CS) VIEWS FROM THE UNDERSIDE OF MODERNITY NELSON MALDONADO-TORRES DUKE UNIVERSITY PRESS + DURHAM & LOXDOK 2008© 2008 Duke University Press Allrights reserved Printed in the United States of America on acid-free paper @ Designed by Katy Clove ‘Typeset in Scala by Tseng Information Systems, Inc. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data appear on the last printed page of this book.CONTENTS About the Series + ix Preface + ti Abbreviations of Frequently Cited Titles + wi Introduction: Western Modernity and the Paradigm of War + 1 PART SEARCHING FOR ETHICS IN A VIOLENT WORLD: A JEWISH RESPONSE TO THE PARADIGM OF WAR 1. From Liberalism to Hitlerism: Tracing the Origins of Violence and War + 2 2. From Fraternity to Altericity, or Reason in the Service of Love + 51 PART It ‘OF MASTERS AND SLAVES. OR FRANTZ FANON AND THE ETHICO-POLITICAL ‘STRUGGLE FOR NON-SEXIST HUMAN FRATERNITY 4. God and the Other in the Self-Recognition of Imperial Man + 93 4 Recognition from Below: The Meaning of the Cry and the Gift of the Self in the Struggle for Recognition + 12 PART ttl FROM THE ETHICAL TO THE GEOPOLITICAL: A LATIN AMERICAN RESPONSE TO COLONIALITY, NEOLIBERAL GLOBALIZATION, AND WAR § Enrique Dussel’s Ethics and Philosophy of Liberation + 162 4 Enrique Dussel’s Contribution to the De-colonial Turn: From the Critique of Modernity to Transmodernity + 187 Conclusion: Beyond the Paradigm of War + 27 Notes + 255 Bibliography + 313FROM FRATERNITY TO ALTERICITY, OR REASON IN THE SERVICE OF LOVE In the first chapter of Humanity: A Moral History of the Twentieth Century Jonathan Glover writes, In Europe at the start of the twentieth century most people accepted the authority of morality. They thought there was a moral law, which was self evidently to be obeyed. At the start of the twentieth century, reflective Buro- peans were also able to believe in moral progress, and to see human vicious- ness and barbarism as in retreat. At the end of the century, it is hard to be confident either about the moral law or about moral progress." If anything, the last chapter has made clear that Levinas, a reflective Lithuanian Jew, did not have to wait until the end of the century to ex- perience the European mistrust of morals? Indeed, as his critiques of Nietzsche and Husserl show, Levinas noted that there was a high degree of comfort with the effective neutralization of morals in the first half of the twentieth century and even earlier. Consider that when Levinas states in Totality and Infinity that “everyone will readily agree that it is of the highest importance to know whether we are not duped by morality [sic],” he does not make explicit the reasons why “everyone” will so readily agree (r1 21). He knows that while some people may be concerned with the future of ethics, others may be more interested in the achievement of lucidity. He is aware that there are many who are fully prepared to abandon ethics at the expense of even small advances in the search for knowledge. A civilization with this sense of priorities commits violence with good conscience. But the terror of violence eventually leads even the skeptic to be concerned with morals. As we have seen in the previous chapter, the possibility of lucidity or truth is intrinsically connected in Western civilization with the “perma- nent possibility of war.” We have seen that war also emerges as a positive value in dominant, alternative ideals. From the Husserlian concept ofthe reduction and his idea of philosophers a functionaries of mankind {othe Nietzschean advocacy ofthe wil to power and his conception of the Overman, cnict and stragle keep appearing x dominant tits of authentic philosophical inquiry. These themes find a particularly accen tuated expression in the work of Martin Heidegger, for whom authen tity i interpreted in terms of stoic resluteness. A proper exploration of Levinas’ response 10 the ideal of war demands an examination of Heidegger's work. This examination will dramatize the deep implica tions between the conceptual and the concrete o between pbilosophy and polities. The problems in Heidegger's work make even more clear ‘the challenge facing Levinas: o provide an alternative tothe paradigm of violence and war not only at the concep level but als atthe concrete. Levinasian thought can only claim sucess if i provides the basis fora diferent way of thinking and fora different way of being in the wor ‘The etc evaluation of Levinas’ thought, however, has more often ‘than not remained almost exclusively atthe conceptual level? But con ceptual transformations in his intellectual production can hardly be accounted for by refering only to conceptual problems. Indeed, con ‘ceptual problems in great part appear as problems inthe light oftheir implications for conerete human existence. Atleast tis isthe way in hich Levinas proceeded in his criticism of other philosophers, an the way in which Iwill approach his work here, The trajectory of Levinas’ *hought canbe accounted for in relation tothe attempt to overcome the paradigm of violence and war and its implications fr concrete historical realty ‘As we have seen, the themes of “war and conquest that appear in his Reflections on the Philosophy of Hilerism” occupy 2 central place in Levinas's fist major work, Totalty and Infiiy. The main goal of this ‘work is indeed none ether than an attempt to articulate an alternative to the ideal of war. Levinas’ general strategy principally involves the ‘effort to redeem ordinary social life, He attempts to do this by combin ing two approaches that define his work from his essay on Hileism up to Teality and Infinity: the elaboration of a renewed conception of human fraternity and an account of the origins of human communica tion in terms of ethics and responsibility. As sophisticated and provocs tive asthe attempted synthesis undoubtedly is, the project of redeeming ‘ordinary lfe doesnot afer, or so I wil argue, the necessary concep: tual bases to confront the problem of violence in its diverse manifesta ‘ions. Levinas wll thus have to turn o the idea of philosophy 2s critique, ‘hich pus im close to philosophical conceptions that foment the kind of philosophical litsm that has been instrumental tothe promotion of a predominant Western master morality, Aware of his proximity to this conception, Levinas will adopt the Hussrlian concept of reduction, but he wil ater its meaning in 2 radical manner, Inthe final section ofthis chapter Iwill explin the renewed conception of reduction and attempt to clarify its significance for the project ofa consistent evasion of the paradigm of war and of Western master morality. EDESER, WASTER WORALIT, AND THE 1DEOLOGY OF WAR 15s impos tb sini near admiral fr he ntl gr of tn und Ze, prt in he ght of he mans is ‘xtmorinary kof 27 pre. agro sain wl mark freer Can ue be aure, hos, hat hr was neve any eof lint? Te abla ie the keds poplar dom scrilestitand hese mal, ed on ple ifr and price ‘nan duet. The dab isndowed thine nem here wl To ge tif cesar fie ttl for ‘ded tongue. Wh cn bot ofan does? Say ha you il te ital gins oad hgh —rwnanve teva Inthe last chapter demonstrate that theresa ink between th sem ingly opposite projec of Ntsc and Huser, Both of hem share egocentric eonceptons of subjectivity tht ed up pemaing stewed Conception of oma the communi of masters The om ny of masters ales an eis of poe nde fo mina ave a Paths of domination and selfconrol. This masts murat hasbeen Pertand pelo the Europea projet since is inception ats geopa Gilevel inthe sienth century Wetec and Huser proces ae ingenious way of eating ad eiventing the pomp aes of European master moray afer stagnation in burg nines entry European soit The vies mtationso tse projects appen once aan nthe intl work of Matin Heidegger whose furdamertal ology i agiably compli with the puradign of wo lence and wa In Heidegger. thes between sop and pics, hich econ ing Levis have bee etal o Westen plaopy ine nee ton, become partly obvious Heidegger the phisoper, banc 2 bureaucrat nthe Net aniston Levinas Knew ey on about Heidegger ascocaon with Nasi! Yeas ate Levinas rece,1 could ot doubt the news, but took it with stupor and disappointment, ad alo with the Faint hope hat Wt expresied only the temporary ase of {grat spective indi practial nai. cast a shadow orer my frm ‘confidence that an unbridgeable distance forever separsted the dlivous and iin hated vice by Ei onthe pages of Mair Kampf rom the itll ‘val vigorand extreme analytical vitusity diplayed i Si ad Ze which ‘had opened helo new type of philosophical nguiy®? The new typeof philosophical inquiry to which Levinas refers funds ‘mental ontology Levinas strongly believed a ane moment that Heide {gers fundamental ontology represented the most promising and viable farm of philosophical reflection." Indeed, in his doctoral dissertation Levinas portrays Husserlian phenomenology a an incomplete funds ‘mental ontology" Later on Levinas will udge Heidegger's own efforts 2 limited, since they allege reflect a sociology and an anthropology tather than a consistent ontological conception.” By the time in whieh Totaly and Infinity ppested Levinas had already condemned ontology and described it as a philosophical category adequate tothe concept and the exercise of power” Levina's project is defined by this increasing suspicion of ontology and by the attempt to refute it. Initially, Levinas ‘thought that ontology represented the culmination ofthe move toward the concrete that he saw in Husserlisn phenomenology But gradually ‘he noted that the Heideggerin ontological tuen concealed a fundamen: tal impetus to maintain master morality. ln Domenico Losurdo's terms Levinas realized the extent to which Heideggerian ontology was com plicit with an“ideology of war” An anthropology and an epistemology ‘that privilege themes related towar and conquest ae found behind the ‘ontological curtain, “The "ideology of war" refers to an ideal that emerges in reaction tothe ideas of the Fech Revalution and their outcome in European societies eis an ideal ofan organic community ted, not by the abstract bonds ‘of equality, but by the solid connection provided by experiences lived in the bated. Citizenship according to this notion, i insufficient 45a means of obtaining significant intersubjective connection and ind vidual e}E worth Authentic individuality and community emerge inthe pithos of confict and struggle, which appears when one nation engages Against another in war. Heroic and violent patriotism takes the place of Courteous city The nation becomes the source of unusual feeling of power and not the climax of respect fr the person. Sacrifice resolute ness, the encounter with death, and the conception of a people united bya destiny ae ourfthe sin entre of he -elgy of wat These fries apearin on way ana in Heggers wre Secifice,resaluenes, and sale (Kampf bm Capt om mens, wer Findsmertal concep Hedge’ hing ay ono Is work rom he stat estar eed was concen ier of ict” and seuggle (an Lie exten hry can neve be ret thy et theses eed ose" Pelsophy Conceed by Heidegger ate, ut pose is a ba hn only bese life ei ate” Lif, or elder “sah unending onern with ody bead” Tiss cent Cid he eggs ‘an conception Soe rare Caras the ae temo Heeger dxerption ofthe a cmportment of Das ha seg ing Hs ncn et at an te nomerlgeal atu, Hedger aie tnt Deen ap Sifernt modes of enistence, Dash car be auntie auton ‘Wie nuthetey rete to the este proton of ne ownmoat posses inathentcy suet er of ject. Tah on Brought bot by the clipe ones orn psi the don sant paters faction lepine y soi, Here, Heep poste {ve bene nay nterbjcive cand the scien of thetic Authentiy is obaned in sland more paresis inthe conontaton of set with dea edeggers orl the difeence between the natal and the phenomena sede mos aks he om of Netehean iq of rd may of appraisal fhe Overman The Nieeschean tn in Hedger’ wok is more dete afer Being and Tine Unt hen, tt Kam psp tok Ase td the New Testament source for sclating penpals grounddinthe mation fsraggle Yt even en int ety gto SS poset detect se maou infant oe aft enprionce of wha Capt pus In retrospect, 2 good deal of what contained in the lectures ofthe extiy 920% mas undoubtedly disturbing, il of bravado and phallic aggresive nes. At Kisiel has shown, Heidegger bid ong standing militaristic es hich ld him to use military exmples to state phenomenological ts to exaggerate is own military experience and t favor sles ke ‘with who had recent returned rom the wat Hedge’ fist turning which shows up inthe 1919 “Emergency Wat Semester” (hed for tr sng war veterans is immediately consequent upon his own war experience,which appt in etespect to haves ottodo wih the profound upheaal in| bis thought between. and rig, Kierkegaard sid would take an earth ‘quake toshake some scholars ot of their academic sleep. but the “foe” of “fete Me" ses to ave been vised pon Heidegger by the sound of sznfre® Justa year after Levinas concluded his sojourn in Freiburg, Heidegger offered a course im which he reflected seriously on the work of conser ‘ative revolutionary thinkers such as Oswald Spengler, Ludwig Klages, and Est Jinger” Indeed, the lectures during tis period treat themes that are familiar both withthe analyses of Being and Time and withthe shameful Rektoraede of 1933, when Heidegger accepted his appoint ‘ment as rector of the University of Freiburg and pleaded allegiance to the Nazi agenda:" From here on the path was clear. Heidegger began to apply categories of Being and Tine tothe collectivity ofthe German nation.” The turn toward National Socialism was seen as “nothing else than an ‘authentic decision’ based on Germany's oun! potentiality or-Being nation or Vol. Just asin Being and Time Heidegger sought to justify the inherent particulary ofeach indvidval Dasein, now isthe ‘existential particularity of Germany's Dasein as a Volk that e seeks to tunderwrte** The Valk can only become authentic by making 2 radical