CORNELL PUBLICATIONS IN THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE

Owsei Temkin. Galenism: Rise and Decline of a Medical

Philosophy.
Margaret Tallmadge May. Galen on the Usefulness of the Parts
of the Body. Translated from the Greek with an introduction
and commentary. 2 volumes.
Howard B.( Adelmann. Marcello Malpighi and the Evolution of
Embryology. 5 volumes.
Howard B. Adelmann. The Embryological Treatises of
Hieronymus Fabricius of Aquapendente. A facsimile edition,
with an introduction, a translation, and a commentary. 2 vol-
umes.
GALENISM
Rise and Decline of a Medical Philosophy

OWSEI TEMKIN

CORNELL UNIVERSITY PRESS

ITHACA AND LONDON
 TIH /01..,,,,,.. 1......"
In;'" oricjnol fotm ,hio hook «>nliol«l 01 f.... 10<"'01 d<11.. r<d ..
Cornel U.iY<ni.,. In Qnob<. , _ naryly. 'M M......... t..:n....
a.an.;-.
.... ,too [ .......... of "Tho< ",ics w .. fCOl-.f<-d Irs

<_
'I'" po-ribod by HI,om J. . .......,.,. 1'1.l I'loJ). 01 H I.<d.
e-t;.",. who d~ ;" hi< witl port;" of hi< < b<
pa '. 00nclI Uo.j , • ...l lOr«! poroo;eI< ..... 011, ..
or .......... of ,~ '" ~iu<iooo. ,. ,II< ioI
,...- '" roirinr ,II< ..-.I of poliri<.ol, """
-'.ollil..-Tho_~ w 00 ,.. ,.

Copy.... e .,11 by e-..tI Uo.l..nit,

Al ripoo ,-....&. r.-,. for 1IritI; ..... ....
,.. .. w'"
-.or,....<_l. _ _ k ".. ' 0400.,1_ .......
eor-.I U
1.-
..., ...... ,
,.-,. r
P'"_
,
~ ...
. .......
y..t ,oa""
IOn< I ' f '97l byCorndl u..::,uoio, "-
.......... io .... U..... I{' ,I
t

loy
,

u.........,.W,Y
.... _S<net..-ConotII Pr-.I.<d..
.Aft.
,.... r..... U....d Sto<os of ...-.by Voi-lIoll.. "-Ito<.
UIor..-, ........,., e-..r ~ •._
~ •• ,lit ,.,. ., ..........
'f0 the Memory of Ludwig Edelstein
 Contents

Preface Xl

Introduction
I The Portrait of an Ideal 10
II The Rise of Galenism as a Medical Philosophy 51
III Al\thority and Challenge 95
IV Fall and Afterlife 134

Bibliography 193
Index 229
 lllustrations

Facing page
I. Galen (oldest known portrait). Codex Aniciae
Julianae (Vindobonensis Med. Gr. I) fol. 3v , about
A.D. 512. 76
2. Galen demonstrating on the living. Initial from the
Dresden codex of Galenic works, about A.D. 1400• 77
3. Galen as a scholastic teacher. Decorative border to
Galen's Therapeutica ad Glauconem (15 00). 77
4. Galen in concert with Hippocrates, Plato, and
Aristotle (Syrnphorien Champier, 15'6). 108
5. The liver: traditional and realistic representations
(Andreas Vesalius, 1538). 108
6. Scenes illustrating Galen's life (Opera omnia, 1550). HX)
 GFreface
Si Teele dixero, vos docebimi; sin minus, aliqui forte erum
qui me docebunt, quod mihi erit gratissimum. Est enim
Phi/osophicum etiam propria reprobare propter veritatem. 1

This book represents, in modified form, the four Messen-

ger Lectures I was privileged to deliver at Cornet! University
in the fall of 1970. I have reinstated much that was omitted
or rearranged to serve the requirements of oral presenta-
tion within the prescribed time, and I have also incorporated
considerable changes, some of them in view of discussions
I had at Cornet!, and even more in the course of writing up
the footnotes and in the light of literature with which I
became acquainted subsequently.
Yet, in spite of all modifications, this book still preserves
the character of four lectures on the subject of Galenism.
I have dealt here with Galenism as an intellectual phenom-
enon, as a philosophy in the sense of principles, beliefs, and
facts, more or less cogently connected to form a set and
ascribed to Galen. With changing times, the character of
1 "If I prove to have spoken rightly, you will be instructed. But
if not, there may perhaps be some who will instruct me, and this
will be most gratifying to me. For it is philosophical to reject even
one's own work for the truth" (Caesar Cremoninus, De calido
innato, et se11line pro Aristotele adversus Galenum, pp. 9 f.).
Xl
 Preface XlI

the philosophy, its content, and the attitude toward Galen

as its author have undergone great changes. I have tried to
delineate the changing silhouette of Galenism; neither in
extent nor in depth of coverage, however, does this book
claim to be a full-fledged history of the subject. 2
Such a delineation should have the advantage of afford-
ing a view of Galenism as a whole. By addressing myself to
a general audience, I hope to indicate some of the bearing
Galenism had on the history of philosophy, religion, and
even sociology, let alone biology and, of course, medicine.
To those already familiar with Galenism, filling the gaps in
my knowledge, identifying the prejudices in my approach,
and correcting the mistakes in my interpretations will offer
a means of furthering our grasp of the subject.

I am deeply grateful to Cornell University for inviting

me and my wife to be the guests of the University during
our stay in Ithaca. And I greatly appreciate the many kind-
nesses shown to us by Professor and Mrs. Henry Guerlac,
Dr. B. L. Rideout, Professor William Provine, the Telluride
Association, Risley House, and all the others who made our
stay most pleasant and stimulating.
I wish to express my thanks to the libraries, notably the
William H. Welch Medical Library, the National Library

2 Among other things, a full-fledged history of Galenism would

have to dwell at length on detailed medical subjects likely to be of
interest to a medical audience only. The traditional meaning of
Galenism was stated by Charles Daremberg, La medecine: histoire
et doctrines, p. 59: "Galien ... crea ce fameux systcme medical
qui, sous Ie nom de galenisme, subsisrn presque tout entier jusque
vers Ie milieu du dix-huitieme siecle, en depit de la circulation et de
bien d'autres decouvertes." "This famous medical system" itself is a
manifestation of Galenism in the broader sense.
 Preface xiii

of Medicine, the library of the Wellcome Institute of the

History of Medicine, the British Museum, and the libraries
of Harvard University and of Yale, which have facilitated
my access to much needed material. I thank Mrs. Janet B.
Koudelka for assisting me with the formal arrangement of
the bibliography, and Mrs. Eula Bartlebaugh, Mrs. Mary
Moore, and Mrs. Marian H. Varney for the typing of the
manuscript. My wife, C. Lilian Temkin, has given me con-
tinuous stylistic help in the writing of the book.
OWSEI TEMKIN
Tbe Johns Hopkins University
Institute of the History of Medicine
 Abbreviations
Bull. Hist. Med. Bulletin of the History of Medi-
cine. ]933- . (Including vols.
]-6 which appeared as Bulletin
of the Institute of the History
of Medicine.)
CAG Commentaria in Aristotelem
Graeca. 23 vols. in 29 pts. Ber-
lin: Georg Reimer, ] 882-] 909.
CMG Corpus Medicorum Graecorum.
]9°8- .
Dar. Oeuvres anatomiques, physiologi-
ques et medicales de Galien.
[French] trans. by C. Darem-
berg. 2 vols. Paris: J. B. Bailliere,
]854-]85 6.
De affectuum dignotione (Galen) De Propriorum animi
cuiuslibet affectuum dignotione
et curatione.
De peccatorum dignotione (Galen) De animi cuiuslibet pec-
catorum dignotione et curatione.
Duckworth Galen, On Anatomical Proce-
dures: The Later Books. Trans.
by the late W. L. H. Duck-
worth; ed. by M. C. Lyons and
B. Towers. Cambridge: At the
University Press, ] 962.
xv
 Abbreviations XVI

H. Galeni De usu partilmt libri X VII.

Ed. by Georg Helmreich. 2
vols. Leipzig: B. G. Teubner,
19°7-1901)·
K. Claudii Galeni Opera omnia. Ed.
by Carl Gottlob KUhn. 22 vols.
Leipzig: Cnobloch, 1821-1833.
Loeb The Loeb dassical Library. Cam-
bridge, Mass.: Harvard Uni-
versi ty Press.
M. Claudii Galeni De placitis Hip-
pocratis et Platonis libri novem.
Ed. by Iwan MUller. Leipzig:
B. G. Teubner, 1874.
May Galen, On the Usefulness of the
Parts of the Body. Trans. from
the Greek with introduction
and commentary by Margaret
Tallmadge May. 2 vols. Ithaca,
N.Y.: Cornell University Press,
19 68 .
Migne, PG Jacques Paul Migne. Patrologiae
cursus completus... series
Graeca. 161 vols. Paris: Gamier,
1857-1866.
PW Pauly's Real-Encyclopiidie der
classischen AltertlmtSwissen-
schaft. Rev. ed. by Georg Wis-
sowa. Stuttgart, 1894- .
Scr. min. Claudii Galeni Pergameni Scripta
minora. Ed. by J. Marquardt,
I. Muller, G. Helmreich. 3 vols.
Leipzig: B. G. Teubner, 1884-
1893.
 Abbreviations xvii
Singer Galen, On Anatomical Procedures.
Trans. of the surviving books
with introduction and notes by
Charles Singer. London: Oxford
University Press (for the Well-
come Historical Medical Mu-
seum), 1956.
GALENISM
Rise and Decline of
a Medical Philosophy
 Introduetion

For more than thirteen hundred years, Galen exercised an

authority in medical matters matched only by that of Hip-
pocrates. Yet while the name of "the father of medicine"
and the alleged author of the famous oath has remained a
living symbol of the healing art, that of Galen rarely
evokes a response in the Western world except among
classical and Arabic scholars and historically interested
physicians. This is all the more remarkable since Galen
was a philosopher as well as a physician, and his influence
extended far beyond the technical field of medicine. In-
deed, in many regions of the world where Western medi-
cine has not yet displaced tradition, his influence is alive
even now, though perhaps only through his interpreters.
Galenism has a historical place next to Platonism and
Aristotelianism. But whereas the metaphysics, ethics, and
styles of thinking of Plato and Aristotle have survived their
philosophies of nature, this cannot be said of Galen. With-
out medicine his philosophy was not viable. Medicine and
medical biology formed the core of his knowledge and of
his practical concern; what went beyond them was not
strong enough to lead an independent existence.
 Galellism 2

In still another respect Galcnism diffcrs from Platonism

and Aristotclianism. The pcrsonalitics of Plato and Aristotle
are strongly felt in their works; their minds force us to fol-
low their thoughts and to consider things as they wished
them to be considered. Of their persons, their works tell us
next to nothing. 1 Galen, on the other hand, imposcs him-
self on the reader; he tells him not only what he did and
how he fared, but he sets himself up as an example for
others to follow-if they can. Galen's life is thus the natu-
ral point from which to depart, and the peculiar difficulty
his biography prescnts makes it at the same time an es-
sential part of Galenism. 2
1 This does not, of coursc, take into consideration Plato's Letters,
the authenticity of which has been denied by Ludwig Edelstein,
Plato's Seventh Letter, and by Gerhard Miiller's review of Edel-
stein's book.
2 Galen's life and work-'are discussed in all comprehcnsive text-
books of the history of medicine. Of thc older literature, S. Kov-
ner, Istoriya drevnei meditsiny (to which my attention was drawn
by Dr. Harris Coulter) deserves special mention because of the
very detailed account of Galen. Of more recent books, see George
Sanon, Galen of Pergamon, and Rudolph E. Siegel, Galen's System
of Physiology and Medicine and Galen on Sense Perception.
Siegel's two volumes are written from a point of view which is
different from mine; they will be of interest to readers looking for
modern interpretations of medical matters. Galenic biology has
been evaluated by Thomas S. Hall, ldeas on Life and Matter, ch.
10, and Galen's anatomy and physiology by Margaret Tallmadgc
May, Galen, On the Usefulness of the Parts of the Body, I: 13-64.
For the dating of Galen's works and for his biography, Johannes
Ilberg, "Ueber die Schriftstellerei des Klaudios Galenos" and "Aus
Galens Praxis" are fundamental. The item on Galen in Prosographia
Imperii Romani, 2d ed., pt. 4, no. 24, pp. 4-6, and the various
articles by Joseph Walsh, which contain a good many translations
(or paraphrases) from Galenic writings but are oftcn fanciful in
their interpretation, owe much to Ilberg. The appendix (pp. 31-33)
to Karl Deichgraber, Galen als Erforschcr des menscblichen Pulses,
 Introduction 3

Galen was a Greek from Pergamum in Asia Minor, a city

famons for its sanctuary of the healing god Asclepius. His
father, Nicon, was an architect, a well-to-do man, prob-
ably connected with the building trade in the temple area. 3
The exact years of Galen's birth and death are not known,
but he was born around A.D. 130,. during the reign of the
emperor Hadrian, and he died around A.D. 200 under
Septimius Severns. The larger part of his life thus belonged
to a period of relative peace and order; he was a member of
a society still predominantly pagan and hostile to Christian-
ity, a society which esteemed Greek culrure, especially that
of the classical period of the fifth century B.C.
Galen received his education from his father and from
eminent teachers in philosophy and medicine, first at home
and then in Smyrna and Corinth. He finally went to Alex-
andria, where human bones were still used for demonstra-
tion by the teachers of anatomy, although any systematic
dissection of human cadavers for teaching purposes had

discusses recent biographies of Galen. Galeno: En la sociedad y en

la ciencia de su tiempo (c. l]D-C. 200 d. 'de C.) by Luis Garda
Ballester (Madrid: Ediciones Guadarrama, 1972) is the most recent
comprehensive book on Galen's life and work. This as well as the
articles on Galen by Fridolf Kudlien and Leonard Wilson in vol.
5, pp. 227-237 of the Dictionary of Scientific Biography (New
York: Scribner's Sons, 1972) appeared too 'late to receive adequate
consideration.
3 Sarton, Galen of Pergamon, pp. 6--14, gives a short history of
Pergamum and a plan of the sanctuary of Asclepius. On Galen's
father see G. W. Bowersock, Greek Sophists in the Roman Em-
pire, p. 60.
• The proposed dates vary between 129 (Ilberg, "Aus Galens
Praxis," p. 277, n. 1) and 130 (Walsh, "Date of Galen's Birth").
Galen was not named Claudius. This waS a misinterpretation of
CI., an abbreviation for Clarissimus, in medical manuscripts.
 Galel1is11l 4

eeased.r; Galen was twenty-eight years old when he re-

turned to Pergamum, where he was appointed physician to
the school of gladiators, a position that included surgical
practice. Several years later he went to Rome; this first scay
in the capital was interrupted by a return to Pergamum, but
he was back in Rome by 169, summoned by the emperor
Marcus Aurelius. In 19Z, a great fire in the district of the
Temple of Peace destroyed many unique manuscripts of his
writings, deposited in a storehouse at the Via Sacra. 6 The
place of his death, just as its exact date, is not known.
Even for this bare outline of his life we have to rely on
Galen himself. He left several largely biographical books
dealing with his practice and his literary production. More-
over, all through his other works he was most generous in
providing anecdotes from his life and references to his re-
lationships with contemporaries. 7 While biographical ma-
r; Galen, De anatomicis administrationibus I. 2; K., 2: 220; Singer,
p. 3. On the history of dissection in antiquity, see Ludwig Edel-
stein, Ancient Medicine, pp. 247-301, and Fridolf Kudlien, "Antike
Anatomie und menschlicher Leichnam."
6 See Ilberg, "Schriftstellerei" (1889), pp. 211 f.
7 De praenotione ad Posthumum (K., 14: 51)9-673) deals mainly
with his practice. IIberg has made much use of it in "Aus Galens
Praxis," and Arthur J. Brock, Greek Medicine, pp. 200--220, has
translated many sections into English. Galen de:tlt autobiographi-
cally with the literary part of his activity in De ordine librorum
suorum ad Eugenianu11t, Scr. min., 2: 80--90, and De Jibris propriis,
ibid., pp. 91-124. English translations from both books are avail-
able in Brock, pp. 174-181. Georg Misch, A History of Autobi-
ography in Antiquity, I: 328-332 (see also the corresponding part in
the 2d ed. of the German original, Geschicbte der Autobiographie) ,
has pointed out the great significance of Galen as an autobiog-
rapher but has restricted himself to the last-named books of Galen;
for criticism see Deichgraber, Galen als Erforscher, p. 3I. There
are lists of his writings in other books too, notably An medica 37;
K., I: 407-412. The biographical material contained in Galen's
 /mruductiou
5
terial is therefore abundant, there is, unfortunately, hardly
any corroboration in independent sources.
There is no good reason for doubting everything Galen
said. His chronological data are probably correct. More-
over, his preserved works alone would fill about a dQzen
volumes of approximately 1,000 pages each, and this sheer
size bears witness to his industry. His anatomical Works,
particularly On Anatomical Procedures, show him to have
been a skillful dissector and a man thoroughly conversant
with mammalian gross morphology, even if he inherited
much from his predecessors. 8 His great knowledge is also
visible in his treatment of pharmacological topics, and his
commentaries on Hippocratic books reveal not only his in-
timacy with Hippocrates but also with the philological
methods of his time. The great work on the opinions of
Hippocrates and Plato 9 documents his concern with Plato,
Aristotle, and the Stoics; this and many others of his Writ-
ings (including a short manual of logic 10) prove his philo-

De dignotione pulsuum I has been evaluated by Deichgraber,

Galen ats Erforscher, whose study carries the subtitle "a contribu_
tion to the self-portrayal of the scientist" and is of much meth-
odological importance. Max Meyerhof, "Autobiographische Bruch-
stucke Galcns aus arabischen Quellen," has added valuable material
from Ibn abi U~aibicah, which this Arabic historian collected f tom
lost Galenic works, especially from "On the Trial of the ~ost
Excellent of the Physicians" (see Meyerhof, p. 74). This book
is probably identical with De examinando medico utilized by
Maimonides (see Deichgraber, Galen als Erforscher, p. J2).
8 May, I: 13-38, has a chapter "Anatomy before Galen."
9 De placitis Hippocratis et Platonis, which is being translated
into English by Phillip De Lacy.
1°lnstitutio logica, ed. by Karl Kalbfleisch, English trans. 'l-ith
introd. and commentary by John S. Kieffer, Galen's lnstitljtio
logicC/o
 Galenis111 6

sophical training and his acquaintance with mathematical

theorems. The cultivated Greek style and the quotations
from Homer and classical authors leave no doubt about the
careful education he had received,l1 and the works written
for beginning students testify to his pedagogic zeal.
The great treasure of knowledge in philosophy, biology,
and medicine presented by Galen is a fact without which
the emergence of Galenism would not be understandable.
The same holds true of his unceasing attempts to find basic
principles in all the branches of knowledge with which he
deals. But apart from any possible criticism regarding the
accuracy of his knowledge and reasoning and the depth of
his penetration, major obstacles stand in the way of a co-
herent account of his teachings. His works are studded
with propositions that are hard to reconcile, even where
they do not contradict one another. This is not unusual;
authors do express themselves unclearly, they think differ-
ently as they develop, and, generally speaking, "were man
but constant, he were perfect." 12 It was noticed long ago
that in this respect Galen was far from perfection, and ex-
amples of, and witnesses to, his many contradictions will
be cited in due course. The witnesses will also reproach him
for the gulf he allowed to exist between the behavior he
advocated and the behavior he exhibited. In speaking of
himself he often appears blind to what strikes us as his own
11 Karl Deichgraber, Parabasellverse aus Thesmophoriazusen II
des Aristophanes bei Galen, was able to trace lines of a lost play
of Aristophanes in the first book of Galen's "On Medical Names"
(ed. with German trans. by Max Meyerhof and Joseph Schacht,
Galen, Ober die 71ledizinischen Namen). See Phillip De Lacy,
"Galen and the Greek Poets," on Galen's attitude toward poetry in
scientific work.
]2 Shakespeare, Two Gentlemen of Verona, act 5, scene 4.
 Introduction 7
boastfulness, passionate hatred of enemies, and smug satis-
faction over praise and awards received, attitudes which he
theoretically rejected. Was he really as naive in such per-
sonal matters as most biographers assume? Or will a patient
and detailed investigation of all ascertainable circumstances
bring about a rapprochement between the philosophy he
professed and that which he lived? The answer to this
question will be all the more difficult to find as Galen usu-
ally is our only source for the circumstances he relates. For
instance, his bitter sentiments concerning his fellow philoso-
phers and physicians seem justifiable if those men really
acted as he reports. Unfortunately, outside of Galen's testi-
mony We know little about medical life in Rome during the
later part of the second century.
As long as we cannot yet fathom the real man, we re-
main uncertain whether we are dealing with a person react-
ing to the challenges of the moment without troubling too
much about reconciling all his responses, or whether we
have to assume a mind that aimed at final harmony of his
thoughts, so that contradictions should be seen as stages in
his evolution. 13 The mere chronology of Galen's writings
does not yield simple answers. The dating of passages oc-
curring in his books is difficult, and a later statement does
not necessarily cancel opinions held and expressed earlier. 14

13 This is not to be taken as an "either-or." Galen may well have

combined both attitudes in differing degrees at different times.
14 On the dating see Ilberg, "SchriftsteIlerei" (1889), pp. 1 15 f.,
and Kurt Bardong, "Beitriige zur Hippokrates-und Galenfor-
schung," pp. 604 ff. To assume that once an author has a new idea
he will henceforth persistently avoid an earlier, different one is
unwarranted. Galen notoriously listed his writings with few indi-
cations of what, if anything, he considered outdated. It would be
useful to collect systematically all remarks where Galen is critical
 Galenis1n 8

How then shall we proceed? In the absence of a critical

biography it would be futile to try to present a picture of
the real Galen and an outline of his true teachings in order
to set them up against what later generations made of them.
This would be a doubtful enterprise, even if we already
knew all we can expect eventually to find out about him.
His Roman contemporaries were more familiar with his
person than we can reasonably hope to become, and for
centuries books of his were read which are now irretriev-
ably lost. What we have to do, then, is to present those as-
pects of Galen that will make the reactions of later centuries
understandable. In other words, we shall have to deal with
him in the light of what was to come; the Galen who re-
acted to his own cultural heritage will be of minor concern
to us.
But this still leaves us in need of a principle to give co-
herence to our presentation. It has been remarked, rightly I
think, that Galen "constantly idealized himself, his life, his
research and his medical practice." 15 Idealization presup-
poses an ideal. We shall try to interconnect some features
of this ideal, mainly from Galen's writings, but we shall re-
frain from evaluating them in psychological or moral terms,
and we shall not ask whether Galen resembled his portrait
and lived up to his ideal. This portrait will at once mirror

of his own former opinions and actions. Such remarks do exist. For
instance, in De foetuum formatione 3 (K., 4: 663), Galen corrects
his previous views about the temporal sequence of the fetal devel-
opment of liver and heart. In De libris propriis I (Ser. mi?1., 2:
96), Galen as an old man seems to regret the way he once treated
Martialius. Theoretically, Galen approved of changes of opinion;
it would be a valuable step toward a critical biography to ascertain
the frequency of his own admission of error.
15 Deichgraber, Galen als ErfoTScher, p. 3.
 Introduction 9
an essential part of Galen and contain many features that
later generations praised or condemned. Nevertheless, like
all composite pictures, it will be an artifact 16 and will not
pretend to have been in Galen's own mind at any particular
time in his lifeY
16 Our procedure here resembles the construction of a Galenic
"cardiovascular system" as a counterpart to Harvey's circulation of
the blood; see below, Chapter IV.
17 Since the possibility of an evolution of Galen's ideas was not
taken seriously before the end of the eighteenth century, our neg-
lect of the possible developmental element corresponds to the
static view that prevailed throughout most of the history of Galen-
ism. Luis Garda Ballester in several of his articles and especially in
his dissertation "Alma y enfermedad en la obra de Galeno: Intro-
ducci6n, traducci6n y comentario a Hoti tais tou somatos krasesin
hai tes psyches dynameis hepomai" (see below, Chapter 11) has
cultivated an evolutionary approach with interesting results.
 I Cfhe Portrait
of an Ideal

"I do not know how it happened," Galen wrote late in

his life, "miraculously, or by divine inspiration, or in a
frenzy or whatever you may call it, but from my very
youth I despised the opinion of the multitude and longed
for truth and knowledge, believing that there was for man
no possession more noble or divine." 1 Galen speaks of this
desire for truth in connection with his study of philosophy,
which preceded that of medicine. 2 Few people, he thinks,
could successfully cultivate both; it requires sagacity, a
good memory, industry, and a careful early education, as
he has been fortunate enough to receive. Even then, Galen
1 De 111ethodo 11ledendi 7. I; K., 10: 457,II-I5. Johannes IIberg,
"Ueber die SchriftstelJerei des Klaudios Galenos," pp. [78-[ 80, and
Kurt Bardong, "Beitriige zur Hippokrates-und Galenforschung,"
p. 640, place books 7-[4 of this work in the reign of Septimius
Severus ([93-2 [[). Georg Misch, A History of Autobiography in
Antiquity, [: B[ f., quotes this passage and connects it with Plato's
Phaedo (96 A if.) where Socrates relates his youthful desire for
wisdom.
2 De methodo 111edendi 9. 4 (K., [0: 609) and De ordine libroTUm
SUOTUm ad Eugenianu11t (to be quoted as De ordine JibrorU1n) 4
(Ser. min., 2: 88 f.).
10
 The Portrait of an Ideal II

thinks, he would not have known much, had he not dedi-

cated his whole life to investigations in medicine and in
philosophy.:~
Galen has a Platonic vision of truth connected with
beauty. In the dedication of a book to a friend, Patrophilus,
he wrote: "you have beheld truth itself, dwelling as it were
on high, and you have become a most eager lover of its
beauty, and you neither shrink from the path nor trust
yourself alone upon the journey." The journey toward
truth is hard. Because of "its height, length, and rugged-
ness," Patrophilus does not dare to undertake it alone, and
Galen is willing to serve as a guide."
All men are endowed by nature with perception and in-
telligence, which are the sources of knowledge.r; Percep-
tion is the criterion of the sensible things, and intelligence
that of the intelligible things, e.g., geometric axioms. 6 Na-

a J)e ordillc libroru1fl.

4 J)c C077stitutione artis medicae ad Patropbilu17l liber, preface;

K., I: 225,4-7. This book, dealing with medicine, was preceded by

two others, now lost, and the whole work was to show that "every
art derives its structure from the notion of its aim." Very probably
Galen had this book in mind when, in his Ars medica I (K., I:
305,2), he said that one way of teaching was "from the notion of
the end by way of analysis" and that nobody before him had repre-
sented medicine in that way (p. 306; d. below, Chapter Ill).
5 De placitis Hippocratis et Platonis (to be quoted De placitis)
9. I; M., pp. 731-733, where Galen mentions the five senses on the
one hand and yl.,:'p.1] or StaVOla, Voli., or AOyUTp.O<; on the other. De
'l1letbodo medendi I. 4 (K., 10: 36 and 38) has aifT()1](]'l<; and 1'01](1'[<;,
as has the Institutio logica I. I (p. 3) and De elementis ex Hippo-
crate 2. 2 (K., I: 590). For a reconstruction of Galen's epistemol-
ogy see Iwan von Muller, Vber Galens Werk vom wissenschaft-
licben Beweis.
6 De methodo medendi, p. 36, gives as an example that equals
added to equals yield equals.
 GalC1Jis111 1Z

ture has gi\'cn to man not only the criteria themselves, but
also confidence in their use, for he relies on them instinc-
tively, and they are the presupposition of all the arts. 7
The evidence of the senses plays a dominating role in
Galen's epistemology, witness his anatomy and his pharma-
cology. He is assiduous in dissecting, personally skinning a
monkey he will use lest the slave do it carelessly.8 During
the period of his first stay in Rome, he conducts anatomical
demonstrations for Flavius Boethus, a man of consular rank,
who is accompanied by Eudemus and Alexander of Damas-
cus, two peripatetic philosophers; often Sergius Paulus,
later prefect of Rome, and other important officials are pres-
ent.9 His great work On Anato7llical Procedures is to serve
as a memorandum for those who have seen him dissect, and
it is also aimed at reaching "all seriously interested in anat-
omy," wherefore he feels compelled to write it "as clearly
as possible for those who have never seen the operations." 10
Dissection shows two kinds of structure. Skin, cartilage,
bone, fibres of different hinds, fat, etc., when cut into small
pieces remain pieces of skin, cartilage, etc. They are what
Galen, following Aristotle, calls the similar or simple and
primary parts, and what, for simplicity's sake, we shall call
tissues.u The t~ssues are the primary visible elements of the
7 De placitis 9. I; M.'-pp. 734 f.
8 De anatomicis administrationibus I. 3; K., 2: 233, Singer, p. 8.
9 Ibid" I. I; K., 2: p. 218, Singer, p. 2.
10 Ibid., 8. I; K., 2: 651 f., Singer, p. 201 (Singer's trans.).
11 Galen devoted a short monograph to the difference between
these parts, for which see Galen: Ober die VerscbicdenlJcit der
bomoiomeren Korperteile. The editor, Gotthard Strohmaier, p.
93, draws attention to the parallel between the histology of Galen
and that of Bichat. In Ars medica 2 (K., I: 309), Galen speaks of
hapIa kai prota moria. De plt/citis 8. 4 (M., p. 676) cites h01110io-
mere, haplii, and prota as synonyms. In the preface to his com-
 The Portrait of an Ideal 13

body. Of them the organic parts are composed, which

differ as to size, conformation, position, and number. 12 The
organic parts, as the name implies, are the instruments by
which the body functions. The working of the body is not
understandable without knowledge of its structure. And
since diseases manifest themselves by the impaired function
of the organs, which, in turn, depends on their structure,
knowledge of structure is needed to diagnose the part af-
fectedY

mentary on Hippocrates's De natura hominis (CMG 5,9.1; p.6,11)-

20) and in Quod animi mores corporis temperamenta sequantur 3
(Scr. min., 2: 37), Galen says that they are identical with the
protogona of Plato (Politicus 288 E and 289 A, where the term is
to protogenes and the identity of meaning doubtful).
12 De constitutione artis medicae ad Patrophilum 5 (K., I: 237 f.)
and De elementis ex Hippocrate 1.9 (K., I: 481) describe a hier-
archy of organic parts from the simplest, which serve one function
only, to their synthesis into larger organs, which all together com-
pose the whole body. In Ober die Verschiedenheit deT homoio-
meren Korperteile 9 (pp. 82 and 83), Galen similarly counts
muscles, arteries, veins, and nerves as bodies which are no longer
simple. The nerve has not only its particular simple substance,
but is also held together by membranes. See Strohmaier's com-
mentary, p. 139. In other places, e.g., De placitis 8. 4 (M., p. 676),
homoiomere and major organs are mentioned without the in-
termediary of simple organic parts. Commentary I (preface)
to Hippocrates, De natura hominis (CMG, 5,9.1; p. 7,1-2) distin-
guishes between h017l0iomere that are simple and those that are
composed of several parts.
13 De locis affectis I. I; K., 8: 1 f. Galen, De methodo medendi
I. 7 (K., 10: 61), declares it a fundamental principle that the con-

dition of the body determines the functioning of the body. Galen's

discussion of the difference between health, pathos (trouble), and
nousos (disease), has been translated by Joseph Walsh, "Galen's
\Vritings and Influences Inspiring Them," Annals of Medical His-
tory, n.s., 7 (1935), 572-575. See also De morborum differentiis 2;
(K., 6: 837)'
 Galellis11l 14

Anatomy includes experiments on the living animal. By

tying and untying the ureters Galen proves the flow of
urine from the kidneys to the bladder; 14 he severs the
spinal cord at diffe~e~~ levels an~ describes the ensuing loss
of motion and senslblhty; III he hgates the recurrent nerves
he has discovered and notes the subsequent loss of voice. 16
Experiments may be difficult; if they do not succeed at first,
the attempts must be repeated. 17
Travel, much travel, is needed to gather direct knowl-
edge. One of Galen's reaSons for delaying publication of
several books of his work on simple drugs was his lack of
acquaintance with various minerals. Local traders are likely
to adulterate drugs and must not be relied on. Galen obtains
calamine, as well as copper and other minerals, from
Cyprus, asphalt in the Dead Sea region; he has bought In-
dian drugs in Phoenicia and visited Lemnos, where he was
assured that no blood was added to the famous medicinal
earth, the "terra sigillata," of which he took along 20,000
stamped cakes. 18
14 On the Natural Faculties
I. 13; pp. 58-59.
IIIOn Anatomical Procedures 9. 13 (Duckworth, pp. 22 L).
16 See Joseph Walsh, "Galen's Discovery and Promulgation of
the Function of the Recurrent Laryngeal Nerve." For an account
of Galen's experimental work see also J. S. Prendergast, "The
Background of Galen's Life and Activities, and its Influence on His
Achievements," pp. I 137 ff.
17 In On Anatomical Procedures 14. 7 (Duckworth, p. 214),
Galen contrasts the willingness of people to expose themselves to
great hardships by crossing the sea for the sake of gain with the
unwillingness, for the sake of "knowledge and the understanding of
the natu~e of things ... to undertake the repetition of the same
task time after time, unless there is some money to be got by
that." (Duckworth's trans.)
18See Ilberg, "Schriftstellerei" (1889), p. 227, and Arthur ].
Brock, Greek Medicine, p. 199 and pp. 191-195, where Galen's
narrative of his excursion to Lemnos is translated.
 The Portrait of an Ideal 15
Galen's very faith in observational data raises a funda-
mental problem in his mind. In the treatment of the sick
and similarly in dietary prescriptions, it ought to be possi-
ble to dispense with speculation and rely completely on
experience. This indeed was the doctrine of the Empiricists,
who formed one of the three major medical sects into which
medicine was split in Galen's time. Only observation of the
symptoms of diseases, of evident causes like hunger and
thirst, rest and fatigue, and of the effects of remedies mat-
tered in medicine. The observations could be one's own or
those of great physicians, like Hippocrates, whose works
should be studied carefully.19 Galen was sympathetic to
the Empiricists on whose arguments he had been brought
lip, as he puts it. 20 They were not satisfied with one or two
observations, but demanded repeated testing in the same
disease of what had been noted to be helpful. Only if the
effect proved constant in the majority of cases was it con-
sidered a reliable datum. 21
On this basis there ought to have been certainty in the
19 On the sect of the Empiricists see Karl LJeichgraber, Die
griechische E11lpirikerschuJe, and for its philosophical orientation
Ludwig Edelstein, Ancient Medicine, pp. 195-203.
20 De Jocis affectis 3. 3 (K., 8: 144). Galen discussed the three
main schools repeatedly. His outline of their main tenets in De
sectis ad introducendos (d. English translation of its major part
in Brock, pp. 130--15 I) may be compared with that by Celsus, in
the preface of his De medicina. Galen's On Medical Experience,
one of his earliest works, investigated the meaning of experience
as defended by the Empiricists and attacked by others. Fridolf
Kudlien, "Dogmatische Arzte," insists on the impropriety of co-
ordinating the sects of Empiricists and Methodists with the Dog-
matists, who comprised many sects. But since Galen and the later
tradition coordinated all three as sects this grouping is appropriate
within the present context.
21 De sectis ad intToducendos 2 (SeT. min., 3= 3) (d. Brock, p.
133)·
 Galel1is11l 16

treatment of diseases, but there was none. The treatment of

the Empiricists is unreliable because, Galen decides, the
allegedly constant results are due to chance. The Empiri-
cists rely on them and do not dare to deviate from them, re-
gardless of what the circumstances of the case may re-
quire. They are wrong: knowledge of the nature of the
patient, of the condition of the disease, of the power of the
remedy, as well as of the right moment for its administra-
tion, is required. This has to be obtained by theoretical con-
sideration and then confirmed by experience. 22
Experience as confirmation of rational deduction is not
limited to therapeutics only. Physiological experiment can
also appear as demonstration of what is logically proved.
When one eye is closed, the pupil of the other becomes en-
larged; reason attributes this phenomenon to a fullness of
pneuma, "and you may also make trial of this by artificial
means and test reason by what is actually to be plainly
seen; for if you inflate the grapelike tunic [the iris] from
within, you will see the aperture dilate." 23
The speculative element cannot be eliminated from
medicine. It is both possible and necessary to penetrate be-
yond the visible, because what is visible does not account
for the elements of which things are composed.
To our senses, a powder made up from different, finely
ground substances may be indistinguishable from that con-
sisting of only one substance. 24 The nature of the elements,
22De pJacitis 9. 6 (M., p. 784).
23 De 11m partillm 10. 5 (H., 1: 71, May, 1: 476) (May's trans.).
24 De ele'l1lentis ex Hippocrate I. 1 (K., 1: 413), similarly Ober
die Verschiedenheit der bomoiomcren Korperteile I, pp. 5C>-51.
The whole fol1owing "scheme" depends mainly on the first book
of De elementis ex Hippocrate, on book 8 of De placitis, and on
De temperamentis (passim). The doctrines recur often in various
 Tbe Portrait of an Ideal 17

therefore, has to be established by reasoning, and there

exist two basically different theories. The atomistic theory
regards all bodies as composed of insensitive uniform parti-
cles distinguished only by size and moving according to
principles that do not admit purpose. Galen rejects this
theory, which has been introduced into medicine by Ascle-
piades, a contemporary of Cicero. Instead, Galen, with
Aristotle, conceives of things as composed of the four ele-
ments of fire, air, earth, and water, formed by the union of
matter and the four qualities of hot, cold, dry, and moist.
Like everything else, the food and drink which animals
consume consist of these elements. In the process of diges-
tion, food and drink turn into the bodily juices, the humors,
of which there are four main kinds: blood, phlegm, yellow
bile, and black bile. They are the nourishment of the body,
i.e., of its tissues, which consequently owe their existence
to the humors. 25 The elements of fire, earth, and water do
not exist as such in the body; they are represented by
yellow bile, black bile, and phlegm, respectively. Only air
is directly provided through respiration. What is found in
the veins is really a mixture of humors, but since the true
humor "blood" predominates, the name is also extended to
the content as a whole. 26
Obviously, excess or lack of humors causes disease, as do

Galenic writings, and references will again be given to several of

them.
25 The embryological formation of the body is from blood and
seed (De placitis 8. 4 [M., pp. 676 f.J, On the Natural Faculties
2. 3, and the references below, Chapter II, n. 135). The process of
digestion and assimilation is described in On the Natural Faculties,
and in De usu partimn, books 4 and 5.
211 See below, Chapter III, nn. 32-35, and De elementis ex Hip-
pocrtlte 2. 2.
 (JaJellislII 18

changes from the normal qualitative makeup of tissues or

of organs. 27 Not every deviation is a disease. There is a
latitude of health, from the ideal condition to that where
the functions are disturbed and where we can definitely
speak of disease. 28 Organs can, of course, also be diseased by
anatomical changes leading to malfunction, and they may
need surgical or mechanical therapy.29 But in most internal
diseases treatment is dietetic or by means of drugs. Food-
stuffs and drugs also have their qualitative compositions, so
that the deviation of the body or of any of its parts can
be changed by offering food, drink, and medicines of the
opposite qualities. 30 The treatment by contraries is consid-
ered truly HippocraticY Galen thinks that this whole
scheme, beginning with the fuur elements and the four
humors, fundamentally goes back to Hippocrates, who an-
ticipated Aristotle. 32
At this point a historical reflection seems appropriate.
The scheme indicates Galen's sympathy with the large
27 The underlying theory is discussed in detail in De te11lpera-
mentis I, especially ch. 6.
28 De temperamentis 2. 4; see also below, Chapter III, in con-
nection with the discussion of Galen's An medica.
29 De locis affectis I. I. Walsh, "Galen's Writings and Influences
Inspiring Them" (Annals of Medical History, n.s., 9 [1937], 34-
61), gives a picture of Galen's own surgical activity.
30 De temperamentis 3.
31 See Owsei Temkin, "Hippokratismus," p. 38. The locus classi-
cus is Hippocrates, Breaths I (Loeb, 2: 22 8): Td; lvavT{a TWV lvaVT{w"
leTT!v i~fU1Ta ("opposites are cures for opposites"); see also Aphor-
isms 2. 22 and On the Nature of Man 9, and Galen's commentary
on the latter in CMG, 5,9.1; p. 60.
32 De ele711entis ex Hippocrate was supposed to be a commentary
on the main doctrines of Hippocrates's On the Nature of Man, as
Galen stated in the preface to his detailed commentary on this
work; CMG, 5,9. 1; p. 3.
 The Portrait of all Ideal 19

group of physicians who granted logical arguments a place

in medical thought. Usually referred to as Dogmatists, they
comprised a motley crowd: there were Erasistrateans and
Herophileans, named after the two great anatomists of the
third century B.C.; the Pneumatists, who stood close to Stoic
philosophy and attributed a large role to the pneuma, an air-
like substance; 33 the followers of Asclepiades; and others.
Except for the Asclepiadeans and, to a lesser degree, the
Erasistrateans, other Dogmatists shared many features of
the above-sketched scheme of qualities, elements, humors,
tissues, and organs, so that it is difficult to pinpoint Galen's
particular contributions. Some matters of special emphasis
may have to be credited to him. He insisted on nine possible
types of temperaments, i.e., qualitative mixtures: one, the
ideal, in which all qualities were well balanced; four in
which one of the qualities, hot, cold, dry, or moist pre-
dominated; and four others in which the predominating
qualities appeared in couples of hot and moist, hot and dry,
cold and dry, or cold and moist. The well-balanced mixture
served as the frame of reference for all others, and Galen
suggested two possible inorganic models: a mixture of equal
quantities of boiling water and of ice or snow would be
harmonious for hot-cold, and mixing together dry earth and
water would do the same for dry-moist. But the skin of the
palm of the hand of a well-balanced person was best suited
for establishing any deviation from the ideal mixture. 3 •
3:1 See Max Wellmann, Die fmeumatische Schuie his auf Archi-

Kenes, and Fri dolf Kudlien, "Pneumatischc Arzte." The pneuma

had a place in medicine before the foundation of the Pneumatist
sect; it also played a considerable role in Galen's physiology.
=34 De tC11lperamentis I, chs. 8 and 9. S. Sambursky, The Physical
lV orid of Late Antiquity, pp. 38-42, has translated some of the
pertinent passages and has also discussed the relativity of the
 Galenism 20

Galen's desire for exactitude extended into the field of

therapy, where he established degrees of potency for drugs
as exact correctives for corresponding imbalances presented
by the disease. 3s
In its broad outlines the scheme is rather eclectic, and
where details are concerned Galen's own opinions wavered
considerably, as will be seen later.
A glimpse at the existing differences and the mode of ar-
gumentation is offered by Galen's verbatim report of a
scene in the classroom of one of his teachers, a follower of
Athenaells, the founder of the Pneumatist sect. Galen re-
quested an explanation of the ambiguity in Athenaeus's
opinions about qualities and their bodily substantiations,
the elements. Whereupon his teacher readily admitted that
in the case of hot he meant not only the quality, but the
body.
Then I asked again: "Do you call that body an element that
is extremely hot, or will a body which is moderately warm
also be an element?" When, in like manner, I raised the same
question regarding cold, moist, and dry, he said: "What dif-
ference does that make to you?" By now he was agitated and
did not answer willingly as before. I said that it made a great
difference whether one assumed an infinite number of elements,
or a limited number. For if one takes the moderately hot,

Galenic qualities. In De temperamentis 8, ed. Helmreich, p. 30,

with the Pncumatists in mind, Galen states that "most physicians
and philosophers" recognize the four coupled mixtures. He claims
the ideal mixture and the four simple ones as his contribution, a
claim which, however, is doubtful; see Wellmann, pp. 144-145, in-
cluding n. 5. Kudlien, "Pneumatische Arzte," col. 1104, suggests
that the whole doctrine of qualities was eclectic rather than specifi-
cally Pneumatic.
35 This is discussed in greater detail below, Chapter III.
 The Portrait of an Ideal 21

cold, dry, or moist for elements, the number will be infinite.

Whereas it will not be so, if one takes only the extreme. For
there will be one in each category and the total number of
elements will be limited to four. "In this sense," he said, "let it
be four." "Obviously," said I, "what is extreme as to quality is
also simple and primary." "Why," said he, "do you bother
about that too?" "So that I may understand accurately what
is said," I replied. "Well, I say so and you must understand it
so." "How do you order me to understand the extremely hot or
moist clement?" I asked again. But by now he had become
angry and considerably shaken. "Call a body hot, when the hot
prevails," he said, "and, in like manner, moist, cold, dry, when
each of the aforementioned dominates and overrides." I said:
"Nothing prevents us from using these designations, for bread,
lentils, a tisane, and a bath can be called hot. Yet I do not be-
lieve that you expect me to take everyone of them for an
element, but only that which is extremely hot. And so with
what is extremely cold, dry, and moist. For an clement must be
simple, pure, not composite, and not mixed." "Take it thus,"
he said, "for I would not like to call a tisane or a lentil an
element." "Indeed," I said, "if I may take the extremely hot
body as an element, I immediately think of fire and of nothing
else." "Do think of fire," said he. "Thus," said I, "you also want
me to call the extremely moist water?" To this too he assented
very reluctantly. "So we come back to fire, air, water, and
earth, which at first we eschewed." Whereupon he said: "That
is hecause you stir up the argument in this way." And, looking
at the other students, he declared: "This man, nurtured in dialec-
tics and full of the resulting mange (he himself used this word),
turns everything upside down and twists and confuses it by
playing trick.. on us, so that he may show off his logical train-
ing. Now he comes and requires us to know the homonyms
of hot: first, as a quality, like the white color, second, the body
which exhibits the quality in the highest degree, and third,
 Galen/sm 11

that in which such a quality prevails, like the bath. But we,"
he said, "have not learned to unravel sophisms. Let him who
wove them also unravel them." This happened to me in my
nineteenth year. 3a
The scene is reminiscent of a Platonic dialogue, with
Galen in the role of Socrates, but lacking Plato's ironic
humor. It does not, however, lack historical irony, for
Galen is here accused of being a sophist, an accusation
which, throughout his works, he himself directs against his
adversaries. 37 The scene also brings into relief his attitude to-
ward logic as an instrument for establishing truth. As Galen
states elsewhere, a man sufficiently skilled in logical in-
vestigations "will be capable of dealing with every problem
alike," whereas without logic, it is impossible to distinguish
truth from falsehood. as This high praise of logic is counter-
balanced by doubts whether all its parts are equally accept-
able. Logic is useful where it can be demonstrative of truth.
It is more doubtful when dealing with possibilities resting
on hypotheses. This is the province of scientific dispute,
where disagreements will occur and where, nevertheless, the
adversary has to be held in respect. "For where opinions are
uncertain and seem plausible to the reasoned belief of some
persons, yet implausible to that of others, agreement with
those who believe them to be true is not liable to blame,
just as others must be allowed to contradict them. To
mock and to ridicule as foolish what is doctrinally dis-
36 De elementis ex Hippocrate 1.6 (K., I: 462,2-465,2).
37 For instance, De usu partium 10. 9 (H., 2: 84, and May, pp.
484 f.).
3S Utrum medicinae sit an gymnastices hygieine, ad ThTasybulum
JibeT 4 (SCT. min., 3: 35 f.); see also ch. 22. On the whole ques-
tion of useful logic against useless, see Kieffer, Galen's Institutio
logica, p. 6, also further below.
 The Portrait of an Ideal 2. 3

puted is rash." 3!J Yet there are disputes that Galen rejects
altogether. They deal with problems which, if they are
solvable at all, at any rate are not worth the effort that
would have to be spent on their solution. But Galen's re-
jection of these problems occurs in a somewhat different
context. 40
We have, so far, looked upon Galen's way toward truth
as a matter of intellectual methodology. This is in line with
our own custom. We, too, ask what methods, inductive,
deductive, experimental, will lead to truth, or whatever we
may have substituted for this word. We agree with Galen
that, whatever the right methods may be, a natural talent,
industry, and training are necessary. In addition, we think
of the need for economic support and a socially friendly
climate for research. Under favorable circumstances, suc-
cessful research will discover something new, perhaps even
something revolutionary. We praise revolutionaries in sci-
ence, medicine, and philosophy: Galileo, Harvey, Newton,
Lavoisier, Kant, Darwin, Pasteur, Einstein, Freud are names
of heroes.

3lJ De placitis 8. 9 (M., p. 723). This is said about certain opin-

ions of Erasistratus, but behind it is Plato's (Timaeus 70 C) asser-
tion that the lungs accept pneuma and what we drink. Galen is at
pains to prove Plato does not mean all drink to go to the lungs
rather than to the stomach, an assertion which would indeed have
been ridiculous. Cf. Phillip De Lacy, "Galen's Platonism," p. H.
40 See further below. As Kieffer, Galen's Institutio logica, p. 2.6,
has pointed out, it is interesting that Galen, Institutio logica 14,
characterizes hypothetical propositions as useful for proving the
existence of what is not perceptible. The examples he adduces,
"Does Fate exist?" "Is there Providence?" "Do the gods exist?"
"Is there a void?" include the kind of metaphysical problems Galen
viewed with suspicion. See below, n. 118, also aI-Fiirabi's criticism
of Galen as a logician, below, Chapter II.
 GalC71is11l 24

Galen's world was different. His god was different from

ours, the course of history as he saw it, was not the one
within which we see our destinies unroll, the human com-
munity within which he acted did not share all our values,
and the method by which he attempted to realize his vision
of truth also differed from ours in some decisive respects. A
biography of Galen would have to recreate the world of
the second century. Not writing biography, we can be
satisfied with taking up some of the hints he gives us and
continuing with the portrait of his ideal.
Galen believes that Asclepius, his "ancestral god", saved
him when he was ill with a near fatal disease, whereupon he
became a servant of the godY Whatever this may have im-
plied, and whatever religious feelings he may have had
toward Asdepius, so much is cenain: he does not doubt
the healing powers of the god 42 and does not reject the
mythological religion of Greek paganism. But there are
limits to what even Asdepil1s can do. Some people are born
with such wretched bodies, "that they cannot reach the
age of sixty, even if you should put Asdepius himself in
charge of them." 43 Asclepius is bound by matter; he can-
not command it. This is in line with the arguments Galen
raises against the Judaeo-Christian belief in an omnipotent
God who, by His mere command, could create the world
without suitable material. 44 Asdepius can arrange things
41 Ludwig and Emma J. Edelstein, Asclepius, vol. I, T. 338 (p.
179), T. 413 (p. 208), and T. 458 (p. 263).
42 Ibid., T. 436 (p. 250) and T. 459 (p. 263 f.), in addition to
the references in n. 41.
43 Ibid., T. 473 (p. 2~; Edelstein's trans.).
44 De um partiu71l I I. 14 (H., 2: 158 if., May, 2: SF if.). Richard
Walzer, Galen 011 Jews and Cbristians, p. 26, has analyzed Galen's
animde in detail; Francis M. Cornford, Plato's Cosmology, p. 36,
cites Galen in explaining Plato's opinion on the limited powers of
the Demiurge.
 The Portrait of an Ideal 25

in the best possible manner, and this kind of divine power is

also possessed by Nature, whose work we are. Nature has
not created matter, but She arranges the material in a fash-
ion which we cannot improve even in our thought, and for
this we must praise Her and sing hymns to Her. This theme
is elaborated in Galen's work On tbe Use of Parts, where
anatomical knowledge gained from animal dissection is used
to prove that all parts of the human body are constructed in
the best possible manner to serve their human functions. 46
Nature is provident, most powerful, and good, and, as Aris-
totle said, She does nothing in vain. 46 The natural powers
are constantly at work enabling the body to develop, to
grow, and to nourish itself. 47 Nature is just! She has pro-
vided every organ with what it needs according to its
significance; she has shaped the organs on the right and the
left side of the body alike and implanted in their muscles
veins, aneries, and nerves in corresponding places.48
45 De urn part;um 3. 10 (H., I: 168 if., May, I: 185 if.). For
analysis see May, pp. 9 if.
46 De usu partium 3. 10 (H., I: 158-177, May, I: 178-191.). See
also Walzer, Galen on Jews and Christians, p. 25. Aristotle, Pro-
gression of Animals 2; 704b15: -!} c/Jucm oWly 1TDt£t p.d.T"lY' Similarly,
Parts of Animals 1. J; 64Jb, and On Respiration 10; 476a12-13.
47 This is elaborated in the first book of Galen's On the Natural
Faculties. For a discussion of Galen's meaning of "nature" see
Brock's introduction, p. xxvi, also Greek Medicine, pp. 25-19;
and May, J: 10-11. For other interpretations see below. Galen
himself analyzed the meanings of the word Nature (physis) in the
preface of his commentary on Hippocrates, On the Nature of
Man, CMG, 5, 9.1; pp. 3 if.
48 De usu partium 5. 9 (H., I: 277,24-17): Td,> a~Td<; 'I1T7f'CJ/Cpd.n,
• • • 1Td.YTW<; c/J()iY~Hat c/JwYa<;, 6,<; £~7f'a[8£vTo,> 'T£ /Cat 8UCata /Cat TEXv,/C~
/Ca; 7f'POVO?/Tt/c7/ nov '~v .;/ c/Jvcm £(TTLV. See also ibid., I. 17 and 11
(H. I: 36 and 59), 1.16 (p. lJ6), 3.10 (p. 171) and De placitis 9'
8 (M., pp. 805 f. and p. 810), with references to Hippocrates. Cf.
Pedro Lain Entralgo, La medicina hipocratica, pp. 51 f. The justice
of nature is explained at length in the initial chapters of book 16
 Cialellis1Il 2G

Impossible then to deny that there is an intelligence at

work reaching into every part. It must come from the
heavenly bodies where it is much superior, seeing that their
nlaterial is so much superior to that of this earth. Even the
air, which receives the splendor of the sun, must partake of
this intelligence. An inkling of its character can be gained
by considering such great minds as Plato, Aristotle, Hippar-
chus, and Archimedes, who yet came into being in the filth
of flesh and humors. 49
As a natural creature of this world, which is the best pos-
sible,IIO man shares desires and emotions with the animals.
He can do all that some of them do instinctively, and he
surpasses them by far by his power of conscious thought
and voluntary decision. Man's soul is concupiscent, passion-
ate, and rational; each of these kinds or species of soul has a
physiological significance and a particular center in the
body.lIl The gods are all mind, which man is not, yet it
would be shameful for man to neglect what he has in com-
mon with the gods. He alone is capable of cultivating the
sciences, and above all he has acquired "philosophy, the
greatest of the divine goods." 112

of De urn partium. Karl Deichgriiber, Medicus gratiorns, p. 51, sug-

gests that Galen believed nature to act as an ideal physician, whom
the human physician had to imitate.
49 De urn partium 17. I; H., 2: 446-447; d. May, 2: 72(r730.
The whole chapter of this epode, as Galen calls book 17, is writ-
ten enthusiastically; but Galen states his thoughts about the heav-
enly intelligence as a likely conclusion rather than as fact.
110 Walzer, Galen on Jews and Christians, p. 30.
111 This is discussed further below.
112 Adhortatio ad artes addiscendas 1 (Ernst Wenkebach, "Galens
Protreptikosfragment," p. 242,(7)' A French translation of this
treatise is given in Dar. I: 8-46, and there is an English contracted
 The Portrait of an Ideal 27

Allegorically, Galen depicts the god Hermes, the master

of reason and the universal anist, and his entourage,
Socrates, Homer, Hippocrates, Plato, and their followers,
"whom we venerate equally with the gods." 63 Wealth and
birth are of little value compared with the possession of an
art, and the athlete strong with muscle and filled with food
is an altogether miserable person. Everybody should exer-
cise an art, preferably medicine, rhetoric, music, geometry,
arithmetic, applied calculation, astronomy, grammar, law,
and, perhaps, sculpture and painting. These belong to the
intellectual arts, which are divine, and the best of them is
medicine. 64
The rhetorical little book in praise of intellectual ans ex-
presses esteem for brain rather than brawn, contempt for
occupations involving bodily toil, and veneration of the
ancients. 55 The latter arc not only allegorically close to the
gods; they belong to a golden age, when men were better
and when the sciences flourished. In the preface to his great
work on therapeutic method Galen gives a picture of the
noble rivalry that once existed between the Asclepiads, the
descendants of the healing god, to practice, to improve, and
to bring to perfection the an of Apollo and Asclepius.66

translation by Joseph Walsh, "Galen's Exhortation to the Study of

the Arts, Especially Medicine."
53 Adhortatio 5 (Wenkebach, p. 246,27-28, Dar., I: 17).
li4/bid., 14 (Wenkebach, p. 272, Dar., p. 46).
:i5 Ludwig Edelstein, "Motives and Incentives for Science in
Antiquity," pp. 36-37, considers this Galenic work as summarizing
"the long tradition of professional ethics," viz. of the scientist.
W. Tatarkiewicz, "Classification of Arts in Antiquity," pp. 233 f.,
calls the distinction of vulgar and liberal arts "Galen's classifica-
tion."
56 De 111ethodo 111edendi r. r (K., ro: 5 f.).
 Galellism 18

Of all the ancients, Hippocrates is the ancient to Galen,

superior even to Plato. fi7
What was it that the ancients in general and Hippocrates
in particular had done? Briefly, they had established cor-
rect methods and had shown the way.fi8 "Method" is a term
which Galen uses frequently, and geometry furnishes the
model for methodical thinking in general. Ordinary argu-
ment borrows from the common source of all our knowl-
edge: sensory perception and intellectual intuition. Most
people go no further than just one step. Practitioners of the
arts, however, do as the geometrician does, who derives his
157 For instance, In Hippocratis librum de acutorum victu com-
mentarius I. 1. (CMG, 5, 9.1; p. 119,2). On Galen's meaning of
"the ancients" see Temkin, "Hippokratismus," pp. 34 f.
158 For instance, De placitis 7. 8 (M., p. 647,16), and De metbodo
medendi 9. 8 (K., 10: 633) (discussed below, Chapter II). Whereas
the importance of Galen's thoughts on method for his own work
as well as for later times has been realized (cf. below, Ch:tps. III
and IV), a thorough investigation of his methodology is still lack-
ing. I have, therefore, confined myself to a brief and general out-
line of what Galen considered the true method, as suggested in the
following works. De curmdi ratione per venae sectionem 3 (K.,
11: 255), which gives a succinct acrount of the deductive method
(d. Joseph Walsh, "Galen's Writings and Influences Inspiring
Them," Annals of Medical History, n.s., 7 [1935],581); De placi-
tis 9. 1-6 (M., pp. 729-795), where the whole subject is deduced
from Plato's Phaedrus 262 A; De methodo medendi I, where
"method" in general is discussed at length, with mention of
Phaedrus 270 D, which is also cited in commentary 1 on Hip-
pocrates, De natura hominis (CMG, 5,9.1; pp. 4f.). In his com-
mentary on Hippocrates, De acutorum victu I. 7 (CMG, 5, 9.1;
p. 122), Galen mentions his De morborum differentiis as a con-
cise exposition of the Hippocratic method of finding the number
of diseases. Hippocrates, In the Surgery 1 (Loeb, 3: 58), outlines
the principle of "like or unlike" in words similar to those of Galen.
Galen's discussion of method is by no means limited to the above
works, and some others will be cited depending on the context.
 The Portrait of an Ideal 19

principles from the common source and then, from the

principles, derives theorems which are the basis for new
theorems until, to the amazement of everybody, he ends
with the theory of water clocks! To be able to do this he
must also define his terms and then adhere rigidly to his
terminology. Within this general methodological procedure
there is need of two additional, closely related methods:
that of distinguishing what is similar and dissimilar, and
diairesis, the division into genera and species. Both methods
have been cultivated by Hippocrates and Plato. For in-
stance, Hippocrates has contrasted the face of a healthy
person with that of a patient near death. Starting from
here and then narrowing the contrasts, one gains practice
(and here, as everywhere, practice is of paramount impor-
tance) in distinguishing what is healthy and what is dis-
eased. Regarding the diairetic method, Plato himself has
shown it to be the Hippocratic method. In the Phaedrus,
Hippocrates is cited as a believer in the following meth-
odology:
Ought we not to consider first whether that which we wish to
learn and to teach is a simple or multiform thing, and if simple,
then to enquire what power it has of acting or being acted
upon in relation to other things, and if multiform, then to
number the forms; and see first in the case of one of them,
and then in the case of all of them, what is that power of
acting or being acted upon which makes each and all of them
to be what they arc? 59
Galen sees this as the method that Hippocrates used in
On the Nature of Man and other works. It leads to the
distinction of elements, humors, tissues, and organic pans,

59 PhaedTus 170 D. The Dialogues, I: 174 (Jowett's trans.).

 Galenism 30

of the genera of disease (in tissues and organs), to establish-

ing the number of different species of disease, as well as to
finding the corresponding treatments.
But all this does not imply that the ancients, even Hip-
pocrates, knew everything that is to be known in medicine
and philosophy, for Galen believes in progress. 60 His own
generation has the advantage of learning "in a shorr time
the useful things which were found over a long time, with
toil and anxiety, by those before us." If we only proceed
rightly, "nothing stands in the way of our becoming better
than those before us." 61
Galen sees himself as part of this scientific progress. He
has discovered many things in anatomy of which those be-
fore him were ignorant, or which they stated badly. His
claims were doubted, and it was decided to put him to the
test. The most esteemed physicians, occupying the front
row of a lecture hall in the Temple of Peace, where the
practitioners of the intellectual arts were wont to assemble,
proposed the following procedure: Galen should start
from a book by Lycus which described everything hitherto
60 Galen's belief in progress has been brought to attention by
Edelstein, who has credited Galen (and Ptolemy) with the idea of
a unified science (a scientia aeterrza ruled not by sects but by truth
only and receptive to contributions by anybody); see Ludwig
Edelstein, "Recent Trends in the Intcrpretation of Ancicnt Sci-
ence," Ancient Medicine, pp. 437-438, and The Idea of Prof{ress in
Classical AntiqUity, pp. 150 and 159. In principle this was also said
by Iwan von l\fiiller, Ueber Galens Werk vom wissenschaftlicben
Beweis, p. 420: "Nicht fur eine bestimmte Schule wolltc er [i.e.,
Galen] Propaganda machen, sondern einzig und allein dcn Weg
vorzeichnen, der zur idealen Schule der objektiven Wahrheit
fuhre und so 'die beste Sekte' begrunden lellCe."
61 De placitis 9. I (M., p. 735,(;-12). In De peccatorll1n dignotione
5 (CMG, 5, 4.1.1; pp. 58 f.), Galen declares that in the case of
geometry, progress was slow but certain.
 The Portrait of an Ideal 31

discovered and compare it with his own findings. The re-

sult was very satisfactory to Galen. 62
Progress is not limited to the period between the ancients
and himself; it includes his own efforts. Thus he has made
new discoveries between the first and the second edition
of his anatomical work.6J Altogether, he is restlessly at work
to understand what he has not yet fully grasped.
To use modern terminology, Galen has an idea of cumu-
lative progress,64 at least where facts and exposition are
concerned. Progress proceeds from principles rooted in
"the ancients," and they have remained valid. Nero's phy-
sician, Thessalus, a representative of the Methodist sect, had
dared to say that his sect alone was true, because none of the
previous physicians had contributed anything useful for
medicine. Established in Rome early in the first century, the
Methodists rejected both etiological research and experi-

62 De libris propriis 2 (Scr. min., 2: 100-102); d. Brock, Greek

Medicine, p. 178. Lycus the Macedonian was a pupil of Quintus, an
outstanding anatomist who flourished around the time of Galen's
birth; see May, I: 34.
6J Above all the muscles (interossei) of the fingers and toes and
the muscles of the upper eyelids, De libris propriis 2 (Scr. min., 2:
1(0); see also De a,natomicis administrationibus 1. 3 (Singer, p. 8).
De UJU partium I. 17 (H., I: 42), still has erroneous views about
the musculi interossei (see May, 1: 97, including n. 50); however
see De usu partium 2. 3 (H., I: 70; May, 1: 117 f.) and 3. 10 (H.,
1: 165, May, I: 182) for the foot, and De anatomicis administra-
tionibus 1. 9 (Singer, p. 24) for the hand, and 2. 9 (Singer, p. 54)
for the foot. For the M. levator palpebrae, see De anatomicis ad-
ministrationibus 10. 4 (Duckworth, pp. 46 ff.). May (1: 42) lists
Galen's anatomical discoveries. Galen's repeated statement regard-
ing the muscles he previously overlooked is remarkable. It raises
the question of the relative frequency of such statements within
the whole of his work.
64 Sec above, n. 60, and Kieffer, Galen's lnstitutio logica, pp. 1-2.
 GI1lel1is111 3:!

ence and inferred directly from the symptoms of disease to

the status of the body, which, they thought, was tense or
relaxed. They did not hesitate to criticize Hippocrates,
whereas both Dogmatists and Empiricists venerated him,
the first as a great medical scientist and the latter as a phy-
sician of great clinical experience. In line with his princi-
ples, Thessalus had promised to teach medicine in six
months, clearly with complete disregard for the ancients.
To Galen, Thessalus was not only wrong but a most reck-
less individual. 611
True study begins with the close reading of the works
of the ancients.
He whose purpose it is to know something better than the multi-
tude must far surpass the others both as regards his natural
endowment and his early training. And when he approaches
adolescence, he must madly fall in love with truth, like one
divinely inspired; neither day nor night may he cease to prcss
on and sWlin himself to learn thoroughly all that has been
said by the most illustriou.i of the ancients. When he has learnt
this, then for a prolonged period he must judge it and put it to
the test, observing what part of it is in agreement, and what in
disagreement, with obvious fact. 66
Clearly, the ancients are not to be followed slavishly.
They must not be accepted blindly as authorities; rather,
they are authorities in as far as they are proved right. 67
But neither must they be taken lightly. Thus Aristotle,
611 De metbodo medendi I. 2 (K., 10: 7-8).
66 On tbe Natural Faculties 3. 10, p. 279. (Brock's translation,
modified.) The parallel with Galen's own falling in love with
truth (see above, n. I) is obvious.
67 In Quod animi mores 9 (Scr. min., 2: 64) Galen states that
he does not believe Hippocrates as one believes a witness; rather
he praises Hippocrates because of the certainty of his proofs.
 The Portrait of an Ideal 33
,
Iii.I1
Herophilus, and others have left excellent works on the
~
usefulness of the parts of the body. Why then was it neces-
sary for Galen to write a treatise on this subject? Because
"neither Arisrotle nor any of those before us mentioned all
the activities of the organs," because some of them, "insuf-
ficiently tritined in the method of discovery of the uses,"
went astray in particular instances, and because the words
of Hippocrates were not always correctly understood. 6B
Even what Hippocrates himself had written was not suf-
ficient, for he had not expressed some things clearly and
had omitted others altogether, "though in my judgment
he wrote nothing that was worthless." 69 This means that
Hippocrates must not be replaced but merely improved,
and so Galen immediately continues: "For all these rea-
sons, then, I have felt moved ro write an account of the
usefulness of each of the parts, and I shall accordingly in-
terpret those observations of Hippocrates which are too
obscure and add others of my own, arrived at by the
methods l~ has handed down ro us." 70
111e .interpretation of Hippocratic writings becomes an
essential part of research. Galen's commentaries on the
Hippocratic works, which include philological criticism of
the text to establish the correct reading, are not a mere
historical introduction to medicine. Hippocrates's On the
Nature of Man receives an exposition of what Galen con-

GB De USlt partiulIl 1.8 (H., I: 14, May, I: 76 f.).

W Ibid. (H., I: 15,15-16).
70 Ibid. (p. 15,16-20; May, I: 77 f.) (May's trans. slightly
changed). On Galen's limited notion of progress as compared
with modern ideas, see Owsei Temkin, "Scientific Medicine and
Historical Research," p. 71. Garcia Ballester (HEI hipocratismo
de Galena," pp. 26-28) has emphasized Galen's use of Hippocrates
as a historical milestone.
 Galenism 34

siders its main points, which include much of "the scheme"

we sketched above. 71 It also receives a commentary, among
other things, which takes up the problem of its genuine-
ness. 72
However large the field for progress may be, a question
to which we shall return, the basis is not to be demolished.
progress does not lead through scientific revolutions. But
in claiming the right to improve upon the anciems,73 Galen
declares his superiority, not necessarily over the ancients
themselves but at least over others of his own generation.
Indeed, he considers desire for superiority quite natural
when he speaks of the man "whose purpose it is to know
something better than the multitude," H and he never hesi-
tates to reveal himself as such a man. For instance, he tells
of a complicated injury which he alone dared to treat
surgically. The operation was based on his anatomical
knowledge, and the story documents the need for anatom-
ical study. But this is not enough. He immediately adds
71 See above, n. 24.
72 CMG, 5, 9.1; pp. 7 ff. Galen argues for the genuineness of the
first part of the book, which contains what is essential for him.
Later physicians did not fail to accuse Galen of reading his own
opinions into Hippocrates (see below, Chapter Ill).
n In addition to De usu partiu11t (see above, 11. 70) sec On the
N atllraJ Faculties 2. 8, p. 182, and De 11letbodo 11ledendi 9. 8 (K.,
10: 632 f.) (see below, Chapter II). Galen's limitation to eluci-
dating and improving but not overthrowing the ancients is an
essential part of his idea of progress. There remains the question
(sec below, Chapter II) whether he thought of improvement as
potentially infinite or whether improvement had reached its final
stage of perfection in his own work.
74 See above, the quotation to n. 66. It should be noted that the
multitude is not the fellowship of man whose notions are a basis
of truth.
 The Portrait of an Ideal 35

the story of another physician whose ignorance of anatomy

led to a patient's death. 7!i
To seek superiority over the multitude is an honorable
aim as is any honest competition. 76 Galen visualizes the
physicians of the classical age as competing to advance
medicine. 77 Here he finds an example of the good fight
which Hesiod has praised against evil strife, "rejoicing in
mischief.-1' 78 In his own time, Galen contends, evil strife
dominates,79 and besides individuals like Thessalus, he holds
the mass of physicians and philosophers responsible for the
state of affairs; they are the multitude he combats.
Galen wages an unceasing fight against them. They are
not motivated by love for truth but by greed and lust and
by desire for political power. RO They are ignorant; they
pretend to admire Hippocrates, but they do not follow
him. Sl They belong to one or another of the medical or
philosophical sects, which they have chosen haphazardly,
because a relative, a friend, or a person they know belongs

75 De...J11latomicis administrationibus 7. 13 (K., 2: 633 f.; Singer,

p.193)·
76 Competition (agon) was an element in all Greek cultural life.
77 See above, n. 56. 78 Hesiod, Works and Days 28.
79 De 11lethotJo medendi I. 1 (K., 10: 7). Ibid., ch. 2, Thessalus
is depicted as competing for the crown in a theatre.
80 Ibid., ch. I; p. 2.
81 In Quod optimus medieus sit quoque philosophus I (Ser.
min., 2: I), Galen says that the multitude of physicians praise Hip-
pocrates and consider him the first of all, but do not try to imitate
him. Galen preaches the imitation of Hippocrates, taking his rec-
ognition by the majority of physicians for granted. This short
treatise has received a thorough analysis by Margherita Isnardi,
"Techne," who has traced the dissolution of philosophy into a self-
sufficient teehne as presented by Galen.
 Galeuis11l 36

to it. 82 They cater to the rich and the mighty, and even
some of Galen's own friends have rebuked him "for pur-
suing truth beyond moderation!" He would never succeed
in doing any good to himself or to them, unless he relaxed
and "called on the mighty in the morning and dined with
them in the evening." 83
Galen demarcates himself and his circle of pupils and
friends against the crowd; in this circle Galen is not only
the master who instructs, but also the model for a life de-
voted to truth and the fight against its enemies. Yet it is not
enough to resolve not to join the multitude; training is
needed to subdue the passions that hinder the detached
search for truth and to correct the errors to which the mind
is prone.
Following his father's advice not to join a (philosophi-
cal) sect hastily, Galen avoids becoming a professed mem-
ber of any sect, philosophical or medical. "The best sect,"
as he phrases it, is the constant endeavor to find out what is
true and to discern what is true and false in the claims made
by others, and this demands acquaintance with demonstra-
tive proof. "But this alone is not enough," he continues. "It
is also necessary to have become free from passions." 84
How is this to be achieved?
82 De ordine libroTu11l I (Scr. min., 2: 80 f.); for English trans.
see Brock, Greek Medicine, p. 180.
83 De 71letIJodo medendi I. I (K., 10: 1,10-16).
84 De ordine librorum I (Scr. min., 2: 81,22-23); cf. Brocl<, p.
180, and Iwan von MUller, "Ueber die dem Galen zugeschricbene
Abhandlung 1f€PL T~~ &.p[fTTrJ~ alp(fT€W~," p. 156. In this article (the
reference to which lowe to Professor Wesley Smith), von Miil-
ler offers detailed arguments against the genuineness of the extant
De optima recta ad Thrarybulum (K., I: 106-223; Dar., 2: pp. 398-
467). The double necessity of finding truth and Judging what has
 The Portrait of an Ideal 37

In the first place, we must recognize the particular faults

to which we are prone. This requires the help of an older
man with the reputation of being worthy and good, whom
we trust, and to whom we are grateful for telling us frankly
what is wrong with us. Long training is needed to gain
self-control over our passions. As to our lusts, we must
resolutely suppress them and practice sophrosyne, the ideal
of temperate, prudent living, so that in the end "habit makes
us choose as 'a pleasant food the healthiest and most easily
available things." 86 This also holds true of the soul's lust
for possession, and Galen points to his own exemplary life.
He uses up all the income (not the capital) left to him by
his father. The things he regards necessary for life are food,
clothing, shelter, and provisions for sickness, to the exclu-
sion of all luxuries. More than two garments, two house-
slaves, and two sets of utensils are needless. 86 This leaves a
considerable surplus which may well be spent partly on the
purchase of books, the training of stenographers, of callig-
raphers, and students, and partly on largess. "At all times
you see me [share] garments with some of the members of
my house~ld and provide for others as to food and care in

been found is stressed in De optima doctriw (e.g., K., [; 50,[1-[3)'

Lino Agrifoglio, ~leno e il problema del metodo, pp. 26-33, has
seen the importance of this litde essay, which deals with Galen's
principles of the teacher's obligation to truth.
85 De affectuum dignotione 6 (CMG, 5, 4,1.[; p. 22,H-22). For
English translations by Paul W. Harkins of this treatise and of its
companion, De peccatorum dignotione, see Galen, On the Passions
and Errors of the Soul.
86 Ibid., 9; pp. 3)-32. Walsh, "Galen's Writings and Influences
Inspiring Them," (Annals of Medical History, 6 [[934], pp. [9 and
22 f.), has tried to estimate Galen's income.
 Galenism 38

sickness. You even saw me paying off the debts of some [of
t hem ] ." 87
The way toward truth presupposes a mental attitude of
detachment which can only be gained by a life of virtue,
free from grief, achieved through self-control, contented-
ness, and the suppression of one's desires. In other words, it
presupposes the way of life of a philosopher, and in show-
ing the way Galen himself fulfills the philosopher's task,
who has "to shape the disposition of the soul," as he says
elsewhere. 88
Galen does not go so far as to demand that every practi-
tioner of medicine have a detached, independent, logically
trained mind. That is reserved for those with a scientific
bent. Regarding the others, true opinion (in contrast to ac-
curate knowledge) will fit them sufficiently for practice.
After having satisfied themselves about Galen's impartiality
and lack of contentiousness, and having tested the truth of
his views, they should start reading the bool{s he has marked
"for beginners." 80 Apart from the few who, like Galen,
can cultivate both medicine and philosophy, there are then
discernible two categories of medical men: the detached
and logically trained, and the logically untrained. oo
But Galen the philosopher rarely dissociates himself from
Galen the physician. Even when he appears in the guise of

87 I bid., p. 32,19-21. Galen obviously speaks as a philosopher,

telling a friend how to achieve the right way of life.
88 See below, n. 93. For detached attitude see also Galen's work
on ethics as translated by Franz Rosenthal, Fortleben, pp. 127 f.
89 De ordine libroru7n 1 and 2 (Ser. min., 2: 82-8 4).
90 The division into physician and philosopher, philosopher-phy-
~ieian, and well~trained practitioner is both important and confus-
109, because it often leaves unclear whom Galen has in mind when
he characterizes matters as irrelevant for the physician.
 The Portrait of an Ideal 39

the Stoic psychotherapist,lI l the physician is not left out al-

together. Speaking of greedy eating, he goes into physio-
logical detail. Food in superabundance is not digested, hence
useless. If undigested food irritates the stomach, diarrhea re-
sults, and if food that has not been well digested is dis-
tributed over the body, an unhealthy state of the humors
prevails in the veins.o z By itself this is hardly enough to
stamp the author a physician. But there is also Galen the
hygienist, who ipsists that the shaping of the mind must not
be left to the philosopher alone.
The disposition of the soul is corrupted by unwholesome habits
in food and drink, and in exercise, in what we see and hear,
and in all the arts. He who pursues the art of hygiene must be
experienced in all these things, and he must not think that it
is for the philosopher alone to shape the disposition of the soul;
it is for him to shape the health of the soul itself because of
something that is greater, whereas it is for the physician to do
so on behalf of the body, lest it easily slip into disease. 93
A healthy life is a moral obligation. A man with a healthy
constitution is to be blamed for not growing old without
sickness and pain. If he suffers gout, stone of the bladder,
intestirlal pain, ulcer in the bladder, severe arthritis, then
Olin De libris propriis 11 (Scr. min., 2: 121), Galen himself lists
De affectuum dig;notione ~nd De peccatorum dig;notionc among his
works on moral philosophy. The Stoic orientation is obvious and
has been noted by Brock, Greek Medicine, p. 165. Brock (pp. 165
and 231) also mentions the contrast of this treatise, where "we see
what is in the individual's' own power," to Quod animi mores,
where "psychology is a department of physiology" and where a
deterministic outlook prevails. Another position is taken by Garcia
Ballester, for which see below, Chapter II, n. 1'3.
92 De affectuu11l dignotione 9 (CMG, 5,4.1.1; p. 31); d. Galen
(f)n the Passions and Errors of the Soul, p. 61.
03 De sanitate wenda I. 8 (CMG, 5, 4.2; p. 19,24-3°).
 Galc7Iis111 40

intemperance or ignorance or both are responsible for the

shameful sight he offers. 94 Galen is a dietetic physician, and
the moral aspect is potentially inherent in dietetic medicine,
which considers most internal diseases to be caused by
errors of regimen, and hence avoidable. Health thus be-
comes a responsibility and disease a matter for possible
moral reflection.95
Medicine proper is concerned with the health of the
body, and if in possession of health, the body functions
appropriately and is beautifuI.96 In the book to Patrophilus
Galen systematizes medicine, starting from the concept of
health. 97 Unlike the theoretical arts, such as arithmetic, as-
tronomy, and natural philosophy, medicine is a productive
art, since it has health to exhibit. But the body in which
health rests is the work of divine Nature, who has created it
with foresight for all its uses. In order to recognize the use
of the parts, our knowledge, as far as possible, must be made
to equal that of the divinity.98 We must dissect and study
the tissues and the organic parts, analyze all functions, and
examine the elementary composition of the body. Galen
proceeds to diagnosis, therapy, prognosis, and hygiene, de-
ducing all the branches of medicine from the concept of its
final goal. This is one of the books where Galen expounds

94 Ibid., 5. I; pp. 137 f. Cf. (Galen), A Translation of Galen's

Hygiene, pp. 189-19°.
950wsei Temkin, "Medicine and the Problem of Moral Re-
sponsibility," pp. 4 f.
96 Utrum medicinae sit an gymnastices bygieine, ad Tbrasybulum
16 (Scr. min., 3: 52).
97 De constitutione artis medicae ad Patropbilum (K., I: 224-
304); see above, n. 4 and Neal W. Gilbert, Renaissance Concepts of
Metbod, pp. 16-18.
fl8/bid., 2; p. 231.
 The Portrait of all Ideal 41

a system of medicine, showing what it is like if considered

from the point of view that gives it unity and distinguishes
it from all other arts. OIl Anatomy, physiology, and the doc-
trine of elements appear as integral parts of medicine, not
only subjects of accidental usefulness.
But these parts of medicine are also parts of natural sci-
ence, which Galen lists among the arts "which have their
end solely in contemplating the nature of the things which
they consider." 100 Nevertheless, he does not simply iden-
tify the physician qua medical scientist with the physician
qua natural philosopher. Thus, anatomy can be useful in
different ways.
Anatomical study has one application for the natural philos-
opher who loves knowledge for its own sake, another for him
who values it only to demonstrate that Nature docs nothing in
vain, a third for one who provides himscIf from anatomy with
data for investigating a function, physical or mental, and yet
another for the practitioner who has to remove splinters and
missiles efficient!y, to excise parts properly, or to treat ulcers,
fist lIlae, and abscesses. lOI
Not all kinds of usefulness are of the same order. There
exist doctfinaire theorizers who are forever asking: "What

09 The other systematic outline, the Ars medica, which starts

from a definition of medicine, will be discussed in Chapter III.

Neither work, however, is a system of Galenic medicine in the
sense of comprehending Galen's teachings in a form that would
assign its proper place to everyone of his theories and make them
mutually consistent.
100 De constitutione artis lIledicae I; p. 227,10-12. Occupation
with human anatomy and physiology, however, was the province
of the physicians who were the experts in these fields.
101 De anatomicis ad711inistrationibus 2. 2 (K., 2: 286; Singer, pp.
33 f.) (Singer's trans., slightly changed).
 Galellism 42

is thiS part for? Why is it of this nature or size?" 102 There

exist anatomical facts important for the physician, yet use-
less for the moral philosopher: If a man's reasoning power
is affected, the physician, in order to administer the reme-
dies properly, must know that the logical soul is situated in
the brain-though for the moral philosopher this knowl-
edge is of no use in differentiating the virtues and in prac-
ticing them. 103 Again, On the Use of Parts has laid the
foundation of "a precise theology," which is "far greater
and more valuable than all of medicine." This book is use-
ful, not only for the physician but even more so for the
philosopher, who wishes to acquire knowledge of the whole
of Nature. And all men, the world over, who honor the
gods should be initiated into it. 104 In writing On tbe Use of
Parts Galen has, therefore, transcended medicine without,
however, departing from its methods; indeed, physicians
could not diagnose, prognosticate, and heal, if they were
ignorant of the role played by the parts of the body. Yet
the greatest gain accrues to them not as physicians but in
their common human need to know something about the
service rendered by the divine power. 10:;
l021bid., pp. 284,18-285,1; Singer, p. 33 (Singer's trans., slightly
changed).
103 De placitis 9. 7 (M., pp. 797 f.).
104 De tim paTtium 17. 1 (H., 2: 447-448, May, 2: 730 f.). As De
ordi11e libroTu111 2 (SeT. 111i11., 2: 85) suggests, Galen classed De
usu partium with his anatomical works.
105 De usu paTtiu111 17. 2 (H., 2: 449, May, 2: 732). See also the
entire chapter. The reader should be aware that Galen does not
actually speak of common human need but only of "us" (i.e., phy-
sicians) as being in need of the knowledge. There is, however, a
paraIlel in De plaeitis 9.7 (M., p. 799,12-13): "Indeed it is good
for all of us to try to ascertain that there is something in the uni-
verse that is superior to man in power and wisdom." Cf. above, n.
49· See also De Lacy, "Galen's Platonism," pp. 35 f.
 The Portrait of an ldeal 43

Man should know the divine, and he can know it, al-
though only within certain limits. There are problems that
do not yield secure answers or are not worth the effort that
would have to be spent on their solution. Not everything
will necessarily be known, even if approached by demon-
strative logic based on the evidence of the senses or of clear
concepts. We can still fall into error, and Galen sets out to
show a friend how such error can be eradicated. l06
After the demonstrative method has been learned thor-
oughly, it must be tried out on subject matter where it will
lead to undoubted results, such as the mathematical sciences,
including astronomy and architecture, and with it clock-
making. lOT Only after the method has been practiced for
years can it be applied to matters which have a bearing on
our lives. There is no direct approach to finding a final goal
of life and a way of living. If assurances are given to us, it
is necessary to examine the criteria used, and this is done
by means of analysis and subsequent synthesis.
By way of illustration, Galen assumes that we want to
know accurately how many hours of the day have passed
and how many still remain till sunset. The problem has to
be reduced analytically, according to the theory of dials or
water cloeks. This enables us then to design them and to
build them. The accuracy of the sun dial can be tested
(verified, as we would say), and thus the goal has been
accomplished. loB
106 This is the subject of De peccatoTum dignotionej d. above,
n.85·
107 De peccatoTum dignotione, 3 (CMG, 5, 4.1.1; p. 46,1-6, and
p. 47,12-21). Cf. Galen, On the Passions and ErroTs of the Soul (to
be quoted On the ETrors) , pp. 79 f. and 81 f. As Vitruvius, De
architectuTa 9, shows, dials and clocks were the architect's concern.
10B/bid·,4 and 5; PP' 53-55; On the Errors, pp. 8lH)1.
 Ga/el1is11l 44

But in philosophy the subject matter does not, within it-

self, carry evidence of successful investigation. lOll And so
philosophers who, "because of self-love, conceit about their
own wisdom, love of honor or glory, boastfulness, or for
the sake of money mal{ing," 110 resist this method and pre-
tend that the subject matter itself gives them insight, en-
gage in silly arguments, insensitive to the truth that is com-
prehensible to all human beings. 111 To give rash approval
to such men, or to give rash assent to anything, leads to
error. He, Galen, has always moved slowly, even if the
others laughed at him and called him a most distrustful
person. 112
Galen rejects investigation into questions for which no
cogent argument or geometrical proof can be produced. ll3
We know that we have been built according to the provi-
dence of some god or gods, hut that is not the same as
knowing the substance of our maker. It is the custom of all
men to call the cause that created us Nature, and tlus is
what Hippocrates did, who praised Her power without
declaring himself about Her substance. 114 Galen believes to
have shown the three species of the soul, their specific ac-
tivities, and their locations in the body, but he has no opin-
ion on what goes beyond, whether the soul is material or
immaterial, mortal or immonal.1l5 He insists that our souls
109 Ibid., 5; p. 59,Ic)-z3; On the Errors, p. 96.
110 Ibid., 3; p. 48,Z-5. 111 Ibid., 7.
112 Ibid., 6; p. 64,13-15; On the Errors, p. IOZ.
11sIbid., 7; p. 68,2-3 (On the Errors, p. 106f.). On p. 67 (On
the Errors, p. 106) he lists problems parallel to those referred to
in n. 118 below.
114 De placitis 9.8 (M., pp. 8Io-8II); see also above n. 49.
115 Whereas in De placitis 9. 9; pp. 813 f., the agnostic attitude
about the soul is firm, it is much weaker in Quod ani71li mores 3,
where Galen has obvious reservations about the immateriality and
 The IJortrait of an Ideal 45

function according to the makeup of our bodies, but he re-

fuses to infer that this invalidates moral judgment.l1O
The agnostic position outlined above is not necessarily
constant in all particulars. l l i Galen is not a contemplative
philosopher, and his agnosticism is not of a purely theoreti-
cal kind; it is bound, as already indicated, to the potential
usefulness of knowledge, not just for medicine and philoso-
phy, but for human life at large.
To investigate what has no use for the character and for civic
activities is consequent only for those philosophers who have
taken upon themselves contemplative philosophy and such
things as whether there is something beyond this world, and if
so, of what kind it is, and whether this world contains every-
thing within itself, and whether there are more worlds than
one, and whether their number is large. In like manner, whether
the world has had an origin or not, and, if it had an origin,
whether some god was the maker or no god, but some cause,
bar" pC reason or art, which by chance made it so beautiful,
as if a most wise and powerful god were set over its construc-

immortality of the soul. In other works, Galen again expresses

himself differently. Charles Daremberg, La mCdecine: histoire et
doctrines, p. 80, n. 6, believes that after prolonged studies Galen
finally decifed in favor of a materialistic solution. Garda Ballester,
likewise, thinks that the naturalism of Quod animi mores is a final
stage in Galen's development. For further comments see below,
Chapter II.
110 We dispense praise or blame, "because ... we all have it in

us to prefer, search for and love the good and to turn away from
evil and to hate and flee it without, in addition, considering
whether it is innate or not" (Quod mimi mores I I [Scr. min., 2:
73,16-20 J); see Temkin, "Medicine and the Problem of Moral Re-
sponsibility," p. 19. Emmanuel Chauvet, La psychologie de Galien,
pp. 8-<), takes this passage as an avowal of fatalism: our moral
sentiment is a natural endowment.
117 For examples see below, Chapter II.
 (JI1IClIiJlIl 46

tion. But such inquiries contribute nothing to managing the

private household well,. or to. providing suitablr for th.e affairs
of the city, or to dealmg faIrly and cooperatlvely wIth rela-
tives, citizens, and strangers. lIB
Indeed, Galen is concerned with man's civic activity.
\Ve are still within the limits of health as long as we do not
suffer pain and are able "to take part in government, bathe,
drink and cat, and do the other things we want." 119
Galen presents himself as a physician and pragmatic
philosopher, if the term pragmatic is permissible for a phi-
losophy which has not renounced a Platonic vision of truth,
esteem for virtue, and reverence for the divine power. 120 It
only remains to see what place medicine holds within this
philosophy, and the answer to this question, in turn, de-
pends on the evaluation of mcdicine as a profession.
Galen has practiced the medical art very successfully, and
he tells many storics of his practice, which, on onc occa-
sion, made cvcn the cmperor Marcus Aurelius a patient of
his. 121 On the othcr hand, in his carly ycars in Romc, he

118 De plaeitis 9. 7 (M., pp. 798,8-799,7); similarly in the first

commentary on Hippocrates, De vietu aeutorum 12 (CMG, 5,
9.1; p. 12 5), where the uselessness of such questions for medicine
is mentioned.
119 De sallitnte wenda 1.5 (CMG, 5, 4.2; p. 10,32-34).
120 Eduard Zeller, Die Philo sophie deT GTieehen, p. 862, says
contemptuously of Galen that "a philosopher who measures the
value of scientific investigations entirely according to their directly
demonstrable usefulness" could not advance beyond an uncertain
eclecticism. It seems to me that this judgment lacks understanding
of Galen's particular kind of pragmatism. Loris Premuda, "II
magisterio d'Ippocrate nell' interpretazione critica e nel pensiero
di Galeno," p. 79, speaks of Galen as "pragmatista ante litteTa711."
121 De praenotione ad Posthu111um II, see trans. by Brock, Greek
M edieine, pp. 217 f.
 Tbe l'ortrait of au Ideal 47

encountered much opposition on the part of his colleagues,

who stigmatized him a "physician in words only." 122 This
made him give up public demonstrations and teaching and
led him to concentrate on his practice so as to make plain
its relation to his investigations. His first important patient,
the philosopher Eudemus, also at first thought of him as a
philosopher rather than as a medical practitioner. Galen in-
sisted that he studied medicine thoroughly, on its own ac-
count, not merely as an accessory art. 123 But study was
closer to his heart than medical practice.
I have slaved in the service of the art, and have served friends,
relatives, and fellow-citizens in many respects and have stayed
awake the greatest part of [my] nights, sometimes for the
sake of the sick, but always for the beauty of study.124
The reference to the beauty of study is corroborated by
the glowing words Galen finds for the joy man experiences
in exercising his rC:lson in analytical work. 125
Galen describes himself as a man of independent means. 12(1
In addition, as he tells us, he has never demanded a fee from
any of his pupils and patients but has often provided in
many ways for patients who were in want. 127 In other

122 De lib1jis propriis I (Ser.min_, 2: 96,Il): logiatros.

123]]e praenotionc ad Posthu11lum 2 (K., 14: 608).
124 De sa71itate tuenda 5. I (CMG, 5,4.2; p. 136,21-24).
125 De peceatorlt1Jl dignotione 5 (CMG, 5,4·1.1; p. 59); On the
Errors, p. 96.
12(1See above, n. 86.
127 Max Meycrhof, "Autobiographische Bruchstlicke Galens aus
arabischen Quellen," p. 84- The passage is taken from Ibn abi
U~aibi(ah, and originally occurred in Galen's work "That the
Best Profit from Their Enemies," which is listed in G. Bergstras-
ser, lfunain ibn Is 1}iiq (no. 12 I ), and was also used by Rhazes
(Spiritual Pbysiek, p. 37). In saying that he did not demand a fee
 G alelliJ111 -+8

words, he need not practice medicine for the s~kc of mak-

ing a living. \Nhat then is his reason for exercising the ,1ft?
The answer is contained in a discussion of the difference
between the essential nature of a physician on the one hand
and personal motives for exercising the profession on the
other. The physician qua physician provides for the health
of the body; but "some practice medicine for the sake of
money, others because of the exemption from public service
given to them by law, others for the sake of philanthropy,
just as others do so because of the reputation and honor
accruing from it." 128 A hint of Galen's own avowed mo-
tive can be discerned in the remark that Diodes, Hippoc-
rates, Empedocles, and quite a number of the ancients
treated people for the sake of philanthropy.129 Considering
the high esteem in which Galen holds the ancients in gen-
eral, and Hippocrates in particular, it is likely that he in-
cluded himself among those who were physicians for the
love of manYO Indeed, this is in full accord with his de-
from any patient, Galen apparently did not mean to deny that he
accepted gratuities. At any rate, in De praenolione ad Post!Julllum
8 (R., 14: 647), he tells of 400 pieces of gold he received from
Boethus for having cured the latter's wife.
l:!~ De pll1cilis 9. 5 (1\1., p. 764,8-11). 12n Ibid., p. 765.
130 See Galen's description of Hippocrates in Quod opti1l111s
11lcdiCllS sit quoque pbilosophus 3. On tile role of philanthropy in
Greek medical ethics in general see Edelstein, Ancient Medicine,
pp. ) 1 «r-348; and for Galen, ibid., pp. po, )11, ))4 if., and )46, n.
48; also Isnardi, "Techne," p. 192, Agrifoglio, Galeno, especially
pp. 23 and )8, and Deichgriiber, Medicus gratiosus, p. 17. Whereas
in De placitis, p. 765, Galen attacks Menodotus for his emphasis on
financial awards (see Edelstein, Ancient Medicine, pp. ))6 and )43,
n. 4), in his Adbortatio ad artes addiscendas 14 (Dar. I: 45) he
does not minimize the economic security from the possession of an
art. This treatise may be a paraphrase of a work by Menodotus,
though Daremberg doubted it.
 The Portrait of an Ideal 49

dared attitude toward his pu pils, his patients, and many

colleagues.
Philanthropy also has a broader meaning for Galen: the
love of mankind as such, and the concern for its future. In
the very beginning of his work on the therapeutic method
he declares his wish to help the people after him, as far as
he can.t:l1 Again, his great work On Anatomical Procedures
is written largely for the sake of posterity. He envisages the
danger that anatomical studies "may perish, because of the
little regard that my contemporaries have for the arts and
sciences." Even some of his own pupils are unwilling to
share their anatomical knowledge with others. "Should they
die suddenly after me, these studies will die with them." 132
A similar concern is expressed in one of the treatises on the
pulse. Galen has labored hard and long to be able to diag-
nose the condition of the pulse. Indeed, it has taken him
years to be able to feel the contraction of the artery. and
he has been near despair. Nevertheless, he now tries to put
these difficult matters into writing because of his interest "in
people after us, that the art of the pulse may be practiced
in less time and with less trouble." 133 He is pessimistic, for
men care for riches and prestige only, and the multitude of-
fers no hope. "So let us speak now to the one lover of truth;
131 De 111cthodo medendi I. 1 (K., I: I).
132 De an'fltomicis administrationibus 2. 1 (K., 2: 282,13-283,6;
Singer, p. 32) (Singer's trans.). On p. 242, n. 43, Singer remarks on
the correctness of this prophecy. See below, Chapter II.
133 De dignoscendis pulsibus I. 1 (K., 8: 773,2-6); see Deich-
graber, Galen als ErforscbeT. pp. 21, 26, and 30, where Deichgraber
stresses Galen's admission of his near failure and the significance of
this account for the appreciation of Galen as a scientist. In view
of the fact that an arterial systole in Galen's sense, i.e., an active
contraction, hardly exists, the likelihood is great that Galen finally
felt what he was expected to feel.
 Galenis11l 50

perhaps such a man already exists or will arise hereafter." 134

Galen's philanthropy is not only that of the physician,
but more comprehensively that of a philosopher who sub-
jectively delights in study and objectively labors for the
good of mankind. 135 He thinks of his work as belonging
to posterity, and we shall have to see how posterity dealt
with him and with his work.
134 De dignoscendis pulsibus I. I (K., 8: 773,18-774,2). Deich-
graber, in Galen als Erforscher, p. 26, n. I, has shown that Galen
here utilizes a dictum of Heraclitus.
135 However highly Galen thought of medicine, by justifying it
philosophically he went beyond it. He did not limit the validity of
his philosophy to physicians.
 II 'The Rise of Galel1ism
as a Medical Philosophy

Galen represented himself as a model for the physician

and philosopher: a simple life, with piety toward the
Creator, zealously devoted to the objective search for truth,
which had to be defended against its enemies and detrac-
tors, a life in the service of mankind through knowledge
useful for man's body, character, and civic responsibility.
What the real Galen was like, the man of flesh and blood
behind the model, we had to leave open. This is unfonu-
nate, for the roots of Galenism lie in his lifetime, in the
circle of his friends and pupils, and they can hardly have
been unaffected by his personality and activity. Galen said
that if obedience was to be expected of the patient, he must
admire his physician like a god. 1 If Galen himself evoked
such ad\niration in his patients, it cannot have failed to in-
fluence the receptivity of his contemporaries for his work.
As we shall soon see, this has a bearing on our understand-
ing of one of the earliest testimonies.
lIn Hippocratis epide11liarum librum sextum commentarius 4.
10 (CMG, 5, 10.22, p. 204,(>-8). Cf. Karl Deichgraber, Medicus
gratiosus, especially p. 34, on Galen's rules how the ideal physician
should hehave to be obeyed and respected like a god.
51
 Galcuis1ll 5!

On Galen's own evidence, he had achieved great fame.

He tells of hearing some people in the booksellers' quarter
of Rome arguing whether he was the author of a book in-
scribed "Galen, physician." 2 One man decided to examine
the work, and "having read the first two lines, he immedi-
ately threw the book away, saying only that the style was
not Galen's and that the book had been inscribed falsely."
Indeed, Galen complains that "this kind of fraud started
many years ago, when I was still a youngster, though not to
the extent to which it has grown now." 3 Here Galen pre-
sents himself as an author with whose very style strangers
were intimately acquainted. Another of his stories alludes
to him as a famous healer. Galen happened to notice a man
who publicly claimed his acquaintance and alleged to have
had him for his teacher. On the strength of it the man was
selling a medicine for worms in the teeth. Actually the
charlatan smuggled worms into the patient's mouth and re-
moved them afterwards. He also bled people improperly.
That was too much for Galen. "When I saw this," he re-
lates, "I showed my face to the people and said: 'I am
Galen, and this [man] here is an insolent fellow!' Then I
warned [them] against him, appealed to the emperor about
him, and the emperor had him flogged." ,
It is hardly astonishing, therefore, to hear Galen say in
2 De libris propriis, prooemium (Ser. min., 2: 91,6-7): ;'1T€y~ypa7rTO
ydp 'ra).",/Yo" W.TPO,,: If the title was 'IclTp&", one would expect
raA17yoii. I therefore doubt the identity of this book with the
pseudo-Galenic lmroduetio seu medieus (K., 14: 674-797).
3 De libris propriis, prooemium (Ser. min., z: 91,10-13 and 92,1-
4)·
'Ibn abi U~aibicah, CUyun al-'anbaa' fi tabaqat al-'atibba', p. 83
(from Galen's "On the Diseases That are Hard to Cure"); d. Max
Meyerhof, "Autobiographische Bruchstucke Galens aus arabischen
Quellen," p. 8z.
 J he Rise oj CialelliJ1/l as a Medical Philosopby 53

his old ;Jge: "ey reason of my professional work, not of

sophistic talk, I have become known to the foremost men in
Rome and to all the emperors successively." 5 Notwith-
standing Galen's disdain of the opinion of the crowd and
rhe warnings of friends that his immoderate zeal for truth
would do no good to him or to them, he found it necessary
ro complain about the nuisance that the approval of the
Illultitude caused him. G
Considering the conditions of the period, there is no rea-
son to doubt Galen's fame during his lifetime, at least dur-
ing and after the time of Com modus. Socially speaking,
Galen had a rich and cultured family background, and he
himself was a man of great learning and literary produc-
rivity. Other Greek provincials from the same social class
hecame associated with the ruling circles of Rome and
gained the friendship of emperors, so that Galen's success in
that sense is quite likc1y.7
But Galen took a broader view of himself. He had writ-
ten the first six books of "On the Doctrines of Hippocrates
and Plato" during his first stay in Rome. Many years later,
he returned to it, apologizing for the length it was assuming.
Responsibility lay with the authors who had filled many
books with false accounts about the leading part of the soul.
If they had been left unrefuted, truth would not appear
safely established. 8 The remark adds color to his self-
portr)Y:t1 as a fanatical lover of truth who wages an un-
ceasing battle against ignoramuses and scientific opponents.
5 De lacis affectis 3. 3 (K.,8: 144,5-7).
8 De 7Tlethodo medendi 7. 1 (K., 10: 457).
7 See G. W. Bowersock, Greek Sophists in the Roman Empire,
p. 2fl, ch. 4, and ch. 5, "The prestige of Galen."
~ J)e p/acitis Hippocratis et Platonis (to be quoted De placitis) 7.
I (J\I., p. 581).
 UalClIHlJl Sot

In this panicular case he considered his labor not to have

been in vain.
The eventual result itself proves that we rightly took it upon
ourselves to refute all those arguments that were being pro-
pounded. For neither a Stoic philosopher nor a Peripatetic nor
a physician will any longer be as reckless as previously de-
scribed. No, some have even plainly changed to the right way
(if tl1:nkr'ng' fJ/'l·":'·:"r.-
I •
r
""b' ""j'-rJ
}}.'-J ..... ' ... .....
01"0" f ·'·',r r f «·-,-·:r - __ (1 (if
~llb.Ji.~,.t/J.,- )1 ._JJ_".1·I).I~.I~ I

movement flows from the brain into all members of the ani-
mal, and philosophers agreeing that what is rational in the soul
has its existence there. 9
Others, who did not wish to see the truth so plainly
shown by anatomy, made themselves ridiculous. 10
At issue was the seat of the governing pan of the soul,
i.e., the principle of sensation and of the initiative of bodily
movements. If, as the Stoics around Chrysippus as well as
the Aristotelians, claimed, the seat was to be found in the
heart, all motion should be shown to be initiated from the
heart and all sensation conducted to it. Dissection, and dis-
section only, could carry proof; everything else was rhet-
oric and sophistry.11 Galen and, he thought, Hippocrates
and Plato before him, had placed the governing part of the
soul in the brain, and anatomy had proved him right. Com-
!l De placitis 7. , (M., p. 582,5-'3). 10 Ihid., pp. 582 f.
11 De placitis z. 3 (M., pp. '76 ff.). Galen (ibid., 3. '; p. z54,6-
10) blamed Chrysippus for having built his doctrine on plausible
dialectic arguments (be 7fdJavwv E7ftXUP"'IjA.aTow), rather than on
scientific and demonstrative ones (i~ {1T(UT1Jfl.0VLICWV n ICW u.7fO-
8UICTLICWV); d. Josiah B. Gould, The Pbilosophy of Cbrysippus,

p. '33. According to Gould, p. '35, Galen's attack was unjustified,

because Chrysippus did not consider the seat of the soul evident
to sense and empirically and demonstratively provable. But Galen
could hardly be expected to accept such a view and to excuse
Chrysippus's lack of anatomical research.
 Fbe Rise of Galcllis111 as a Medical Pbilosophy 55

pression of the brain led to loss of movement and of sen-

sibility, whereas compression of the heart merely stopped
the pulse. 1 :: Ligating the carotid arteries did not cause loss
of consciousness, and cutting the nerves only deprived the
animal of its voice. Hence brain and heart functioned inde-
pendently from each otherYl The psychic pneuma, which
resided in the ventricles of the brain,14 originated partly
from the veins of the cerebral ,-entricles, but mainly from
the arteries of the net-like plexus at the base of the brain. 15
Galen's imprint on this particular field of physiological psy-
chology was to prove very important, concerning, as it did,
both philosophers and physicians.
If now we go beyond Galen's autobiography, we have at
least one testimony which, as Walzer has argued, rests on
a nearly contemporary source. 16 It deals with the heretical
Christian followers of one Theodotus of Byzantium, who
made his home in Rome. Among other things, the members
of this sect were accused by their orthodox adversary of
tampering with the Bible, of requiring logical proof instead
of simple faith, of studying Euclid, and admiring Aristotle
and Theophrastus. "And some of them almost worship
Galen." 17 According to Walzer, it was Galen's criticism of
Christian reliance on unproved faith that made this sect turn
12 De pladtis 1.6 (M., pp. 142 f.).
13 Ibid., 2. 6 (M., pp. 226--227). 14 Ibid., I. 6 (M., p. 143).
la/bid., 3. 8 (M., p. )26). On the rete mirabile d. below, Chap-
ter IV. "'\
16 Richard Walzer, Galen on Jews and Christians, p. 76. The
testimony is to be found in Euscbius, The Ecclesiastical History
5. 28. 9 ff., who, according to \Valzer, here depends on "The
Little Labyrinth" by Hippolytus of Rome (d. about 136).
17 Walzer, Galen on Jews and Christians, p. 77; Eusebius, Ec-
clesiastical History 5.28. 14; I: 522,7-8: raAlJJlOO; yap i'UW'> inTo TLJllI)JI
, .
Kat 1TPOUK1IVH Tat.
to Euclid, Aristotle, and Theophrastus, and it was his ex-
ample of textual criticism of Hippocratic writings that
made them apply criticism to the Scripture. 18
Christians would be likely to respect Galen, the first
philosopher in Rome who showed respect for them and
who praised their valor, temperance, and justice, because
these were virtues he himself extolled. 19 In addition, one
may think of Galen's pious sentiments toward the Creator.
Perhaps this sufficed for some members of the sect "almost
to w~)fShip Galen." But the possibility of their sharing a
more widespread attitude must not be overlooked, an atti-
tude which may have had more personal and less bookish
motives. Galen maintained to have helped many and never
to have asked for a fce from a patient. 20 He hinted at the ap-
proval of the multitude, and the man and medical practi-
tioner Galen may conceivably have been "admired like a
god" by many people living in Rome, including some
Christians. 21
The interest Galen and Roman Christians took in each
other is evidence of the increasing spread of the new re-
ligion among the educated strata of society. This happened
at the time when the Pax Romana was coming to an end.
The threat of barbaric invasion was soon to be accompanied
by civil strife and unrest. Galen tells us about the preoccu-
pation of Marcus Aurelius with the war against the Mar-
comanni; and the emperor's son and successor, Commodus,
was assassinated in 192. The period from Marcus Aurelius
to the conversion of Constantine to Christianity has been

18 \Valzcr, Galen on Jews and Cbristians, pp. 75 ff., 80, and 85.
19 Ibid., pp. 77 and 68 f., also above, Chapter 1.
20 See above, Ch:lpter I, n. 127.
21 See the beginning of this chapter.
 The l~;se of Galcll;slll as a Medical Philosophy 57

called "an age of anxiety," when men felt insecure ma-

terially as well as morally, and when their interests turned
from the world around them to the salvation of their souls. 22
Whether Galen noticed something of the change the world
was undergoing during his lifetime is a matter still awaiting
. ..
lllVeStlgatlon.
Galen believed in cumulative progress of knowledge and
tried to advance it by his own ceaseless efforts. Did he think
of himself as a mere point in an infinite procession, or did
he think that with his contribution a final stage had been
reached? Galen could speak with the humility to be ex-
pected of a scienrist who looks for progress beyond him-
self:,
If, then, life is action of the soul and seems to be greatly aided
by respiration, how long are we likely to be ignorant of the
way in which respiration is useful? As long, I think, as we are
ignorant of the substance of the soul. But we must nevertheless
be daring and must search after Truth, and even if we do not
succeed in finding her, we shall at least come closer than we
are at present. 23
Supposedly this and a similar passage were written during
the reign of Marcus Aurelius, when Galen was still rela-
tively young. 24 It must not be concluded that Galen neces-
22 E. R. Dodds, Pagan and Christian in an Age of Anxiety, p. 3,
and Fridolf Kudlien, "Der Arzt des Korpers und der Arzt der
Seele."
23 De utilitate respirationis 1 (K., 4: 472,3-9) in the translation
by May, I: 50, n. 211, who cites the example in evidence of the
quality of humility in Galen.
24 Galen, On the Natural Faculties I. 4; p. 17: "So long as we are
ignorant of the true essence of the cause which is operating. we
call it a faculty" (Brock's translation). See May. I: 50 and Lel-
land J. Rather, "Some Thoughts on Galen," p. 611. For the dating
 GalclIis1lJ 58

sarily thought of truth as an attainmellt of a dim future

through the efforts of many generations of men. The ex-
pected progress is likely to be limited, if science is not to
leave a chosen path and if reasoning and the unaided Senses
are the only instruments at its disposal. Indeed, elsewhere
Galen claimed to have become convinced that the essence
of all faculties, probably including the soul, was nothing but
the quality of the temperament. 25 Regardless of whether
this really was his final and unshaken belief, there are clear
hints that he looked upon his achievements as the perfection
of what the ancients had begun. In a passage which, in all
likelihood, was writtcn late in his life, Galen used the simile
of Italian roads to compare the therapeutic method of the
ancients with his own. The ancients had cut the roads, but
they had left them in a far from perfect state. Then the
emperor Trajan had gone to work,
plastering with stones the moist and clayey parts or raising
them on high dykes, cleaning out thorny and jagged material,
and throwing dams over impassable rivers. Where a road was
unduly long, he cut another, short one, and if a high hill made
it difficult, he diverted it through more passable regions. If it
was infested with wild bcasts or lonely, he replaced it by a
highway, and he improved the rugged roads. There is thus no
cause for wonder if we, while acknowledging that Hippocrates
discovered the therapeutic method, have ourselves undertaken
the present work 26

of De utilitate respirationis and of On tbe Natural Faculties see

Kurt Bardong, "Beitrage zur Hippokrates-und Galenforschung,"
pp.633-6,9·
21> De praesagitione ex pulsibus 2. 8 (K., 9: ,05)' Charles Darem-
berg, La 1lIedecine: histoire et doctrines, p. 80, n. 6, includes the
soul in Galen's explanation of force.
26 De 111etbodo 111edendi 9. 8 (K., 10: 633,2-16). Cf. Deichgraber,
Medicus grat;osus, pp. 47 f.
 The Rise of Galel1is11l as a Medical Philosophy 59
The method had been discovered, but Galen had not
found anybody prior to himself "who had brought it to
completion." The building of roads was one of the greatest
feats of Roman engineering, and the presumptuousness of
this passage was noted long ago with indignation. 21 It may
possibly be understood as born from the feeling that the
time had come for a final assessment. But, in view of Galen's
early pessimism regarding the future of anatomical sci-
ence,28 interpretations in biographical terms have as yet to
be treated with caution.
The centrifugal forces that tended to separate the Roman
empire into Latin West and Greek East assigned Galen to
the East. Until the eleventh century, there was relatively
little of Galenism in the West, and for its development we
must look to the Greek centers of learning, particularly
Alexandria and Constantinople, and then to Syria and the
countries of Islam, where Arabs, Jews, Persians, and Syrians
assimilated Greek science to their own civilization, on
which the Arab language put its stamp.
In the early third century, the name of Galen was men-
tioned in two different connections. He was portrayed as
one of a group of learned men who were meeting at dinner
and talking on a great variety of topics. In this fictitious
symposium Galen was introduced as the physician "who
has published more works on philosophy and medicine than
all his predecessors, and in the exposition of his art is as
capable as any of the ancients." 29 His function was that of
the learned dietitian. First he discoursed on Italian wines,
27 Daniel Le Clerc, Histoire de la medecine, pp. 668 f.
28 See above, Chapter I, n. 131. The first five books of De
anatomicis administrationibus are believed to have been composed
under Marcus Aurelius; d. Bardong, "Beitrage," p. 631.
2!l Athenaeus, The neipnosopbists 1. I; Loeb, I: 7 (Gulick's
trans.).
 Galenism 60

their nutrItlve and digestive qualities, repeatedly citing

Hippocrates.~o Then, when the assembled company was
just ready to eat, Galen interfered: "We shall not dine un-
til you have heard from us also what the sons of the Ascle-
piads [i.e., the physicians J have to say about bread and cake
and meal as welL" 31
Also in the third century, Galen's name begins to appear
in the works of philosophers who made it their task to com-
ment on the writings of Aristotle. The most influential of
them was Alexander of Aphrodisias, to whom we shall come
back a little later. At this point we mention him only as
a witness for Galen's fame. When Alexander wished to de-
fine the meaning of "held in high repute," the examples
that came to his mind were Plato, Aristotle, and Galen. 32 To
be put in the company of the two greatest philosophers the
Greek world recognized was flattering indeed.
Remarks of that kind sometimes throw light on the pre-
vailing conditions, as does a passage in a book by the early
church father, Origen (185-254), which has an indirect
bearing on Galen. Defending the truth of Christianity in
the face of those who hold against it the existence of many
Christian sects, Origen replies that Christianity does not
stand alone in this; medicine, philosophy, and Judaism are
necessarily also split into sects. 33 A physician is approved,
if he has been trained in various sects and after careful ex-
amination of most of them has picked the best. 34 The m-
30 Ibid., 1.26, pp. 115 £f.
31/bid., 3. 115; 2: 41 (Gulick's trans. slightly changed).
32 Alexander of Aphrodisias, /n Aristotelis Topicorum libras octo
commentaria, p. 549; d. Walzer, Galen on Jews and Christians,
p·75·
330 rigen, Contra Celsum 3.12 (Migne, PG, vol. II, col. 933 D).
34/bid., 3. 13, col. 936 B. Origen apparently means a decision in
 The Rise of Galenism as a Medical Pbilosophy 61

fercllce to be drawn is that the medical world of the early

thiru century had not yet been released from sectarianism,
and that Galen's idea of the bcst sect, above all sectarianism,
did not yet prevail.
Because of the scarcity of material from the century and
a half following Galen's death, the early development of
Galenism in medicine remains obscure. Conjecture leads to
the belief that the extent and depth of Galen's medical
work assured him a foremost rank among medical writers. 311
By A.D. 350 his acceptance as the leading authority was
clearly established,36 and from about that time his position
was secure in Alexandria, once more the center of medical
learning. One of its professors (iatrosophists), Magnus by
name, was so famous as to attract listeners from far away
and to have the state make a lecture hall available to him. 3T
The cmphasis on teaching included emphasis on rhetorical
skill and dialectic ability. We are told that Magnus could
prove to the patients whom other physicians had declared
cured that they were still sick. 38 To "Magnus the physi-
cian" is ascribed the following epigram "on a portrait of
Galen."

favor of an existing sect rather than the ideal sect Galen had in
mind.
35 Fridolf Kudlien, "The Third Century A.D.-a Blank Spot in
the History of Medicine?"
36 This evinces from the work of Philagrius, whose activity in
Thessalonia has to be dated not later than the middle of the fourth
century. For details see Owsei Temkin, "Hippokratismus," pp.
30-32·
3T Eunapius, Lives of the Philosophers and Sophists, pp. 530-533.

It is not unlikely that Magnus wrote a commentary on the Hippo-

cratic aphorisms in which he leaned on Galen; see Temkin, "Hip-
pokratismus," p. 41, n. 6.
38 Eunapius, p. 530.
 Galellis11l 62

Galen, there was a time when Earth through thee

Rendered immortal mortals she conceived.
Lamented Acheron's halls were then bereft:
Thy healing hand had shown its greater strength.3 !l

Regardless of whether this Magnus is identical with the

aforementioned iatrosophist, the epigram bears testimony
not only to the high regard of Galen as a healer but also to
the existence of a portrait, authentic or imaginary.
The Alexandrian iatrosophists of that period were pagans,
and to their circle belonged Oribasius, physician and friend
of the emperor Julian the Apostate (361-363), who tried
to reinstate paganism. Oribasius's main work was a very
large medical encyclopedia, compiled from the works of
earlier physicians. The first place was assigned to Galen,
"because he uses the most accurate methods and definitions
by following the Hippocratic principles and opinions." 40
We spoke of Hippocrates before, and since we shall
speak of him again, we must broaden our acquaintance with
the medical works that go under his name. Today, the best
known of these works is the oath which, in one form or
other, is sworn by many medical students upon graduation.
As many other writings that are part of the so-called Hip-
pocratic collection, the oath too is not likely to have had
Hippocrates for its author. By Galen's time, Hippocrates
had become a legend; he was credited with wonderful ex-
ploits, such as having saved Athens from the plague and

3& Antbologia Graeca 16. "70. (G Lilian Temkin has put my

English translation into rhythmic form.) The Greek text can be
found in The Greek Anthology (Loeb), 5: po.
40 Oribasius, Collectiones medicae I. J (CMG, 6, 1.1; p. 4,17-18).
Cf. Temkin, "Hippokratismus," p. 33, and Max Neuburger,
Geschichte deT Mediz;n, 2: P.48.
 Tbe Rise of Galellis11l as a Medical Philosophy 63

having refused service with the king of Persia, the sworn

enemy of Greece. A public decrec, fictitious or real, praised
Hippocratcs for having published his medical books un-
grudgingly, so that the number of physicians would be in-
creasedY Galen himself made Hippocrates take care of the
poor rather than stay with a mighty Persian satrap, and he
made him travel all over Greece to verify by experience
what reasoning had already taught him about the nature of
localities and of waters. When Galen called medicine a
"philanthropic art," he envisaged Hippocrates as its hero. 42
There are Hippocratic books that describe the endemic
and epidemic diseases of certain regions and include his-
tories of patients, not all of whom recovered. Others dis-
cuss the treatment of internal diseases, of wounds, disloca-
tions, fractures, fistulas, hemorrhoids, and gynecological
disorders; there are books that deal with the prognostic
value of signs and symptoms; there are also books devoted
to the proper regimen of healthy persons, and finally there
are short treatises, probably speeches, which discuss the
medical art, its origin and its value, and the cause and na-
ture of disease. The approaches to medicine differ greatly
and so do theories about the body, health, and disease.
When Galen spoke of Hippocrates as the discoverer of the
right path, he was guided by his theory of the true Hippo-
cratic principles. When Oribasius praised Galen for fol-
lowing the Hippocratic principles, he accepted Galen's

41Oeuvres completes d'Hippocrate, 9: 400-401 and 311-311.

42 Galen, Quod Opti11lUS 11lcdicus sit quoque philosophus 3 (Scr.
min., 1: 5). The reason given for Hippocrates's travels imputes to
Hippocrates Galen's own thoughts about the relationship of reason
and experience. Although Galen here speaks of the ideal physician,
the identification with Hippocrates is obvious.
 Gl1lClIiS1J1 64

view of Hippocrates. Oribasius marks the triumph of Galen

as well as of Galenic Hippocratism. 43
The influence of Oribasius must have been great, even if
some of the glorification by his pagan biographer is dis-
counted.H Oribasius too was born in Pergamum, the city of
Asdepius; he had outshone his fellow physicians in Alex-
andria and had helped Julian to the throne. The emperor's
Christian successors exiled Oribasius to the barbarians,
among whom he became so renowned as to be "worshipped
like a god, since some he restored from chronic diseases and
snatched others from death's door." 41> Permitted to return
to Rome, he flourished there, and "any man," says his bi-
ographer, "who is a genuine philosopher can meet and con-
verse with Oribasius, that so he may learn what above all
else he ought to admire," 40 the master's character. There
are here some parallels between Oribasius and his more
famous fellow countryman, Galen.
Oribasius marks the terminus a quo we can safely speak
of Galenism in medicine. The medical encyclopedists who
followed him during the next two hundred years reveal a
similar dependence on Galen, especially in the theory un-
derlying their therapeutically oriented works.
Between the time of Oribasius (he died in 403) and the
conquest of Alexandria by the Arabs in 642, a scholastic
form of Galenism was created, which pervaded medieval
medicine in the East and subsequently in the West as well,
through the medium of the East. Greek, Latin, and Arabic
43 Temkin, "Hippokratismus," p. 33.
44 Eunapius's aCCount of Oribasius in The Lives of the Philoso-
phers and Sophists, pp. 532-537, is colored by partisan pagan sym-
pathies.
451bid., p. 535 (Wright's trans.).
461bid., p. 537 (Wright's trans.).
 Tbe J<ise of GaJelliJ1Jl as a Medical l'hiJosopby 65

texts, and the Arabic historians of medicine supply us with

quite a number of names of teachers, commentators, and
euitors. 47 Several of these names are also known as teachers
of philosophy and as commentators on Aristotelian works. 4B
Subject to evidence to the contrary, it seems a plausible
working hypothesis to assume their identity.49
Neoplatonism, as the dominating philosophy is called, had
long ago entered into an alliance with Aristotelian logic and
Aristotelian natural philosophy, and in Alexandria philos-
ophy was taught in a vein acceptable to both Christians and
pagans. The mystic paganism which flourished in Athens
and led to the closing of its school of philosophy by Justin-
ian in 527 was toned down in Alexandria.
The connection between natural philosophy and medi-
cine is old. It has left clear traces in the Hippocratic col-
lection, anu Aristotle himself declared that most natural
philosophers finally went into medicine, and that physi-
cians, pursuing their art in a philosophical spirit, based
medicine on natural principles. 50 Galen's exam pIe not only
continued this relationship but strengthened it within this
Neoplatonic school so heavily indebted to Aristotle. The

47 For this and the following paragraphs see Temkin, "Hippo-

kratisl11us" and "Byzantine Medicine: Tradition and Empiricism,"
also L. G. Westerink, "Philosophy and Medicine in Late An-
tiquity," where these matters have been discussed in greater detail.
48 For parallels with the commentators of Plato, see L. G. Wester-
ink, Anonymous Prolegomena to Platonic Pbilosophy, pp. ix-xxv.
4n Of a pseudonymous commentator on Porphyry's lsagoge, the
editor, L. G. Westerink, remarks: "Comparing all this display of
medical erudition with the poor philosophical content of the com-
mentary, one feels inclined to think of the author as a professor of
medicine giving an elementary course of logic" (Pseudo-Elias
[Pseudo-David], Lectures on Porphyry's lsagoge, p. xv).
50 On Sense and Sensible Objects I, 436aI9-bI.
 Galeuiwt 66

work of the professors of medicine closely resembled that

of the contemporary philosophical interpreters. They lec-
tured on the writings of Hippocrates and Galen as they
lectured on Platonic and Aristotelian works; they intro-
duced every writing by a number of points regarding the
title of the book, its intention, its place within the cur-
riculum, and so on, points which were also covered in the
philosophical commentaries/il
While this is understandable for physiology and general
pathology, clinical medicine may not be thought of as a
promising subject for philosophical treatment. But the clini-
cal facts, true or alleged, usually were simply accepted; it
is hard to tell whether the lecturer ever practiced medicine.
For instance, let us sec what the Alexandrian commentator
has to say about Hippocrates's famous description of the
face of a dying man.
This is the original description of the so-called facies
Hippocratica:
Nose sharp, eyes hollow, temples sunken, ears cold and con-
tracted with their lobes turned outwards, the skin about the
face hard and tense and parched, the colour of the face as a
whole being yellow or black. 52
The Alexandrian teacher remarks that Galen in his com-
mentary had proved the first six symptoms to be fatal and
characteristic of a corpse-like face, and that he had based
his evidence on experience and reasoning:
On experience: because, he [Galen] said, in whatever disease
these symptoms occur, that disease is fatal. On reason: because
in general such all affliction develops in the face from two

51 See Owsei Temkin, "Studies on Late Alexandrian Medicine."

52 Hippocrates, Prognostic, 2 (Loeb, 2: 9) (Jones's trans.).
 The Rise of Galcllis11l as a Medical Philosophy 67

causes. Either it is the acrimony of matter carried up and

consuming and destroying the susceptible parts, which, as we
said in our lecturc, arc flcsh, fluids, and spirits, and this is how
the aftliction originates. Or it originates because of weakncss of
the inborn heat. For whcn the inborn heat becomes weak, it
cannot reach the distant and distal parts but lurks around thc
viscera and is wrapped up in them. Lacking blood and having
no share in the innate heat and vital tone, the distal parts are
cooled and waste away and thus are destroyed. And indeed,
the face is a distal part and, moreover, it is always bare.
Therefore, the face is particularly prone to change from its
natural state.53
The interest of the commentator is not clinical but sci-
entific, if this word may be used for his attempted physio-
logical explanation of the symptoms. The comments them-
selves hck originality; on the whole they abbreviate what
Galen in his own commentary had stated at greater length. H
Indeed, abbreviation was needed. Galen was notorious
for his long-windedness. Around A.D. 500 the philosopher
Ammonills gave it as his opinion that three things made
young people shy away from reading the works of the
ancients: their length, the uncertainty of the text, and the
depth of the thought. The Galenic works served him as an
example for length.or. This is not an isolated instance; other
commentators, too, remarked on Galen's verbosity.56 Some
53 Stephanus, Scholia in Hippocratis Prognosticon, in F. R. Dietz,
Apollollii Citiensis ... Scholia in Hippocrate11l et Galenum, I;
81,11-16.
:;4 This should not be generalized unduly, as if none but Galen
influenced the Alexandrian commentators.
55 Amrnonius, In Porphyrii Isagogen, p. 38.
56 For instance, Pseudo-Elias, Lectures, p. 18,17, says of Galen
that he used many words to say little, to which d. the remarks of
the editor, L. G. Westerink, p. xiii.
 GalclIis1Jl 68

six hundred years after Ammollius, the satirical Byzantine

novel Timarion made Galen a member of a committee of
medical experts in the underworld. '''hen a meeting of the
committee ,,-as considered, it turned om t!U( Galen "-;1S on
leave of absence working on a supplement to his work on
fevers. The supplement, he thought, might even surpass
the length of the original. 57
But the recognition of Galen's prolixity, widespread
though it was and remained, did not necessarily imply con-
demnation. 'Ali ibn al-'Abbas (tenth century), the Haly
Abbas of the Latin West, compared Hippocrates's excessive
conciseness with Galen's diffuse and repetitious presenta-
tion, which he explained by the need for reflection "in or-
der to clarify the circumstances, to adduce proof, and to re-
f ute those who oppose the truth and have taken the path
of the sophists." 58
Galen's literary wordiness seems to have been transferred
to personal loquaciousness, for an Arabic biographical
sketch relates that "he showed his teeth when laughing,
talked much and was rarely silent." 59

li7 Temkin, "Byzantine Medicine," p. II 5, and E. E. Lipshits in

his preface to the Russian translation of Timarion, "Vizantiiskaya
satira 'Timarion.''' Lipshits, p_ 364, suggests the possibility that the
physician Nikolaus Kalliklos was the author of the satire. My
attention was drawn to this translation by a review in Vizantiiskii
Vremennik, 26 (HPS), 289 f.
li8 Quoted from the German in Manfred Ullmann, Die Medizin
im Islam, p. 141. Galen had offered similar excuses; sec above n. 8.
As far as I know, Galen's style has not received the thorough
examination it deserves. It seems to vary according to the kind of
work, and in his books for beginners it sometimes is terse rather
than prolix.
li9 From Franz Rosenthal, Das Fortleben der Antike i111 Islam,
p. 57. The Arabic author is al-Mubassir ibn Fatilc; d. below, n. 68.
 Tbe Rise of Galeuis11Z as a Medical Pbilosopby 69

Whether or not Galen was rarely silent, he must have

been continually engaged in dictating or writing books, as
his huge literary output proves. The Alexandrians were
confronted with the necessity of selecting works for read-
ing and for comment, and a canon of sixteen Galenic writ-
ings is reponed to have been established. They were the
books read, edited, summarized, and chosen for comment.
The exact selection is not quite certain, but there is little
doubt about the four books which came first: a little work
on the medical sects, an outline of medicine (Ars medica
in Latin translation), a shon book on the pulse, and a work
of medium length on therapeutics. 6o The commentaries on
the first of these books usually were proviJed with an in-
troduction to the study of medicine. The selection and
order were not Galen's, who had insisted that a scientific
physician ought first to study his methodological works. 61
The discrepancy disappears with the assumption that before
or concomitantly with launching upon medicine the pupil
was initiated into Aristotelian logic and philosophy. This
means that the pupils were trained as philosophers and phy-
SICIans.
We have no direct proof for this, as far as Alexandria is
concerned, but we find evidence in the Arabic civilization,
which in philosophy, science, and medicine shaped itself
after the Alexandrian model. The Greek learning that the
Arabs accepteJ directly was selective; in poetry, history,
60 For more detailed discussions of the sixteen canonical books see
Temkin, "Hippokratismus," pp. 74-80; Helmut Gatje's review of
Albert Dieuich, Medicinalia aTabica; and Ullmann, pp. 65-67 and
343. On the books for beginners see also Temkin, "Studies on Late
Alexandrian Medicine" and Augusto Beccaria, ''Sulle tracce di un
antico canone latino di Ippocrate e di Galena."
61 De ordine libroTum fUoTUm I and z.
 Galenism 70

grammar, and law they had their own traditions. 62 Greek

learning meant philosophy, medicine, and the mathematical
and natural sciences, including astrology and alchemy. The
orientation toward Greek learning, which rcached its height
in the ninth century, increasingly met with resistance on the
part of Islamic orthodoxy, a resistance which eventually be-
came very strong and suppressive of philosophy in particu-
lar. Medicine fared better. It may have been the spearhead
of the movement which entered the Arabic world from
the Christian enclaves of the Persian empire. 6:! From the
very beginning, medicine meant, above all, Galenic medi-
cine and was accompanied by Aristotelian philosophy,
which was also used in the dialectic debates of the theo-
logians. 6 • The translators into Syriac and Arabic were in-
terested in the writings of both. The greatest of all of them,
the physician I:Iunain ibn IsIJaq of the ninth century, who
together with his pupils was active in Baghdad, translated
philosophical, medical, and astronomical works. An essay
in which he gives a detailed account of the works of Galen
available in Greek manuscripts and translated by him or by
others shows his interest in the entire Galenic corpus. 65 It
also shows some similitude with Galen's autobiographical
catalogue of his books, for Galen was taken as a model for
62 This is, of course, not to say that Greek influences were
wanting; see Rosenthal, Fortleben, p. 5.
63 W. Montgomery Watt, Islamic Philosophy and Theology,
p·39·
64 Fundamental for the transmission of Greek learning from late
Alexandria is Max Meyerhof, Von Alexandrien naeb Bagdad. The
acceptance and cultivation of Aristotelianism have been discussed
by F. E. Peters, Aristotle and tbe Arabs.
651:/unain ibn Ishiiq, Dber die syrisehen und arabischen Galen-
Dbersetzungell, ed. G. Bergstrasser, and by the same editor, Neue
Materialien Zlt 1:/1I71ai11 ibu h~Jiiq's Galen-Bibliographie.
 Tbe Rise of Gale1liS1n as a Medical IJhilosophy 71

autobiography among Arabic scholar-scientists. 66 It is not

impossible that Galen's far-flung interests and his life, as
mirrored by Arabic medical historians, served as models for
the lives and literary interests of medieval physicians. So
much is certain: Galen had become a sage, and his authentic
or apocryphal sayings were included in Arabic collections
of apothegms and stories of and about ancient philosophers.
An early collection of this l{ind is ascribed to I:Iunain ibn
Isbill); 67 a later one, by al-MubaSsir ibn Fatik, was translated
into Latin, Spanish, French, and into English as The Diets
and Sayings of tbe Philosophers, printed by Caxton in
1477. 68
Greek philosophy and medicine entered the Arabic
world together, because they were studied together. Most
of the great names of Arabic medicine-al-Kind'i, Isaac the
Jew, Rhazes, Avicenna, Averroes, Maimonides-are also
names of great philosophers, usually in the Aristotelian tra-
dition, though there were exceptions like Rhazes, who in-
clined toward Platonic atomism. 6D To be called "only a
physician" and to be denied the title of philosopher, as hap-
pened to Isaac the Jew at the hand of Maimonides,70 was

66 Franz Rosenthal, "Die arabische Autobiographie," p. 5.

67 Honein ibn Ishak, Simzspriiche der Philosophen, German
translation by A. Loewenthal.
68 Extracts from al-Mubassir's Mubtar al-IJikam in German
translation from the Arabic are given by Rosenthal, FoTtleben,
pp. 46 if., 53 if. (see above, n. 59), and 172-199.
69 For Rhazes see S. Pines, Beitriige zur islamischen Atomenlehre,
pp. 69 if. On the philosopher-physician as "a conspicuous feature
of the intellectual life of medieval Islam" see Peters, Aristotle and
the Arabs, pp. 163-165.
70 The remark was made by Maimonides (see A. Altmann and
S. M. Stern, Isaac Israeli: a Neoplatonic Philosopher of the Early
Temh Century, p. xiii) and probably reflects the antagonism of
 GaiClIis1I1 72

equivalent to being called a medical practitioner without

real scientific knowledge. Even tenninologically a distinc-
tion could be made between the Tabib, the philosopher-
physician, and the Mutatabbib, the practitioner. 71
Avicenna remarked that in offering proof concerning
the first principles of medicine, Galen had to do so not as
a physician but as a philosopher speaking on natural sci-
ence. 72 This was in the spirit of Galen, who had differen-
tiated between the few who cultivated both medicine and
philosophy and physicians, scientifically trained or not, who
were not philosophers. The distinction created a remarkable
situation among the philosopher-physicians. Qua physicians,
they accepted Galen's authority on points of medicine; qua
philosophers, however, they were predominantly Aristote-
lians (with varying degrees of Platonic or Neoplatonic
tendencies). This is a crucial point in the history of
Galenism.
The great influence that Aristotle exerted over the minds
of pagans, Christians, Jews, and Mohammedans alike is too
well known to need elaboration. Galen had considered him-
self a philosopher in his own right and had commented on
logic, physics, and metaphysics, disciplines within the prov-
ince of the philosopher proper, regardless of whether he
also was a physician. Here Galen met with opposition and,

the Aristotelian, Maimonides (see ibid.), for Maimonides made the

Same remark about Rhazcs (see Pines, Atomenlehre, p. 89).
71 Joseph Schacht and Max Meyerhof, The Medico-Philosophical
Comroversy between Ibn Butlan of Baghdad and Ibn Ridwan of
Cairo, pp. 40 and 77-78 (Arabic text), ;lI1d pp. 77 and 112 (English
text).
72 Canon, book I, fen. 1, doctrine 1, ch. I (eh. 2 in the Arabic
cd.; Rome, 1593, p. 2). Similarly al-Farabi according to J. Christoph
Biirgel, Averroes "contra Galenum," p. 287.
 The Rise of Galellis11l as a Medical Philosophy 73

on the whole, the philosophers had the better of him. At the

other extreme, there stood Galen the physician, whose
superiority in matters strictly medical, on which Aristotle
and othcr philosophers had had little or nothing to say, was
widely accepted. In bctween there was a broad field of
agreement and disagreement. Dante saw Aristotle,
The Master ... of those who know,
Sit with his philosophic family.
All gaze upon him, and all do him honour. 73
Galen too had done honor to Aristotle, sometimes by
praising him and, even more, by accepting his notions of re-
search, of the elements, of the tissues and organic partS, and
of the purposeful working of Nature. There was a good
deal of Aristotelian doctrine in Galen. But Galen had disa-
greed with Aristotle on basic biological and anthropological
questions such as the seat and division of the soul, the rela-
tive functions of brain, heart, and liver, male and female
seed, and on many matters of detail. Here Galen's authority
opposed that of Aristotle. On the whole, it may be said that
philosophers inclined toward their authority, Aristotle, and
physicians toward theirs, Galen. But among many philoso-
pher-physicians a split allegiance led to various compro-
mises,74 and the situation was equally complex for

73 Inferno 4.131-133; (Longfellow's trans., p. IS), •

74 Ahmed 1\1ohanuned Molduar, Rhnses cont1"a Galenum, dIS-
tinguishes between such scholastic criticism of Galen as had its
roots in antiquity, wherein one authority (Aristotle) was playe.d
up against another (Galen), and criticism based on medical experI-
ence as documented by Rhazes's Continens (see the summary on
p. 93)· However, as the example of Alexander of Tralles sho~s,
(see below, Chapter III, n. 60) the medical criticism also had Its
foots in antiquity. Mokhtar's dissertation, which in its general pan
 GateJIisllI 74

theologians, since Galenic anthropology could support, or

clash with, religious creed.
To return to actual historical events, Alexander of
Aphrodisias, who paid tribute to Galen's fame, also calIcd
him "mule head." The Arabic historians to whom we owe
this anecdote offer two reasons for the nickname. "Because
of the size of his head" is one of the cxplanations. 75 Accord-
ing to the other, Alexander met Galen, had endless discus-
sions and disputes with him and then calIed him a mule
head, because of his hardheadedness in debating and contra-
dicting. 7G Regardless of whether the story is true or not
and whether Galen realIy was as stubborn as a mule, Alex-
ander did write several articles in refutation of attacks
Galen had made on Aristotelian tencts. 77 The attacks con-
cerned questions of space, time, and causality.78 For in-

uses much of the material also used by me, came to my attention

only after the completion of my manuscript.
75 Ibn an-Nadim, AI-Fihrist, p. 416: "wakana Aliskandar yulaq-
qibuhu bi-ra'si l-bagli li-ca:?mi ra)sihi." It is possible that Alexan-
der of Damascus rather than Alexander of Aphrodisias called
Galen "mule head." Cf. below, n. 77.
76 Ibn al-Qif~i, Ta'ri!J al-I:!uki1111a), p. 54,2-5. "li-qiiwati ra'sihi
I)iilata l-munii:?arati wa-l-munafarati."
77 Biirgcl, p. 283, n. I, lists the writings of Alexander directed
against Galen. S. Pines, "A Tenth-Century Philosophical Correspon-
dence," p. 1 II, n. 43 (referring to an earlier article of his which
was not available to me) suggests that the "Refutation of Galen on
Time and Place" may have for its author "another Peripatetician,
namely Alexander of Damascus, whu was on bad terms with Galen,
and whom Arabic writers seem to have confused with his better
known namesake."
78 Cf. Themistius, In Aristotelis Physica paraphrasis, pp. 114,
144-145, 149, and Simplieius, In Aristotelis Physicorum libros C011Z-
mentaria, pp. 573, 708, 718-719, and 1039' The Galenic notion of
time as essentially independent of motion, which contradicted
 Fbe /\ise oj (jalcJlis1Il 115 a Medical l'bilosophy 75

stance, Galen seems to have denied that everything that

moves something must necessarily itself be moved. 19 Not
all commentators attacked Galen; there was also agreement
and praise. llo The great Christian Aristotelian John Philo-
ponus spoke highly of him: "He is an excellent scientist and
understands philosophical problems not less thoroughly
than his special science." 81

Aristotle, received considerable attention from both Greek and

Arabic philosophers. It was attacked by Alexander of Aphrodisias
(see, however, above, n. 77) and certainly by Themistius (p.
149,4 ft.: "But one ought not to pay attention to Galen, who be-
lieves that time should be defined by itsclf," etc.; also pp. 144-
145). Arabic physicians were not necessarily opposed to Galen's
view: neithet Rhazes nor Thiibit ibn Qurra (d. Pines, "A Tenth-
Century Philosophical Correspondence," pp. 113 and 135, n. 108)
rejected it, and even Moses Maimonides, Guide of the Perplexed,
pp. 196 f., listed him among "the cleverest philosophers" who wcre
confused on this topic and did not understand it, "so that Galcn
could say that it is a divine thing, the true reality of which cannot
be perceived." (See also Maimonides, Guide of the Perplexed, p.
281, and the introduction to this translation, p.lxxvii.)
1\1 See S. Pines, "Omne quod movetur necesse est ab aliquo

moveri."
80 Even those attacking him in one place might agree with him
in another, and even when attacked he might be conceded lauda-
tury attributes. Cf. Alexandri quod fertur in Aristotelis Sophisticos
FJencbos c011l1llentariu11l, pp. 22 and 143. Themistius (p. 114) ad-
dresses him as "most ingenious" (probably ironically); Simplicius
(p. 708) refers to him as "admirable" (Oall/La(J'!os), again (p. 718)
as "most knowledgeable" (7rOAV/LaO£O"TaToS), and (p. 1039) as "most
learned" (</nAoAoY(;'TaTOS).
Bt Ioannes Philo po nus, De aeternitate 1llundi, contra Proclum

17. 5; PP' 599,22-600,7, Philoponus here turns Galen's dictum that

eternal means "unoriginated and unpcrishablc" and that "the one
follows the other" into an argument against the eternity of the
world, whereas Maimonides was to condemn Galen because of his
disbelief in God's creative power, d. below. Philoponus, In Aris-
totelis Pbysicoru11l c01ll1l1entaria (CAG, 17: 576 f.) (German
 (Jaleuis11l 76

\Ve cannot proper!y judge the merits of these discussions,

since we no longer have the Galenic bool<s involved. Arabic
philosophers and physicians, however, who possessed a
larger number of his philosophical works, continued the
debate. 82 Yu1)anna ibn Masawaih (early ninth century)
thought that in a matter in which Aristotle and Galen dis-
agreed it was hard to ascertain the truth. 83 This seems to
place Aristotle and Galen on an equal footing, though the
aphorism leaves the nature of the divergence open. About
one hundred years later, al-Farab! turned against "Galen
the physician," who had criticized Aristotle for dealing
with the logically possible rather than the existential, and
who had underestimated the significance for medicine and
science of the hypothetical and mixed syllogislllS. s4 Arabic
sources connect Galen's name with the so-called fourth
syllogistic figure; but even if he formulated it, this brought
him little credit, because many logicians considered it super-
fluous. s5
translation in Walter Bohm, Johannes Philoponos, pp. 109 f.) also
defends Galen against Themistius (above n. 78); see also Walzer,
Galen on Jews and Christians, p. 97.
82 "Criticism of Galen in the Islamic Middle Ages" is the subject
of ch. 2 of Burgers Averroes "co1ltra Galenum," which should be·
consulted, also U1I1IIallll, Medizin illl Islam, pro 67-68. On the criti-
cal spirit of Arabic scholars in general, see Franz Rosenthal, The
Technique and Approach of Muslim Scholarship, pp. 48-59 and
especially pp. 55-56, dealing with Galen.
83 Yiil~anna ibn Masawaih, Les axiomes 1lledicaux 19, p. 13: "mata
jtama'a ]:iliniis wa-' Arist;ii~alis 'ala 'amrini fa-dhalika, wa-ma
btalafa fihi Qa<afa 'ala I-<aqiili ~awabuhu jiddan."
84 Alfarabi's C0111mentary on Aristotle's Peri henneneias, p. 193,3-
7; d. below, n. 92. AI-Farabi also wrote a refutation of Galen in
matters where he contradicts Aristotle, analyzed by Biirgel, Aver-
roes "contra Galel1u111," pp. 286 f.
85 Nicholas Rescher, Galen and the Syllogism, pp. 8 f. and 20,
points to al-Farabi as the Arabic authority for having credited
 The Rise of Cialcuis1lt as a Mcdical j'hilosophy 77

Rhazes wrote a treatise expressing his doubts about many

of Galen's nonmedical opinions, such as making the soul a
temperament and denying the destruction of the world,
which latter, Rhazes thought, was incompatible with
Galen's agnosticism. Rhazes, like others after him, doubted
Galen's theory of vision and blamed him for too great a
reliance on mathematics, a topic on the border line of medi-
cine and philosophy.86
Galen was not left undefended agaimt Rhazes, but the
attacks were not silencedY On the contrary, the rejection
of Galen as a nonmedical philosopher reached a height in
the twelfth century with Moses Maimonides, who devoted
the twenty-fifth book of his Aphorisms to doubts regard-
ing cenain Galenic statements. S8 In contrast to Rhazes,

Galen with the fourth figure. Moreover, (see pp. 13 and 53), Ibn
al-Salal~ of the cleve nth century claims to have utilized a treatise
by one Dinl~a the Priest (about Roo), entitled "The Fourth Figure
of Galen," (sec also p. 76, Arabic text). Rescher, therefore, ac-
cepts Galen's authorship of the fourth syllogistic figure. On the
fate of the fourth figure in the West, see Rescher, pp. 30-40.
86 S. Pines, "Razi critique de Galien," gives a resume of Rhazes's
As-sukiiku c,llli ]Ii111l11s (Doubts regarding Galen). Rhazes cites
Aristotle as saying "Truth and Plato disagree and both are dear
to me, but truth is dearer to us than Plato" (p. 411I). Burgel, pp.
2R4-286, stresses the non-Aristotelian bias of Rhazes's criticism, in
contrast to the Peripatetic succession of al-Farabi', Averroes, and
Maimonides. See also Mokhtar, RfJazcs contra Galel1U111., pp. 1B-21.
87 Maimonides says that Ibn Zuhr and Ibn Ridwan were anxious

to dissolve Rhazes's doubts, see Joseph Schacht and Max Meyerhof,

"Mailllonides against Galen, on Philosophy and Cosmogony," p. 77
(Arabic text) and p. 64 (English translation). Biirgel, p. 2RS, in
addition names Ibn abi' Sadiq an-Ni'sabliri' and CAbd al-La~i'f al-
Bagdadi'.
88 For the Aphorisms as a whole, I have used the Latin Aphorismi
Rahy Moyses (Bologna, 1489). The beginning of book 25 and the
section on Galen's controversy with the Mosaic cosmogony have
been edited in Arabic and translated into English by Schacht and
 Cia/cuislIl 78

Maimonides intended to speak of those doubts which arose

in him "on account of [Galen's] words in matters related
to the medical science, as he is the chief of this science and
has to be followed in it; but his opinions ought to be fol-
lowed only in medicine and in nothing else." 89 Most of the
aphorisms deal with contradictory statements in Galen
about strictly medical matters.90 But a long section is di-
rected against his attack on the Mosaic account of God's
creativity, and this section is made a general indictment of
Galen the philosopher, wherever he goes beyond the
boundaries of medicine.
Maimonides begins with depicting a disease that befalls
clever men who are masters of one branch of philosophy or
of a positive science.91 They consider themselves equally ac-
complished in all other sciences, even if they know little or
nothing of them. This was the case with Galen. In medicine
he was more correct than Aristotle. He had also studied
mathematics, logic, Aristotelian physics, and theology, "but
Meyerhof (see above, n. 87). As far back as 1869, Moritz Stein-
schneider, Alfarabi, pp. 31-35 and 230-238, had made known sub-
stantial parts of Maimonides's attack from Hebrew translations. For
an English translation of the twenty-fifth aphorism, based primarily
on a Hebrew eclition, now see (Maimonides) Fred Rosner and Suess-
man Muntner, The Medical ApfJoris11lS of Moses Mai7llonides, 2:
17 1- 222 .
89 Schacht and Meyerhof, "Maimonides against Galen," p. 64
(English trans.). The Latin Aphorismi, fo1. p. vr reads: "sed
recordabor dubiorum ipsorurn dependentium a medicinali arte:
cuius artis galienus pontifex fuit ct dux. Et non cst necesse sequi
dictum eius nisi in arte medicine et non in alia." The Latin transla-
tion deserves quoting, because of its importance for the medieval
West. Cf. also Biirgel, Averroes "contra Galenu11l," pp. 28g-2l)O.
00 See below, Chapter III.
91 Schacht and Meyerhof, "Mairnonides against Galen," p. 78
(Arabic text) and p. 65 (English trans.).
 [be Risc of (jalClliIm as a Mcdical fbilosopby 79
he is defective in all this." He has pronounced opinions "on
motion, time, place and the primu11l 111ovens," he has tried
to refute Aristotle, and he has held one-sided opinions on
the syllogism, neglecting the hypothetical and mixed syllo-
gisms, which, as al-Farabi has said, are particularly im-
portant in medicine. n2
Maimonides the philosopher continued the Graeco-
Arahic Aristotehan criticism of Galen, while Maimonides
the Jewish theologian defended the Mosaic account of
creation, which Galen had denied. At the same time
Maimonides tried to convict Galen of contradicting himself.
Galen was a confessed skeptic who disclaimed knowledge of
whether the world had been created or was eternal. Ac-
tually, however, Galen's whole argument against Moses
presupposed the eternity of the world. Thus Maimonides
sees Galen as a "deviating and inexact man . . . who is
ignorant of most of the things about which he speaks except
the medical science." O~
From the beginning then, Galen was viewed with reser-
varion where physics, logic, and metaphysical speculations
were concerned. In these fields the authority he acquired in
medicine was denied to him, and his position was ambigu-
ous. He was not the equal of Plato, Aristotle, and Plotinus;
but the mere fact of their thorough acquaintance with his
works made it impossible for the Arabic philosophers sim-

92 Ibid., pp. 66 if. (English trans.); see also Steinschneider,

Alfarabi, pp. 31-35; Biirgcl pp. 288-289; and above, n. 84.
93 Schacht and Meyerhof, "Maimonides against Galen," p. 87
(Arabic text) and p. 75 (English trans., used with slight change).
Latin Aphorismi, fol. r iii v : "Sed hic Galienus extra artem medicine
ncscicns veritatem insipiens et vcrbosus dicit et damat multotiens
et dubius est in hoc statu novitatis mundi et inscius utrum sit vetus
vel novus."
 CialClliJlll lJo

ply to eliminate him. Averroes, a radical Aristotelian who

opposed Galen frequently,94 yet mentioned him repeatedly
in his reply to Ghazali (d. I I I I ), and at the very en d 0 f the
Tahafut al-Tabafut he defended this work by the "obliga-
tion to seek the truth for those who are entitled to it-and
those are, as Galen says, one in a thousand-and to prevent
from discussion those who have no claim to it." 05 Not only
the reference but the whole thought here expressed is in
harmony with Galen's professed attitude.

"The age of anxiety" and rising Christianity also molded

the reception given to Galenic ideas. A time in which many
people expressed contempt for the body was not likely to
support anatomical curiosity. Of Plotinus, the last of the
creative pagan metaphysicians, his biographer, Porphyry,
said that he seemed ashamed of being in the body. At-
tempts, on the part of a friend, to have him portrayed were
met with the remark: "Is it not enough to have to carry
the image in which nature has encased us, without your
requesting me to agree to leave behind me a longer-lasting
image of the image, as if it was something genuinely worth
looking at?" 06 With such sentiments, Christian monks
could heartily agree.
9" The material is to be found in Biirge!.
911 Averroes' Tahiifut al-Tahiifut (The Incoherence of the Inco-
herence), p. 363 (Simon van den Bergh's trans.). The reference to
Galen is to the latter's De dignoscendis pulsibm i. 1 CK., 8: 773 f.) j
d. above, Chapter I, n. 134. For other references to Galen in the
Tabiifut al-Tabiifut, by Averroes or Ghazali himself, see the index
in vol. 2, p. 208, of the translation. The acquaintance of the the-
ologian Ghazali with Galen shows the latter's far-reaching influ-
ence among nonphysicians.
96porphyry. The Life of Plotinus I, in Plotinus, I: 3, (Arm-
strong's trans.); d. also above, n. 22.
 The Rise of GalelliJ111 as a Medical Philosophy 8,

Yet Christian theologians could not dispense with ac-

counting for the existence of man's body within the scheme
of the world, its relation to the soul, and its structure and
function as a piece of divinc art.0 1 To render a satisfactory
accounting, they had to use reliable scientific sources, and
they had to ward off tendencies not in line with Christian
dogma.!l8
Gregory Nyssenus (fourth century) pointed to the man-
ifold medical, anatomical, and physiological investigations
that had been carried out, and he deplored Christian indiffer-
ence to them.

Thousands of things have been studied by them of which none

of us has any experience, becausc no instruction is givcn in this
part of inquiry, and because we do not all of us wish to know
who we are. For we are content with knowing heaven better
than ourselves. Do not despise the wonder within you! 00

The bishop Nemesius of Emesa, probably a younger con-

temporary of Gregory Nyssenus and of Oribasius, helped
to establish Galen as an authority to be considered in
Christian thcology. Since his book was paraphrased into
Latin in the eleventh century, it became influential in the

97 Nor could Plotinus dispense with medical information about

the relation of body and mind, but I find it difficult to trace pos-
sible influences of Galen. Brehier (Plotin, Enneades IV, p. 90)
refers to Ennead 4. 3. 23; sec also Rich, "Body and Soul in the
Philosoph~' of Plotinus," p. '3.
98 For the whole subject of the relationship of the Greek Fathers
of the Church to medicine sec Hermann Josef Frings, Medizin
Tlnd Arzt bei dcn griechischen Kircbcnvatern his Chrysost011l0s.
90 Gregorius Nyssenus, In Scripturae verba, Faciamus hominem
ad imaginem et si771ilitudinem nostr«ll1, oratio I (Migne, PO vol.
44, col. 257, B-C); d. Frings, pp. ,6-'7.
 Galellis1I1 82

West, even before the influx of Arabic interpretations of

Galen. loo
Nemesius quoted Galen, "the ~dmirable physician," 101
repeatedly: on the different souls in animals of different
kinds/ 02 on the physiology of vision,103 on delirium,t°4 on
pain in the "mouth" of the stomach,105 and on the female
seed and its conjunction with the male. 106 His explicit
quotations were but a part of the use he made of Galen's
writings. 107 The passage where he disagreed with Galen is
especially revealing. As a man of the church, Nemesius
could not regard the soul as a temperament, the proper
mixture of bodily qualities, and he could not help con-
sidering Galen with suspicion. His suspicion was roused
not so much by what Galen said as by what he implied.
Galen does not commit himself; in the books On Demonstration
he even affirms that he is not committing himself in any way
concerning thc soul. Nevertheless, from what he says, it ap-
pears that he tends to approve of the soul as tcmpcramcIlt, for
[he says] that variatiuns in behavior follow it. He COIlstructs
the argument from Hippocratcs. But if this is so, he obviously
also believes the soul to be mortal, not the whole soul, but only
the irrational soul of man. Regarding the rational soul he is in
doubt, saying [Here a lacuna interrupts the text, and then
Nemesius continues]. But that the soul cannot be the tempera-
ment of the body, evinces from the following. 108
100 See below, Chapter III. On the background of Ncmcsius see
the English translation with commentary, by William Telfer.
101 Nemesius Emesenus, De 17atura b0111inis 2, p. 123: raA1JV~', ;,
()avp.,ffTLo, laTp';,; cf. above, n. 80.
102 Ibid. 103 Ibid., 7. p. 180. 104 Ibid., q, p. 206.
105 Ibid., 20, p. 232. 106 Ibid., 25, p. 247.
101 See Eiliv Skard, "Nemesiosstudien." On Posidonius as the
original source of many of the Galenic p:lssages used by Nemesius,
see ibid. and Werner Jaeger, Ne11lesios von Emesa.
108 De natura h0111inis 2, pp. 86,11-87,9.
 'J'lJe Hire of Gale17ir1n as a Medical Philosophy 83

Although Galen's voluminous "On Demonstration," has

not come down to us, the bishop's paraphrase of Galen's
attitude agrees well with what we know from other books,
particularly from "That the Faculties of the Soul Follow
the Temperaments of the Body." 109 The title formulates
the thesis: man's behavior depends on his somatic consti-
tution and disposition; even moral philosophers might well
profit by a regimen he, Galen, would be willing to pre-
scribe. l1O Mental behavior is said to result from the tempera-
ment, which is not necessarily the same as identifying soul
and temperament. Nevertheless, regarding passion and de-
sire Galen clearly states that they are the temperaments of
the heart :lnd of the liver respectively.11l He bolsters his
arguments strongly by quotations from Hippocrates,112
though he lists the book among his works on Platonic phi-
losophy.m Although he docs not flatly contradict Plato, he
109 Quod ani1l1i mores corporis temperamenta sequuntur (to be
quotcd as Quod animi mores). On this book cf. the following
articles by Luis Garcia BalIester: "Alma y enfermedad en la obra
de Galeno" (resume of a dissertation; d. above, Introduction, n.
'7) and "Lo medico y 10 filosofico-moral."
110 Quod 41li1l1i mores 9 (Ser. min., 2: 66 f.). In part, at least,
this thesis gocs back to Posidonius's dictum, cited by Galen, De
plaeitis 5.5. (M., p. 44 2,14- 15): 00, TWV 7ra()1JTtK(ov Ktv~(Tf(I)V T~' t/Jl'X~'
E7rOP.~J''''1' ad Tij OLa()~CT(L TOll CTWP.UTO" See Ludwig Edelstein, "The
Philosophical System of Posidonius," pp. 305 if., for this as weIl as
for Posidonius's doctrine of the passions and the possibility of
teaching virtue (p. )12).
111 Quod ani11li mores 4 (Scr.min., 2: 44).
112Ibid., ch. 8. Nemesius may have had this chapter in mind,
when he said that Galen constructed the argument from Hip-
pocrates.
lIa De libris propriis 14 (K., ch. I ) ; Ser. min., 2: p. 122. Garcia
BaIlester, "Lo medico y 10 fjlos6fico-moral," pp. 109 and 107, be-
lieves that in this chapter Galen wished to unite his writings on
medical moral philosophy, whereas in the preceding chapter he
Ii.~ed his works on moral philosophy, including De affectuum
treats the lattcr's belief in an incorporeal existence of the
soul as a doubtful hypothesis and tends to consider even the
rational soul as the temperament of the brain. 1H
Quite consistently hc says: "Neither arc all men born
enemies of justice nor are they all its friends, since they be-
come such as they are because of the temperament of their
bodies." This comes very close to moral determinism and
the destruction of moral values, a consequence Galen is not
prepared to draw. To the question of how it is possible to
praise or blame, love or hate men, if goodness and badness
depend on (he temperament, he answers; 'Because we all
have the faculty to prefer, search, and love the good and to
turn away from evil and to hate and flee it, without in addi-
tion considering whether it is innate or not." 115
Granted that the rational soul is a temperament, our
right to deal with human beings as free agents is not abol-
ished thereby, nor does it abridge the soul's ability to lead
man to virtu c. Jn :l previous work,llH inspired by Posidonius,

dignotione and De peccatorum dignotione. Garcia Ballester, there-

fore, draws a sharp line between these two books (which, p. 121,
he assigns to about 180) on the one hand, and, on the other, Quod
Qni1l1i mores, which (p. 104) he believes to have been written
after 193, as is also assumed by Bardong, "Beitrage," p. 640. The
former books are said to have an exclusively philosophical orienta-
tion, whereas the latter is of purely medical interest (cf. p. 101)
and represents the final step in "naturalistic somaticism" ("La
'psiquc' en el somaticismo medico de la antigucdad: la actitud de
Galena," pp. 198 f.).
114 Quod "17;111; mores 5 (Scr. min., 2: 46); see also ch. 3.
115 Ibid., II, p. 73, 10-20.
116 De l/Ioribus, of which a sUIllmary only in Arabic is preserved.
It has been cdited by Paul Kraus, "The Book of Ethics by Galen"
(Kitab aPaglaq li-liilinus). For a discussion with numerous ex-
cerpts in English see Richard Walzer, "New Light on Galen's
Moral Philosophy" (in Greek into Arabic, pp. 142-163), and for
 llJc J\I:H: UJ lllllelll,l/II d.1 ,I ,Iled/cdi l'IJJ1o:}()/JIJ)' KS

Galen examined the congenital tendencies to good and bad

and the limited power of insight to liberate the soul of
wrong opinions. I17 Upon taking the matter up again Galen,
following Posidonius, reiterates that the seed of evil lies
within us. "Hence bad habits originate in the irrational part
of the soul and wrong opinions in the logical, just as [do]
true opinions and sound habits, if we are educated by good
and noble men." 118 But since temperament depends on
innate disposition and on regimen, wise diet, medicaments,
and study can be of great hclp.ll9 In acknowledging the de-
pendence of behavior on bodily factors we clear the path
for using bodily factors to elevate man beyond the possibili-
ties of purely moral teaching. Dietetic medicine, itself a
product of rational study, thus becomes a powerful ally of
moral philosophy. Galen finds himself at one with the fol-
lowers of Pythagoras and Plato and, generally speaking,
with the best philosophers and physicians, who all share
the opinion that the powers of the soul follow the bodily
temperament. 120 His great medical knowledge lends strength
a German translation of the first book of the summary see Rosen-
thal, Fort/eben, pp. 120-133.
117 See Rosenthal, Fort/eben, pp. 124 and 128.
118 Quod ani71li mOres I I (SeT. min., 2: 78,1 <)-2 3). This comple-
ments Galen's teaching in De afJectuu11I dignotione and De pec-
cator1l11l dignotione; cf. ahove, Chapter T.
119 Quod ani111i mores 1 I; p. 79,<)-15. The Hippocratic treatise,
On Regimen I. 35 (Loeb, 4: 280-293), offers detailed dietetic pre-
scriptions for protecting and improving mental powen;. It is
materialistic in its outlook, perhaps dependent on Heraclitus of
Ephesus. Dietetic management of man's intellect anteceded Galen,
even though he refused to attribute book I of On Regimen to
Hippocrates (De a/imentorum raw/tate I. 1 [CMG, 5,4.2; p. 213]).
120 Quod ani111i morer I, where also De l1toribus is mentioned. In
De /ocir afJectir 3. IO (K., 8: 191) Galen repeats that the most out-
standing physicians and philosophers agree that the humors and,
 <ialel/lJ1lI Ho
to their doctrine. On one point, however, Galen finds him-
self incapable of following Plato wholeheartedly: "I am not
in a position to contend with him whether [the rational
soul] is or is not immortal." 121
The agnostic phrase was not just a polite way of disagree-
ment with Plato. In a later work,t22 Galen ended a retro-
spective view of his fruitless efforts to learn the real nature
of the Creator from philosophers or through anatomical
work with these words;

I think that I can state so much only about the cause which
forms living beings that art and supreme wisdom are inherent
in it and that even after the whole body has been formed, it
[i.e., the body] is administered throughout life by three prin-
ciples of motion: from the brain by means of nerves and
muscles, from the heart by means of arteries, and from the
liver by means of veins. But by what kind of principles J have
not dared to declare, as I made distinctly clear in many writings
and above all in the one "On the Species of the Soul," 123

in general, the temperament of the body change the activities of

the soul, and he refers to Quod animi mores. Chapter I and the
beginning of chapter 2 of the latter work, in my opinion, indicate
that Galen has no wish to replace moral philosophy by medicine;
his views, as Walzer, Greek into Arabic, p. 159, has shown, are
consistent with what he said in his two works on moral philosophy
(see above, n. II 3)'
121 Quod animi mores 3 (Ser. min., 2: 30,15-16). Actually this
also includes the immateriality of the soul.
122 De foetuu11l (oT111atio17e (K., 4: 652-702), which on p. 674
cites Quod animi mores; cf. lIberg, "Schriftstellerei" (1892), pp.
510 f.
123 The work is lost. De Lacy, "Galen's Platonism," p. p, n. 23,
points out that Galen probably referred to it in De placitis 9· 9
(M., p. 825,10-12).
 nJe Rise of Galellism as a Medical Philosophy 87
having nowhere dared to State the essence of the souJ.124 For
as I related in the book "On the Species of the Soul," I have
not come upon anybody who geometrically demonstrated
whether it is altogether incorporeal, or whether any [species]
is corporeal, or whether it is completely everlasting, or perish-
able.125

A churchman like Nemesius could not possibly accept

Galen's teachings about the soul in their entirety, even if it
had escaped him that Galen, on one occasion at least, had
declared the substance of the soul to be heat, not ordinary
fire to be sure, but the kind of heat inborn in man and the
same as the constituent of nature. 126 Such a view had a long

124 Similarly, in De si11lpliciu111 medicamentorum temperament;s

ac facuLtatihus 5' 9 (K., II: 731), Galen opposes his own reserved
attitude to the Stoics' belief in the pneuma as the substance of the
soul; d. below, n. 126.
12;' De foetuu11l fOT111atione 6 (K., 4: 7°1,7-7°2,4)'
126 De tremoTe, palpitatione, convuls;one et rigore 6 (K., 7:
616,11-15): "... the heat is neither acquired nor is it posterior to
the formation of the animal. Rather it is primary, original, and in-
born, and nature as well as soul is nothing but that. If then you
think of it as a self moving and ever moving substance, you will
hardly go wrong." De placitis 8. 7 (M., 108,8-II): "Whereas Hip-
pocrates always says that the inborn heat is mainly responsible for
all nannal works, Plato calls [it] fire instead of heat." Hippocrates,
Galen thinks, is right, for if the process of digestion of food and
nutrition were caused by fire, it should be accomplished even
better in persons suffering from acute fever. "The inborn heat is
well tempered; its substance has its existence mainly in blood and
phlegm, and as regards quality it is well mixed of heat and cold-
ness" (ibid., p. 7°9,12-15). Cf. also De 11larcore 3 (K., 7: 674)
(English trans. by Theoharis C. Theoharides, "Galen on Maras-
mus," p. 376). The Stoics, according to Galen, Quod animi mores
4 (SCT. min., 2: 45,5-8), declared both soul and nature to be
pneuma, with the difference that "the pneuma of nature is rela-
 Galeniml 88

past; it went back to pre-Socratic philosophy and was ex-

pressed by a Hippocratic author, who said: "The so-called
heat seems to me to be immortal, to notice everything, and
to see, hear, and know everything, that which is as well as
that which will be." 121
As Nemesius and other theologians after him rightly felt,
Galen stood in the tradition of "medical materialism," to
use William James's expression,128 though its ancient form

tively moist and cold and that of the soul relatively dry and
warm." But Posidonius declared the soul to be hot pneuma (d.
Edelstein, "The Philosophical System of Posidonius," p. 299, after
Diogenes Laertius, VII, 157), and Galen, De simplicium medi-
cmnentorum temperamentis ac facultatibus 5. 9 (K., II: 730) thinks
that what Hippocrates calls inborn heat is also identical with what
he (Galen) caIIs the pneuma of animals. "There is no reason why
the sanguinous and airy substance should not signify inborn heat
together with pneuma" (p. 731,1-3). In all these doctrines, pneuma
and heat are closely associated. For Zeno, heat and pneuma were
one, whereas "the physicians," i.e., the pneumatists, took the
pneuma for the primary substance which developed heat through
friction. See Max WeIlmann, Die pneumatische Schule bis auf
Archigel1es, p. 137, where the references are given.
121 Hippocrates, De carnibus 2; ed. Karl Deichgraber (Hippo-
krates fiber Entstehung und Aufbau des 11le11Schlicben Korpers)
p. 2,10-12. Ibid., p. vii, Schubring points out that this work is not
mentioned anywhere in ancient medical literature, including
Galen. We deal here with a type of explanation to which Greek
medical authors of different periods liked to have recourse, re-
gardless of literary dependence.
128 William James, The Varieties of Religious Experience, Lec-
ture 1, p. 14. The expression is used by James for the reduction of
thoughts to organic conditions; d. also below, n. 137. Ioannes
Stobaeus, AntIJologium 4. 36. 9, p. 868,13-15, ascribes to Socrates
the definition of disease as "a disturbance of the body." With such
a concept of disease all mental disturbances were either conse-
quences of organic processes or "diseases" in a metaphorical sense
only. See chs. 2 and 3 of P. Lain Entralgo, Enfermedad y pecado.
 Tbe Rise of Galwis1Jl as a Medical Pbilosophy 89

was very different from that of the nineteenth century. For

instance, another Hippocratic author maintained that "from
the brain, and from the brain only, arise our pleasures, joys,
laughter and jests, as well as our sorrows, pains, griefs and
tears," l2n yet according to him, the brain was the inter-
preter of the intelligence inherent in the air.l:lO More than
five hundred years separated Galen from the pre-Socratics
and Hippocratics, but the medical tradition of reducing
mental phenomena to material processes which, in turn,
might be animistically conceived, was not extinct. The
temperament of a bodily part was the qualitative mixture
of its substance. When acting "by its whole substance," the
part could accomplish actions which were not explicable by
any of the constituent qualities. Thus the four natural fac-
ulties of organic parts, which attracted, held, and assimilated
foodstuffs and repulsed what was not assimilable, were the
faculties of the whole substance of the partY1 These fac-
ulties distinguished what was suitable for nourishment and
what was not. Mysterious as the action of the whole sub-
stance was, this aspect of the doctrine of the temperament
did not prevail uniformly with Galen, for on another occa-
sion he attributed attraction, retention, and assimilation of

129 Hippocrates, On the Sacred Disease 17 (Locb, z: 175 [Jones's

trans.]); cf. also Luis Garcia Ballester, HEI hipocratismo de Galeno."
130 On tbe Sacred Disease 19; the author is obviously dependent
here on Diogenes of Apollonia.
131 De te11lpera111entis 3. 1 (ed. G. Helmreich, pp. 90-91). Galen
adds that if only one of the qualities acts, it cannot perform the
assimilation process. vVhat is true of organic parts is equally
true of drugs acting by the peculiarity of their whole SUbstance
(De simpliciu111 medicamentorll111 te111peramentis ac facultatibus
9. z [IC, IZ; 19z].) Their powers can be made use of empirically
only.
 Galenism 90

food to the inborn heat, which he also credited with regen-

erative and formative powers. 132
As Aristotle had done before him, Galen denied that in-
nate heat was fire. Aristotle had declared innate heat the
essence of the pneuma in male seed; the heat was a vital
principle and analogous to the element of the stars. 133 In one
passage at least Galen said that the substance of the innate
heat was "air-like and watery," as evidenced by the seed
which consisted preeminently of warm and moist air. 134 But
in an argumentative little essay dealing with innate heat,
Galen identified it with the anlage of man; it was a wann
body compounded of seed and catamenia. 135 Heat being its

132 De marcore 3 (K., 7: 674) (English trans. by Theoharides,

"Galen on Marasmus," p. 376); also De simpliciu11l medica-
mentorU11l te11lperalllentis ac facultatibus 3. 18 (K., 1[: 596). Even
if the innate heat is equated with the vegetable soul only, which
Galen is willing to identify with "nature" (On the Natural Facul-
ties 1. I), it still remains true that in Quod al1imi mores 4 (Scr.
min., z: 44) Galen declared the concupiscent (or nourishing or
vegetable) species of the soul to be the temperament of the liver.
1:13 Aristotle, Generation of Animals 2. 3; 736bB-737a7; also
ibid., 3. 1[; 76zazo. See A. L. Peck, pp. liii, lviii f., and 58z-589
(Appendix B) of his edition in the Loeb Classical Library. May
(I: 50-52) cites a number of other Aristotelian passages concerned
with innate heat, as well as those from the Hippocratic collection
and remarks (p. 52) that Galen reflects the influence of both.
134]n Hippocratis Aphorismos comlflentarius 1. 14 (K., 17B:
4°7,10-[4)·
135 Adversus Lycum 7, p. 24. Galen probably means the pri-
mordial body (p. 24,[3: archegonon) formed from the combination
of male and female seed and of the maternal blood (containing
pneuma as "veil) added from the uterine vessels; cf. above, Chap-
terI, n. Z5, and De semine [.7 and 8 (K., 4: 535-539). In Adversus
Lyclllll z (p. 5,[ [-13.) Galen refers to the warm element (to
thermon stoicheion) which is innate in alI of us. In his idea of the
anlage, Galen is obviously guided by the description of an alleged
 The Rise of Galenism as a Medical Philosophy 91

most active quality, this body was called innate heat.l:l6 To

reconcile Galen's various definitions of innate heat, from
that of a body to that of the constituent of nature, may be a
possible task but hardly an easy one. So much, however,
seems corroborated: nature and inborn heat were material
principles, yet they possessed creative powers and this dis-
tinguished them from the mechanistic materialism of mod-
ern times.
To people of late antiquity, temperament and innate heat
may have evoked different associations from those which
these words evoke in us. Nevertheless, neither was admissi-
ble as a definition of man's immortal soul; it was pagan
naturalism 137 and resisted Christianization, although Galen's
demiurge, Nature herself, was readily translated into "God's
six-day-old fetus in Hippocrates, De natura pueri /2-14 (Oeuvres
completes d' Hippocrate, 7: 486-492).
l;wAdversus Lyclllll 7; p. 25,14-15: Toi; (J1)fL<fJ1JTOV m':'p.aTo-;, O'7l'£P
t1Tt T'I' 8patTnKWT<r T'1' To,V tV a\'lTtf 1TOWT~TWV lfL<fmrol' OJYop.alTTat 6£PfLoV.
Caesar Cremoninus, De calida inl1ato, et semine pro Aristotele ad-
versus Gale17llm, p. !O4. criticized Galen for his notion of innate
heat as a body, as well as for turning on Lyclls in his usual way
without any modesty and "like a viper attacking with [its]
poisonous bite"; cf. below, Chapter IV.
137 P. Lain Entralgo, EnfeT11zedad y pecado, uses the term
naturalism, which, in his orin ion, culminated in Galen's work (p.
44). Garda Ballester, "La 'psique' en el somaticismo medico de la
antiguedad," refers to Jose Ortega y Gasset, La idea de principio
en Leibniz, who on p. 177, n. I, speaks of "the extreme somatic
naturalism which is the classical ancient form of 'materialism'." In
several respects the term naturalism is preferable to materialism in
characterizing Galen's position; it avoids confusion with modem
materialism, it was used by later philosophical critics of Galen
(d. below, Chapter IV, n. IJI), and it retains the connection with
divine Nature, which is more than matter. I have, nevertheless,
spoken of the tradition of "medical materialism," in order to main-
tain terminological continuity into later times.
 GaleniS111 92

infinite creative wisdom." 138 Nor could Jewish, Christian,

and Mohammedan theologians be satisfied with Galen's pro-
fession of agnosticism. Ncmesius, we saw, suspected the
intention behind his agnostic attitude, and Rhazes and
Maimonides criticized him for contradicting himself. \Vhen
Galen characterized what "the most divine Plato" had said
about such things as the substance of the soul and of the
gods as belonging to the realm of the merely plausible and
likely, he endangered the very foundations of Jewish,
Christian, and Mohammedan theology.13o Agnosticism was
no longer acceptable in questions about the nature of the
soul, the origin of the world, and the identity of the Cre-
ator. The time of free and uncommitted philosophical in-
quiry about such matters had passed. There existed orthodox
faith and heresy, right opinions and wrong ones. \Vhere
their views conflicted with those of religion, pagan authors
had to be read with a caveat.
Galen entered the world of medieval monotheism as a
great physician and natural scientist in whose name medi-
cine was united. An author of about A.D. 500, who spoke of
"Galen's family," meant thereby the whole medical pro-
fession. 140 A little later, John Philoponus used the Galenic
book title in his statement that "the physicians say that the
faculties of the soul follow the temperament of the
138 Theophilus, quoted from Skard, "Nemesiosstudien," (1939),
P·5 6.
130 De placitis 9. 9 (M., pp. 8l!,15-812,6). Here and especially
ibid., p. 800, Galen tried to exonerate Plato by pointing out that
he voiced doubtful opinions not through Socrates but through
Timaeus and "unduly extended dialectic" through Parmenides and
Zeno; see De Lacy, "Galen's Platonism," p. 36. What threatened
medieval theology was not opposition to Plato but disparagement
of metaphysical speculation shared by theology and philosophy.
140 Fulgentius, quoted by Temkin, "Byzantine Medicine," p. WI.
 The R.ise of GaJe7lis1ll as a Medical PbilosojJhy 93

body." HI Wherever they were read, Galen's works stimu-

lated and provoked philosophers; "Galenism," however, was
a medical philosophy, a set of more or less cogently con-
nected principles, doctrines, and concepts, ascribed to
Galen, used in thinking about man's body in health and
disease, and shaping the physician's attitude to his profes-
sion and to human life. But here East and West differed. In
the Islamic East, where Galen's philosophical works were
better known than in the West, their influence also was
greater. Rhazes wrote a booklet on spiritual medicine,142
which he intended as a companion volume to his work on
bodily medicine. He took upon himself the role of curing
souls of passions and vices, as Galen had done before him;
the influence of Galen is manifest and was admitted. 143
Rhazes was something of a heretic,IH and his spiritual medi-
cine, which is a philosophical rather than a religious guide
toward the virtuous life, may have bordered on the limit to
which a physician could go. Yet within the bounds of
Islamic piety Galen could remain the great guide to sci-
entific medicine, as it was then understood, and to a sci-
entific way of life. His autobiography was quoted as a
model,145 and the physician was admonished to read and
141 Ioannes Philoponus, In Aristotelis De anima commentaria,
pp. 50, JI f. (on q.op 16) and passim.
142 Spiritual Physick, Preface, p. 18; cf. also Ullmann, Medi~n
im Islam, p. 136, and p. 129, whcrc Ullmann suggests that Rhazes
had undertaken to write an Arabic Corpus Galenianu1ll.
143 In Spiritual Physick, p. 37, Rhazes declares ch. 4 to be an
epitomc of Galen's De peccatoru71l dignotione.
144 Pines, Atolllenlehre, passim.
145 Siicid ibn ai-Hasan (Kitab at-Taswiq at-tibbi, ed. by Spies,
pp. 15bI5-16b7; ubersetzung und Bearbeitung des Kitab ... , by
Schah Ekram Taschkandi, pp. 90 f.) quotes Galen, De ordine
librom1ll suorU111 q. (Scr. min., 2: 88,5-22), somewhat freely and
 Galel1is11l 94

study medical and scientific works, including logic and

mathematics, without taking pleasure in anything else! 146
In the Latin West, Galenism was strengthened after
A.D. 1000 when the Arabic influence made itself felt. But it

met conditions which, in many respects, differed from those

of the East, and which determined its character, as well as
the beginning of its decline after barely five hundred years
of dominance.
then refers to it as "the saying of this sage" (p. 16b7-8: "min qauli
hadba 1-4akimi").
146 Vhersetzung, p. 83.
 III Authority
and Challenge

Devotion to Galenic works in the late centuries of an-

tiquity had not bypassed the Latin West completely, though
its impact was much more modest than in the East. 1 Galenic
material entered into Latin compilations, which went under
different names, and into translations of post-Galenic Latin
authors such as Oribasius. Moreover, there were Latin com-
mentaries in the late Alexandrian fashion which probably
belonged to the sixth century and suggest the existence of
Latin translations of the Galenic works with which they
dealt, viz., the books chosen by the Alexandrians for begin-
1 For a survey of the early medieval medical literature see
Augusto Beccaria, I codici di medicina del periodo presalernitano.
For later literature and translations: Heinrich Schipperges, Die
Assimilation der arabischen Medizin durch das lateinische Mittelal-
ter, and Charles Homer Haskins, Studies in the History of Mediae-
val Science. George Sartan's lntroduction to the History of Science
is, of course, the most comprehensive general reference work to
the end of the fourteenth century. On many authors and topics
Lynn Thorndike, A History of Magic and Experimental Science
offers valuable comments. The second volume of Max Neuburger,
Gescbicbte der Medizin is still fundamental for medieval medi-
cine in general, and for "Arabized Galenism" (see p. 339) in par-
ticular.

95
 GalcllisJ/l 96

ners in medicine. 2 Commentaries on the Hippocratic

Aphorisms and possibly the Prognostics also show Galenic
influences. 3 The extent of such influence down to the
eleventh century is hard to gauge, because there is still
much uncertainty about what really was translated, adapted,
and adopted, and exactly where and when this took place.
So much, however, can be said: in the eleventh century
the knowledge of Galen and of Byzantine (especially Alex-
andrian) works was greater than was estimated some de-
cades ago. 4 To the eleventh century also belongs Alfanus,
Archbishop of Salerno, interested in medicine and the trans-
lator of Nemesius's work on the nature of man. In his pref-
ace Alfanus ranked Hippocrates and Galen together with

2 Owsei Temkin, "Studies on Late Alexandrian Medicine I," and

Beccaria, Codici, pp. 288-291. The Galenic works were: De sectis
ad introducendos, An medica, De jlulsibus ad tirones, Ad Glau-
conem de 1I1ethodo 11Iedendi. The existence of a translation of the
latter work is indicated by Cassiodorus's admonition: "read Hip-
pocrates and Galen in Latin trans1:ltions; that is to say thc Thera-
peutics of the lattcr which he addressed to the philosopher Glauco"
(cited from Loren C. MacKinney, Early Medieval Medicine, p. 51).
3 Augusto Beccaria, "Sulle traccc di un antieo canonc btino di
lppocrate e di Galeno" (1961). The Latin commentator on the
Aphorisms is supposed to have depended on the Alexandrians
rather than on Galen, who was too prolix (pp. 54 f.), and to have
adorned his own commentary with stories not found in that of
Galen. But such stories may have come from other Galenic works,
e.g., the account given on pp. 4<)-50 reflects Galen's commentary
on Hippocrates' Epidemics VI 4. 4. 9; (K., 17 B: 149). For a pos-
sible commentary on the Hippocratic Prognostics see Beccaria,
"Sulle tracce" (1959) p. 13.
4 Brian Lawn, The Salernitan Questions, pp. 10-12, has drawn
attention to the occurrence in the Quaestiones 111edicinales of
Pseudo-Soranus (ed. by Valentin Rose, Anecdota graeca et graeco-
latina, 2: 241-274) of methodological principles which were dis-
cussed in Galenic works.
 Autbority and Challenge 97

Pythagoras, Plato, Aristotle, and other "philosophers," and

from his translation Western Christians learned among
other things that Galen was inclined to think of the soul as
temperament. fi
The outlines of a nascent Western Galenism became
stronger with the turn to the much more advanced medi-
cine and philosophy of the Arabs. Their initial reception
also belongs to the eleventh century and is connected with
Salerno, which rose to fame as a place where great physi-
cians practiced, taught, and composed medical works. Not
only were some Hippocratic and Galenic works translated
from the Arabic by Constantinus the African, but Arabic
physicians, themselves Galenists, became known through
his efforts. 6 Salerno was followed by Montpellier, the trans-
lations of Constantinus by those of Gerard of Cremona and
Marc of Toledo from the Arabic, and by Burgundio of Pisa
from the Greek, all of the twelfth century. The rise of
Galenism in medicine went together with the widely en-
larged knowledge of Aristotelian metaphysics and natural
fi N emesii episcopi premnon physicon, sive Peri phuseos anthro-
pou liber a N. Alfano archiepiscopo Salemi in Latinum translatus,
prologus, p. 3,3-5: "In difficilioribus denique Pythagorae, Platonis,
Aristotelis, Hippocratis et Galeni aliorumque non paucorum nec
minorum philosophorum exhibebuntur ad manum sententiae." Ibid.,
ch. 2; p. 33,10 ff., on the soul as temperament. See also above,
Chapter II.
6 On Salerno before it became a university and on the develop-
ment of scholastic medical teaching there, the articles by Paul
Oskar Kristeller are fundamental; see particularly his "The School
of Salerno" and, for a summary of his subsequent work, "Beitrag
der Schule von Salerno zur Entwicklung der scholastischen Wis-
senschaft im 12. Jahrhundert." Kristeller's work has been supple-
mented by Brian Lawn, Salernitan Questions. Nevertheless, as
Schipperges, Assimilation, p. 26, remarks, the work of Constantinus
still awaits thorough investigation.
 Galellis11l 98

science, and physicians were among the early sponsors of

the new Aristotle. 7 After all, Galenic basic medical science,
i.e., his doctrines of Nature and of the elements, qualities,
and tissues, together with his doctrine of research presnp-
posed the validity of the Aristotelian approach to nature
and to knowledge. On the other hand, Galen differed suf-
ficiently from Aristotle to create tensions. Albenus Magnus,
the propagator of Aristotle in the thirteenth century,
weighing the claims of authority, preferred "Augustine
rather than the philosophers in case of disagreement in mat-
ters of faith. But if the discussion concerns medicine, I
would rather believe Galen or Hippocrates, and if it con-
cerns things of nature, Aristotle or anyone else experienced
in natural things." 8
There was, however, this difference between medieval
Aristotelianism and Galenism. Great as the influence of
Avicenna and Averroes was on the understanding of Aris-
totle, he remained the ma'iter, whereas in medicine, Galen
often was overshadowed by the Arabs. On the whole,
medieval Galenism was not just Galen as read and accepted
by medieval readers; it was a medical philosophy and medi-
cal knowledge derived from Galen, yet twice removed
from him, viz., through the activities of Byzantines and
Arabs.

7 See Kristellcr, "Beitrag," p. 89, and Lawn, p. 31.

8 Albcrtus Magnus, C011l11lentarii in II Sententiaru11l, distinctio
13, C, art. 2, in Opera o11lnia, 2T 247: "Unde scicnduIlJ, quod
Augustino in his quae sunt de fide et moribus plusquam Philoso-
phis crcdendum est, si dissentiunt. Sed si de medicina loqueretur,
plus ego crcderem Galeno, vel Hippocrati: et si de naturis rerum
loquatur, credo Aristoteli plus vel alii experto in rerum naturis."
Cf. Martin Grabmann, Mittelalteriiches Geistesleben, 2: 82, and
Eticnne Gilson, L(I plJilosopbie all1110yen age, p. 509.
 Authority alld Challellge 99

The assimilation of Arabic philosophical and medical

learning expressed an internationalization of the philosophi-
cal outlook. While Christian Europe waged crusades against
the infidels abroad and persecuted heretics and Jews at
home, its clerics and learned physicians held Isaac the Jew,
Haly Abbas, Avicenna, Rhazes, and later Averroes and
Maimonides in high esteem, and its courts and growing
cities accepted many of the amenities of life from the coun-
tries ruled by Islam. The intellectual internationalization
did not proceed without a struggle with the Latin human-
istic culture revived during the Carolingian period and
flourishing in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. At the
universities the predominant intellectual interest turned to
logic and those sciences which aimed at precision of ex-
pression at the expense of elegance of language. 9 Galen
was not a stranger to the humanistic scholar. On the au-
thority of St. Jerome, JOhll of Salisbury, the great English
humanist of the twelfth century, cited Galen as "the most
learned interpreter of Hippocrates." 10 But some of the dis-
sension of the age shines through his sarcastic allusion to
people who, having failed as philosophers, picked up some
medicine in Salerno or Montpellier and then posed as physi-
cians, making a display of Hippocrates or Galen. l l
After 1200, when medicine became incorporated into
the structure of the universities as one of the three higher
faculties to which the student could proceed after a study
!l Cf. Charles Homer Haskins, The Renairrance of the Twelfth
Century, p. 98. The medical poems of Gilles of Corbeil (ab. "40-
1224), who studied in Salerno and went to Paris, show the older
humanism.
10 Policraticur 8. 6; 2: 256,'3-14: "Galienus auctore Jeronimo
doctissimus interpres Hypocratis dicit in exortatione medicinae."
11 Metalogicon I. 4; p. 13.
 li alell iS1Il J 00

of the liberal arts, licenses to teach and to practice medicine

were introduced, and there arose a legalized profession of
academic physicians formed from among men of higher
education. Even then the interest in Galen, especially as
far as he touched on philosophy and the basic sciences, did
not vanish from the arts faculties. The relation between
arts and medicine had been close in the formative years,
when universities had not yet been incorporated. Neither
the tradition inherited from late antiquity nor the medical
activities of monks in the monasteries favored a separation
in the modern sense.
None of the main translators was primarily known as a
physician; nevertheless, Galen reached the West as a medi-
cal author. The early translators preferred those of his
works which dealt with the art of medicine and with the
diagnosis, prevention, prognostication, and treatment of
disease. Relatively few of his scientific hooks were known
before the fourteenth century; 12 his major an:ltomical
work, On A11atolllical Procedures, and his philosophically
oriented work "On the Doctrines of Hippocrates and
Plato," were not translated before the Renaissance. 13
Very early, the medical facul ties incorporated into their
curriculum an anthology of Latinized classical, Byzantine,
and Arabic texts. Under the name of Articella, this anthol-
ogy wa~ repeatedly printed in the fifteenth and sixteenth
centuries, though with later additions and somewhat fluc-

12 De ele111cmis, De temperamentis, De motu 11lusculorum, and

De naturalibus facultatibus (see Sarton, Introduction, 2: 342, 344,
348, and Haskins, Studies, p. 208).
13 Dc usu partiu11l apparently was available in an abridgment that
carried the title De iuvamentis me111broru111; complete translations
from the Greek belong to the early fourteenth cenmry.
 Autbority a1ld Challc1lJ{e lUI

tuating contents. a Among the mainstay of its editions were

two writings which deserve special attention as indicative
of the nature of medieval Galenism: the Ars medica by
Galen, and the lsagoge of Iohannicius.
Ars medica is the literal translation of the title, Techne
iatrike, which Galen gave to the book. It was translated
from the Greek at an early, though uncertain date,t5 and by
a phonetic transcription of techne the book became lmown
as Tegni or, in distinction to another, larger work, as
Microtegni, the "little art," which, retranslated into Latin,
yielded the title Ars parva. Chosen as a beginner's text and
commented upon by Alexandrians, Arabs, and Latins, the
work enjoyed extraordinary popularity, a popularity, how-
ever, limited to physicians and scholars. When Dante was
writing about unsuitable gifts, the examples that came to his
mind were: "If a knight gave a physician a shield, and if
the physician gave the knight written copies of the Aphor-
isms of Hippocrates or of the Tegni of Galen." 16
In a short preface to the Ars medica Galen states the ad-
vantages of presenting a discipline by the breakdown of its

H The Ars medicinae as the anthology was called (not to be

confused with Galen's Ars medica, which formed a part of it),
probably originated in Salerno before 1200. By 128o, it was re-
quired reading in Paris, Naples, and Salerno (d. Haskins, Studies,
p. 369). For printed editions see Ludwig Choulant, Handbuch, pp.
398-402; also Richard J. Durling, Catalogue, pp. 40-42.
15 The existence of a trans/atia antiquil from the Greek has been
proved by Richard J. Durling, "Lectiones Galenicae"; see also his
"Corrigenda and Addenda to Diels' Galenica." The date of the
translation is uncertain.
16 II cOllvivio I. 8 (in Opera o11mia, 2: 86): "come quando un
cavaliere donasse a un medico uno scudo, e quando il medico
donasse a un cavaliere scriui gli Aforismi d'Ippocrate, ovvero Ii
Tegni di Galieno."
 Galellism J 02

definition: thereby a total view of the subject is offered,

and remembering all that is essential is facilitated, "because
the ideal definition includes within itself the chief points
of the whole art." 17 He then defines medicine 3S "knowl-
edge of what is healthy, morbid, and neutral." 18 Each of
these three can relate to man's body, to signs, and to causes.
This leads to manifold combinations, and a place is found
for many branches of medicine. The body bn be perfectly
healthy, presupposing that the four qualities are in complete
harmony, or one or another quality, single or in cou pies,
can prevail without as yet leading to clinical illness. Only
when the functions too are harmed is illness present. Galen
allows a remarkable latitude for health, between ideal health
on the one hand and illness on the other, and he thus finds
a place for the various temperaments of man.
The principal parts, i.e., brain, heart, liver, and testes as
well as the parts depending on them, all have their tempera-
ments, as has the body as a whole. Altogether the diagnostic
descriptions of the various temperaments fill about one-
third of the book, which makes this approach to medicine
stand out as characteristically Galenic. Regarding causes,
there are those which maintain good health and others that
prevent disease, and there are those which will restore a sick
body to health. The influence of some causes is inescapable:
contact with the air surrounding us, motion and rest of our
body or of its parts, sleep or wakefulness, food, excretion or
retention of superfluities, and, finally, the passions of our
souJ.19 Down to the early nineteenth century hygiene was
taught more or less under the headings of these six "non-
naturals," as the medieval Galenists called them. 20
17 Ars medica, preface (K., I: 306,1 1-12).
l8lbid., I; p. 307,5-6. 19lbid., 23; p. 367.
20 Cf. L. J. Rather, "The 'Six Things Non-Natural'," Jerome J.
 A utbOTity and Challenge 103

Remarkable as the logical disposition of the book is, the

theoretical construction of some allegedly empirical facts
is obviolls. For instance, a heart that is warm and dry can
be diagnosed by these characteristics:
The pulse is hard, big, rapid, and frequent, and breathing is
deep, rapid, and frequent. Rapidity and frequency are much
greater if the thorax is not enlarged in proportion to the heart.
Of all people, these have the hairiest chest and hypochondrium,
and they are ready for action, courageous, quick, wild, savage,
rash, and impudent. They have a tyrannical character, for they
are quick-tempered and hard to appease. 21
In a rather complicated way traced by Klibansky, Saxl,
and Panofsky, such characterizations coupled to the four
humors of blood, phlegm, yellow bile, and black bile came
to constitute the four classical temperaments: sanguine,
phlegmatic, choleric, and melancholic. 22 Today they sur-
vive as popular psychological types, whereas in the Middle
Ages they were at once somatic and psychic. The doctrine
of the four humors was not Galenic; it was Hippocratic.
But the emphasis on these four humors as tbe Hippocratic
humors, the linking of them with the Aristotelian qualities
and with the tissues of the body was largely Galenic. 23 The
completed doctrine of the four temperaments is an ex-
ample of the adaption of Hippocratic notions to medieval

Bylebyl, "Galen on the Non-Natural Causes of Variation of the

Pulse," and Peter H. Niebyl, "The Non-Naturals".
21 A rs medica I I ; pp. 334, ' 4-335 ,4.
22 Raymond Klibansky et aI., Saturn and Melancboly; see par-
ticularly pp. 97-113: "l"ldancholy in the System of the Four Tem-
peraments." For Galen's relationship to melancholy see also Hell-
111ut Flashar, MelancIJolie und M.elancfJoliker in den 1I1edizinischen
TheoTien deT Antike, pp. 105-117.
23 As has been pointed out above, Chapter I, Galen's share in the
medical syncretism of the second century is not easily isolated.
 GalCl1iS711 10+

systematizatIOn, the whole being "Galenic" in a vague

sense.
The A rs medica presented the student with an outline of
medicine as seen under the categories of health and disease,
categories that most concerned the practitioner. After the
short preface and a brief discussion of the definition of
medicine, the second chapter starts out:
A bouy which from birth is well-tempered in its simple and
primary parts and symmetrical in the parts composed from
them is healthy in an absolute sense. A body is now healthy
if it is hcalthy at the present time. And during the time when
it is healthy, this [body] too is well-tempered and symmetrical,
not with respect to the very best temperament and symmetry
but in respect to that familiar to it.2•
Yet the student had to know what "well-tempered" meant
and what the "simple parts" and those composed of them
were. The need for a precise, didactic outline of medicine
was not satisfied by Galen's Ars medica, and Alexandrians,
Arabs, and Latins tried to provide suitable material. The
Alexandrians did so in their summaries and commentaries,
and among the Arabs two works obtained great popularity:
an introduction to medicine in the form of questions and
answers, begun by I:Iunain ibn Ishaq and completcd by his
nephew,25 and, more than a hundred years later, a poem on
medicine composed by Avicenna.
Avicenna's poem was translated into Latin toward the
end of the thirteenth century.20 But long before that, the

HArsmedica 2 (K., I: 3°9,17-310,5).

25 See Ibn abi U~aibicah, CUyiin al-anh? fi tahaqiit al-atihha', I:
197,23 fT.
26 After its meter (rajaz) the poem is called Urju7At fi t-tihh. It
was translated under the title Cantica Avicennae by Armengaud of
 Authority and ChalJeuge 105

Latins possessed a short introduction to Galen's Ars medica,

the so-called lsagoge by Iohannicius. 27 Since the Middle
Ages, this name has been accepted as a Latinization of
I:Iunain ibn Isl)aq, although intimations of a Greek back-
ground are not absent. 28 However that may be, the lsagoge

Montpellier (d. Sarton, Introduction, 2: 831 f.). The Arabic text

(with a loose French paraphrase) and the Latin translation have
been published by Jahier and Noureddine, Avice/me, Pobne de La
medecine, to which the following citations refer. The Camica, to-
gether with the commentary by Averrues on it, also appeared in
the edition of 1562 of the latter's ColJiget.
27 From a review of the titles in the microfilm colIection of the
National Library of Medicine I have gained the impression that
Iohannicius is the preferred spelling in the early manuscripts. The
Articella editions I have seen spell the name Iohannitius. The
initials I and J do, of course, vary.
28Iohannicius suggests Latinization of the Greek Iohannikios, a
well-attested Byzantine proper name (d. Karl Krumbacher, Ge-
schichte der byzantinischen Literatur, pp. 194 and 198). In the Ar-
ticella, the IsagoKe precedes De puLsibus of Philaretus and De uri1lis
of Theophilus, both obviously Greek names. Its place as the first
treatise agrees well with the story told by Marc of Toledo (proba-
bly twelfth century), While studying medicine he was urged to
Latinize some of the books which the Arabs had translated into
their language from Greek sources. To satisfy this wish he went
to Toledo. "While pondering and deliberating about these matters,
it occurred to me that first of all there ought to be translated the
book of Iohannicius which I found with them more perfect and
more useful [and] which is read first, that is of the introductory
writings, and I translated it with God's help." (Valentin Rose,
"Pto!emaeus und die Schule von Toledo," p. 338, n. I: "Mihi itaque
super hec excogitanti atque deliberanti Iohannicii liber quem penes
cos perfectiorem et uriIiorem reperi, qui primus urpote ysagogarum
legitur, prima fronte transferendus occurrit, quem domino adiu-
vante transtuli.") Marc obviously presupposes acquaintance with
the work of Iohannicius and merely claims that the Arabs possessed
it in a more perfect and useful form. What exactly this was can
hardly be decided before the appearance of a critical edition of the
 Galellism 106

is remarkable for its extreme schematism. Medicine has two

parts, theoretical and practical; the theoretical consists in
the study of things natural (we would say basic science),
non-natural (hygiene), and contra-natural (pathology).
There are seven natural things: elements, temperaments,
humors, the parts of the body, faculties, functions, and
spirits. There are four elements, rune temperaments, four
humors (each with its subdivisions), and so it goes on, al-
ways numbering and subdividing.
The lsagoge, which designated itself as an introduction to
Galen's Ars medica, has been referred to as "the 'Galenic'

lragoge, the printed texts of which vary considerably. Moritz Stein-

schneider, Die hebraischen Obersetzungen des Mittelalters, p. 710,
apparently assumes that the Isagoge was a shortened and rearranged
version of Bunain's catechism, without, however, as far as I can
see, any cogent proof. Other scholars have credited I:lunain with
having written a) an Introduction into medicine (Kitilb al-1l1udf}al
fi t-(ibb), of which the Isagoge is supposed to be the Latin transla-
tion, and b) a catechism, Questions on Medicine (Kit,ib al-11lQsa l il
fi {-tibb); ef. Carl Brockelmann, Geschichte der arabischen Medi-
zin, I: 224, and Manfred Ullmann, Die Medizin i11l lrlam, pp. 117 f.
The existence of the catechism, the Mariilil, is attested by many
manuscripts, whereas I have not been able to find any clear evi-
dence for the existence of a separate Mudbal. From H. P. J. Renaud,
Ler manuscrits arabes de l'Escurial, it is clear that mss. Esc. 853, I,
and Esc. 884, I I, represent the Masalil. Ibn abi U~aibicah confirms
the identity of the two worl<s, for he writes: "Kitabu I-masalili wa-
huwa l-mudbalu lilii ~in:icati Hibbi," etc. Steinschneider, Die he-
braeischen 0 bersetzungen des Mittelalters, p. 709, deplored the
distinction of two different writings. The identification of Iohan-
nidus with Bunain ibn Is1)aq mayor may not be correct; for the
time being, it seems advisable to treat the lsagoge as a Latin book
existing about A.D. 1100 and to leave all questions of its provenience
and author (or translator) to future elucidation based on publica-
tion of the pertinent texts.
 AutIJority and CIJallenge 107

system of medicine." 29 To be sure, many of its data can be

traced to Galen's works. Still, it is a medieval system; like
Avicenna's poem, it brings together what physicians in late
antiquity and medieval doctors considered essential, and it
does not hesitate to deviate from Galen or to oversimplify
him. Two examples may suffice: Whereas Galen seems cau-
tious about the existence of a vital pneuma and very skepti-
cal about the existence of a natural one, both Avicenna in
his poem and the lsagoge flatly count three spirits; natural,
vital, and psychic. 30 The statement about the complexion of
the blood is an example of oversimplification, in as far as
both medieval authorities say categorically that blood is hot
and moist. 31 This position can be bolstered by Aristotle, as
well as the Hippocratic author of On the Nature of Man
and others, and on occasion Galen himself says that "po-
tentially blood is a hot and moist humor." 32 But he does
not adhere to this simple formula unequivocally. In a pas-
sage where, in analogy to the other humors, he could be
expected to qualify blood as hot and moist he fails to do so;

29 This is the title which \Vithington, Medical History fronz tbe

Earliest Times, p. 386, gave to his English translation of the lsagoge.
30 Galen, De metfJodo medendi 12. 5 (K., 10: 839 f.); Avicenna,
Poeme de La medecine, p. 18 (Arabic text), vv. 1°7-1°9; Articella
(ed. 1507) fol. a 3r ; see Withington, p. 388, and Owsei Temkin,
"On Galen's Pneumatology," pp. 182-189.
31 Aviccnna, Poeme, p. 17, V. 92; Articella (cd. 1507) fol. a 2r :
"Sanguis est calidus et humidus."
32 Aristotle, Parts of Animals 2. 3; 649b21)-30; Historia animalium
3. 19; 5lOb23; d. Erich Schoner, Das Viererschema in der antiken
lJumoralpathologie, p. 68. Hippocrates, On the Nature of Man,
ch. 7. Galen, On the Natural Faculties 2.9; pp. 200 and 202; De
morborum differentiis 12 (K.,6: 875) and De morborum cawis 6
(K., 7: lI,17-18): "potentially ... the blood is moist and hot."
 Gn/c1lism J 08

instead, a little later, he declares that blood as such is a

balanced mixture of all elements.:!:! Elsewhere he says that
compared to semen, "blood contains more earth-like and
watery substance, though in it roo the warm predominates
over the cold and the moist over the dry." 3f Then again
he insists that knowledge of preponderance is not true
knowledge; in truth, blood is composed of four parts of
fire, three of earth, four of air, and six of water.:l!i
Having mastered the lsagoge, the student was ready for
an understanding of the medical content of the Ars medica.
But the preface of the latter book did not immediately lead
him to medicine itself. Its initial lines read: "There are
altogether three kinds of teaching which adhere to some
order. The first from the notion of the end by way of
analysis. The second from the synthesis of what has been
found by ~nalysis. And the third, which we now follow,
arises from the breakdown of a definition." 3H

33 De placitis Hippocratis et Platoll;s 8. 4 (M., pp. 679 and 680S-

6).
34De Janit,Tte wenda I. 2 (CMG, 5,4.2; p. 4,'3-15). This could
be reconciled with the abm"e (n. 33) contention by heeding his
statement, 111 HippocratiJ De 1/atm'a bominis C07mllC11t,Trius 1. 40
(CMG, 5,9.1; p. 51,2 ff.), that blood which appears to he mixed
best is called so because none of the opposites prevails greatly. In
De te1Jlpert771l('11tis I. 6 (ed. Hclmreich, p. 19), he explains that
where the qualities are mixed, the prevailing quality determines the
appellation. "Thus blood, phlegm, fat, wine, olive oil, honey, and
any other of such things is said to be moist" (p. 19,2g-31). Proba-
bly blood would also appear in a series of things where warm pre-
vails. For this :lIld the following note d. Sehc)ner, Vierersche71la,
pp. fl8 ff.
31; Galen, Ober die 7lledizin;schen Na711en, p. 28 of the German

translation, Arabic text p. 14,27 ff. The difference between speaking

of elements and of qualities must, of course, not be overlooked.
36Arsllledica,preface (K., I: 3°5,1-5).
 A uthority and Challenge 109

\Vhen the Ars medica was again translated, this time

from the Arabic, the translator, Gerard of Cremona, also
added a translation of the commentary by the Arabic physi-
cian 'All ihn Ri(.!wan, a dcvoted Galcnist.:17 A good deal of
confusion surrounds this new translation, which in its
printed form includes sentences that are not found in the
traditional Grcek text. as The additions (glosses?) refer to
the first and second of the three mcthods mentioned by
Galcn and elaborate what the scholastics named the meth-
ods of rcsolution and of composition, which we would
call analyrical and synthetic methods. an The Ars medica
offered an invitation to schoolmen, Alexandrian, Arabic,

37 Joseph Schacht and Max Meyerhof, The Medico-Philosophical

Controversy between Ibn Butlan of Baghdad and Ibn Ridwan of
Cairo, p. 29.
3S A. C. Crombie, Robert Grorseteste and the Origins of Experi-
11lClltal Scicncc, 1100-1700, p. 77, n. 5, has remarked that in the
Venice, 14Ri, edition of Galen's Microtegni cum COlll11lento Hali
RodohallJ some of Ibn RiQwan's commentary is reprinted as Galen's
text. The matter is even more complicated, for the Arabic transla-
tion of Galen's Ars medica contains most of the passage which
Crombie has translated into English (pp. 77 f.). The Articella of
Venice, 1491, carries the translatio amiqua and the translation of
Gerard together with the glosses (?) of the Arabic text.
39 I quote the beginning of the Arahic text from Cod. Parisinus
arabicus 2860 (Bibliotheque Nationale), fol. 14v following the
Bismillah: "Kitabu ~-~inatari ~-~aglrati. Qiila Jaliniis: Kullu t-ta-
talillli l-Iati tajri tala tartibi fa-)inna 1-lI1asa:lika fiha tala ilialailiati
)anIJa'in; )al)aduha yakiina <ala ~ariqi l-<aksi wa-t-tal)lili wa-huwa
lin YUqilllU s-sai)u l-Iadhi yuq~alu )ilaihi wa-ynltamasu <ilmuhu fi
wahmika <alii l-ga'ibihi min tamamihi." Bunain ibn Isl)aq, who is
mentioned as the translator on fo1. 47', obviously translated the
Greek: 1rfl(;'ni p.;v, >j (K nj, Tot; Tf.Aoll, £Vl'ota, KaT' (;I'(lA1J<TLV Y<l'op.f.V'7
(K., I: 3°5,1-2) by "'al)aduha yakiina <alii ~ariqi l-<aksi wa-t-tal)lili."
This terminology goes back to the SU11lmar;a Alexal1drinoTU11l of
the An mediCI! (British Museum, !TIS. Add. 234°7, fo1. 20' If.).
 (jalClIiml I IU

and Latin alike, to join Galen to Aristotle in the discussions

on scientific methodology, discussions which lasted far into
the Renaissance and are said to have anticipated some prin-
ciples of modern experimental science. 4o At any rate, here
the influence of Galen went beyond the medical faculties.
More detailed Galenic methodological principles also be-
came known to medieval authors, especially his rules for
testing the action of drugs, which Avicenna then codifiedY
Robert Grosseteste's (d. 1253) analysis of how the action
of scammony on bile is experimentally established consti-
tutes an example which we owe to Alistair Crombie. Re-
peated observation of the discharge of bile after the inges-
tion of scammony leads the observer to suspect scammony
to be the cause of the discharge; his intellect, however, is
still skeptical and is thus led to
the experiment, namcl y, that scammony should be administered
aftcr all other causes purging red bile have been isolated and
excluded. But when he has administered scammony many
times with the sure exclusion of all other things that withdraw
red bile, thcn there is formed in the reason this universal,
namely, that all scammony of its nature withdraws red bile,

40 On Galen's use of analytical and synthetic method see above,

Chapter 1. For the medicval and Renaissance discussion see John
Herman Randall, The Scbool of Padua and the Emergence of
Modem Science, A. C. Crombie, Robert Grosseteste, Neal W.
Gilbert, Renaissance Concepts of Method, and Walter J. Ong,
Ramus: Method, and the Decay of Dialogue.
41 Galen discusses the testing of drugs in much detail in the first
books of De si11lpliciu1ll 1Jledict:rme17tonl1n temperamentis ac facul-
tatibus; see Owsei Temkin, "Galenicals and Galenism in the His-
tory of Medicine," p. 23. Crombie, Robert Grosseterte, pp. 7~8J,
has summarized what Avicenna writes in Canon, bk. 2, tract J,
ChS.2 and 3.
 Authority and Challenge I I I

and this is the way in which it comes from sensation to a

universal experimental principIe.~2
Scammony was not chosen by chance. It was believed to
act by its whole substance, i.e., not just by one of its qual-
ities, and its effect registered by experience only. The be-
lief in the specific action of scammony remained unshaken
till Jean Baptiste van Helmont refuted it in the seventeenth
century.{3 Grosseteste was not devising an experiment that
should be performed but was describing how an alleged fact
was established in a logically satisfactory manner. It is
doubtful whether, with the insufficient means of recogniz-
ing "red bile," the experiment could have led anywhere.H
Interest in methodological speculation with little regard
for the establishment of fact or for the possibilities of prac-
tical application is also visible in the additions to Galen's
quantification of drug action, perhaps his most original
contribution to pharmacology. {5 Drugs were supposed to
~2 Quoted from Crombie, Robert Grosseteste, p. 74. Crombie
(p. 8[) suggests that Grosseteste in the passage cited (which is
from his commentary on Aristotle's Posterior Analytics) might
have relied on Avicenna's Canon. Red bile is synonymous with
yellow bile, as distinct from black bile.
{3 I have discussed this matter in an article, "Fernel, Joubert, and

Erastus on the Specificity of Cathartic Drugs" (in Science, Medi-

cine, and Society in the Renaissance: Essays to Honor Walter
Pagel, ed. by Allen G. Debus, 2 vols. [New York: Neale Watson
Academic Publications, [972, I: 6[--68]). For scammony as acting
by its whole substance see pseudo-Galen, Ad Pisonem de theriaca
3 (K., [4: 222 f.).
14 Scammony, Convolvulus scammonia, is a cathartic, and as
long as the humors were diagnosed main!y by color, a copious dis-
charge of watery yellowish feces probably would have been suf-
ficient evidence.
{:! In De compositione medica11lentorum per genera 2. I (K., 13:
 G alellis1J1 1 I2

be heating, cooling, drying, or moistening, and Galen's tests

were to establish the qualities of drugs. But since diseases
differed not only qualitatively but in their intensity as well,
the drugs which were to counteract the deviation from the
norm had to take this intensity into account. Supposing that
the patient suffered from a disease where the affected part
was ten units warmer than normal and seven units drier,
the remedy had to be ten units colder and seven units
moister, provided that the diseased part was located super-
ficially. If it was situated more deeply, an·adjustment had
to be made, lest the remedy lose its power before reach-
ing the diseased part. 46
Of greater practical promise was a classification of drugs
according to four degrees of the imensit.\- of their respec-
tive qualities: the first where the action waS inferred theo-
retically only, the second where it was perceptible, the
third where the effect was strong, and the fourth where it
was destructiveY
In its theoretical foundation Galen's pharmacology was
much more refined. But even the features just outlined con-
stituted a basis for medicinal therapy which proved one of
the strongest attractions of Galenism. It offered a blend of
the rational and the expcriclltia I, :1I1d it g:n'e the appearance
of reliable knowledge. Galenic pharmacology was to resist
destruction longer than other branches of Galenic medical
science, and the therapeutic anarchy that followed its de-
464 f.), Galen expounds his theory of degree in relation to
posology.
46 Ars medica 18 (K., I: 383 f.).
41 De Si111plicium medicamentorum temperamentis ac facultati-
bus 5. 17 (K., II: 786-788). In particular, what is hot in the fourth
degree cauterizes and burns, what is cold mortifies; hence drugs
cold in the fourth degree were considered deadly.
 Authority and Challenge 1 13

struction made itself felt beyond the middle of the nine-

teenth century.
Galenic pharmacology was adopted by the late Greek
physicians,48 and the Arabs favored its theoretical side
which they elaborated for medical purposes, as well as for
building up a system of cosmic numerology associated with
the name of the enigmatic ]abir. This system went far be-
yond Galen; 49 regarding medicine the elaboration mainly
concerned compound remedies. Galen had established de-
grees for a number of simples, but the ingredients of pre-
scriptions containing more than one drug varied as to
qualities and degrees, and their desirable quantities had to
be calculated. ]itbir, ai-Kindt, and the latter's Western suc-
cessors made therapeutics appear a very exact quantitative

48 Georg Harig, "Die Galenschrift 'De simplicium medicamen-

torum temperamentis ac facultatibus' und die 'Collectiones medi-
cae' des Oribasios," has shown how Oribasius on the one hand
supplements degrees where they were missing in Galen and, on
the other, simplifies the alleged pharmacodynamic effects. Harig
(p. 25 f.) suspects for book 14 that Oribasius used an older com-
pilation which combined Galen and other sources.
4H Paul Kraus, Jiibir ibn Hayyan, Contribution a l'histoire
des idees scientifiques dans l'lsla11l, 2: 189 ff., discusses labir's de-
pendence on Galen. In opposition to Kraus's late dating of the
lauir corpns, FU:lt Sezgin, Geschichte des arabiscben Schrifttu1Ils,
3: 5 ff, 69, nnd ZI I ff., argues for its traditional chronology (eighth
century), for lauir's use of Arabic translations of Galenic writings
antedating those by I:Iunain ibn ls~iiq, and for a gradual develop-
ment from alchemy to medicine. Accordingly, he ascribes great
significance to labir's pharmacological calculations as differing
from and preceding those of al-Kindi. This early dating also makes
labir's criticism of Galen (cf. Kraus, Jabir ibn Hayyan, p. 327)
precede that by Rhazes (cf. Sezgin, pp. 76-77). As long as Sczgin's
views await critical evaluation, labir's relationship to aI-Kindt,
whose exact dates are uncertain (late ninth century?) remains a
moot question.
 Galwis11l 114

science. ~o Yet they built on just that part of Galenic doc-

trine which was among the weakest as far as empirical evi-
dence was concerned. 51 Their exaggeration in this direction
goes to show that Galenism and the opposition to Galen de-
pended on the direction which readers of his works chose
to follow. It is, therefore, all the more instructive to turn to
the fate of anatomy in the Middle Ages. Anatomy was the
field where Galen had been insistent on establishing facts,
yet in contrast to his pharmacology, his anatemy was to
succumb when it came under serious attack in the Renais-
sance.
By whatever path it may have happened, the memory of
Galen's animal dissections seems to have survived, for a
twelfth-century anatomical text from Salerno has this in-
troduction:
Because the structure of the internal parts of the human body
was almost wholly unknown, the ancient physicians, and espe-
cially Galen, undertook to display the positions of the internal
organs by the dissection of brutes. Although some animals,
GO Max Neuburger, Geschichte deT Medizin, 2: 167, provides a
short outline of al-Kindi's pharmacological ideas, which, he states,
anticipate "die Proportionalitat der Sinnesempfindung." This has
been dealt with at length by Leon Gauthier, Antecedents greco-
I1Tabcs de III psycbopbysiquc, who in appendix I gives an Arabic
edition of al-Kindi's treatise, Fi 11l11 crifl1ti qllWii Padwiyati I-murak-
kabat; and in appendix ur, pp. 44-91, its French translation. Aver-
roes's criticism of ai-Kind! is printed (in French translation) in
appendix IV (pp. 92-118). For Amald of Villanova and llernard of
Gordon see Michael R. l\kVaugh, "Quantified Medical Theory
and Practice at Fourteenth-Century Montpellier."
~l This was not altogether overlooked by medieval physicians
as is indicated by the complaint of Haly Abbas that a thousand
men would have to work a thousand years to arrive at an experi-
mental knowledge of the properties of all simples (after McVaugh,
"Quantified Medical Theory," p. 402).
 Authority and Challcllf{c 115

such as monkeys, are found to resemble ourselves in external

form, there are none so like uS internally as the pig, and for
this reason we arc about to conduct an anatomy upon this
anima1. 52
These lines suggest a realization that Galenic anatomy
was animal anatomy. But in a book written in 13 I 6 or 13 I 7
a professor at Bologna, Mundinus, used human cadavers.
"A woman I anatomized last year, that is in the year of
Christ, I 3I 5, in the month of January, had a womb double
as big as her that I anatomized in March of the same
year." 53 What had induced this professor to have human
cadavers dissected is not known; there is no sense of any-
thing extraordinary in the booklet, a manual of anatomy.
Mundinus alludes to human dissection as a legitimate prac-
tice. "Having placed the body of one that hath died from
beheading or hanging in the supine position, we must first
gain an idea of the whole, and then of the parts." 54 Was
this an unobtrusive transfer from forensic autopsies, which
existed before? Or did Mundinus and others think that they
were following Galen, in the mistaken opinion that he had
dissected human cadavers? Or had the practice developed
for the sake of surgery as a passage in the regulations of
Salerno suggests? 56

52 George W. Corner, A,natomical Texts of the Earlier Middle

Ages, p. 51.
53 From Singer's translation of the Anathomia Mundini in The
Fasciculo di M edicina Venicc 1493, pt. I, p. 76.
541bid., p. 59.
55 These ordinances (Edward F. Hanung, "Medical Regulations
of Frederick the Second of Hohensraufen," p. 593) decree that no
surgeon may practice unless "he has learned in the schools the
anatomy of human bodies." Although this suggests human dis-
section, no evidence prior to Mundinus exisrs for thc dissection of
 Galel1ism I 16

Whatever the reasons may have been, henceforth human

dissection was performed at universities at intervals of a
yea.r or more, and opportunity for breaking away from
Galenic, i.e., animal, anatomy existed. Yet for about two
hundred years hardly any advantage was taken of it. The
text of Mundinus was tradition hound; Galen was re-
peatedly mentioned, though without preeminence over
Arabic authors, and the anatomical terminology was thor-
oughly Arabic. 56
In both anatomy and pharmacology the means for break-
ing away from Galen's authority existed but were not
used. It is hard for us to understand that for about two

human cadavers for purely anatomical purposes. Loris Premuda

in Friihe Anatomie (ed. Robert Herrlinger and Fridolf Kudlien,
pp. 118 f.) seems to take the transfer from post-mortem autopsies
for granted and, in notes 56 and 57, cites literature on the latter
practice. See also below, Chapter IV, in connection with Benivieni.
56 William S. Heckscher, R..cmbrandt's Anatomy of Dr. Nicolaas
Tulp, pp. 46 If. and 57, has pointed out the stylized ceremonial
character of the medieval anatomy (in contrast to the uninhibited
form it took in the sixteenth century). It may weB be asked
whether the whole setting encouraged any independent investiga-
tion. In Herrlinger and Kudlien, eds., Friihe Anato111;e, pp. 1-14,
Kudlien has argued against unreservedly labeling Mundinus a
Galenist. The title should be reserveu for those who relied on
translations of genuine Galenic works, in contrast to others, in-
cluding Mundinus, who used a systematized and simplified Galen
(see pp. 8-()). Following the same line of thought, Markwart
Michler, ibid., pp. 15-32, makes true Galenism (p. 21: "der ei-
gentliche Galenismus") in medieval medicine begin with Guy de
Chauliac whose hook was finished in 1363. To be sure, much of
medieval Galenism rested on spurious works, excerpts, and over-
simplifications of Galen, a trend visible in the Isagoge of lohan-
nicius already. Nevertheless, I doubt whether a clean separation
between true and not so true Galenists in medieval medicine should
be made on the basis of humanistic tendencies.
 Autbority and CballelIge I 17

hundred years human cadavers could be opened without a

general protest being raised against the incongruencies of
the authoritative texts. In phannacology, the situation was
more complicated. Judged by our standards, the majority
of drugs in Galen's materia medica did not have the cura-
tive effect ascribed to them. Therapeutic effects :lre no-
toriously difficult to establish, and self-deception here is
not limited to the centuries preceding our own. Bur the
speculations and calcul:ltions about degrees of qualities and
proportions of ingredients go beyond self-deception or the
lack of methods of statistical control. They reveal satis-
f:lction with a theoretical analysis no longer experienced by
us as fulfilling intellectual needs in disciplines open to veri-
fication by either intentional experiment or in practice.~7
A different sense of reality can be presupposed in people
brought up to believe in revealed :luthority, in biblical
and hagiographic miracles, and to accept theological propo-
sitions which, by their very nature, may not be amenable to
empirical verification. Even before turning to medicine,
future physicians were indoctrinated in Aristotelian physics
and cosmogony and scholastic disputation. They had not
only accepted much of the scientific basis of Galenism but
were prepared to consider disputation under strict rules a
valid instrument for finding the truth. Facts were not to
~7 Even in thc course of our own century we seem to have be-
come not only increasingly distrustful of, but also increasingly in-
diffcrent to, scientific statcIllcnts not accessible to verification. Dis-
cussions about the scientific nature of psychoanalysis point in this
direction. The lack of desire for verification in the modern sense
is particularly visible in those disciplines which, in the Middle
Ages, relied on experience, i.e., alchemy and natural history.
"Credulity," the often used term for this phenomenon, is not ade-
quate if taken in the psychological sense of easily believing what
anybody says.
 Ga/euism 1IB

be overlooked, though often enough this led back to the

book as the great depository of facts vouched for by the
authority of great names or by the sanction of centuries. 58
Nevertheless, a mere reduction of medieval Galenism to
general conditions does not suffice, because it easily over-
looks the opposing manifestations on the part of individuals.
Galen had insisted that the true principles of medicine were
to be found in the books of the ancients and had himself
joined their ranks. But he had also fought ceaselessly for
truth and had, thereby, opened the door to criticism.
Around A.D. 550 Alexander of Tralles, a Byzantine phy-
sician, wrote a medical encyclopedia largely based on
Hippocrates and Galen, as he frankly admitted. Yet he
had had considerable practical experience over many years,
which on occasion made him oppose Galen. "Truth," he
said apologetically, "must be honored before everything
else," 59 and it was truth that impelled him to oppose even
a man of such great knowledge as Galen; for to keep silent
would be ungodly and not right for a physician. GO
The theme of truth over friendship and admiration was a
recurrent one. Rhazes, who differed from Galen in essential
philosophical points, justified his divergence by direct ap-
peal to Galen's own insistence on truth. To paraphrase
Rhazes: It is more in the spirit of Galen to follow his ex-
hortation to search for truth than it is to swear by his opin-
ions. fi1 A similar idea was voiced in eleventh-century By-

58 On the auctores as technical authorities and treasuries of wis-

dom see Ernst Robert Curtius, European Literature and the Latin
Middle Ages, pp. 57 f.
59 Alexander of Tralles, ed. Puschmann, I: 30I,IC)-20.
60 1hid., 2: I 55 .

61 See S. Pines, "Razi critique de Galien," p. 481.

 Authority and Challenge 119

zantiulIl in an imaginary "Controversy with Galen." 62 In

view of Galen's great reputation, the belief in his infalli-
bility, his superhuman fame, the Byzantine physician author
felt compelled to turn against Galen's followers, "with
whom you would not have been more pleased if you had
known them than I am." In other words, Galen would have
condemned them for following him blindly. The author
was obliged to refute some points in Galen's writings "by
methodical demonstrations to which you would have given
your approval if you were still alive, at least if you are the
friend of truth you boast to be and do not follow the dis-
position and opinion of the multitude." 63 The tone was not
respectful; the author hinted at a discrepancy between
Galen's utterances and his real intolerance toward oppo-
nents. The critique was an early challenge to an idealized
picture of Galen, for it suspected his central motive, his al-
legedly unselfish fight for truth, which Rhazcs had not
doubted. 64
Criticism was not limited to generalities. As the example
of Ibn an-Nafls, an Arabic physician of the thirteenth cen-
tury, shows, it could be very matter of fact. Ibn an-Nafls
flatly denied the existence of any passage between the
right and left cavities of the heart. "The substance of the
heart is solid in this region and has neither a visible passage,
as was thought by some persons, nor an invisible one which

02 Charles Daremberg, Notices et extraits des manuscrits medi-

caux grecs, latins et franfais, has the Greek text on pp. 44-47 and
a French translation on pp. 229-233. The author of this "Contro-
versy with Galen" was Simeon Seth.
63 Ibid., p. 45, 2-5.
64 Cf. also the very beginning of the essay. In my previous dis-
cussion, "Byzantine Medicine: Tradition and Empiricism," p. 108,
I missed this point.
 Galenism 120

could have permitted the transmission of blood, as was al-

leged by Galen. The pores of the heart there are closed
and its substance is thick." GG What caused Ion an-Nafls to
make this statement and to assert further that the blood
could not pass from the right ventricle to the left except
through the lungs remains unknown. Dissection of a human
cadaver by or for Ibn an-Nafis is not probable, nor was it
really necessary, since the heart of any mammal would have
taught the same lesson. 6G Yet the assurance of Ibn an-Nafl~
stands out all the more if compared with Mundinus's con;-
promise in the same matter. Aristotle had ascribed three
ventricles to the heart, Galen only two. With the human
cadaver before him, Mundinus counted three ventricles.
The third, he said, was "not one cavity but many small
cavities, extended rather toward the right than the left." 67
This reconciled Aristotle with Galen, who had postulated
the existence of invisible pores in the septum of the heart,
with visible openings on the side of the right ventricle.
Ibn an-Nafis's discovery was not widely current in Ara-
bic circles, and there is no valid evidence that the \Vest
heard of it before the twentieth century.6S But through
the translated works of Avicenna, Averroes, Ibn al-
Haitham, and Maimonides, the West knew that Galen's
medical authority had not remained sacrosanct. Criticism

66 Max Meyerhof, "Ibn An-NaflS," p. 116 (Meyerhof's trans.).

66 The criticism by cAbd al-La~if, an older contemporary of Ibn
an-Nafis, of Galen's anatomy of the mandible and os sacrum was
based on an inspection of the bones of persons who had perished
during a famine; see Ullmann, Medizin i111 Islam, pp. 171 f.
67 A7l1ltho111ia Mundini, trans. by Charles Singer in The Fasciculo
de Medicina, Venice 1493, pt. I, p. 84.
68 See A. Z. Iskandar, Catalogue, pp. 47 f. and 50 f. and my re-
view of this book in Bull. Hist. Med., 43 (1969), 188 f.
 Authority and Challe1lge 121

of Galen in matters medical was facilitated by the philoso-

phical predilection for Aristotle of Avicenna, Averroes, and
Maimonidcs. For instance, there was at issue Aristotle's
claim for the heart as the central seat of vital and mental
powers, and Galen's Platonizing opposition, which gave to
liver, heart, and brain their respective shares of the soul.
Galen had proved anatomically that voluntary motion and
sensation depended on the nerves originating from the brain
and spinal cord. This could hardly be denied. But it could
be reconciled with Aristotle's claim for cardiac supremacy
by pointing out, as Avicenna did, that the brain could not
live if the heart did not fulfill its function. Thus the heart
remained the center of life, while the brain and nerves and
the liver and veins fulfilled the functions of which they were
in charge. 69 For the rest, the physician as such need not
bother whether in the final analysis the functions of brain
and liver were autonomous or merely delegated. 70
But Averroes criticized Galen also in matters which were
not in the disputed borderland between Aristotelian and
Galenic authority. For instance, he disputed Galen's insis-
tence on bleeding till syncope an otherwise strong sufferer
from ardent fever: "But I say that this amount of evacua-
tion is not founded in the [medical] art, nay that it is quite
wrong." 71 Medicine imitates nature, and in nature a laud-
able crisis never reaches the point of syncope through loss
of blood.
The advicc may have been good, but it was based on a
6n Avicenna, Canon, book I, fen I, doctrine 4; I: 30a62-30bl:
"Philosophorum nanque magnus dixit, quod membrum tribuens,
et non recipicns, est cor: ipsum enim est virtutum prima radix: et
omnibus aliis membris suas tribuit virtutes, quibus nutriuntur, et
vivunt, et quibus comprehendunt, et quibus movent."
70 Ibid., p. 30b,I9 if. 71 Colliget 7.8; fo!. 150v L.
 GalellislIl 122

speculative argument. Rhazcs, the great clinician, however,

did appeal to his diagnostic and therapeutic experience.
From Galen's prescription of chicken and pigeon meat in
fever, Rhazes inferred that meat was not believed to be
abundantly hot. But in his own experience it was hot and
dangerous; a man had even died after partaking of roast
meat three times in one day. Perhaps Galen was thinking of
cold regions where meat could be given to sufferers from
fever. 72 The dissent from Galen is as interesting as the at-
tempt to find a justification after all.
These examples will suffice to document the existence of
doubts and deviations on the pan of individuals. 73 There
72 Continens 37.1.172; vol. 2 fol. XV r : "Galienus dixit in n.
capitulo libri mcamyr. da in cibo febricitantibus de carne pullorum
columbarum et in diversis lihris ipsius. Dixit da fehricitantibus in
cibo de ea: unoe significat quod non habet in se caliditatem abun-
dantem ct nos videmus eam haberc caliditatem abundantcm etiam
ipsa inducit ad squinantiam cito et ob causam comestionis ipsius
mortuus fuit ljuidam chasifa numine muftaser: qui in uno die
cOlllederat de ea assa tcr et fortc ipse intendit de regionc frigida:
unde potcst dari in cibo febricitantihus in rcgione frigida." Mokh-
tar, R!Jtlses comra Ga!enulII, has collected critical passages from
the first twcnty books of the Arabic cdition of the Co11t;nens and,
p. 93, has characterized Rhnzc.~'s criticism as directed townnl "phys-
iological, therapeutic and diagnostic" questions with little regard
for his own atomistic doctrines.
73 In passing at least, the well-known rejection by Ibn al-Haiiliam
(aI-Hazen) of Galen's theory of vision should be mentioned.
Whercas Galcn believed that vision was effcctcd by thc cmission
of a visual pneuma which made the air act as a sensitive nerve,
Ibn al-Hailli~1111 supported the theory of visual rays rcaching the
cye from the object. For Galen's thcory see Rudolph E. Sicgel,
Galen all Sense PerceptioTl, ch. I., and for the Arabic opponents
Matthias Schramm, "Zur Entwicldung dcr physiologischen Optik
in der arabischen Litcratur." The theories of Galen and Ibn al-
Haiiliam and their vicissitudes in the West have been discussed by
A. C. Crombie, "The Mechanistic Hypothesis and the Scicntific
 Authority and Challenge 123

was no general slavish servility to Galen in

medicine in the
East, and as far as the \Vest is concerned, the high regard in
which the Arabic writers were held itself militated against
the unique authority of Galen. Yet neither in the East nor
in the West did medicine free itself decisively from
Galenism.
A few remarks of Maimonides disclose a motive for the
conservativism. We met him as the severest theological and
philosophical censor of Galen. 74 Even in medicine, where
he proclaimed Galen the leader, he viewed him with de-
tachment. He accused Galen of reading into Hippocrates
whatever was true, even if the Hippocratic text did not
support it, and of simply denying the authorship of Hippoc-
rates where this could not be done. ill Yet, as he informed
the reader, his own so-called AjJ!Joris11ls were largely culled
from Galen. Only the twenty-fifth chapter is devoted to
doubtful matters, especially contradictions in the Galenic
works. This long chapter contains Maimonides's attack on
Galen the philosopher, yet its bulk is not hostile to him.
The difficulties, he feels, may be caused by oversight, "for
nobody is secure against it, except in the opinion of ex-
tremists." On the other hand, the translators may have
Study of Vision," pp. 17 If. It should be added that Rhazes, Avi-
cenna, and Averroes also rejected the Galenic theory; see Max
Meyerhof and C. Priifer, "Die Lehre vom Sehen bei Hunain ibn
Ishaq," p. 2S, and Sezgin, Gercbicbte der arabircben Scbrifttumr,
3: 277 and above, Chapter II. Avcrrocs, Colli5{et 2. 15; fo1. 2S T L
writes: "quia visus, sicut scis, non fit extramittendo. Sed oculus
recipit colores per sua corpora pervia per modunl, per quem recipit
speculum."
74 See above, Chapter n.
75 Moritz Steinschneider, "Die Vorrede des Maimonidcs zu
seinem Commentar tiber die Aphorismen des Hippokrates," pp.
231-232 (German trans.).
 Galellis111 124

made mistakes or he, Maimonides, himself may have been

guilty of misunderstanding. 76 The reason for writing the
chapter is to help the reader who has been t:mght Galenic
medicine, so that "the knowledge he acquired does not be-
come confused and he is not embarrassed when he en-
counters such a problem." 77 In brief, the anticipatory solu-
tion of problematic matters safeguards the reader's con-
fidence in Galenic medicine as a whole.
The history of Galenism, of its rise as well as its decline,
shows, I think, that both assent and doubt on a larger than
individual scale needed social incentives. Galen's doctrines,
as far as we can see, were not accepted piecemeal, but as a
set, a philosophy. Seen retrospectively, Galen's tendency to
generalize formed a good deal of his strength. If instead of
his comprehensive works and his attempt to set an example
he had added a few more experiments, the total would prob-
ably have been lost in a time such as the third century.
Within the structure of medieval Galenism physicians and
patients found their way; it separated the doctor from the
quack and gave confidence to him and his patient. The first
major assault did not arise over specific points of anatomy
or medicinal action; it attempted an overthrow of the
76 See J. Christoph Burgel, Averroes "contra GalellU1Il," p. 290,
whose German translation of this introductory passage in chapter
25 is based on two Arabic manuscripts. The Latin Aphorismi
(Bologna, 14fl9), fol. pvr-v, reads: "et causa dubitationis ipsorum
fuit altera istarum triu1l1: aut insipientis superveniens ei C]ui trans-
tulit Iibros in lingua arabica; aut oblivio superveniens G[alieno]
sine qua nullus esse potest nisi aliquis ex sublimibus viris, aut
pravus intellectus meus supra predicta."
77 Biirgel, p. 2<)0. Apborimzi, fol. pvv: "Ut inspiciens cum in eis
inspexerit videat locum dubii et veritatem eius supra quod ap-
posuerit mentcm suam et non turbetur intelleetus eius, nec erret
cum emerserit sibi dubium ex iIIis."
 Authority a1ld Challenge 125

whole, and it was fully equipped with a new theory, a new

practice, and new social demands. The assault was to come
after Galen's authority had just reached its pinna~.
Galen was not merely the physicians' master. l-lis name
also had a grip on the popular imagination. Galen, so the
Diets and Sayings of the Philosophers related, was the last
of eight physicians, "excellent in the art of physick, who
were heads and masters of other masters." No physician
after Galen was comparable to him.
In his youth he desired much to know [konne] demonstrative
science and was so inclined to learn it, that when he parted
from the school with other children, he ceased not to think of
that his master had said to him. Wherefore his fellows asked
him why he laugh not and played with them; he answered, I
have as much displeasure in your disportes as you have pleasure,
and I take as much pleasure to think on my lesson as you do
of your other plays.78
Of course, Shakespeare also repeatedly mentioned Galen,
and he did so with a fine disregard for chronological nice-
ties when he made Menenius of the fifth century B.C. speak
of "the most sovereign prescription in Galen." 71)
Among learned men the name of Galen was brought to
full glory by the humanists of the Renaissance. In 1525
there appeared the first edition of Galen's collected works
in Greek The efforts which led to it went back to the fif-
teenth century, when Galenic manuscripts were acquired
and copied. The edition of 1525 constituted the standard
7R Curt F. Buhler, ed., The Diets and Sayings of the Philosophers,
p. 256; I have modernized the spelling of the Scrope manuscript.
On the provenience of the Diets and Sayings d. above, Chapter
II. For a German trans. from the Arabic see Franz Rosenthal, Das
Fortleben der Amike i111 Isla111, p. 54.
79 Coriolanus, act 1, scene I.
 G alcllis1Il 1 26

base for all future editions down to that by Klihn, begun

in 182 I. It was not seen as a mere philological enterprise but
as a liberation of Galen. so At the time of the great humanist
physicians, Nicolaus Leonicenus, Giorgio Valla, Thomas
Linacre, Jacobus Sylvius, Guinther of Andernach, Leonhart
Fuchs, Cornarius, and others, many of whom actually
served as professors of Greek, the possession of a pure
Galen was deemed a great enrichment of medicine. In exag-
gerated form, lacobus Sylvius expressed the veneration felt
for the divine Hippocrates and for Galen, his interpreter,
who deserved to be universally admired. "After Apollo and
Aesculapius they were the greatest powers in medicine,
most perfect in every respect, and they had never written
anything in physiology or other parts of medicine that was
not entirely true." 81
The liberation of Galen was directed against his Ara-
bistic followers and the barbarism of past centuries.
Compelled by wonder of the thing itself, we arc forced to
profess that the birth and rebirth of Galen were granted as a
kind of divine gift for the assistance of various mortal needs.
. . . In our happy age, he once shamefully misunderstood is
reborn and re-establishes himself to shine in his former lustre;
so that like one returning home he has delivered the citadel
which had been held by the forces of the Arabs, and he has
cleansed those things which had been bespattered by the sordid
corruptions of the barbarians. 82
RO Nikolaus Mani, "Die gricehisehe Editio princeps des Galenos
(1525), ihre Entstehung und ihre \Virkung," gives the history of
this edition as well as pertinent quotations.
81 Iaeobus Sylvius, "Vaesani euiusdam ealumniarum in Hippo-
cratis Galcnique rem anatomieam depulsio," in Opera medica,
p.IU·
82 Syrllpor1l111 univerra ratio, ad Galeni cemura11l diligenter ex-
polita (Paris, 1537), in Michael Servetus: A Translation of His
 A utbority a1ld Challwge 127

Michael Scrvetus wrote those words in 1537 in a booklet on

symps as seen in the light of Galenic teaching. Syrups were
an Arabic contribution to pharmacology; Servetus did not
reject their use altogether, but his booklet is indicative of
the subjects attacked by the Galenists. The fight had
started as early as 1514 over the proper way to bleed; Ara-
bic medication was a major battlefield, and the Arabic
terminology was replaced by a Graeco-Latin one. s:! Matters
of detail, as well as of principle, were debated, for the de-
fenders of the Arabs did not remain mute. They could
claim that Avicenna was clearer, more concise, and more
objective than Galen. 84 The Arabic authors did not imme-
diately fall into oblivion. They were printed frequently

Geograpbical, Medical and Astrological Writings, p. 60 (O'Malley's

trans.). In his ~l1phonia Galeni ad Hippocratem, Cornelii Celsi
ad Avicennam, p. 8, Symphorien Champier complained that nearly
the whole world occupied by the Hippocratics and Galenists was
divided into the two sects of Avicenna and of Averroes. He de-
nounced both sects on religious grounds, as well as for having de-
serted their Galen. "Today, (the preface of the book is dated
1 pH) besides our Lconicclllls, Linacre, Ruelle, Copus, and Alex-
ander BellCdictlls of Verona our co-Platonist, few interpret his
[Galen's] mind with the same loyalty (ea pietate) as did Paul of
Aegina, Alexander of Aphrodisias, and lately, Theodorus Gala."
Mere elegance of style, Champier added, did not suffice to put an
e,nd to the common barbarity. It had now pleased divine provi-
dence to strengthen the medical an by the authority of Hippoc-
rates and Galen and by philosophical reasoning. This passage re-
veals something of the feeling which inspired the "humanistic
Galenism" of that time.
83 For details of the controversy between Galenists and Arabists
see Heinrich Haeser, Lehrbuch der Geschichte der Medicin und
der epidemiscben Kl'Qnkbeiten, 2: 61 if.
84 Ernest Wickersheimer, "Die 'Apologetica epistola pro de-

fensione Arabum ll1edicorum' von Bernhard Unger aus Tiibingen

(1533)," p. 323·
 GaiCIlis11l I2H

during the sixteenth century and the first half of the seven-
teenth, and the dates of the publications give some measure
of their popularity and its decline. Rr. Avicenna's Canon ap-
peared in Arabic in Rome in 1593, and Arabistic studies in
Europe owed a good deal to physicians. flO A separation of
what was classical from what was not did take place, but
even avowed humanists did not disdain all Arabic medical
authors, especially in the clinical and therapeutic field. And
whereas in the West Arabized Galenism did not disappear
all at once, in the East it did not disappear at all. Even today
Unoni medicine, i.e., Greek medicine in its Arabic modifi-
cation, is still taught and practiced in Islamic countries. 87
The vitality of Arabic authorities in the early sixteenth
century has to be stressed, because the challenge to Galen-
ism by Paracelsus was not originally directed against Galen
specifically. It was an attack against medical traditionalism
and its representatives, the doctors of medicine. But since
traditional medical science rested on Galen, Paracelsists and
Galenists were bound to become the opponents.
Philippus Theophrastlls Bombastlls of Bohen heim, who
latinized his name to Paracelsus, was burn in Switzerland
in 1493, the son of a physician. At an early age he became
acquainted with mining and alchemy; but about his formal
education, premedical as well as medical, we know next

85 See Choulant, H andbuch, pp. 336-389. Heinrich Schippcrges,

"Handschriftenstudien in spanischen Bibliotheken zum Arabismus
des lateinischen Mittelalters," pp. 10-19, rightly stresses that the
rise of humanism did not lead to the disappearance of Arabistic
authors and influences from the medical literature of the sixteenth
and seventeenth centuries.
86 See Johann Fuck, Die arabirchen Swdien in Europa bir in den
Anfang des 20. fahrhunderts, PP' 58--60, 64, 86, and 91.
87 Unani is the Arabic form for Ionian, i.e., ancient Greek.
 Autbority al1d Challenge 12 9

to nothing. His literary activity began around 1520. In

Strasbourg he came into contact with humanists and Prot-
estants, and in 1527 the city of Basel, i.e., its reforming fac-
tion, invited him to become town physician with the right
of lecturing in the University. On June 5, 1527, he issued
his famous invitation to all young people to come to Basel
to study medicine with him. He was not going to follow the
bad old ways. "Who does not know that most doctors to-
day make terrible mistakes, greatly to the harm of their
patients? Who does not know that this is because they
cling too anxiously to the teachings of Hippocrates, Galen,
Aviccnna, and others?" He would lecture on his own
books. "I did not, like other medical writers, compile these
bool{s out of extracts from Hippocrates or Galen, but in
ceaseless toil 1 created them anew, upon the foundation of
experience, the supreme teacher of all things." 88
Later, Pahtcclsus was to separate Hippocrates from the
rest. Hippocrates belonged to those whom God had or-
dained to initiate medicine in the light of nature, before
the Evil One had spoiled medicine by sophistries. 89 Para-
celsus's greetings went to the Hippocratic doctors. 9o But
the light of nature did not shine in the books of Avicenna,
Galen, Mesue, Rhazes, and all the others. 91 Though it
RS Quoted from rhe English translation in Henry E. Sigerist,

The Great Doctors, pp. 95 and 96. For the biography and teachings
of Parace1sus see Walter Pagel, Paracelsus: An Introduction to
PfJilosopbical Medicine in the Era Of the Renaissance.
lin Seven Defensiones, preface; in Four Treatises of Theophras-
tus von Hohenheim called Paracelsus, p. 10.
90 Labyrinthuf 111edicorU11l errantium, dedication: 'Theophrasrus
von Hochenheim ere. Sagt den Hippocrarischen Doctoribus seinen
Gruss." In Paracelsus, Theophrast von Hob":'lheim (Paracelsus):
Sieben Defensiones twd Labyrinthus mer!:.."rum errantium, p. 45.
91 Ibid., preface ro the reader; p. 49.
 Gale17is11l 130

would be wrong to say that the separation of Hippocrates

from Galen was the achievement of Paracelsus, he cer-
tainly contributed to it, and thus the main responsibility
for traditional medical science was assigned to Galen. Since
the science of Aristotle and of Galen was anathema to
Paracelsus, the conflict with Galen was inescapable.
On first sight this may seem puzzling. For Paracelsus, ex-
perience was the supreme teacher, and Galen, too, had be-
lieved in experience as one of the legs on which medicine
stood. But to Paracelsus, experience, in contrast to mere
knowledge of facts, included science. Everybody knew
that pears grew on a pear tree, and the tree possessed the
knowledge, the science, of how to produce pears. God had
given it this knowledge; man had to discover it. If man was
able to acquire the science of the tree, then he possessed
true experience, i.e., a knowledge of how ends were
achieved. The physician should know how to make his
patients healthy, just as the pear tree knew how to grow and
ripen the pears. 92 Paracelsus was not very explicit on how
one was to acquire the kind of science the tree had; but it
certainly did not consist in explanations by means of logi-
cally demonstrated theories of qualities, clements, and hu-
mors. All such explanations were mere phantasies and
sophistries.
The clash of Paracelsus and Galen was not without his-
torical irony. Galen had accused the physicians of his time
of looking for wealth rather than the acquisition of tfilth,
and Paracelsus, on his side, heaped scorn on the greed of
the doctors. In this he was not alone. The cOvetousness of
physicians was a favored theme, and it was connected with
92 Ibid., ch. 6. Fundamentally, Paracelsus's science is defined
technologically.
 A utbority aJld Challcllge 131

the name of Galen, the allegorical representative of medi-

cine. As an often quoted adage had it: "Oat Galenus opes,
dat Iustinianus hOl1ores." n:l (Galen [i.e., medicine] gives
riches, Justinian [i.e., law] gives honors.) Rightly or
wrongly, the great Galenist Jacobus Sylvius had become
so notorious for his avarice that even during his lifetime a
satirical Latin epitaph was composed. A free French con-
temporary rendering might be Englished as follows:
Here lies Sylvius, who never alive
From gratis giving could pleasure derive.
Now that he's dead and worms on him feed
He's still vexed that for free these lines
you may read. 94
But there was a difference in emphasis between the atti-
tudes of Galen and Paracclsus. Galen himself claimed never
to have requested an honorarium from a patient; for him,
the haughty pagan, lust for money was evil because it made
the greedy person an unscrupulous physician and turned
him away from science. The fervent Christian Paracelsus,
however, pleaded the cause of the sick from whom the
money was exacted and to whom the physician owed com-
passion and charity.!H;
93 For sources and variants see Hans Walther, ed., Proverbia
sente1ltiaeque latinitatis medii aevi, pt. I, p. 608.
94'1 he original Latin verse together with his French rendering
is cited by Henri Estienne, Apologic pour H erodote, I: 310. The
English rendering is by C. Lilian Temkin. For material on Sylvius's
avarice see Nancy F. Osborne, The Doctor in the French Litera-
ture of the Sixteenth Century, pp. 16 f.
95 Seven Defensiones 5 (Four Treatises, p. 29): "Thus should

we know that there are two kinds of physicians: those who act
for love, and for profit, and by their works are they both known."
(c. L. Temkin's trans.). For more detail see Temkin, Falling Sick-
ness.pp.17°-172.
 G 11/ e1Jism I F

Paracelsus's was a frontal attack upon the established way

of thinking, backed by a religious feeling of the physician's
duties toward the sick and toward God. Where Galen had
reasoned and deduced, Paracelsus appealed to an as yet un-
charted search of nature and to parables of macrocosm and
microcoslll. 9G His offer of a new theoretical approach was
combined with the offer of a new therapy by chemically
prepared remedies often containing metals. Although such
remedies had been used even internally before him without
arousing opposition, their use coupled with his name be-
came a shibboleth for physicians. 97 The medical world was
divided into Galenists and Paracelsists, just as the Christian
world became divided into Catholics and Protestants.
The appearance of Paracclsus and of the Aldine edition
of Galen's works almost coincided. It would seem that no
two events could contrast more. Paracelsus had no use for
the humanistic occupation with classical authors and with
words, and to most of the humanistic Galenists Paracelsus
and his whole following were an abomination. Yet the two
had one thing in common. Together they separated West-
ern medicine from the medicine of the East. Humanism
with its cult of Greek and Latin literature, historiography,
and an was a Western phenomenon, as was the religious
and social motivation of Paracelsus.!l8 Together they split
the unity of medicine. They also gave it its particular char-
acter by setting it on a course that marked the end of the

1160wsei Temkin, "The Elusiveness uf Paracelsus," pp. 200-2 I I.

07 Robert Multhauf, "Medical Chemistry and 'The Paracelsians',"
and Pagel, Paracelsus, pp. 266 ff.
98 At the end of the seventeenth century, an attempt to intro-
duce Paracelsian medicine into the East was made by Ibn Salliim;
see Ullmann, M edizin im Isla1n, pp. 106 f. and 182-184'
 A ut!Jority and Challellge 133
international medieval science to which Arabs, Christians.
and Jews had contributed.lll) From here on, our concern
will be with Western Galcnism only.
90 The long-continued use of Arabistic texts does not contradict
this statement. The texts were "still" used; they no longer formed
part of the creative efforts of the time.
 IV Fall and
Afterlife

So great is the impact of physics on the other sciences,

from chemistry to biology, that the beginning of modern
physics in the seventeenth century appears as the beginning
of modern science in general. Reforms of science in the six-
teenth century seem more like a renaissance of ancient
thought than a basic change. In 1543, Copernicus described
the heliocentric system, fully aware that it had heen con-
ceived in antiquity. In the same year, Andreas Vesalius,
professor of surgery at the University of Padua, puulished
his "Seven Books on the Fabric of the Human Body," men-
tioning his desire to bring back the glory of the ancients,
who had not hesitated to advance medicine by manual oper-
ations in surgery and anatomy.1 No less a scholar than
Charles Daremberg stated that, seen in historical context,
Vesalius's Fcrbrica "was nothing but a revised, corrected,
1 Preface to the Fabrica, English translation by C. D. O'M:llIey,
Andreas Vesalius of Brussels, 1514-1564, pp.' 317-314. It is worthy
of note that the praise of handiwork eomes from a learned hu-
manist. It was not restricted to barber-surgeons like Ambroise Pare,
on which see Edgar Zilsel, "The Genesis of the Concept of Scien-
tific Progress," p. 341.

134
 Fall and Afterlife 135

and much improved edition of Galen's anatomical writ-

ings." :I
Yet it is important to remember that the scientific revolu-
tion connected with the names of Kepler, Galileo, Boyle,
and Newton coincided with innovations in biology and
medicine; that Aristotelian biology did not go down to de-
cisive defeat; that even a hundred years before the rise of
mechanistic philosophy Galenism no longer represented
medicine as a whole and faced a formidable antagonist in
the Paracelsians, the third power in the struggle; 3 and that
what looks like mere reform initiated changes that were to
move medicine ever further from its traditional ways. Even
disregarding the blow to ancient physics and chemistry,
Galenism as a science could hardly have survived past the
middle of the seventeenth century, but as a guide to medical
practice Galenism did survive in spite of the new philoso-
phy. Indeed, the extinction of Galenism was not a sudden
event but a process in which very dramatic episodes inter-
2 Charles Daremberg, Histoire des sciences medicales, I: 329.
Vesalius himself (Fabrica, preface, O'Malley, p. 321) attributed
his discovery that Galen "never dissected a human body," to the
revived art of human dissection and to careful reading of Galen's
books (he prepared the anatomical works for the Latin Giunta
edition). The humanistic element in Vesalius's discovery, that led
him bad, to the ancients, must neither be denied, nor must its
share be overrated. Vesalius's teachers, Sylvius and Guinther of
Andernach, great humanists though they were, did not make the
discovery.
3 Robert Lenoble, Mcrsenne ou la ?laissance du mecanisme, p. 8,
has depicted the three-cornered situation among scholastics, natu-
ralists (including Paracelsists, see p. 109), and mechanists. In a
letter to Jacob Thomasius of 1669, Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz,
Opera philosophica, p. 52, recognized Aristotelians, the followers
of Paracelsus and van Helmont, and Cartesians as the three parties
in philosophy.
 GalC17is11l 136

changed with inconspicuous, though not less important,

developments. No single cause can be assigned to it, and the
conditions facilitating or pressing for change were mani-
fold. To mention but a few: Paracclsus and his followers
questioned the moral, religious, and scientific validity of
medieval Galenism. The humanists, for their part, tried to
liberate Galen from Arabistic interpretations, but they
could not, and did not, simply overlook what had happened
in the course of thirteen hundred years. The gradual rise
of the barber-surgeons, such as Ambroise Pare, and of the
apothecaries in England brought medical men to the fore
who had no vested interest in Galen. Thus there were many
causes for the decline of Galenism, and not all of them were
intellectuaL Among those emanating from medicine which
concerned Galenism more specifically, the anatomical
movement of the Renaissance played a very significant role.
Names and events are well known; seen in their connection
with Galenism, they present themselves as follows.
At some time in the Middle Ages post-mortem autopsies
of man began to be made. 4 In 1507 a book, "On Some Hid-
den and Remarkable Causes of Disease and Recovery," was
edited from the records of the Florentine physician Antonio
Benivieni (1443-1502) and published posthumously. It is
a collection of case histories, several of them accompanied
by autopsy reports. Benivieni's brother waS induced to see
to the publication, because he was "delighted by the very
novelty of the matter and the variety of the selection." :; If
4 See above, Chapter III, where attention has been drawn to the
difference between post-mortem autopsies and public anatomies;
see also William S. Heckscher, Rembrandt's Anatomy of Dr.
Nicolaas Tulp, p. 45.
5 Antonio Benivieni, De abditis nonnullis ac mirandis morborum
et sanationu11l cawis, preface by Hieronymus Benivieni; p. 2.
 Fall and Afterlife 137

he saw novelty in the necropsy reports, the book itself does

not indicate any consciousness of it on the part of its author.
As a modern historian expressed it: "One of the chief
charms of his record is the casual way in which the ne-
cropsy protocols are introduced." 6 Of a noblewoman who
died prostrate with pain from stone, Benivieni wrote: "but
since she had not previously perceived any hann from it,
the physicians thought it right to cut open the body of the
dead woman." 7 The reference to "the physicians" is also
a reference to a practice well-established by the fifteenth
century.a The book does not teach pathology contradictory
to Galen, but it brings to public notice a method which
Galen had not used, and it does so without methodological
comments.
Reports of post-mortem autopsies in unusual cases es-
tablished themselves in the literature of the sixteenth cen-
tury, and with the increasing attention given to the prac-
tice, there also arose dissatisfaction with various Galenic
pathological theories. For instance, Galen had attributed 50-
called idiopathic epilepsy to the accumulation of a cold and
viscous humor in the ventricles of the brain. But dissections
of epileptics in the sixteenth century failed to reveal the
presence of such a humor, and the physicians looked for
other causes. 9 Pathological anatomy grew slowly; surgeons,
accustomed to deal with local lesions, contributed much to
it. fv1aterial accu mulated, until Morgagni, in 1761, made it a
6 Esmond R. Long in Benivieni, p. xxxii.
7 Benivieni, ch. 94, p. 176: "visum est medicis monuae cadaver
incidere."
8 Cf. Long in Benivieni, p. xxxii. The beginnings of the practice
precede the fourteenth century.
9 For details and citations of sources, see Owsei Temkin, The
Falling Sickness, pp. 198 f.
 GalcuislIl 138

discipline in its own right; diseases were believed to have

their seat in organs, the organic changes causing the de-
parture from health. Pathological anatomy became the
cornerstone of modern medicine as it developed in Paris,
Vienna, Dublin, London, and elsewhere in the early nine-
teenth century. It was a far cry from the Ars medica. Yet
the reader of Galen's work on morbidly affected organs
cannot say that he underestimated the localistic interpreta-
tion of disease. 1o He did not inspect the diseased viscera
and had, therefore, to deduce their condition from clinical
signs, which left much of his pathology within the boun-
daries of his speculations.
The replacement of speculation by autopsy waS a greater
methodological step than was the replacement of monkeys
by human bodies in the exploration of the anatomy of man.
But whereas in pathology the new method advanced slowly,
in normal anatomy Vesalius's book, a work of great splen-
dor, stressed the methodological departure from Galen and
caused an immediate and deep impression on contempo-
ranes.
Galen, like other Greek anatomists, had tried to minimize
the gap between animal and man by choosing animals not
too distant from man. Under the prevailing circumstances,
this was a methodological virtue. Then came the medieval
public anatomies, and the custom of human dissection was
handed over to Vesalius by the anatomists and surgeons
of his own day, bad as their performances often were, and
by artists like Leonardo da Vinci, slight though the attcn-

10 Walther Riese, in The Conception of Disease, Its History,

Its Versions and Its Future, p. 42, and "The Structure of Galen's
Diagnostic Reasoning," p. 779, has rightly stressed Galen's anatomi-
cal bent.
 Fall aud Afterlife 139

tion might be that they received from the professors.u

In anatomy the Greeks, including Galen, had built up a
conceptual scheme which is still largely ours and where
form is related to function. In nature, bones have ligaments,
capsules, and tendons attached to them, and muscles are not
free of fascia and connective tissue. The esophagus, stom-
ach, and intestines are autonomous organs only if we sep-
arate them from one another. The separation is not guided
by morphological differences alone, but also by the assign-
ment of functional differences whereby they become differ-
ent "instruments." Whereas medieval anatomical illustra-
tors often were satisfied with visual symbolization of con-
cept, Leonardo da Vinci (1452-1519) tried to represent the
organ as it is seen after preparation, i.e., after anificially
giving it an existence of its own. \Vhat Leonardo did in his
drawings a few Italian surgeon-anatomists began to do in
their verbal descriptions. For instance, they began to doubt
the existence in man of the rete mirabile, a conglomerate of
blood vessels found in animals at the base of the skulJ.12
The very first of the "Six Anatomical Tables," which
Vesalius published in 1538, shows the dilemma in repre-
senting traditional physiological concepts in visual form. 13
The left main part of this table (sec Figure 5) exhibits the
liver and the portal system of veins, together with a small
part of the digestive tract, the whole carrying the caption:

11 The degree to which Leonardo and his pupils, directly or in-

directly, influenced academic anatomists is still a moot question.
12 See Gernot Rath, Andreas Vesal im Lichte neuer Forschungen,
p. 12, and Loris Premuda in Herrlinger and Kudlien, ed., Fruhe
Anatomie, p. 116.
13 The Tabulae arJatomicae sex are conveniently reproduced in
facsimile by Charles Singer and C. Rabin, A Prelude to Modern
Science.
 UalclIis1Il 140

"The liver, workshop of sanguification, through the portal

veins . . . takes chylus from the stomach and the intestines
and purges the black bile humor into the spleen." In this
illustration of a piece of Galenic physiology the liver is
represented, traditionally, with five 10bes.14 Yet on the right
side of the table, where the "organs of generation" are de-
picted, the liver is sketched incompletely, yet correctly,
with but two lobes! \Vhere realism was of little conse-
quence, it could be allowed to prevail.
In Vesalius's great work of 1543, the method of human
dissection has attained methodological awareness. Vesalius
has discovered that Galenic anatomy was based on the ani-
mal body; Hi consequently, much of what Galen had pre-
sented as human anatomy was mere imagination. For
Vesalius, Galen's method was faulty.1G
Galen's supremacy was thus broken in the field where he
had proved superior to Aristotle and the Stoics.17 He was
now held in error not just in a few details, but in having
14 The liver is declared to have five lobes in Hippocrates, De
natura ossium I (Oeuvres completes d'Hippocrote, ed. Linre, 9:
168); d. Nikolaus Mani, Die bistorisehen Grundlagen dcr Leber-
forsebung, 1: 24. Galen did not ascribe five lobes to the liver; he
left their number indefinite.
Hi See above, n. 2; also Vesalius, Fabriea, p. 275: "Galen us, si
hominem unquam secuisset."
IGVesalius, Fabrica, p. 635: "Quis enim, obsecro, ... non vel
hinc conspiciet, Galenum pleraque, er praecipue in libris de Usu
partium imaginatum fuisse?"
17 This, however, does not mean that Galen was disposed of as a
teacher of anatomy. Volcher Coiter, Externarum et intcrnarum
principaliu11t humani corporis partium tabulae 6: "Si quis itaque
artem Anatomicam recte addiscere cupit, primo legat libros Galcni
de usu part[ium] de anatomic[is] administrationibus, deinde Vesalii
fabricam humani corporis," etc. This was said in r573.
 Fall and Afterlife 14 1
used a wrong method. I8 The printing press, which made it
possible for many readers to see the new realistic illustra-
tions, put the new science of anatomy into the public
domain,
Although Vesalius's criticism did not transcend anatomy,
Galen's authority was shaken. The outcry of Vesalius's
own teacher, Iacobus Sylvius, proves how orthodox human-
ist Galenists hated to see Galen challenged,IO although much
of his anatomy could easily be replaced by the new find-
ings witH little immediate damage to the prevailing theory
of medicine. What did it matter to the doctor of how many
parts the sternum was composed? But this was true only up
to a point. The new anatomy was important for the de-
velopment of pathology, for surgery, and of course for
physiology. Unorthodox views also found support in it, as
evinces in the case of Ioannes Argenterius (1513-1572),
one of the most outspoken critics of Galen within the camp
of academic physicians. 20
"The philosophers," he wrote, "want it that Aristotle,
uniquely, never erred. The physicians fight for Galen, and
everyone most zealously battles for his author without any
shame." Anatomy had to pay for the consequences of blind
authoritarianism. "Hence it happened that persuaded by
Galen's authority, to the point of being quite careless in ob-
18 This very old observation has to be mentioned in the present
context; d. among others Heinrich Heinrichs, "Die Oberwindung
der Autoritat Galcns durch Denker lier Renaissancezeit," pp. 3r
40, who has rightly emphasized the importance of method in
Vesalius.
19 See above, Chapter III, n. 8r. Nevertheles.<;, Ashley Montague
(see below, n. roo) is probably right in claiming that the number of
uncompromising antagonists to Vesalius was small.
20 On Argenterius see Walter Pagel, l'iTTiTrclsus, PP' 30r-304.
 Ga IC71iS11l 142

serving what the senses indicated, we hitherto believed the

descriptions of monl{eys and dogs that had been dissected
instead of men to be men, undoubtedly hecause, seduced
by a bad error, we preferred to believe another's word more
than our senses." 21
Argenterius doubted Galen's assertion that the psychic
spirit was elaborated from arterial blood in the retiform
plexus (the rete mirabile). "But this does not exist in human
heings," he said, "or is certainly not as evident as in animals,
whereas human beings do require a purer spirit and, there-
fore, a more evident retiform plexus, one made with greater
art." 22 He used this argument, among others, in refuration
of the existence of three spirits. There existed only one
spirit, flowing from the heart and carrying heat, the instru-
ment of life and of all actions.2~ To this unitarian doctrine
of the spirit corresponded a unitarian doctrine of the soul.
There were not three species of soul; the different con-
stitutions of brain, heart, and liver made the one soul oper-
ate differently in these centers,24 as well as in the tissues. 2 r.
21 Argenterius, "Ad lectorem," Opera, fo!. + 6.
22 Argenterius, In arte111 1llcdicinalcm Galeni, I: 429.
23 Ibid., p. 430: "Quare unum, et non plures spiritus influenres
ponendum esse censeo." Ibid., p. 431: "Dicernus ergo spiritulll
servire singulis facultatibus non alia ratione, quam quod suo ca!orc
excitet insitum calidum. Sic enim caJidum influens a cOl'dc, instru-
mentum totius corporis, et actionulll ilIius esse dicimu.<;." Ibid., pp.
433 f.: "Naill cor in arterias illll1littit vim, qua iliac dil:wlI1wr et
comprimunrur: et praeterea sanguinem spirituosum. At ex motu,
arteriarum, et sanguinis, spiritusque influxu, fit conservatio caloris
nativi in singulis partibus: et nihil praeterea a corde Clllan:He novi-
mus. Ex quo sequitur, corpus a coroe sum ere calidut1l influel1S, vitae
et omnium actionum instrumentum, arteriasque comparatas esse ad
iIIud calidum spargendum, et conservandum in singulis rnembris."
24 Ibid., p. 413: "Ergo dicamus unam esse naturam, et formam
animae indivisibilem in plurcs species, vel partes, quae unicam ob
 Fall alld Afterlife 143

The notion of hcat-carrying spirit was neither ncw nor

uncollllllon. On occasion, Galcn himself had made similar
pr()I1()\I11Celllcnts.~<l But the doctrine of one, unspecified soul
could not bc rcconciled with Galcn, and thc doctrinc of
onc spirit certainly ran countcr to mcdicval Galcnism as laid
dowll in thc Isagoge of Iohannicius.
Aristotelians, of course, to whom the hcart rather than
the brain was the leading organ, the prince with over-all
command, \\'ere accustomcd to makc the functions of liver
and brain derivative from the heart. For them, the vital
pncuma from the he1rt was more esscntial than any other,
and thc master himself had spoken of animal hcat as anal-
ogous to the elemcnt of thc stars and as forming the l1;lture
of thc pncuma. 27

id sua natura habet facultatem, operantem tamen diversa, ob par-

tium diversitatell1."
2~ Ibid., pp. 435 f., where Argenterius discusses the liver as al-
leged source of natural faculties: "Nec vew quatuor istae facul-
tatcs, ab hepate in alias partes mittutttur: l"Juandoquidem passim
Galenus alibi, et in hoc capite scribit, insitas eas esse ex proprio
temperanlento: nos verius Jicelllus ab anima." For these and other
deviations of Argenterius from Galen, d. Pagel, Paracelsus, pp.
3°1-3 0 4.
26 In arguing for the existence of but one spirit, Argenterius
evell used Galen. Thus he wrote, In arte111 111edicinale11l, I: 430:
"Nam si innatum calidum est spiritus (ut Galenus dicere solet)
unus erit spiritus, quia calidum innatum unum est." Cf. ahove, Chap-
ter II, n. 126.
27 Jacobus Zaharella, Liber de partitione ani711ae 9, in De rebus
nat1lralibus libri XXX, col. 749: "cor in nulla particnlari actione
occnpatur; sed in hac una universali gencrandorum spirituum
vitalium, per quos tanquam princeps dicatur omnes edere opera-
tiones." Ibid., col. 742: "His ita constitutis ostendo nullum princi-
patum iecinori attribui posse, deindc idem in cercbro demon-
strabo, ut ostensUlll mancat, solum cor esse membrum princeps, 'et
 ([aIel/ism 144

In some respects, Argemerius can be seen within the

perspective of a continuing debate among Galenists, Aris-
totelians, and those who borrowed from both. Arnald of
Villanova (about 1300), one of the great scholastic philos-
opher physicians, a man with originality of mind, cited
Galen for the concrete unity of vital spirit and heat, which
could be distinguished by reason alone. But he continued:
when "informed" by the liver, vital spirit beeame natural
spirit, and when "informed" by the brain, it passed into
animal spirit. This had leo physicians to speak of liver and
brain as origins of the two spirits. "Physicians" here stood
for the Galenic view. Arnald's Renaissance commentator,
Nicolaus Taurellus (1547-1606), expressed his displeasure
with those who believed that all three spirits had the same
substance and were distinguished only by the powers they
carried. What the three spirits did, they did "by their whole
substance." 28
On the other hand, Aristotelians had to defend the soul
as the body's form, which excluded identifying it with a
mere material mixture of qualities or humors. Allegedly
Galen had done so, and he was accused of materialistic bias.
Temperament in this sense, like spirit and heat, could be
no more than an instrumental cause. Only if temperament
was understood as "idiosyncrasy," i.e., the specific tempera-
ment of one individual, did it fulfill the oemands for
"substantial form." 29

univcrsae animac sedcm." On Aristotle's association of Spirit

(pneu111a), vitality, :md celestial heat, d. above, Chapter II, n. 133.
28 Arnald of Villanova, SpcClIlu1Il il1trodlictoriTmz 71lcdicinali1l11l
8, in Opera ol1mia, cols. 25-26.
29 Joannes Magirus, Pbysiologierc pcripateticae libri sex 6. Ij p.
458: "A temperie enim operationes sum, tanquam ab organo, et
crasis sine fOrlna subst:mtiali nullal11 prorsus edit actionem." Ibid.,
 Fall and Afterlife 145
But the idea of the soul as form of the body was :math-
ema to a grou p of naturalist philosophers led by Bernardinus
Telesius (1509-1588), who were anti-Aristotelian as well as
anti-Galenic. They too have to be considered for a better
understanding of the position of Argenterius, as well as of
Galen, around 1600.
As Telesius and his defender Thomas Campanella (15 68-
1639) taught, man shared with animals a soul which, sub-
stantially, was spirit. 30 This spirit, whose main portion

3. 8; p. 116: "Etsi autem occultarum virmtum rationes ex tem-

peramentis evidenter reddi non possunt, dubium tamen non est,
quin ex peculiari et singulari tcmperamento, quae iSlOO1JYlCpa.uta
nuncupatur, vel a forma substantiali cuique individuo propria
pro fi ciscantur." Pagel, "Harvey Revisited" (pt. I), pp. 11 ff., men-
tions Du Chesne (Quercetanus) and Jacob Schegk (see below) as
critics of the materialistic bias that led Galen to overestimate the
power of mere temperament. For the acceptance of Aristotelian
notions of form and matter hy many "G:tlcnists" see Lester King,
"Medical Theory and Practice at the Beginning of the Eighteenth
Century." In a detailed study of problems of generation, Jacques
Roger, Les sciences de la vie dans la pensce fra11faise du XV/lle
siecle, pp. 544J4, has traced the disputes between Aristotelians and
Galenists. He suggests (pp. 91-<)-l and 767) that the Galenists
actually contrihuted to the decline of Aristotelianism in France in
the early seventeenth century.
30 For the following outline I have used Bernardinus Telesius,
De rerum 11atura and Quod tITli11lal univers11111 ab unica animae
substantia gubernatur, adversus Galenum (in Bernardini Telesii
Consenti1li Var;i de naturalilJus rebus libel/i), of which Dr. W. B.
McDaniel, 2nd, of the College of Physicians of Philadelphia kindly
procured a Xerox copy for me, and Thomas Campanella, De sensu
rerum et 111agia libri quatuor. For the difference between animal
soul (spirit) and immortal soul (which Campanella cal1ed mens
and which Telesius declared to be the form of the animal soul),
see Telesius, De rerum natura 5. 1-3; 1: 97-104. On Camp:mella
and other anti-Aristotelians d. \Valter Pagel, "The Reaction to
Aristotle in Seventeenth-Century Biological Thought," pp. 48<)-498.
 Galcllis11l 146

dwelt in the ventricles of the brain, was comprehending,

irascible, and concupiscent; it flowed through spinal cord,
nerves, and fibres, the latter being but shoots of the nerves.
Hence the soul (spirit) was neither the form of the body,
nor was it its temperament; rather it was its mistress and
dwelt in it. Volulltary movements and the actions attributed
to the natural faculties by Galen were all caused by the
spirit. 31
T elesius approvingly quoted Aristotle to the effect that
all seed contained spirit, for he insisted that the animal soul
developed from this spirit, which could be said to be com-
posed of heat and very thin matter. It could also be said
that the soul was hot spirit, or even that the heat was soul,
and Campanella interpreted Genesis 9, forbidding Noah to
feed on the blood of animals, as God's declaration "that the
spirits which are in the blood and originate from the blood
are the soul of the animal." :12

On Telesius as anti-Galenist d. Heinrichs, "Die Uberwindung der

Autoritat Galens," pp. 24-33. For simplicity's sake I have not
dwelt on the differences between Telesius and Campanella, which
appear relatively slight as far as the present context is concerned.
31 Campanella, De se11SU rerU1lI, ch. 9; p. 70: "Eundem spiritum
esse animam cognoscentem irascibilem, ct concupiscibilem, et
motricem, contra Galenum." For the fibres as shoots of the nerves,
cf. Telesius, Quod animal universum, ch. 14, fo!. 17 v• Campanella,
ch. 18; p. 1'7: "Animam non esse corporis formam, sed Dominam:
et accolam: excepta mente humana." The term accola may mean
"dwelling at its temple" (Le., the brain). In ch. '3; p. 96, he com-
pares the spirit to "the mariner in the ship, or the master in his
palace, and the people in the city." At any rate, the spirit is not
imagined as an immanent part of the rest of the body.
32 In quoting Aristotle, Generation of Animals 2. 3, Telesius,
De rerum natura 5. 5; 2: III omits the end of the passage on the
relationship of animal spirit to the heavenly element. Telesius,
Quod animal universum, ch. 7, fo!. 8V : "(spiritus) summo nimirum
 Fall aud Afterlife 147

Yet against Aristotle, T elesius declared: "The heat of fire

is not different from the heat of animals and of the sun";
there was no need to establish a gulf between celestial heat
and elcmentary heat. 3:\ True, in addition to his animal soul,
T elesius and Campanella ascribed to man-and to man alone
-a God-given, immortal soul. But some reasoning was as-
signed to the spirit, and even rudiments of religious feel-
ing and of moral scntiment could be credited to it according
to Campanella who believed elephants to venerate the moon
and to have a sense of honor. 34 Thus it becomes understand-
able that T eIesius's essay "That the Whole Animal is Ruled
by the Single Substance of the Soul-Against Galen" was

calore, summaque donatus est tenuitate quin animae is sub-

stantia, et ipsa omnino sit anima, nulli dubium esse potest." Campa-
nella, ch. 18; p. 119: "spiritum dicimus compositum ex calore et
materia tenuissima"; ibid., ch. 10; p. 80: "Cum autem hos omnes
actus opcrctur calor; quis neget ilIum animall1 esse? Imo Deus con-
firmat (GCIlCS. 9. c.) diccns ad Noe, ne vescatur sanguine anima-
lium, quoniam sanguis (inquit) illorum pro anima est; quasi aperte
dicens, spiritus qui in sanguine et de sanguinc fiunt esse brutorum
animam."
33Telesius, De rerum natura 6. 20; 2: 268. The difference be-
tween celestial and animal heat on thc one hand and the heat of
fire on the other is merely one of intensity, for the heat of fire
is excessively powerful and extracts all the spirit in things, mak-
ing it less thin and affording it an outlet (p. 269).
34 Campanella, ch. 23; p. 138. Nevcrtheless, though animals were
rational, their intelligence was limited in comparison to that of
man, whose organs were better and whose spirit was purer,
nobler, and rendered perfect by the immortal 11Iens (p. 142).
Campanella seems to have extended the domain of the spirit be-
yond the limits assigned to it by Telesius. For literature on
Telesius see Charles B. Schmitt, "Experience and Expcriment: A
Comparison of Zabarella's View with Galileo's in De motu," p.
104, n. 57.
 Galellism 148

duly put on the index of forbidden books together with

his main work.
Telesius and Campanella were sensualists, who believed
the elements endowed with sensation. This leaves it open
whether they degraded celestial heat or elevated elementary
heat. Even for Aristotelians, the nature of vital heat re-
mained something of a problem. Jacobus Zabarella (1532-
1589) remarked that "physicians" recognized one heat in
animals. In reality, he thought, there were two: heat orig-
inating from the soul and elementary heat, and together
the two composed the "natural heat" of the living body.
Elsewhere, Zabarella explained that all heat was from heaven
and that by itself heat had degrees but no essential dif-
ferences of action. \Vhat mattered was whether heat was
acting per se or as an instrument in the service of a higher
power, such as the sou1. 35
The Aristotelian philosopher Caesar Cremoninus (1542-
16 (3) was obviously right: dealing with the innate heat was
"extremely difficult" because of the many things authors
said about it and "particularly because there is great con-
35 Zabarella, Liber de partitione nni111ae, in De rebus naturalibus,
col. 741. Ibid., 9; col. 751: "quemadmodum enim coelestia corpora
non frigus faeiunt, sed calorem, ita et animam non frigus, sed calor
insequitur, quem Arist. in libr. 2. de Gnu animalium vitalem esse
dixit, et proportione respondere elcmento stellarum." Liber de
calore coelesti 11, in De rebus natura/ibm, col. 579, confirms that
all heat takes its origin from heaven. But although heat will melt
gold, only in the hands of an artist will it create a statue. Accord-
ingly, vital heat will resolve the food into fine particles, "yet it
docs not generate blood from them by its own power but by
virtue of the soul making use of the heat. Indeed, if somebody
puts chyle from an animal's body in a jar and supplies it with the
same heat as the liver has, still blood will not be generated." For
other authors expressing the same idea of heat as an instrument,
see Pagel, "Harvey Revisited," pt. 2, pp. '3,33, and 34.
 Fall and Afterlife '49
fusion in what they say." 36 He attacked Galen for having
thought of innate heat as a composite corporeal substance,
whereas Francis Bacon condemned him for upholding the
dichotomy of celestial and elementary heat.:17 Though
Johannes Fernclius, an unorthodox Galenist with Neopla-
tonic leanings,38 and William Harvey,39 both physicians,
acknowledged innate heat as something divine, they did not
mean it in the same way.
Considered within this variety of opinions, Argenterius is
no longer as unique as he may appear at first glance. Among
philosopher-physicians rejection of fundamental Galenic
dogmas was by no means exceptional. To Jacobus Schegkius
(ISIl-IS87), "philosopher and physician in Ttibingen,"
Galen manifestly "hallucinates when he writes that the
spirit in the brain is either the sentient soul itsel f or its prin-
cipal instrument." 40 Qua philosopher, the physician Andreas
36 Caesar Cremoninus, De calido innato, et semine pro Aristotele
adversus Galenum, p. R.
31 Ibid., pp. 99 ff. The attack centers on Gnlen's Adversus Ly-
cum. For Bacon's criticism see below, n. 88. Cf. Pagel, "Harvey
Revisited," pt. 2, pp. 21-34, for Crellloninus, Schegkius, and other
Aristotcli ans.
38 Johannes Fernelius, Physiologia 4. 6 (Universa medicina, p.
57): "Quicquid vi ram agit, salurari calore perfusum continerur et
regimr: atque is calor qualiras quum sit, torus tamen divinus est
atque caelestis, et in aetbereo spiritu subsistit."
3!l William Harvey, Anatomical Exercises on the Generation of
A7Ii1l1als, Exercise 7': (The Works of William Harvey, M.D., p.
510, Opera omnia, p. 527), speal{s of "divine" animal heat, which
has nothing to do wirh fire. See also Walter Pagel, William Har-
veY'I Biological Ideas, pp. 257 and 264. For Harvey the spirir does
not carry the innate heat; rather, the warm living blood is
spirituous.
40 Jacobus Schegkius, Philosophus et medicus Tybingensis, Trac-
talionum pbysicarum et medicarul1l tomus unus, vii libros com-
plectem, p. 258.
 GI1lellis11l 150

Caesalpinus (1519-1603) was so ardent a follower of Aris-

totle that he denied the cerebral nerves an autonomous ori-
gin and made them form from the endings of the cerebral
arteries. 41
Argenterius himself justified the placing of his views
within a general debate. On the title page of the first volume
of his commentary on Galen's Ars medica, he advertised
the work as "not only useful and necessary for those who
profess medicine, but also highly entertaining for philoso-
phers and all who delight in the knowledge of things." 42
In other words, he offered the work to the learned world of
his time. Indeed, who but a man deeply dedicated to book-
ish learning would find delight in a Latin commentary of
more than 1,100 pages? This opposition to Galenic philoso-
phy was of a different kind from that of Paracelsl1s and the
radicals among his followers and of those who were to op-
pose Galenic science when it came to break down in the
seventeenth century. Aristotelians and Galenists (a crude
antithesis by 1600 already) together were then to appear as
traditionalists, and their differences as negligible in the eyes
of defenders and enemies alike.
Within this perspective, Argenrerius must be counted as
a traditionalist, and his commentary, which exhibits a
thorough acquaintance with Galen's writings, is a valuable
41 Andreas Caesalpinus, Quaestionum peripateticaru111 5. 3; fol.
120· D and E.
42 In artem 1I1edicinalem Galeni, title page of vol. I: "Com-
mentarii tres, non solum medicinae professoribus utiles et neces-
sarii: sed etiam Philosophis, et univcrsis, (lui rerum scicntia delec-
tantur, summopere iocundi." As was usual in commentaries on the
Ars medica, Argenterius takes up the question of method, in
which scholars of the time were much interested; see W. P. D.
Wightman, Science and the Renaissance, I: 220-224. in addition
to the literature mentioned above, Chapter III, n. 40.
 Fall and Afterlife

document for radicalist criticism of Galen as man and

author in the republic of letters of the late Renaissance.
Again and again Argemerius collected all the Galenic
passages on a given topic, only to prove that Galen had
contradicted himself.4 3 As was usual in publications of this
kind, a biography of Galen was included in the introduc-
tion, and here Galen was treated with sarcasm. He had pre-
sumed to despise praise and fame and never inscribed his
name in the boohs he wrote. "Nevertheless, everywhere he
cites now this now that work, and he wrote whole books
where he indiscriminately listed all the writings he had
published and established in their order." Speaking of
Galen's tendency to hold fonh about himself, about his
character, his success, his works, etc., without neglecting
to include any tribute paid him, Argemerius added, "so we
must not exactly consider this man a Stoic."
He was an extremely gifted man and experienced in every
kind of lcarning. If he had paid attention to the method he so
oftcn praises in authorship, if he had not written so many and
such big books, and had not frequently repeated the same
thing, and constantly taught differently about the same thing,
hc would certainly have gained for himself greater fame among
the most distinguished minds. But since he wrote many works
rather negligently, elaborating or preparing only a few for
publication, as he himself asserts in his work on his own books,
he left many things for us to find out and complete. Neverthe-
less, we owe him more than to all the others who have hitherto
written on medicine. 44
43 The cntries in the index under "Galenus," which fill almost
four columns, are enlightening for Argemerius's criticism of Galen's
personality and work.
44 Ibid., I: 6 and 7. Argenterius passes a similar judgment on
Galen in his "Gratia ... Neapoli habita in initio suarum lec-
 Galenism 152

After Argenterius's criticism of Galen the reminder that

he was the master of all preceding medical authors and had
yet left room for new discoveries and completion of what
was known comes as an anticlimax. But it was in accord
with Argenterius's suggestion that the title of "Galenist"
rightly belonged to the follower of Galen's "precepts and
wish" and not to those whom Galen would have despised
for their acceptance of everything going under his name. 45
As will soon be seen, traditionalism was a social phenome-
non as well as a cultural one. Although among the tradi-
tionalists, criticism of Galenic beliefs was common enough
around 1600, nobody had as yet proved that the core of
Galenic medical science was untenable, and promising alter-
natives, apart from the Paracelsian, had not yet been pro-
posed. Under these circumstances, Galen's name still repre-
sented authority, though it did not necessarily exercise it.
As is well known, proving Galen's medical science unten-
able was left to William Harvey's demonstration of the cir-
culation of the blood in 1628. We call it a physiological dis-
covery; yet the title of his book, Exercitatio anatomica de
motu cordis et sanguinis in animalibus, attests that Harvey
considered it an anatomical exercise, for anatomy included
vivisection of animals as well as dissection of the dead.
Harvey, a pupil of Fabricius of Aquapendente and a medi-
cal graduate of Padua, here stood in the tradition of Galen
and the Renaissance anatomists!6

tionunl anno 1555. quarta Novemb.;" Opera, fol. + + 4. Everyone

of Galen's writings, he remarks, "ubertate illa Asiatica redundet."
This accusation is frequently found in critics of Galen.
4~ Opera, fol. ++ IV.
46 The anatomical procedure is so obviously followed in Har-
vey's work that it needs no supponing quotations. Procedure is
not the Same as the general setting of the work, which may well
 Fall and AJter/iJ e 153

Harvey's publication is part of the history of the dis-

covery of the circulation of the blood. This history has
been analyzed by Pagel, and Bylebyl has recently devoted
a detailed investigation to it. 47 It therefore need not be re-
told here. However important the previous steps may have
been, it was Harvey who announced the discovery of the
circulation of the blood as a coherent, experimentally dem-
onstrated theory. It became the subject of fierce contro-
versies, but around the time of Harvey's death in 1657 its
victory was assured, though far from generally conceded.
The methods Harvey used were not entirely foreign to
Galen. Thus Galen had ligated the ureters to prove the
movement of urine to the bladder, and he had ligated ar-
teries to demonstrate the provenience of the pulsatile force,
JUSt as Harvey ligated blood vessels to demonstrate the di-
rection in which blood moved in arteries and veins. Har-
vey's famous calculations of the amount of blood propelled
into the body by the left ventricle and requiring a return to
the heart had an analogue in Galen's calculation connected

be guided by philosophical or pragmatic hypotheses, for which

see Erna Lesky, "Harvey und Aristoteles," pp. 194, 30 3, 306, 309,
and 316, and Pagel, Harvey's Biological Ideas, especially pp. 81 ff.
and 33 I ff. The characterization of Harvey's anatomy as QllQtomiQ
animata (Henry E. Sigerist, "William Harveys Stellung in der
europaischen Geistesgeschichte," p. 165) is a happy one, because
it reflects Harvey's interest in biological processes, while preserv-
ing his connection with anatomy. Lesky has examined Harvey's
epistemology in its concordance with, and divergence from, Aris-
totle, much of which would still be valid if Aristotle were re-
placed by Galen. Thomas Browne praised Harvey for having
built on "the two great pillars of truth, experience and solid
reason" (see Lesky, p. 306); these pillars Galen called the two
legs of medicine. See also below, n. 49.
41 Pagel, Harvey's Biological Ideas; Jerome Bylebyl, "Cardiovas-
cular Physiology in the early Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries."
 vI/leI/mil 154

with the attraction of urine by the l{idney.48 A case might,

therefore, be made that Harvey, in spite of his attacks on
Galen, followed Galenic experimental methods. 49 But there
was a fundamental difference which was more far-reaching
than scientific methodology.
Sir William Osler once wrote that "it is difficult to un-
derstand how Galen missed the circulation of the blood." 50
He thought that Galen had made the mistake of regarding
the heart as a fireplace from which the body obtained the
innate heat, rather than as a pump for distributing the
blood. But Galen's presuppositions went beyond physiology
and the heart as the seat of the vital heat. They rested in
the dietetic orientation of ancient Greek medicine, which
gave its attention to man's food and drink and the air sur-
rounding him as necessities for the maintenance of physical
and mental life, as causes of disease, and as factors in pre-
serving and restoring health.r>' Galen tried to solve the en-

480n tbe Natural Faculties I. 13 (Loeb, p. 58) (on ligatures of

ureters); De usu partium 6. 2I (H. I: 371; May, I: 331 f.) (on
ligatures of the arteries and veins in the umbilical cord). Cf. J. S.
Wilkie, "Harvey's Immediate Debt to Aristotle and to Galen," p.
118, and Pagel, Harvey's Biological Ideas, pp. 55, 77, 280. For the
calculation of renal capacity, see On the Natural Faculties I. 17,
and Owsei Temkin, "A Galenic Model for Quantitative Rea-
soning?"
49 See also above n. 46. This is not to say that Harvey followed
only such methods as were used by Galen and Aristotle. On this
point see Michael T. Ghiselin, "William Harvey's Methodology
in De 11IOtu cordis from the Standpoint of Comparative Anatomy."
M William Osler, The Evolution of Modern Medicine, p. 82.
51 The attention to air is usually connected with the winds,
seasons, and other climatic factors; d. Hippocrates, On Airs,
Waters and Localities I and 2, and the "constitutions" in Epi-
demics 1 and 3. In Hippocrates, On Breaths 3 (Loeb, 2: 228),
three kinds of nourishment are distinguished: foods, drinks, and
 Fall and Afterlife /55

suing problems by physiological theories, of which the

following are well known. Food and drink were predi-
gested in the stomach, whence the material entered the veins
of the portal system leading to the liver, where the meta-
morphosis to blood took place. The veins originated from
the liver; they contained blood that offered nourishment to
all parts of the body.62 Air, on the other hand, entered
through the lungs and the pores of the skin. It cooled, it
was essential for the burning process necessary to maintain
the innate heat, and it was food for the innate pneuma. For
the regulation of heat, the provision of pneuma, and the re-
moval of smoke resulting from the burning process, the
arteries were the carrying system. 63 The broad ecological

pneuma (which, if inside the body, is called breath, if outside,

air). Galen, An medica 23 (K., I: 367), lists the surrounding air
as the first of the six necessities of man, food and drink coming
next. On the six "non-naturals" see above, Chapter I.
62 The venous blood also contained some crude pneuma and the
arterial blood also nourished certain organs; see Owsei Temkin,
"On Galen's Pneumatology," and below, n. 55.
53 To serve :IS nourishment for the inborn pneuma the air must
first be digested. This is effected by the flesh of the lungs, parallel
to the digestion of other food by the flesh of the liver. Funher
steps in the digestion of the air are taken in the hean and aneries,
and especially the rete mirabile and the cerebral ventricles, where
the psychic pneuma is perfected. See De usu partium 7. 8 (H.,
I: 392-394, May, I: 346-347). While a quality of the air may suf-
fice to maintain the inborn heat (see Leonard G. Wilson, "Erasis-
tratus, Galen, and the Pneuma," pp. 311 f., and Rudolph E. Siegel,
Galen's System of PhysioloKY and Medicine, pp. 154-160), a sub-
stance is needed to replenish the psychic pneuma. Though Galen
is not absolutely sure of the existence of the vital pneuma, he thinks
it reasonable to place it in the heart and aneries and to have "it too
nourished chiefly from respiration, yet also from the blood"
(Methodus 1I1edendi 12. 5 [K., 10: 839]). The notion of air being
food and being digested in the lungs was broached by the pseudo-
 Galellism 156

view of Greek medicine directed attention to the stomach,

liver, veins, and the right part of the heart on the one hand,
and to lungs, pores of the skin, the left part of the heart,
and the arteries on the other. But this left a host of
phenomena unexplained, for instance, the presence of blood
in the arteries. 54 Galen explained it by postulating the exis-
tence of anastomoses between arteries and veins, of pores in
the septum of the heart, and of a trickle of blood from the
pulmonary arteries into the pulmonary veins.
The above sketch, simplified as it is, does not reflect a
coherent, well-articulated theory of Galen's. It is an artifact
of the historian who wishes to contrast Harvey and Galen
and, to this end, picks out and putS together various pieces
found in Galen's works. 55
Aristotelian On Breath 1-2; see Siegel, Galen's System of Phys-
iology and Medicine, p. 142.
M All these details are set fonh clearly by Bylebyl, "Cardio-
vascular Physiology," in a lengthy chapter on Galen.
5" Bylebyl, "Cardiovascular Physiology," has rightly remarked
that Harvey's predecessors, including Galen, must be studied in
their own right and not exclusively in the light of Harvey's dis-
covery. Few modem investigators will deny the difficulties in
presenting a consistent account of Galen's physiological views in
general, and on the flow of blood, respiration, etc., in particular,
or absolve him from contradictions; d. Bylcbyl. Walter L. von
Brunn, Kreislauffunktion in William Harvey's Schriften, p. 108,
and A. Rupert Hall, "Studies on the History of the Cardiovascular
System." While customary and excusable, faute de 11lieux, the ex-
pression cardiovascular system is inappropriate for Galen. Our
difficulty in devising any term that would correspond to Galen's
interests indicates the incongruity between our questions and the
Galenic material. Galen saw problems of digestion, respiration,
function of the heart, pulse, nerve conduction, body warmth, and
purposeful structure, all of which he tried to solve when and
where they arose. We must, moreover, keep in mind that for the
ancient pagan, agnostic or not, air, pneuma, warmth, etc., were
 Fall and Afterlife 157

Harvey has been praised for isolating and solving a lim-

ited problem and thus clearing the way for progress in
modern science. Because of the great importance of the
problem, his work has become a foundation stone of mod-
ern physiology. But what was good for physiology was em-
barrassing for contemporary medicine, which lost its tra-
ditional theoretical basis of health and disease.
Tn the eighth chapter of his book Harvey summed up the
biological significance of the cin:ulation of the blood:

And so, in all likelihood, does it come to pass in the body,

through motion of the blood; the various parts are nourished,
cherished, quickened by the warmer, more perfect, vaporous,
spirituous, and, as I may say, alimentive blood; which, on the
contrary, in contact with these parts becomes cooled, coagu-
lated, and, so to speak, effete; whence it returns to its sovereign
the heart, as jf to its source, or to the inmost home of the
body, there to recover its state of excellence or perfection.
Here it resumes its due fluidity and receives an infusion of
natural heat-powerful, fervid, a kind of treasury of life, and
is impregnated with spirits, and it might be said with balsam;
and thence it is again dispersed; and all this depends on the
motion and action of the heart. aG
associated with traditional images which they do not have for us,
who are wont to think in physical terms without religious or
animi~tic associations. The distinction between animate and in-
animate nature, so obvious and commonplace to us, was not as
clearly drawn in antiquity. Galenic anatomy and physiology must
not be seen merdy in the context of modern anatomy and phys-
iology, out in the context of ancient medicine, philosophy, re-
ligion, and feeling for nature. It is here not so much a matter of
explicitly stated ideas as of imponderable reactions, which deter-
mine what was acceptable and fulfilled the demands for an ex-
planation; cf. above, Chapter II, nn. 127 and [30.
aG Harvey, ·Works, pp. 46 f. (Willis's trans.). Harvey's shift of
emphasis from the heart to the blood as the principle of life (see
 GalClJism 158

It was impossible to reconcile Harvey's vision with

Galen's theories and to preserve the latter as a coherent unit.
Moliere's Dr. Diafoirus, a caricatured spokesman for the
conservative Paris medical faculty, pointed to the circula-
tion of the blood as the most objectionable innovation,57
and from his point of view he was right.
The theory of the circulation of the blood was soon
above, n. 39), accompanied by his refutation of the spirits, did
not reconcile him with Galen.
57 In Le 111alade imaginaire, act 2, scene 5, Dr. Diafoirus praises
his son for clinging blindly to the ancient opinions "et que jamais
il n'a voulu comprendre ni ecouter les raisons et les experiences
des pretendues decouvertes de notre siecle touchant la circulation
du sang, et autres opinions de meme farine." The younger Riolanus
failed in his attempt to compromise between Galen and Harvey.
In his first disquisition to Riolanus, Harvey interpreted Riolanus's
u~willingness to admit the circulation of the blood as fear, "lest
it destroy the ancient medicine" (Works, Willis's trans., p. 91).
This actually was the issue (see Nikolaus Mani, "Jean Riolan II
(1580--1657) and Medical Research," p. 128). Harvey himself said
that "the circulation of the blood does not shake, but much rather
confirms the ancient medicine; though it ruus counter to the
physiology of physicians, and their speculations upon natural sub-
jects, and opposes the anatomical doctrine of the use and action of
the heart and lungs, and rest of the viscera" (Willis's trans., p.
91). Cf. von Brunn, Kreislauffunktion, p. 14. By ancient medicine
Harvey meant the traditional practice of medicine, in contrast to
physiology and anatomy. This meaning is confirmed by his quoting
( lVorks, p. 99) Riolanus to the effect that the theory of the cir-
culation supports venaesection in pneumonia as Hippocrates had
recommended it. Cf. also Works., p. 391, and Audrey B. Davis,
"Some Implications of the Circulation Theory for Disease Theory
and Treatm~nt in the Seventeenth Century." According to Davis,
Harvey defended ancient medical practices on empirical grounds,
while his discovery stimulated research on blood and the nature of
fever. For the reception of the circulation in France, see Jacques
Roger, Les sciences de fa vic dans fa pcnsCe franfaise du XV//le
riecle, pp. 42-43.
 Fall and Afterlife 159

taken out of the biological context Harvey had given to it.

In a letter Harvey himself referred to his explanation of the
functional role of the circulation as an illustration made in
passing without any claims to its truth. The letter shows
Harvey's overriding concern for the circulation as an
anatomical and physiological fact. 58 To adapt it to "the
mechanization of the world picture," 59 in which so many
of the scientists of the seventeenth century were engaged,
the vitalistic properties with which Harvey had endowed
the heart and the blood had to be omitted. This was done
by Descartes, who also did away with the natural and the
vital souls, so that the body became a machine at the dis-
position of the immaterial and immortal rational soul. 60
One other contribution of great prospective value to
mechanistic thought should be mentioned, just because it
was conceived as a complement to Galenic medicine. Galen
had spoken about the degrees by which the qualities of the
body might deviate from their normal state, but these de-
grees remained conjectural. Sanctorius (156r-1636), a
friend of GaIileo's, had long wondered how to supply ex-
58 The letter, addressed to Caspar Hofma,nn, has been published,
translated, and its authenticity demonstrated by Ercole V. Fer-
rario, F. N. L. Poynter, and K. J. Franklin, "William Harvey's
Debate with Caspar Hofmann on the Circulation of the Blood,"
p. 14: "Non nego Cap. 8 me obiter inserere illustrationis gratia, ut
verisimiliter contingere potest, quod partes a corde per influentem
calorem sanguinis foveantur. . . . Sed an ita sit nec ne, nondum
demonstrasse profiteor nondum plura dixisse" (English trans., p.
18). An English translatio,n of this letter also appears in Gweneth
Whitteridge, William Harvey and the Circulation of the Blood,
Appendix I, pp. 248-252.
59 E. J. Dijksterhuis, The Mechanization of the World Picture.
60 Pagel, Harvey's Biological Ideas, pp. 80 ff., has contrasted
Harvey's undeniable mechanistic and quantitative arguments with
the world of ideas in which they had their place; d. above, n. 46.
 Galenism 160

actness to the conjectures, and a primitive thermometer to

measure body temperature in health and disease was one of
his answers. 61 Sanctorius's endeavor to help Galenic medi-
cine by the use of the thermometer might well be cited as a
case of what the philosopher Hegel called "die List des
Begriffes," the cunning of the concept, whereby a harmless-
looking device effects the downfall of the subject. 62 The
measurement of heat and cold by the rise or fall of a fluid
in the tube of the thermometer substituted for qualities.
For Galen, hot and cold, dry and moist were meant to have
objective existence. To the touch, hot and cold are quite
different, whereas if measured by the thermometer they be-
come the more or less of something else. According to the
III Sanctorius Sanctorius, Commentaria in pri111am fen primi
libri Canonis Avicennae, questio 6 (col. ll): "Qua ratione ars
medica sit coniecturalis." One of the reasons for the conjectural
character of medicine is the quantity of disease. According to
Galen, the correct usc of a rcmcdy required not only knowledge
of the species of the disease but of its quantity too, i.e., the measure
of divergence from the natural state. Sanctorius pondered long
how this quantity might be discovered, and he utilized four in-
struments. The first was his pulsilogiu11l, the second a thermometer
(col. l2 f.): "vas vitreum quo facillime possumus singulis horis
dimetiri temperaturam frigidam, vel calidam, et perfecte scire singu-
lis horis quantum temperatura recedat a natur:lli statu prius men-
surato." In contrast to Heron, "we have adapted it [i.e., the
thermometer 1 to recognize the wann and cold temperature of the
air and of all parts of the body, as well as the degree of heat in
persons in a fever." Weir Mitchell referred to this passage in his
Early History of instrumental Precision in Medicine, p. 19, and
Karl Rothschuh, Physiologic, pp. 104-107, has a German transla-
tion of this passage. See also Arturo Castiglioni, La vita e l'opera
di Santorio Samorio Capodistriano 1)61-1636, p. 42.
62 G. W. F. Hegel, in Wisscnschaft dcr Logik I. 3. I. A
(Siimtliche ~Verke, 4: 417), speaks of the increase in quantity,
e.g., in the size of a country, which may first be welcomed yet
eventually prove destructive.
 Fall and Afterlife 161

teaching of the rising physical science, cold and hot were

merely secondary qualities, subjective sensations evoked
in the body by contact with a physical object. The meta-
morphosis of objective qualities into subjective qualities was
as destructive to Galenic science as doing away with fire,
air, water, and earth as chemical elements.
"The mechanization of qualities," as it has been referred
to,6:1 was an aspect of the development of modern physics
antagonistic to the Aristotelian idea of the structure of
matter. Galen had not been a strict Aristotelian, but the dif-
ferences between him and Aristotle paled in the light of the
new philosophies and science, and Galenism was implicated
in the downfall of Aristotelian physics.
The undermining of Galenic physiology extended to
pathology as well, for Galen's main force had been the
physiological explanation of disease. But it can rightly be
objected that practical medicine does not rest on physiol-
ogy alone, be it normal or pathological. There is nosog-
raphy, and there is the area of diagnostic and prognostic
signs, of which pulse and urine were the most important in
those days. Last but not least, there is therapy, more impor-
tant than all the other branches. Galen's fame had not rested
on nosography, where Hippocrates, Aretaeus, and Caelius
Aurelianus had excelled. Hippocrates was the clinical
teacher par excellence, and the Hippocratic works abounded
with prognostic wisdom. Apart from pulse lore, Galen
could not compete with the richness of Hippocratic clinical
observations with their appearance of being less tied to
theory. As the century progressed, the decline of scientific
Galenism enhanced the prestige of Hippocrates. With the

6-~ Dijksterhuis, Mechanization, pp. 431 fl.

