINSKA University of Warsaw, Institute for Social Studies Mr. J. MALHEIROS University of Lisbon Mr. D. GHEORGHIU National Institute for Statistics and Economic Studies, Bucarest Ms. M. LUBYOVA Bratislava Mr. A. IZQUIERDO ESCRIBANO Facult des Sciences politiques et de sociologie, La Corua Mr. M. HAGOS Ministry of Justice, Stockholm Ms. C. de COULON Federal Office of Migration, Berne Mr. A. ICDUYGU Kok University, Istanbul Mr. J. SALT University College London, Department of Geography, London Ms. S. SMITH US Department of Labor, Bureau for International Labor Affairs, Washington
328
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
LIST OF OECD SECRETARIAT MEMBERS INVOLVED IN THE PREPARATION OF THIS REPORT Division of Non-Member Economies and International Migration Division
Jean-Pierre Garson, Head of Division Georges Lematre, Principal Administrator Jean-Christophe Dumont, Administrator Thomas Liebig, Administrator Ccile Thoreau, Statistical Assistant Pauline Fron, Statistical Assistant Sylviane Yvron-Solari, Assistant Silvia Grandi, Trainee Jonas Sebhatu, Trainee Marta Maskova, Secondment, Slovak Ministry of Labour, Social Affairs and Family Philippe de Bruycker, OECD Consultant, Universit libre de Bruxelles
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION OUTLOOK: SOPEMI 2006 EDITION ISBN 92-64-03627-X OECD 2006
329
OECD PUBLICATIONS, 2, rue Andr-Pascal, 75775 PARIS CEDEX 16 PRINTED IN FRANCE (81 2006 04 1 P) ISBN 92-64-03627-X No. 54499 2006
www.oecd.org
SOPEMI 2006
-:HSTCQE=UX[W\\: