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Somalia Conflict

The document discusses the conflict in Somalia and proposes using African indigenous approaches to resolve it peacefully. It provides background on Somalia's political issues since 1991 when the government collapsed. It then describes traditional African political systems of chiefs and councils of elders, suggesting allowing Africa to determine its own solutions.
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0% found this document useful (0 votes)
77 views8 pages

Somalia Conflict

The document discusses the conflict in Somalia and proposes using African indigenous approaches to resolve it peacefully. It provides background on Somalia's political issues since 1991 when the government collapsed. It then describes traditional African political systems of chiefs and councils of elders, suggesting allowing Africa to determine its own solutions.
Copyright
© © All Rights Reserved
We take content rights seriously. If you suspect this is your content, claim it here.
Available Formats
Download as PDF, TXT or read online on Scribd
You are on page 1/ 8

Journal of Law and Conflict Resolution Vol. 3(4), pp.

63-70, April 2011


Available online at http://www.academicjournals.org/JLCR
ISSN 2006-9804 2011 Academic Journals



Review

Somalia conflict: An African indigenous approach
towards a peaceful resolution

Chinenye P. Dave-Odigie

Institute for Peace and Conflict Resolution, Abuja, Nigeria. E-mail: irukadave@yahoo.com, irukadave@gmail.com.
Tel: +234 80 59831100.

Accepted 28 February, 2011

Generally, Africa has been characterized by chronic conflicts which are largely attributed to colonial
legacies, repressive regimes, disastrous economic and political policies, systematic disregard of
human liberties, institutionalized corruption and on-going civil wars. The causes of the lingering crises
in Somalia are not far-fetched from those enumerated above. The complete breakdown of law and order
in Somalia stem largely from economic and political problems inherent in most sub-Saharan African
states. The resultant consequence of the anarchy in Somalia is largely manifested in the increasing
rates of criminality, flagrant disregard for human rights, increased death tolls, dire humanitarian
conditions, refugee crises and security tensions in the horn of Africa and Eastern Africa. The paper
suggested among others that African indigenous initiatives should be used with a view to addressing
the situation in Somalia. Africa should be allowed to chart its own course for its destiny. It may be an
uphill task, but presents the best option towards ensuring its freedom.

Key words: Conflicts, religious war, Suicide Bombings, conflict resolution.


INTRODUCTION

Traditional societies in Africa and elsewhere are reputed
to hold secrets of peacemaking locked in their ways,
formed from centuries of custom before the disruption of
colonization. In places and practices that modernization
has passed by, these traditions are often claimed to still
be in use, keeping the heart of society in harmony while
imported overlays such as states and currencies are
collapsing in conflict around them. Some of these smacks
of the noble savage of romantic literature, and other
aspects may merely be the invention of a current conflict
management fad that ignores the pervasiveness and
creativity of conflict. But some of Africas reputation in
conflict management has historic and even contemporary
footnotes. (Zartman, 2005)

Somalia, situated on the horn of Africa lies along the Gulf
of Aden and the Indian Ocean. It is bordered by Djibouti,
Ethiopia and Kenya. Generally arid and barren, it has 2
major rivers the Shebelle and the Juba rivers. It has a
total area of 637,657 square kilometers. Its population is
estimated to be 9,832,017 (www.factmonster.com/ipka)
and the languages spoken are Somali (official), Arabic,
English and Italian. Somalia as with most East African
states exhibits the strong influence of Arab traders and
European colonization. The religion is Islam while the
Somali ethnic group which is one of the largest ethnic
groups in Africa makes up 85% of the population, Bantu
and other groups including Arabs make up 15%. The
natural resources are uranium, largely unexploited
reserves of iron ore, tin, gypsum, bauxite, copper, salt,
natural gas and likely oil reserves
(www.search.com/reference/British_Somaliland).

The British Somaliland was a British protectorate in the
northern part of the horn of Africa; and later part of
Somalia and presently the unrecognized republic of
Somaliland. Egypt dominated the area in the 1870s but
withdrew in 1884 upon which the British established a
protectorate and garrisoned it from Aden. The
protectorate was administered from British India until
1898, then by the foreign office and after 1905 by the
colonial office. During the East African campaign, the
protectorate was occupied by Italy in August 1940, but
recaptured by the British in March 1941
(www.bbcnews/somalia_country_profile).

The protectorate gained independence as the state of
Somaliland on June 26, 1960. Days later, as a
referendum indicated support for unification with Italian
Somaliland, it joined with that territory to form a new
Somali Republic (Somalia) on July 1, 1960
(www.bbcnews/somalia_country_profile).

64 J. Law. Conflict. Resolut.



Somalia has had no effective government since 1991.
This is because Siad Baare the socialist head of state
was overthrown by armed groups from opposing clans
who then turned on each other. The opposing clan armed
groups failed to arrive at a consensus over who would
replace Siad Barre and from then, the country was
thrown into utter lawlessness and clan warfare. In their
attempts to reconcile the warring clans, Abdulkassim
Salat Hassan was appointed as head of state in 2000 by
some senior clan elders and some other notable
personalities. The appointment came after a conference
held in Djibouti on the issue. The intention of setting up
the transitional government headed by Abdulkassim Salat
to reconcile the various warring clans was not achieved
when the mandate of the transition government came to
an end (www.solarnavigator.net/geography/somalia).
Subsequently in 2004, another attempt was made by
main warlords from the various clans who signed a peace
deal after protracted talks were held in Kenya. In the
deal, a new parliament was set up and the parliament
later appointed a new president. The government tried
albeit unsuccessfully to bring the conflict to an end. Its
legitimacy was further compromised by the rise in Islamic
militancy in 2006. The militants gained control of much of
Southern Somalia including the capital Mogadishu. The
rise of the Islamic insurgents led to the demise of the
control of the warlords hold on power which they had
hitherto held on to for about 15 years. Ethiopia then came
to the rescue of the interim government and helped to
retrieve power from the Islamic insurgents at the end of
2006.
Intense fighting has continued since then between the
interim government and the Islamic insurgents. In 2008,
the interim government regained control of most parts of
Southern Somalia. With Ethiopias withdrawal of its
troops in early 2009, the Al-Shabbab Islamic militants
took control of Baidoa town, a former key stronghold of
government. This prompted the parliament to extend the
mandate of the interim government. Also, 149 new
members of parliament were sworn in Djibouti to be part
of Somalias new interim government and Sheihk Sharif
Ahmad, a moderate Islamist acceptable to the west was
appointed as the president. In spite of his introduction of
Sharia law into the country, he is not acceptable to the
Islamic insurgents who want to enforce a strict Islamic
rule in Somalia (www.inthewallsoferyx.blogspot.com). He
is regarded as a stooge of the west by the militants and
his government has been further weakened by the
activities of the Islamic insurgents especially the Al-
Shabaab which is loyal to Al-Qaeda.
The conflict between the militants and the government
forces, as well as between the different militant camps
intensifies on a daily basis. The impunity, criminality, dire
humanitarian conditions and death toll have also
witnessed an upward spiral since May 2009 to date.
In the Northwest and Northeast, there are breakaway
regions namely Somaliland (Somaliland declared
independence in May 1991 as the Republic of Somaliland




which regards itself as a successor to the briefly
independent state of Somaliland. Somaliland is not
recognized as an independent nation by the international
community) and PuntLand. In the rest of the country,
there are various warlords and many political organiza-
tions some of which are clan based, with others seeking
a Somalia free from clan based politics (Ayittey, 1994).
In writing the paper, secondary sources of information
such as books, journals and the world- wide web were
used.


Indigenous African Political Setting

The indigenous political setting in most of Africa was
organized in such a way that, a council of elders most
times in conjunction with the queen mother appoints a
chief to be at the helm of affairs in the community. This
was the era of chiefdoms. The chief was expected to rule
well and abide by the tenets of his office. Failure to do so
would amount to removal or dethronement. He may
either be forcefully removed or sent into exile. In extreme
cases, a faction may decide to move out and form a new
community.
In addition to the chief, in each African village, a village
head is chosen by every extended family to represent
and direct the affairs of that particular extended family.
These heads are the ones that constitute the council of
elders. Membership into the council of elders was
hereditary and so, they could not be appointed or
removed by the chief; this was a kind of check and
balance on the powers of the chief. Thus, the council of
elders attained an independent status as an organ of
government (Ayittey, 1994).
Most meetings between the chief and his council of
elders were conducted at village squares or in special
designated places like the palace of the chief. Before
decisions were taken on important matters, there was
unanimity. This ensured openness and transparency.
One did not have to belong to a political party or clique,
or family to be present at such meetings.
In the same vein, in terms of the economic activities in
the indigenous African setting, the land belonged to the
ancestors and not the chief. The means of production
were mostly and generally owned by the people. The
chiefs acted as custodians or care takers over the land
on behalf of the people. The farmers who cultivated crops
owned their produce and people were at liberty to choose
the kind of trade or vocation to engage in (Ayittey, 1994).
Thus pre-colonial Africa witnessed a lot of migration as
people and goods moved freely. Trans Saharan Africa
had a web of trade routes used to carry out economic
activities involving the exchange of goods. The Africans
have a long history of trading that was devoid of tax, state
regulations and controls. The implication is that the free
enterprise was the order of the day. Women were also
deeply involved in market activities and dominated it to a
large extent (www.peacewomen.org/un/sc/1325). This




means that women are important in building the society
and any attempt to solve even the crises in Somalia will
require engaging women the more. In the traditional
Somalia setting, women played an indirect part in dispute
resolution. They were used as peace envoys or
messengers to initiate peace between warring clans. If
they played such important roles before and it worked, it
can be employed again since the conflict seems to
defying all attempts aimed at its resolution.
In recognition of the importance of the role women in
peace building, the United Nations Security Council on
October 31, 2000 adopted resolution 1325 which
recognizes: womens important role in the prevention and
resolution of conflicts and in peace-building, and the im-
portance of their equal participation and full involvement
in all efforts for the maintenance and promotion of peace
and security, and the need to increase their role in
decision-making with regard to conflict prevention and
resolution (Lederach, 2003).
This was the first time ever that the importance of
womens contribution to peace building was recognized
and advocated for by the United Nations. In as much as
this is a welcome and laudable move by the United
Nations, it does not negate the fact that women in
indigenous African political settings contributed their own
quota towards ensuring that peace reigns in their
communities. Such efforts by the women should be
rekindled, supported and the women empowered and
poised to participate more effectively in peace-building
measures. Commitment on the part of the conflict actors
is needed to adhere to the recommendations of UN
resolution 1325. It can be further localized to suit the local
customs of the Somalis.
Specifically in Somalia, a traditional peace and
reconciliation mechanism known as the Xeer was used
as a democratic tactic to peacefully resolve disputes.
With it, people were allowed to participate equally in the
process of electing their leaders and establishing their
administration. The Xeer is a precedent-based social
code which is understood to apply to all Somalis and
served as a necessary restraint and moderating guide in
disagreements and feuds between individuals and
groups. It emphasizes a decentralized political authority
that is administered by political leaders. It is an institution
to mediate political and social arrangements in con-
temporary Somalia in its anarchical state and situation of
state collapse (Netabay 2007). The Xeer system is
dynamic as new xeer rules are developed to address
unforeseen circumstances. So the system is constantly
evolving. However, because of the anarchical state of
affairs in the country right now, it may be very difficult to
use the Xeer mechanism. If warring parties can agree to
a ceasefire first and foremost, then the Xeer can be
resorted back to.
The Xeer system has been experimented on in
Puntland and Somaliland breakaway regions of Somalia
and has recorded tremendous success. The two regions
Dave-Odigie 65



succeeded in creating institutions led by a council of
elders that have both mandates for and experience in
conflict resolution and continuing responsibilities in
establishing peace. In Somaliland, the council of elders
succeeded not only in creating a constitution but in
appointing the government (Netabay 2007). Somaliland
was able to resolve its internal conflicts because they
resorted to purely indigenous means of inviting parties to
a conflict to a meeting where pressure was mounted on
them to arrive at a consensus. The conflict resolution
therefore was drawn from tried and tested tradition of
local methods designed to defuse disputes between
neighbouring communities.
While this success recorded in Puntland and Somalia
might serve as stabilizing models, it can be inferred that
the establishment of a truly federal state can be achieved
in Somalia without much difficulty if they first succeed in
establishing and upholding community-based
administrative institutions
(www.usafricaonline.com/somalia_22_killed).
The background of the conflict in Somalia which stems
from colonialist legacies, repressive regimes and vested
interests of clan warlords notwithstanding, lasting peace
for Somalia can only come from the Somali people them-
selves, with the engagement of traditional and indigenous
peace and reconciliation mechanisms that is devoid of
international domination. If these indigenous practices
worked before, they can be employed again to resolve
the on-going crisis in Somalia. Africa needs to arise and
wake up and take its own destinies in its hands. The
arms and weapons that Africans use to fight and kill
themselves are manufactured outside Africa. Africa uses
its scarce resources that should be channeled towards
development to acquire arms that it uses to foster
conflicts. Thus while it keeps getting underdeveloped and
impoverished, it is creating wealth for the arms producing
nations. Africa needs to find out whose interests the
conflicts that it is embroiled in serves.
The paper is of the view that a path to peace can be
charted for Somalia based on African grown initiatives
because after over 20 years, the nation is still embroiled
in a bitter conflict and all the initiatives put in place have
not achieved much. Furthermore, most of the initiatives
were launched from outside Somalia by an international
community with very divergent aims and interests.
Various attempts to bring warring factions together took
place outside the country in luxury hotels, demonstrating
an apparent lack of a sense of urgency and pressure to
arrive at a compromise, and robbing those whose peace
was at stake of any leverage over the proceedings.
Instead, participants delayed in reaching agreements and
were more concerned with personal advantages
conferred on them for taking part in such gatherings
(www.somalilandforeign.net/speech.aspx).
Specifically, most of the conflict resolution models
presented for Somalia are western in orientation without
adequately paying attention to the African cultural context
66 J. Law. Conflict. Resolut.



(www.somalilandforeign.net/speech.aspx) Africans
should wake up and realize that their destinies lie in their
hands, if the western models are a foolproof for the
resolution of the conflict in Somalia and indeed many
other African nations engulfed in intra-conflicts, how then
is it that the conflict has not abated?
The transition federal government in Somalia with the
backing of the United Nations was launched outside of
Somalia, and as such, it is not a legitimate government
as the parliament was not democratically elected. More-
over, due to heightened security tension in Somalia, most
of these parliamentarians do not even attend the
meetings where they are expected to participate in
debates (www.somalilandforeign.net/speech.aspx).
The best approach towards a peaceful resolution of
Somalias conflict therefore remains a bottom up
approach with participation from the grassroots.


TRENDS IN THE SOMALI CONFLICT FROM MAY 2009
TO JUNE 2010

Intense fighting between Pro-government forces and
the Islamic militia

There has been an upward spiral in the Somali conflict
since early May 2009. The Islamist Al-shabaab militant
faction lashed out at the TFG forces and took control of
over two thirds of Mogadishu to add to large chunks of
territories which they and their allies captured earlier on
across Central and Southern Somalia and almost
overthrew of the TFG. The Al-Shabaab advanced close
to the presidential palace on many occasions and
exchanged gunfire with pro-government forces. In a
recent attack at the airport in Mogadishu during the 50
th

celebration of the national army of Somalia, fighting
erupted when Al-Shabaab militants attacked. In counter
attacks by the government forces and African Union
peacekeepers, a lot of civilians were killed and others
wounded (www.asmarino.com/news).
As the battle raged on militant Islamic fighters have
been capturing some towns. It has become a cycle of
militants capturing a town and later having it recaptured
by the government forces and vice versa. Attacks have
also being targeted at the presidential palace at various
times like that carried out by the insurgents on 27
th
May,
2009 where mortars were fired at the presidential palace
killing 7 civilians and 2 government soldiers
(www.english.aljazeera.net/nes/africa/2009/06). This
shows the extent of the weakness and fragility of the
transition government. The fragility of the transition
government is further seen in the number of pro-
government officials death toll since May 2009. Notable
ministers and officials like the security minister were
killed. The security minister was killed in June 2009 in a
suicide bomb attack that also killed Somalias
ambassador to South Africa and 9 others
(www.rain.org.za/us_death_squad-roam_the_globe). The




insurgents side has not been bereft of casualties as well.
Saleh Ali Saleh Nabhan, a senior Al-Qaeda operative
suspected to be behind the attacks on U.S. embassies in
Kenya and Tanzania well as being a major force
brokering a merger between Al-Qaeda and Al -Shabaab,
was killed in a raid by covert forces in Southern Somalia
in September 2009.
Sheikh Hussein Ali Fidow who was a senior Shabaab
leader was reportedly killed alongside Nabhan
(www.nytimes.com/2009/05/18/world/africa). Casualties
have continued on all sides to the conflicts and yet, the
conflict keeps intensifying on a daily basis.


Clashes between rival Islamist factions

The conflict in Somalia also manifests in rivalry between
the different Islamic factions. All the factions are battling
for supremacy. This has led to intense gunfire exchanges
between the various groups. Countless number of deaths
has been witnessed as a result of the fighting. Any group
that succeeds in a specific area and captures a city or
town drives the other group away. This shows that the
struggle is not just against the transition government or
by various clans. It has descended into an all out war
where the need to radically Islamize the nation seems to
be the driving force for the continued struggle by the Al-
Shabaab group. This may not be unconnected to their
close ties with Al-Qaeda.
The rivalry between the factions also show some
cracks within the walls of some factions. For instance, a
former warlord and opposition leader Sheikh Yusuf
Indahaadde defected to the governments side in
apparent disarray among militant ranks
(www.wardheernews.com/articles_2010/jan/IAG). This is
an advantage for the transition government as the
information gathered from him will be of immense
security advantage to them.
The conflict between the rival factions of which the Al-
Shabaab and Hizbul Islam are the main groups intensi-
fied towards the end of 2009. However, It is not shocking
as the two main groups were formed by a coalition of
disparate clerics, clan groups, Islamists, criminal and
militia networks with divided interests
(www.washingtonpost.com). Till date, the two sides have
been fighting against each other on one hand, and
against the transition government on the other hand.


Influx of foreign mercenaries

Reports claim that foreign presence and influence is
propelling the conflict as some Pakistanis and Arabs
were seen in the country, these foreigners are a source
of encouragement to Al-shabaab militants
(http://blog.jaluo.com). The AU in Somalia also corro-
borated assertions by President Ahmed that suspected
mercenary fighters from Pakistan, Saudi Arabia and




Afghanistan have joined the ranks of the rampaging
insurgents in large numbers (www.allvoices.com/event)
and also accused neighboring Eritrea where many of the
Islamist leaders are based of sending in forces to aid it to
overthrow the government.
If this trend is not checked, it may be a spring board for
other African nations in turmoil especially in the horn of
Africa to copy for. The AU also reported that over a
thousand mercenaries from Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania
and Sudan have joined the Islamic militants in a bid to
topple the Transition government. Kenyan mercenaries
are said to be in the majority (www.allvoices.com/event).
The presence of foreign mercenaries should serve as a
warning alert that something urgent needs to be done as
the Islamic militants links to Al-Qaeda keeps unfolding
through the influx of foreigners. The war has become
more than a clan thing but is clearly assuming terrorist
dimensions because of the influence of the foreigners
into the conflict. If this trend is not checked and curtailed
urgently, it may make the resolution of the conflict to be
an uphill task.
Some of the foreign mercenaries are claimed to be
fugitives from other countries who are wanted for various
offences that they committed and are therefore trying
their best to see that the conflict in Somalia is not
resolved so that they will keep having a hiding place
there

(www.somaliswiss.wordpress.com).


Suicide bombings

The fighting also takes place in the form of suicide
bombings, a strong indication that the country can
degenerate into what is obtained mostly in the Middle
East. The Al-Shabaab rebel group in Sudan claimed
responsibility for most of the suicide bombing in the
capital. In one such attack carried out by a teenager in
Mogadishu on 24
th
May 2009, 6 soldiers and a civilian
were killed. This prompted Somalias interim president to
ask for international help to stop foreigners fighting with
the militants. Thousands of people keep fleeing the up-
surge in Mogadishu. The death toll has been increasing
as well since the beginning of May 2009 as Islamist
insurgents tried to topple the fragile interim government
Stedman in Kleh et al. (2002).

It is baffling as to why the
conflict in Somalia has degenerated to the extent that it
has since the country is an Islamic country where all are
Muslims. Most of the countries that have intra conflicts
are as a result of differences in religion, ethnicity or
political affiliations, since Somalia is largely mono-
cultural, why is the conflict escalating? Differences like
religion, ethnicity and language are usually used by the
political elite in trying to achieve their political and
economic aims at the expense of the masses.
The Eclectic theory states that civil conflicts are the
products of a confluence of factors-cultural, economical,
historical, political and social. That is, given the
complexity of civil conflicts a single variable or factor is
Dave-Odigie 67



insufficient to explain the causes of conflict. Stedman
further asserts that:

Conflicts in Africa arise from problems basic to all
populations: the tugs and pulls of different identities, the
distribution of resources and access to power, and
competing definitions of what is right, fair and just.

Stedman in Kleh et al. (2002)

In other words, he posits
that there is a broad universe of ethnic, economic,
political, social and moral factors that occasion conflicts
in Africa. While the paper agrees with Stedmans
position, it still does not fully explain the intricacies of the
Somali conflict from ethnic and social standpoints since it
is largely a heterogeneous society. One of the most
devastating suicide killings took place when 3 Somali
ministers were killed in December 2009 during a
graduation ceremony. A suicide bomber disguised as a
woman killed at least 19 people including 3 government
ministers in Mogadishu. The attack was carried out in a
hotel during a crowded graduation ceremony for medical
students from a local university. The health minister was
killed in the attack. Also killed were the education and
higher education ministers. Most of the dead are believed
to be students. 2 journalists also died in the attack. The
Shamo hotel where the attack took place is often used by
few foreigners like aid workers, journalists and diplomats
who still visit Mogadishu. It is located in one part of the
city controlled by the government. It is situated just 1 km
from the k4 junction where AMISOM has a base. Security
was said to have been light inside the ceremony with the
ministers bodyguards all waiting outside the meeting hall
(www.edition.cnn.com/2009/world/africa/somalia.attacks/i
ndex.html).
For this to happen near the AMISOM base leaves
much to be desired. If AMISOM is under-resourced both
in terms of personnel, finances and logistics, how then
can it effectively aid the government in keeping the peace
in Somalia? It shows that even the base is vulnerable
where security is concerned. Proper funding, training and
having the desired number of troops in AMISOM may go
a long way in helping with the situation.
For the attacker to have a leeway into the hotel which is
located in Mogadishu where government forces are said
to be on control also shows that even the government
control is showing signs of vulnerability and that much
still needs to be done to guarantee the security and
safety of not just government officials but that of civilians
in an area where the government is supposed to have a
strong hold. It is also very disheartening that such attack
took place in a gathering made up of students who are
the youth and the hope of the future for Somalia.


Piracy

Because of a lack of a central government, lawlessness
became the order of the day in Somalia as can be seen
68 J. Law. Conflict. Resolut.



from the increasing cases of piracy committed by
Somalis in the Gulf of Aden and in the Indian Ocean.
About 20,000 cargo ships a year use the Gulf of Aden.
An international naval force is currently patrolling the Gulf
and has prevented a few attacks but it is impossible to
effectively police the vast sea
(http://sundaytimes.Ik.100328/international). Many Somali
pirates began their careers against foreign trawlers taking
advantage of the civil war to illegally fish in Somali waters
devastating the livelihoods of its fishermen and when the
international community did nothing, the fishermen
became pirates after discovering that hostage taking
fetched in more money.
Somali officials warn that pirates may become
warlords- piracy and ransom money got from it has
enriched so many pirates who could become Somalias
new warlords. Piracy has emerged as the biggest threat
to global merchant shipping. It is the biggest money
maker in Somalia. About $30 million was realized from
piracy in 2008. About 1,000 Somalis are said to be
engaged in piracy and the number is still growing
(www.insidesomalia.org). There are growing indications
that wealthier pirates may become warlords and create
extremist organizations that could further destabilize the
war torn and lawless eastern African nation.
In a bid to combat the menace of Somali piracy, many
foreign countries have their navies patrolling the Gulf of
Aden. In May, 2009 Iran sent 2 warships to fight Somali
Pirates in the Gulf of Aden as pirate attacks fuelled by
ransoms have continued almost unabated despite the
presence of an armada of foreign warships patrolling the
Indian Ocean and Gulf of Aden
(http://in.reuters.com/home/news/world/2009/05/25).
Local leaders in Somalia have been trying on their own
to deal with the issue of piracy. They have been able to
get some pirates promise to halt their activities. Other
pirates have been urged to release captured ships in
exchange for amnesty. Pirates have been under pressure
from local leaders who accuse them of corrupting their
communities.


Use of children as soldiers

The use of children as soldiers in the Somali conflict is
reported to be on the increase. All parties to the conflict
are involved in this appalling war crime. Children as
young as nine years have been recruited. Recent reports
state that schools now serve as recruitment centres for
child soldiers who are beaten or executed when
captured. It is pertinent that these children who are the
future of Somalia be demobilized from the armed groups.
As children, they are exposed to a lot of psychological
and physical ordeals when conscripted as child soldiers;
this in turn may instigate them to become perpetrators of
violence and criminal acts when they grow up if they are
not properly rehabilitated.




The practice of recruiting children as soldiers poses
grave concerns for Somalias future stability. Children
make up a majority of Somalias population and they
deserve a childhood free from the terrors of armed
conflict
(www.munalfrink.nl/mainbodies/security_council/children)
A worrisome trend in the use of these children as child
soldiers is that the children of the leaders of the various
Islamist militant factions are not part of children kept in
camps for training, while those of the masses are
brainwashed into joining the jihad with promises of
making it to heaven if they die
(www.news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/8173019.stm).
The whole thing points to a calculated economic,
political and psychological manipulation by the so called
leaders of the various warring factions. If the so called
heaven that they promise the children is such a good
place to go to, why are they not involving their own
children?
Training for most of these child soldiers are said to be
conducted by foreigners who speak English or Arabic.
They make use of interpreters to conduct the training for
the children (www.news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/8173019.stm).
Street children are the most vulnerable to being
recruited as they have no one to fend or cater for them.
The inadequacies of educational facilities and care
centres for these children further make them vulnerable
to being recruited. Also, peer pressure puts the kids at
risk as they are easily influenced by their contemporaries.


Refugee situation

As a consequence from the current trends in the conflict,
the refugee situation of Somalis in other countries is a
desperate one. Most of the living conditions in refugee
camps are said to be appalling and harsh. This is
because the camps are overcrowded and the facilities
over stretched. The result is that the health of the
refugees is compromised. Epidemics and diseases are
common in such camps. It is not easy to be a refugee as
they are faced with problems of discrimination, and
unemployment. Even when they find jobs, it is usually
unskilled and menial jobs. About 569,000 Somali
refugees are said to be in East Africa and Yemen alone
(www.usaid.gov/our-
work/humanitarian_assistance/countries/somalia).
According to a recent United Nations High Commission
for Refugees (UNHCR) report, conditions in sprawling
camps in Ethiopia, Yemen, Djibouti, Kenya and IDP
camps in Somalia are overcrowded and under resourced.
Intense fighting in Central Somalia has made Somalis
flee from their country more than any other country of the
world. The burden placed on the host countries is very
enormous. Government officials of host countries have
expressed growing concerns about their abilities to meet
the basic needs of these refugees. Security concerns




were also identified by the officials (www.hrea.org).
Some of the security concerns include constant harass-
ment by locals of their host communities, exploitation and
resentment. There have been accounts of refugees being
physically attacked by bandits inside the camps
especially during the period of distribution of food items
and other necessities. Also, women have been raped by
people from their host communities who consider them
as competitors for their scarce resources like water and
firewood. In addition, the resentment meted out to them
may stem from the fact that they are given more
international attention than people in the communities.
All these render the situation of refugees especially
women doubly precarious.


Internally displaced people

About 1.39 million Somalis are internally displaced
(www.reliefweb.int/rw/rub.nst). In a bid to escape the
consequences of the conflict, many people fled their
homes and are putting up at internally displaced persons
camps where they are still subject to further abuses like
rape, forced child recruitment into armed conflict and
armed banditry. They also face hunger as most of the aid
workers who came to their aid are also under severe
threats from the militants. Most of the aid workers had
been kidnapped, killed or sent away from the country.
The few ones left cannot effectively cater for the myriad
of people that make up the IDPs
(www.reliefweb.int/rw/rub.nst).
The situation is so precarious that where civilians
escape the scourge of death directly from the violent
clashes, food insecurity, rape, human rights abuses and
constant fear await them. The situation may also make
donors to cut down on their financial and material support
for the humanitarian cause in Somalia. This position will
only further exacerbate the already dire humanitarian
conditions.


Proliferation of arms and weapons

The activities of the various warring factions have
heightened security tensions not just in Somalia, but in
the horn of Africa and entire East Africa region. This is
further fuelled by the proliferation of arms and weapons.
Some of Somalias neighbouring states based on their
own interests have been funding as well as supplying
arms to Somalia.
The abundance of weapons has changed the trend of
criminal activities in Somalia and neighbouring states as
cattle rustlers, bandits and insurgent groups acquire
arms.
Though the arms themselves do not cause conflicts but
their presence in an environment helps to foster conflicts
and criminal activities. It is a dangerous threat to public
Dave-Odigie 69



safety, human security and development. It is sustaining
a rise in cross border crimes including drugs trafficking
thereby creating instability in the whole eastern region.
The proliferation is to such an extent that Pirates now
use very sophisticated weapons to carry out their
nefarious activities
(www.idaramaritime.com/wordpress/?cat=12).


Flagrant abuse of human rights

The incessant and flagrant disregard for fundamental
human rights in Somalia by the Islamic militants poses
grave concerns. It has degenerated to the level that
people especially women fear being out on the streets.
Women have been flogged for wearing of brassieres.
According to the militants, Islam abhors any form of
deception; the wearing of bras by women is said to be a
deception since it will give the impression that their
breasts are firm when they are not. This makes them
check women as they go out on the streets; forcing many
to remove their bras or be flogged. In addition to this,
they banned the playing of music at television and radio
stations, weddings or any social gathering and having
musical ringtones on telephone mobile handsets.
Furthermore, they also placed a ban on the watching
football (www.express.co.uk).
This calls for concern because people under the United
Nations declaration of human rights have a freedom of
worship and religion. Agreed that the people of Somalia
are Muslims, most of them are liberal and not extremist.
Forcing them to obey the tenets of the Islamic militants is
a serious abuse of their fundamental human rights.
Closely connected to the dehumanizing treatment given
to women and girls on the issue of wearing bras is the
stoning to death of a 20 year old divorcee woman in front
of a crowd of about 200 people on grounds of adultery
while her male counterpart received 100 lashes of the
cane. This is thought to be the second time that the al-
shabaab militia has stoned a woman to death on adultery
charges (www.cbsnews.com/stories/2009/11/18).
The strict interpretation of Islamic law is unpopular with
many Somalis and unless the crisis in the country is
resolved and a functional government put in place, the
horn of Africa nation may still have to grapple with a lot of
these flagrant human rights abuses.


RECOMMENDATIONS

Somalia should borrow from the legacy of the late
president of Nigeria Shehu Musa Yaradua in granting
unconditional amnesty to the militants in Nigerias oil rich
Niger Delta and grant amnesty to its Islamic militants. In
this way, it will be easy for all sides of the warring factions
to come together, dialogue and arrive at a compromise
on the way forward for Somalia.
70 J. Law. Conflict. Resolut.



If the amnesty is granted, it will lead to a lay down of
arms by the militants. Based on this, and with availability
of funds from members of the African Union and
development partners, a comprehensive disarmament,
demobilization and re-integration programme should be
embarked on to mop up the arms in proliferation as well
as entrench the militants back into civilian life as well as
give them a new lease of life economically.
More importantly, child soldiers should be treated as
victims. Specific psychological, health, educational and
vocational skill programmes should be focused on them
to help them recover from the traumas they were
exposed to as a result of their involvement in armed
conflict.
It is a known fact that women and children mostly bear
the brunt of armed conflicts. Most of them are made to
become the bread winners of the family while the men
are out warring. Some of them even lose their husbands
in the course of the conflict. This being the case, it is
important that women serve as a uniting force in the
Somali crisis. They can be further empowered through
direct capacity building and training to equip them to be
at the forefront of any peace efforts in Somalia. This will
enhance their participation in peace, reconciliation and
decision making processes in Somalia.
It is also recommended that greater recognition be
accorded to the traditional institutions in Somalia. Since
the clan leaders have a lot of influence, it will be in the
best interest of the government to carry them along in its
governing efforts. This is further buttressed by the fact
that there is a complete breakdown of state security
structure in Somalia, thus the traditional institutions are
closer to the grassroots and wield a lot of influence albeit
negatively or positively.
The Islamic religious bodies and institutions have a
greater role to play towards ensuring stability in Somalia.
It is an added advantage that Somalia is an Islamic
nation.
The various Islamic sects should find common grounds
and uphold it towards ensuring lasting peace in Somalia.
The African Union should continue its sanction on
states suspected of funding and fuelling the crises in
Somalia. The establishment of the African Union standby
force is a welcome development. However, the standby
force should be used as a last measure if all other
laudable African initiatives aimed at solving the problems
in Somalia prove ineffective or counter -productive.


CONCLUSIONS

There is no doubt that conflict is universal, and that is an
inevitable mainstay of human societies and their
interactions. It is potentially endemic in all political
systems.
However, conflicts can be transformed or managed.
Africa has been tagged a hotbed of world conflicts. This
is because most of the contemporary conflicts occur in




Africa with many of them intrastate in nature. Sadly, most
of these conflicts like that of Somalia has continued
unabated in spite of various attempts at resolving it.
On a daily basis, lives are being lost and the humani-
tarian conditions keep worsening. The war crimes are
also on the increase. Children are being mopped up into
the armed groups at alarming rates. If the children who
are the future are all turned into mercenaries, then the
future for Somalia is very bleak. Thus, African initiatives
of home grown participatory government with a lot of
input from the Somalis may prove effective as a measure
towards resolving the conflict.


REFERENCES

Ayittey G (1994). Policy Analysis; The Somali Crisis: Time for an African
Solution www.cato.org/pubs/#opinion accessed on 11/05/10.
Lederach ZJ (2003). The Little book of conflict transformation
(Intercourse PA, Goodbooks). pp.10-13.
Medhane T (2010). Bailing out the TFG.
www.wardheernews.com/articles_2010/jan/IAG .
Netabay N (2007). Bottom-Up Approach: A Viable Strategy in Solving
the Somalia Conflict
www.crinfo.beyondintractability.org/case__studies/bottom_up_approa
ch.jsp accessed on 16/5/10
Stedman SK, Ida RM (2002). Zones of Conflict in Africa: Theories and
Cases (Praeger Publishers, U.S.A). p. 14.
Zartman WI (2005). Traditional Cures for Modern Conflicts: African
Conflict Medicine Lynne Rienner Publishers.

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