 Galcllis11l 162

refutation of his great interpreter, his clinical observations

remained as his everlasting glory.64
Paracclsus already had praised Hippocrates, and so did his
successor, van Helmont, who called him "a man of the
rarest gift," in contrast to Galen with his erroneous hy-
potheses, superstitiously exploited by the schools.65
The divorce of the obsolete scientist Galen from the
perennially alive Hippocrates was also a defeat of Galen's
view of the nature of science and of scientific progress. In
his old age, Harvey once remarked that he had "oftentimes
wondered and even laughed at those who have fancied
that everything had been so consummately and absolutely
investigated by an Aristotle or a Galen, or some other
mighty name, that nothing could by possibility be added to
their knowledge." 66
64 Ludwig Edelstein, "Hippokrates," col. 134': "Entscheidender
ist noch, dass die neue Zeit in den Schriften des H[ippokrates]
wiederfindet, was fur sie selbst der Sinn ihrer Forschung ist: Ex-
periment und Erfahrung." Cf. also below, on the relationship of
Hippocrates and Sydenham. Hermann Boerhaave, Metbodus di-
scendi 1l1edicina1l1, pp. 399 L, complained that nobody after Harvey
had dealt well with symptomatology, and he strongly recom-
mended a list of Hippocratic works to his students. Then fol-
lowed Galen, who, however, suffered from two faults: too great
a Peripatetic subtlety in dividing symptoms, and reliance on Peri-
patetic principles and on the four humors in the explanation of
diseases. Boerhaave (p. 424) thought that in his dietetics Galen
stood out more advantageously than elsewhere. Erwin H. Ackerk-
necht, "The End of Greek Diet," p. 246, has remarked that Boer-
haave was one of the physicians who recommcnded classic Greek
diet. Albrecht von Haller, Bibliotbeca 111edicinae practicae, I. 229,
believed Galen to have bcen great in pulse lore and prognosis.
6" loannes Baptista van Hc1mont, Ortus 111edicillae, Promissa
authoris I; p. 7.
66 Quoted by Harvey's friend, Dr. Ent, in his dedicatory epistle
preceding Harvey's De generatiolle (Harvey, lVorks, p. 146,
 Fall and Afterlife 163

Fully appreciating what "the learned men of former

times" had found, Harvey yet thought that "much more re-
mained behind, hidden by the dusky night of nature, unin-
terrogated." 67 His own work had provided evidence that
Galen needed more than correction. Harvey had been fully
aware of the novelty of what he had to say about the heart
and the blood, and he had confessed fear of the conse-
quences. "Still the die is cast, and my trust is in my love of
truth, and the candour that inheres in cultivated minds," he
wrote in chapter eight of his book of 1628.68
In his appeal to truth Harvey might have called on Galen,
but given his estimate of where truth was to be found he
could hardly do so. Truth had to reveal what was hidden in
the dusky night of nature upon interrogation. "The sec-
rets of nature" was a favorite notion of the time, not
only among hermetic philosophers like Paracelsus and van
Helmont. Nobody could tell in advance, before explora-
tion, what the secrets might be, and nobody could be cer-
tain that his predecessors had shown the right way once and
for all. But Galen believed that Hippocrates had done just
that, and that scientific progress was a matter of correction
and perfection. Without Hippocrates, the Galenic philoso-

Willis's trans.). Lesky, "Harvey und Aristoteles," p. 194, refers to

the significance of this passage.
67 Harvey's introduction to De generatione ( Works, p. 153;
Opera, p. 169) strikes a similar note when he describes the way
to "penetrate at length into the heart of her [i.e., Narure's] mys-
tery (ad intima tandem ipsius arcana penetrabimus)." From Mani,
"Jean Riolan II," p. 126, it evinces that Harvey's opponent re-
mained faithful to the Galenic outlook of limited progress within
the boundaries of the past.
68 Harvey, Works, p. 45 (\ViIlis's trans.).
 Ga/cllism 164

phy of science was rootless, not because of what it taught,

but because of what it aspired to. 69
Now that we have all but buried Galen, we must ask
whether he was really dead. To judge by the clamor of
London in the sixties, the Galenists were still very much
alive, at least alive enough to be attacked by apothecaries
and by "chymical physitians," i.e., followers of van Bel-
mont. One of the accusations leveled against them was
"superstitious devotion to their old heathenish Authors"; 70
Galen and Aristotle were compared to coach horses who
had drawn posterity after them. 71 Their learning was idle
and their remedies were inefficient. All this went back t:,
Paracelsus and received a strong impetus during the Puritan
revolution and the early days of the Restoration, when the
teachings of van Belmont became very popular. 72 Much of
the agitation was directed against the London College of
Physicians, which may seem surprising. From the begin-
ning, the College had stood by its Fellow, \Villiam Harvey;
it was by no means regressive in the new sciences,'~ some of
its members had made wei!'hrv contributions during the
'" .
69 In spite of his agnosticism and the many occult propenies
Galen accepted, his univer:.e was neither a mystery to be unveiled
nor a book to be read.
70 Quoted from Herry Thomas, "The Society of Chymical
Physitians," p. 59.
71 Quoted from R. 1'. Jones, Ancients and Moderns, p. 135.
72 Cf. Theodore M. Brown, "The College of Physicians and the
Acceptance of Iatromechanism in England, 1665-1695"; P. M. Rat-
tansi, "Paracel:;us and the Puritan Revolution" and "The Hcl-
montian-Galenist Controversy in Restoration England"; and Al-
len G. Debus, Science and Education in the Seventeentb Century,
passim.
73 C. \Vebster, "The College of Physicians: 'Solomon's House'
in Commonwealth England."
 Fall and A f terlife I 65

years of violent popular outcry, and it was strongly repre-

sented in the Royal Society, which could hardly be called
a gathering of Aristotelians and die-hard Galenists.
Nevertheless, its members could still summarily be called
Galenists, because the fall of the Galenic science of medi-
cine was not identical with the fall of the Galenic practice
of medicine. Fever was still diagnosed and prognosticated
from the pulse. Bleeding as a form of treatment stopped as
little as did purging, puking, and the prescription of
Galenicals, i.e., remedies which were not prepared chemi-
cally. Cold might no longer be a primary quality, but cool-
ing remedies might seem no less indicated in fevers and in-
flammations, and in the popular mind they have remained so
to this day.H Galenic dietetics and therapy had been prac-
ticed for hundreds of years and supposedly had prevented
and cured diseases. There was no reason for thinking that
they had stopped doing SO.75 An enemy chided the Galenists
for having made hardly any progress in the practice of
medicine, in spite of the new anatomical discoveries, es-
pecially that of "our never-sufficiently honoured Country-
man Doctor Harvey." 76 Whereupon, defenders of the tra-
ditional academic ways gave the accusation a positive turn.
The practice of Physick hath been bottomed upon experience
and observation. . . . And that is the reason, that the discov-
74 It is, of course, debatable in how far tradition or the feeling
of immediate relief is responsible for the popularity of refrigerants.
The topic of Galenism in modern folk medicine lies outside the
present work
75 See above, n. 57. The diet, however, often tended to deviate
from that prescribed by Galen; see Ackerknecht, "The End of
Greek Diet."
76 John Webster, Acadellliarum Examen, p. 74, in Debus, Science
and Education, p. 156.
 Galenism 166

cries of the Circulation of the blood, of the venae lacteae, both

Mesentericall and Thoracicall, of the vas breve, and severall
new ductus, vasa lymphatica etc. have not made an alteration
in the practise of Physick, answerable to the advantage they
have given to the Theory; and the security and confirmation
they have brought to the former waies of practise.77
In the middle of the seventeenth century the term Galen-
ist was still meaningful if used to demarcate traditional edu-
cation and practice against other forms. As doctors of medi-
cine the Galenists in London formed a relatively small body
of men who had been taught at the universities and who
served the upper strata of society. Their number was not
sufficient to treat all the sick, and their fees were high. 78
The bulk of the people were taken care of by the surgeons
and apothecaries, who had obtained the right to treat pa-
tients besides selling them their medicines.
The complexity of the situation is illustrated by the ap-
pearance, in 1652, of an English paraphrase, with commen-
tary, of Galen's Ars medica. Its author, Nicholas Culpeper
(1616-1654), offered the book as "a Primmer to learn
Physick by," for Galen's work "contains the first Rudiment
of the Art; It is the last thing that ever Galen wrote, and
contains the Epitome of all the rest of his large writings,
and I hope shall lose nothing by my Comment on it, what I
have added was only to bring his Theory into a part of a
Practick." Although Culpeper speaks of Paracelsus as a
77 John Wilkins and Seth Ward, Vindiciae AcademiaTulIl, p. 35,
in Debus, Science and Education, p. 229. On traditionalism in the
seventeenth century see Erwin H. Ackerknecht, Tberapie, ch. 8
(pp. 66 if.).
78 Rattansi, "The Helmontian-Galenist Controversy," pp. 5-8.
For the general social background see Christopher Hill, Intellectual
Origins of the English Revolution, ch. 2.
 Fail and After/i{e 167

man "whose name shall ever be dear to posterity," he almost

exclusively prescribes Galenicals. 79 Culpeper has no quarrel
with Galen; but he has a quarrel with those who hide the
knowledge of medicine in a foreign tongue: "Such as get
their livings under this Monopoly do it because it toucheth
their coppy-hold." He makes it unmistakably clear that he
has in mind "our grave, wise, and learned CoIledg of Physi-
tians as their Pupils and Flatterers are pleased to call
them." 80 Just because Culpeper does not attack Galen him-
self, the social component of the usual attacks upon "the
Galenists" becomes all the clearer.
But this only complicates the question of the meaning of
Galenism in other than Helmonrian and social perspective.
It was connected with traditional education, which meant a
scholastic curriculum in which Aristotle, Hippocrates, and
Galen supplied authoritative texts. The connection of Aris-
totle and Galen was stressed by the critics as much as by
die-hard conservatives. "And . . . because the heathnish
Phisicke of Galen, doth depende upon that heathnish
Philosophic of Aristotle . . . ," wrote a Paracelsian author
of 1585.81 John Webster, in his criticism of academies
79 Galens Art of Physick. All the preceding quotations are from
the preface "To the Reader." In chapter 33, which deals with
"Signs of a hot and dry Heart," Culpeper, p. 33, in addition to
various "herbs medicinal" and "Syrups and Conserves made of
them," advises: "also let such drop four or five drops of Oyl of
Vitriol, or Spirit of Salt in their Drinks." As far as I can see, these
are the only chemical prescriptions. The book contains long di-
gressions, the principal being a section on the temperaments, and
it has a distinctly practical aim, including many therapeutic di-
rections.
80 Ibid., preface co the reader. For Culpeper's charge of monop-
oly see also Hill, Intellectual Origins, pp. 29 and 81 f.
81 Quoted from Paul H. Kocher, Science and Religion in Eliza-
bethan England, p. 252.
 UaJelliJ111 1 (,~

(1654) said: "For Galen, their great Coryphaeus and A1l-

tesigna1lus [i.e., leader] hath laid down no other principles
to build medicinal skill upon, than the doctrine of Aris-
totle," 82 referring to Galen's theories of elements, quali-
ties, temperaments, and humors. At the University of Bo-
logna, on the other hand, an oath was imposed on medical
graduates binding them to uphold the doctrines of Aristotle,
Hippocrates, and Galen, and this was changed only after
1671.83 Oxford and Cambridge long preserved scholastic
curricula, and in the early eighteenth century Morgagni
stilliecrured on Galenic texts. 84
Puritans were particularly sensitive to un-Christian tenets
in the philosophy of both Aristotle and Galen, notably the
eternity of the world and the mortality of the soul. The
glorification of Nature, who did nothing in vain and de-
served divine honors, was thought by Robert Boyle to make
her a competitor of God, and hence unacceptable. He de-
nied Nature's healing power and insisted that the boay
operated according to blind laws coming directly from
God. 85
There were reasons for singling out Galen as a particular
object of attack. Had he not dared to blame the Christians
for their faith without demonstration? That made him not

82 John Webster, p. 72, in Debus, Science and Education, p. 154.

On occasion even Campanella made Galen a Peripatetic: De se71SU
rerum et 11lagia ch. 3; p. 8: "Dehinc incusare licet Galenum, ali-
osque Peripatcticos."
83 See Howard B. Adelmann, Marcello Malpighi and the Evolu-
tion of Embryology, I: 86-87.
84 See Phyllis Allen, "Medical Education in 17th Cenmry En-
gland," pp. 119 fT.
85 Robert Boyle, A Free Inquiry into the Vulgar Notion of
Nature, pp. 106 f., 129, 143.
 Fall and Afterlife 169

only a heathen but an enemy of Christianity.86 Again, Prot-

estants strongly inclined toward looking on progressive re-
search as a duty imposed by God. Paracelsus (though not
formally a Protestant) had insisted on the physician's obli-
gation to search for a cure for allegedly incurable diseasesY
From this point of view, mere continuation of traditional
practice was not defensible. Religious motives paralleled
the notions of Francis Bacon, who called Galen mean-
spirited, vain, and a deserter from experience and held him
directly responsible for the conservatism of the doctors.
"Are you not, Galen, the one who exempts the physicians'
ignorance and slothfulness from disgrace and makes it safe,
most cowardly surveyor of their art and duty? Who by
declaring so many diseases incurable condemns many sick
people to death and destroys hope in some and enterprise
in others? 0 you cur, you pestilence!" 88

lW See Kochcr, Science and Religion, p. 247. Neither in the six-

teenth nor the seventeenth century, however, were voices lacking
which absolved Galen from atheism, largely with reference to
De usu partium; see Kocher, pp. 248 f. Ralph Cudworth, The Truc
Intellectual System of thc Universc, 1: 588: "That Galen was no
Atheist, and what his religion was, may plainly appear from this
One passagc out of his third Look De usu Partiu11l, to omit many
others" [follows the Greek text, Lk. 3, ch. 10; H., 1: 174,4-19,
May, I: 189, where Galen speaks of the hymn to our true de-
miurge]. For Sir Thomas Browne see below.
87 Cf. Tcmldn, Falling Sickness, pp. 171 f.
88 Francis Bacon, Te11lporis partus masculus 2; p. 531: "Video
GalcnuIIl, virum angustissimi animi, descrtorem experiemiae, et
vanissimum causatorem. Tune Galene, is es, qui medicorum insci-
tiam et desidiam etiam infamiae eximis, et in tuto collocas, anis ac
officii eorum tiniwr ignavissimus? qui tot morbos insanabiles
statuendo, tot aegrotorum capita proscrihis, horumque spem, il-
lorum industriam praecidis? 0 canicula! 0 pestis! T u mistionis
commentum naturae praerogativum; tu inter calores astri et ignis
 Galcllislll 170

Protestantism, Baconian progressiveness, the feeling that

the world harbored secrets to be discovered by venturesome
exploits,80 thus combined in opposing the Galenists. Wh ether
the attacks did full justice to Galen himself, or whether he
was held responsible for the sins of the Galenists is another
question. By explaining diseases and their remedies to his
own satisfaction he had, by implication, left little space for
radical improvement. He had refused to pronounce himself
on such questions as the creation of the world and the im-
mortality of the soul. Bm his agnostic scmples, though
noted, were swept aside. In the Middle Ages, Galen's name
apparently was sometimes coupled with that of Epicurus,
notorious for -his denial of the survival of the soul. 90 Pietro
Pomponazzi (1462-1524) in his lectures made Galen believe
in the eternity of the world and the mortality of the souI.91
Galen had carefully avoided declaring the soul mortal,
but he had indicated that he considered it asomatic temper-
ament. "Galen supposeth the soul crasin esse, to be the
temperature itself," said Robert Burton. o2 Galen had force-
fully upheld the dependence of human behavior on the
temperament, to which an English divine, Edmund Bunny,
retorted (1585): "the soul doth not folow, but rather doth
seditionem avide arripiens et ostentans, ubique humanam potesta-
tem malitiose in ordinem redigis, et ignorantiam desperatione in
aeternum munire cupis." It should be added that Bacon was still
willing to tolerate Galen rather than Paracelsus (see ibid., p. 53 2).
89 For a description of the psychological make-up of the men
who created the new science see Lewis S. Feuer. The Scientific
Intellectwrl. Feuer's description can be separated from his ques-
tionable psychoanal ytic interpretations.
90 Bruno Nardi, Studi su Pietro Pomponazzi, p. 375.
91 Ibid., pp. J 37. n. 2, and 243 f.• n. 2.
92 Robert Burton, Tbe Anatomy of Melancl]oly I. I. 2. 9; J:
216. Burton is speaking of the rational sonl.
 Fall and Afterlife 171

uze such temperature as the bodie hath." fJ3 Galen was the
authority of the physicians, who in their medical practice
were wont to de::! I with complexions and humors rather
than with sin, devils, and witchcraft. The ease with which
the word atheist was used will explain why physicians, the
disciples of the naturalist Galen, were suspected of god-
lessness. 94 Indeed, Galenism could be conducive to doubts
in theological matters. Sir Thomas Browne remembered an
Italian doctor "who could not perfectly believe the im-
mortality of the Soul, because Galen seemed to make a
doubt thereof." 95 The very fact, however, that this case
seemed worth mentioning suggests the relative infrequency
of Galenic agnosticism. Galenism was a medical philosophy.
Even among physicians its claim to universality was rarely
heeded.
This delineation of what Galenism meant through accusa-
tions made against it holds true into the second third of the
seventeenth century. As it drew near its end, a general
change began to take place. \Vith the dissolution of Aristo-
telian metaphysics, many of the old suppositions no longer
made sense. The nature of the soul and its fate after death
remained problems, but however they might be answered,
to think of the soul as a temperament in the Galenic sense
became absurd as soon as hot and cold were taken to be sub-
jective reactions. Again, when Galenists had spoken of sub-
stantial forms, they had done so as Aristotelians. Galen had
believed in the power of "the whole substance," and it
9:l Quoted from Kocher, Science and Religion, p. z84' This was
a vernacular echo of Aristotelian arguments; see above.
94 Ibid., p. Z49: "Elizabethans found irreligion in Galen because
they found it in contemporary doctors, and equally discovered
it in the latter because they discovered it it in their leader, Galen."
95 Browne, Religio medici; p. 36.
 Galcnism 172

might well be argued whether or not the two concepts were

identical. But to Moliere's audience, who laughed at the
virtus d01"111itiva that madc opium a soporific, it probably
mattered little whether virtue of this sort was ascribed to a
substantial form or to the whole substance. 96 In the light of
the new philosophies of Bacon, Descartes, Gassendi, Hobbes,
and soon also Spinoza and Locke, and of the new science,
both concepts became untenable. Harvey could no longer
be called a Galenist in any but a rough social sense. To call
him an Aristotelian serves well to demarcate him from the
modern laboratory scientist and from mechanistic philoso-
phers. n But the Harvey who declared the embryogenctic
principles of both Galen and Aristotle "erroneous and hasty
conclusions," 9R and who spoke of "the dusky night of na-
ture," was neither a Galenist nor a Peripatetic in the sense
of the schools. He was an innovator despite his reverence
for Aristotle. o9
Outside of anatomy Vesalius may still be called a Galcnist
if one wishes, for even Riolanus, a staunch defender of
Galen, did not swear by his master where anatomy was con-
cerned. 1OO Andreas Caesalpinus could call himself a Peri-
96 Galen, De alimentorum facultatibur I, 31 (CMG, 5, 4.2; p.
258), actually ascribed somniferous power to the cooling quality
of poppy seed.
97 Pagel, Harvey's Biological/dear, pp. 331 f., and "The Reaction
to Aristotle in Seventeenth-Cenmry Biological Thought."
98 Introduction to De generatione ani111J1lium, in Works, p. 151
(Willis's trans.).
99 For a time when most learned men were Aristotelians, Har-
vey's individual treatment of Aristotle is more revealing than his
adherence to him; d. Pagel, "Harvey Revisited," part I.
100 M. F. Ashley Montague, "Vesalius and the Galenists," p.
385: "Vesalius was himself a Galenist, and apart from a few
bigots, the Galenists were with Vesalius from the first." Montague
cites names of Galenists who accepted Vesalius, p. 380.
 Fail and A[terliJe 173

patetic philosopher when divergences between Aristotle

and Galen were still taken seriously. But for Paracelsians,
Puritans, and social opponents, the divergences within the
fold of traditionalists meant little. After Harvey they also
began to mean relatively little within the medical profes-
sion. The Galenists now became a party; they were die-
hards, like the author of the "Triumph of the Galenists,
Eradicating Totally the Follies of the Medical Innovators"
( I 665), against whom the innovator Mal pighi had to de-

fend himself in Messina. lOl A hundred years before, Galen-

ism had confronted Paracelsians. Now it was fighting a
rear-guard action against innovators and defectors of vari-
ous kinds and shades of opinion. The strength of the Galen-
ists varied with the countries, but as a whole it was dimin-
ishing steadily.
The list of lectures offered at the young university of
Leiden, which rose to leadership in medicine under the
chemically oriented Franciscus Sylvius (1614-1672) and
later under Hermann Boerhaave (1668-1738), illustrates
the turning away from scholasticism in general and Galen-
ism in particular. l02 In 1601, lectures were still offered on
individual medical texts, including one by Galen. 103 In
1654, professors lectured on Celsus, "the Latin Hippoc-
rates," and on various specific medical subjects. More-
over, two professors gave "instruction to the medical stu-

101 Sec Adelmann, Marcello Malpi[{hi, I: 270 f. The author was

Michacle Lipari, and the title of the book, according to Adelmann,
p. 271, n. I, began: Galenistamm triumphus novatorum medicomm,
insanias funditus eradicans ...
102 In this connection, cf. the chapter on Sylvius in Lester King,
The Road to Medical Enlightenment, 16)0--169), PP' 93-112.
103 P. C. Molhuysen, Bronnen tot de Gesc1:Jiedenis der Leidsche
Universiteit, I: 400. f.
 Galclli.l11l I 74

dents at the public hospital . . . in bedside medicine and

the treatment of diseases, they demonstrate the causes of
death ad oculos on the dissected cadavers." In the winter,
anatomical exercises were held publicly by the professor of
anatomy and surgery. The announcement for the winter
term of 1681 no longer has lectures on individual authors;
all the lectures are on medical subjects; clinical instruction is
given every weekday, and there are also post-mortem dis-
sections. 104 In short, the scholastic system has been re-
placed by medical instruction of a modern type.
The influence of the conservative universities was dimin-
ished by the new scientific societies and academies, which
welcomed men interested in the investigation of nature as
well as newly invented instruments, such as the micro-
scope. The fixed boundary between the world of the senses
and the world of speculation was being removed, and prog-
ress of a new kind was made. The Galenic idea of limited
progress which could only be completed and perfected
proved unsatisfying. The new societies also created an
intellectual home for scientists who had no ties with
traditional institutions. Thus, the Royal Society of London
welcomed and published the letters on microscopic investi-
gations by the Dutch draper Antoni van Leeuwenhoek
( 16 32- 17 2 3).
The defeat which the new mechanistic philosophy and
the innovators in anatomy, physiology, and scientific co-
operation inflicted upon Galenism can easily lead to the be-
lief that iatromechanics and iatrochemistry, in alliance with
new anatomical and physiological discoveries, supplanted
Galenism. Indeed, an English writer of 1702 seemed to sum
up the situation nearly, when he referred to "the Galenic
104 Ibid., vol. 3, p. 26· f. and p. 272· f.
 Fall ami Afterlije 175

Old-fasbion'd Doctors, who explicate all things by Hidden

Qualities, which give others just as clear an Idea of what
they would explain, as they themselves have of the true
Mechanism of Man's Body, which they know nothing at
all of." 105 The author was not afraid of them; the occult
qualities, he thought, had long been banished, "and nothing
is now acceptable, but what is explain'd Mechanically by
Figure and Motion."
In science, the battle between the ancients and the mod-
erns was decided in favor of the moderns by 1700. To
speak of the ancients in medicine meant speaking in the first
place of Hippocrates and Galen. It is a sign of weakening
Galenism that Galen's individuality began to be submerged
within the generic appellation of "the ancients." In the lec-
ture on the anatomy of the brain that the Danish anatomist
and physiologist Niels Stensen (1638-1686) delivered in
1665, Galen was not mentioned by name at all; the theory
of localization of higher mental faculties was ascribed to
"the ancients" and declared groundless. To hide their ig-
norance concerning the brain, about which next to nothing
was known, the anatomists, so Stensen's accusation ran,
were satisfied with demonstrating what the ancients had
written, an attitude which made it certain that the dis-
covery of anything new was due to chance. 106
The battle came to its notorious climax in France during
the last decades of the seventeenth century. In one of the
late contributions to the debate, the defender of the mod-
erns admitted the necessity of studying the writings of
Hippocrates and Galen, but he pointed out that in recent
105John Purcell, A Treatise on Vapours, preface.
106Nicolaus Steno, Discours sur l'anatomie du cerveau, pp. 10 f.
and 37 (pp. 7 f. and 17 of the English trans.).
 Galenis'11l 176

times many things had been discovered of which "these

great men" were ignorant. Diseases were now better known
because of progress in anatomy. Vesalius had made a begin-
ning, but that was nothing compared to later progress:
In 1627 Asellius of Cremona discovered the lacteal veins. In
1628 Harvey found the circulation of the blood. In 1666 [sic]
Pecquet, whom we all knew and who was of the Academie des
Sciences, discovered the reservoir of the chyle. Two years
later, Bartholinus discovered the lymphatic vessels and Olaus
Rudbeck made the same discovery. Steno has given us the
structure of the muscles, Ruysh that of the lymphatic valves,
Malpighi that of the intestines, Lower that of the heart, and
Virsung that of the pancreas-and this with a perfection which
effaces all their predecessors have written about it. I should
never end, if I wished not to leavc anything out.
To this enthusiastic recital, the speaker for the ancients
replied: "These discoveries are certainly very remarkable,
but at the same time quite useless for the cure of dis-
eases." 107
Yet it was observed that the traditional treatment was not
satisfactory either:
A physician who knows only his Galen and his Hippocrates
is usually a poor fellow. True, he will be able to tcll you in
very good Greek what is wrong with you, but if it is the fever,
he will let you perish without bleeding you, or he will have you
bled till you faint, for that was the usual method of those great
personages. 108
107 Charles Perrault, Para//e/e des anciens et des 111odernes, 4:
433. The date for Pecquet should read 1651, which would yield
1653 as the correct year for Bartholin's and Rudbeck's discoveries.
lOS/bid., p. 436. The observation that the new discoveries were
practically useless was nothing new; d. Lester S. King, "Attitudes
toward 'Scientific' Medicine around 1700," pp. 128 f., and Davis,
"Some Implications," passim.
 Fall aud Afterlife 177

A simple dichotomy of medicine into defenders of Hip-

pocrates and Galen all one side and moderns, i.e., innova-
tors, on the other does not accurately reflect the state of
affairs. There were also those who were not of the party of
the innovators yet had little use for Galen. Their appeal was
to observation at the bedside and to Hippocrates as the great
guide in clinical medicine. Thomas Sydenham (1624- (6 89)
became representative for these Hippocratics, as we may
call them. A translated excerpt from a Latin poem dedicated
to Sydenham a few years before his death indicates hoW a
contemporary viewed his historical position.
Thus, books and fine dogma do not give knowledge; it comes
from wisdom born of things, an intellect that draws on facts,
and a fruitful mind.
Not a thousand plants, not a multitude of glasses in the house
and a hundred fires [a reference to the chemical laboratory],
nor a pleasing hypothesis can aid the physician or subdue the
fierce ills of pestilence or fever, unless there be a spirit capable
of judgment, experience wrinkled with age, and the habit of
following nature-to whisper in his car what he should do.
Such practice of yore brought great glory to the sacred art.
Thus has the repute of the ancients remained secure. ThuS
Hippocrates led the way and earned immortal fame. But Galen
did not pursue the same path with equal fortune, nor did the
Arnbs follow in like manner, nor Paracelsus, ever drunk with
Falernian wine.
It is Thou who art the first to proclaim the genius and no-
bility of the forsaken rule. lOll
While greatly admiring Hippocrates, Sydenham had litt~e
use for Galen, though "substantial forms" still appear in hIS
lOll The poem by Hannes appeared in Sydenham's Schedul
a
111onitoria de novae febris ingressll, zd ed., 1688, and is here quoted
from Thomas Sydenham, Opera omnia, pp. 484 f. It is of no con-
cern here whether the poem estimates Sydenham correctly.
 Cilliellis1I/ 17H

Writings. "The ancients" obviously did not all share the

same fate in the battle with the 1110derns. 110
The appeal to experience could also have a Galenic bias,
as in the case of Sbaraglia in Bologna. He repeatedly cited
Galen in evidence of the futility of anatomical subtlety, but
the experience in whose name he argued often was that of
Galen. Sbaraglia's attack was aimed at Malpighi, which may
explain why anatomical research was its target. 1l1 But since
others also viewed the value of anatomical research with
skepticism, modern was clearly not identical with mecha-
nisticYz
However strong the mechanistic orientation was, and its
strength should not be underrated, it nevertheless was not
strong enough to replace Galcnisill as a unifying medical
philosophy. Whether medicine of the twentieth century
can be content with a biology reduced to molecular physics,
in which concepts of he,llth and disease are strangers, need
not be discussed here. But medicine of the seventeenth
century could not rest OIl the then-existing crude physical
and chemical notions; elimination of all teleology hindered
rather than furthered it. Aristotle and Galen were united in
thinking of the organism as striving to live and to maintain
110Sy denham, OpeTi1, p. 16 (article 18): "his (inClllam) modis et
his similibus, dicti hUlllores in formam suhstantialcl11, SCll specic1Jl
exaltalltur." Sce also ibid., p. 18 (articlc 22), where Sydcnham asks
for drugs that could dcstroy the spccics of the diseasc dircctly
without interference with the disease mcchanism.
111 Sbaraglia's De rCCe7ltiorlllJl 1IJcdiCOTUlIl studio disscrttltio
epistolaris ad a111icu1Jl was reprinted in Marcello Malpighi, Opera
posthuma, 2: 84--i)1, and is discussed by Adelmann, Marcello
Malpighi, I: 556-578.
11Z See David Wolfe, "Sydenham and Locke on the Limits of
Anatomy," and for a different opinion King, Road to Medical
Enligbte1l1l1e11t, pp. I 16 and 119. See also Adelmann, pp. 558 f.
 Fall and Afterlife 179

its kind, and as being capable of doing so when all parts

played the role which Nature had assigned to them. In his
actual work, the physiologist could not help endowing the
body with purposeful behavior. Thus Harvey ascribed the
contraction of the cardiac ventricles to their irritation by
the inrushing blood. m Irritation and irritability, as Glisson
called the reactivity of living fibers to stimuli, though es-
sentially animistic concepts, proved biologically and medi-
cally productive. Galen's teleological approach to human
biology-it must be distinguished from his theology-was
not defunct. Much of Aristotle and Galen can be perceived
in the vitalism, growing in the eighteenth century and dom-
inant in the early nineteenth.
T a trace the hidden afterlife of Galenic ideas, fascinating
as the task is, lies outside the scope of the present exposition,
which Illust confine itself to some of its overt features. But
the distinction of hidden and overt is not easily made for
the rime around 1700, because of the difficulty in dislodging
Galen not only from hygiene, therapy, and semeiology (the
science of signs), but from concepts of health and disease.
Diseased conditions might be explained by the mechanics
and chemistry of saline, acid, sulfurous, nitrous, and other
particles, or by fermentation. Generalized convulsions
might be ascribed to explosions of such particles, beginning
in the brain and spreading along the nerves. But how to ex-
plain is not the same as what to explain. The strength of
Galenislll reposed in no s111all measure in its having provided
medical categories, like the temperaments, for relating the
individual to health and disease. Their scientific reinter-
pretation might be desirable, but their abandonment was
not.
11~ Harvey, lVorks, p. 604.
 Galellis11l 180

Friedrich Hoffmann's Funda11lenta 11ledicinae ex princi-

piis naturae mecbanicis in USU11l pbiliatrorum succincte pro-
posita (The fundaments of mcdicine from mcchanical prin-
ciples of nature succinctly set forth for the use of the
friends of the medical art), which has recently been trans-
lated into English,Il4 offers a convenient example. As the
title indicates, the author bases medicine on mechanical
principles and in science he takes the side of the moderns.
Yet "judgment and wisdom are best learned from the An-
cients," Ilri and indeed Hippocrates is mentioned, and so is
Galen. But the unavowed indebtedness to Galenic tradition
is more important. There are, of course, the six non-naturals,
one of the most enduring contributions of Ga1cnism to medi-
cal thought, and there is the doctrine of the temperaments.
The blood is well-tcmpered when its particles are mixcd so as
to cause an even motion; otherwise, "the resulting tempera-
ment is called warm or sanguine; and if the excess is too
great, then a choleric temperamcnt results." 116 Similar ex-
planations are given for the phlegmatic and melancholic
temperaments. The animal spirits also have survived; their
motion is dependent on the blood and humors and, in turn,
determines "the motions of the mind, its inclinations and
thoughts." And so Hoffmann can write: "Hence, as Galen
said, the habits of the mind follow the temperament of the

114 Friedrich Hoffmann, FU17dame17ta 1Jledicillae, trans. by Lester

King; d. King, Road to Medical Enlightenment, pp. 181-104.
115 FUllda11lenta 11ledicinae, "To the Reader," p. 3 (King's trans.).
116 Fundamenta 1lledicinae, ch. 3, paragraph 13; p. 12 (King's
trans.). In paragraph 14, Hoffmann explains a warm tempera-
ment by "such a fibrous plexus, in which many warm ethereal
fiery particles are present," but according to paragraph 10, p. II,
the good order of solid parts depends on the fluid parts.
 Fall and Afterlife 181

body." 111 By such reinterpretations, the temperaments,

which provided a medically useful classification of man,
and a somatic theory of human behavior were preserved
into the nineteenth century.U8
Hoffmann (1660-1742) is an example of surviving Galen-
ism among non-Galenists. Daniel Le Clerc's (1652-1728)
Histoire de la 111edecine, the first edition of which appeared
shortly after Hoffmann's book, on the other hand, allows
a glimpse at overt Galenism around 1700.
Le Clerc relates that Galen's party "is still very numer-
ous" 119 and that Galen is said to have brought medicine to
perfection. He does not shun severe criticism of Galen, his
wordy style, his boastfulness, his self-contradictions, even
his superstition. In the lengthy presentation, Galen the
theorist of internal medicine comes first; anatomy and phys-
iology are relegated to the end. The disposition of the ma-
terial and the relative space allotted to the various subjects
reflect what was alive among French physicians at the be-
117 Ihid., paragr.lph 18, p. 12 (King's trans.).
l1ilLa Mettric, in the critical edition by Aram Vartanian, La
Mettrie's L'!Jo1111J1e machil1e, p. 15Z: "Autant de temperamens,
autant d'esprits, de caractcres et de moeurs differentes. Galien
meme a connu cette verite, que Descartes a poussee loin, jusqu' a
dire que la Medecine seule pouvoit changer le.c; Fsprits et les moeurs
avec Ie Corps." The sixth 111emoire of P.-].-G. Caban is, Rapports
du pbysique et du moral de l'homme, I: 344, is entitled: "De l'in-
fluence des temperaments sur la formation des idees et des affec-
tions morales." Although Galen's name is not mentioned, Cabanis,
p. 386, asks "]uc;(ju'ici, ne dirait-on point que nous n'avons fait que
suivre pas it pas la doctrine des mcdecins grecs, la raccorder avec
les faits anatomiques, l'exposer sous un nouveau point de vue?"
The first edition of Cabanis's work appeared in 180z.
119 Daniel Le Clerc, Hirtoire de La medecine, p. 668. The edition
used is tha t of I 7z3; the first edition appeared in 1699.
 Galeuislll 182

ginning of the eighteenth century. For instance, Galen's

pulse lore is narrated at length; it was still of significance for
diagnosis and prognosis, although some moderns, we are
told, contended that a good deal of it was a product of
Galen's speculation rather than of observation. 120
On the whole, Le Clerc is an objective reporter, yet his
own preferences reveal themselves occasionally, as in
weighing the system of Hippocrates against that of Galen.
The former, he finds, is based almost solely on experience
and consists in nothing but observations, whereas in the
latter everything depends on reasoning. l2l
Le Clerc's Histoire is the first of the large-scale histories
of medicine of modern times. A comparison with the treat-
ment of Galen in the great "pragmatic" history of medi-
cine, which Kurt Sprengel (1766-1833) began to publish
about a hundred years after Le Clerc's first edition, shows
the progressive historization which Galen underwent. For
Le Clerc, Galen was still a medical power to be reckoned
with. Sprenge1 views him very sympathetically: "the history
of our art knows of no genius among physicians more bril-
liant." 122 Nevertheless, he belongs to history. And whereas
120 Ibid., p. 698. According to a quotation in K., 20: IO f.,
loannes Struthius of the sixteenth century already had spoken of
Galen's "inextricable books" on the pulse, which no reader of the
Latin text would understand even if he worked on them till he
became crazy, and which readers of the Greek text would have
difficulties in understanding. Galen, he alleged, had written these
books so that hardly one out of a thousand might understand
them. To this d. above, Chapter 1.
121 Le Clerc, Histoire, p. 705. This generalization, though neither
true concerning Hippocrates nor fair to Galen, was also made by
others, e.g., Boerhaave, Metbodus discendi medicinam, p. 395.
122 Kurt Sprengel, Versuch einer pragmatischen Geschichte der
Arzneykunde, 2: 132. The first edition of the first volume ap-
peared in 1792.
 Fall and Afterlife 183

for Le Clerc, Galen's contributions to internal medicine

come first, Sprengel prefers a purely systematic arrange-
ment beginning with anatomy, although he is not entirely
oblivious to what he considers acceptable by the medicine
of his day.m
Sprengel's sympathy for Galen, as well as his historical
understanding, is evident in his reaction to the kind of crit-
icism that the eighteenth century was fond of voicing. In
an article on "Galenism" in the Encyclopedie, the system of
four elements, humors, etc., was condemned as having
"completely limited the investigations of the physicians be-
cause, tied to ideas by which they believeu themselves capa-
ble of explaining all phenomena, they were convinced that
the whole science of medicine reduced itself to such prin-
ciples." 124 Sprengel realized that the acceptance of a system
has its causes in the conditions prevailing at the time. Com-
pared with the gener:l1ly low level of medicine, he argued,

123 Ibid., pp. 166 f. Johann Ouistian Gottlieb Ackermann, "His-

toria literaria Oaudii Galeni" (K., I: xxi f.), went so far as to
say: "Claudius GalellUI, medicorum omnium post Hippocratem
princeps, systematisque in medicinali scientia conditor, quod
nostris temporibus medici ex parte adhuc amplecruntur..•."
Ackermann, ibid., pp. lv-lxii, gave a very succinct outline of the
Galenic "system," although he realized the difficulty of such an
undertaking. Galen, Ackermann stated in his lnstitutiones historiae
11ledicinae, p. 201, had never published an epitome of his system
except the An medica, which, however, dealt with practical medi-
cine only.
124 "Galcnisme," p. 668. For this judgment the author of this
article (which is signed "d,") refers to Quesnay, Trait,} des fievres,
which I have not seen. "Galenisme," writes the contributor to the
Encyclopedie on p. 667: Use dit de la doctrine de Galien." The
article is by no means completely derogatory of Galen and ad-
mits, p. 668, that he can be considered the greatest physician of
his century.
 Galenism 184

Galen's achievements were so outstanding that already in his

lifetime he really belonged to posterity and that after his
death he appeared as an unattainable ideal. "And we may
well call the centuries of barbarism fortunate for having
chosen just this idol, because with him the treasures of
ancient wisdom were saved from the ruins of the temple of
learning." 125
Sprengel could object to the hostility which authors of
the eighteenth century often felt for Galen as the father of
a tyrannical and inhibiting system, but it was not possible
simply on the ground of historical greatness to avert the
oblivion and indifference into which Galenism was fading.
The indifference was well expressed by Albrecht von
Haller (1708-1777), one of the most learned men of his
century, who shortly before his death wrote of Galen that
"his descendants, busy with other disputes, have lately
consigned his errors and glorification to oblivion." 126 Haller
himself had started a vigorous dispute over the nature of
sensibility and irritability, and new medical systems were
erected on his discoveries. Pathological anatomy, now a
medical discipline, did not consider itself indebted to
Galen. 127 The temperaments still lived on, and the de-
125 Sprengel, Versuch, 2: 134 f.
126 Haller, Bihliotheca 11ledicinae practicae, 1: 231: "Breviter
ista, cum et errores viri, et nimiae laudes, a posteris, aliis nunc in
litibus laboriosis, dudum oblivioni traditae slInt." Even G:llen's pulse
lore, which Haller had commended (see above, n. 64), was being
forgotten as Theophile de Bordeu, Recherches sur Ie pauls par
rapport aux crises, I: xiii, repofts: "Tous les Medecins savent que
Galien a donne un systeme tres-etendu sur Ie pouls: il en est peu
qui ne regardent ce systeme comme entierement derruit par les
idees des Modernes: il est en effet tombe dans l'oubli."
127 Morgagni barely mentions Galen in his De sedihus et causis
morboTll11t per anatomen indagatis, although in his earlier years he
 Fall and Afterlife 185

pendence of human behavior on the state of the body was

a popular subject among philosophes and ideolog;ues. 12B But
here the authority of Hippocrates had greater weight, and
Galen's name, whether mentioned or not, in any case had
no decisive influence. At the end of the century, a bio-
bibliographer expressed regret that the editions of Galen's
writings placed them in systematic order. A chronological
arrangement would have brought out the development
which Galen had undergone. 12!l This remark underlines the
shift from living, to historical, interest.
And yet, there still remained one province where interest
in Galen was of significance. Changes in medical science and
practice and in the social structure of the medical profes-

had lectured on Galenic works. For these lectures see Alberto

Pa7.zini, "I manoscritti 'Laurenziani' di G. B. Morgagni, noti, rna
ignorati," p. 179.
128 Cf. above, n. 118. Montesquieu cited Hippocrates for the in-
fluence of dimate on human institutions, and so did Cabanis, Rap-
ports, 2: 167-169, after having praised him, ibid., I: 81-87' Hier-
onymus Gaubius, in his lecture De regimine mentis, cites "Galen,
equally outstanding as physician and philosopher," in evidence of
the influence of food on man's psychic make-up. (Quoted from
L. J. Rather, Mind and Body in Eighteenth-Century Medicine,
p. 92). Rather, pp. 85 and 87, assumes that Gaubius had Galen's
trc:Jtise in mind when he wrote that "it has become a proverb
that character accords with the temperament of the body." Ac-
cording to Vartanian, La Mettrie's L'ho11l11le machine, pp. 90 f.,
La Mettrie attended the lecture which Gaubius delivered in 1747.
If any gcneralization is permissible, Hippocrates appearcd as the
ecologist, Galen as the dietitian.
l~!) Ackermann, "Historia literaria" (K., I: hiv f.). In a limited
sense the notion of development is at least as old as Vesalius's re-
mark in the preface to the Fahric(I thM "Galen oftc'1 corrects
himself, frcquently alluding to his negligence in earlier books and
often teaching the opposite in lat~r ones after he became more
experienced" (quoted from O'Mallcy, Andreas Vesa/ius, p. pI).
 Gale1Jis1Jl 186

sion did not entirely dispose of Galenism. A place had to be

assigned to Galen in the development of ancient philosophy,
and apart from this historical concern, there was Galen the
natural theologian, whom Sir Thomas Browne had even
ranked above Aristotle.
Therefore sometimes l Browne said], and in some things, there
appears to me as much Divinity in Galen his books De U su
Partium, as in Suarez Mctaphysicks. Had Aristotle been as
curious in the enquiry of this cause as he waS of the other, he
had not left behind him an imperfect piece of Philosophy,
but an absolute tract of Divinity.130
Ever since the formation of Galenism it had shown a
double face of materialism and of worship of divine wis-
dom and providence. This theme was taken up once more
by a historian of philosophy around the middle of the eigh-
teenth century. \Vhcreas its author wavered between de-
claring Galen a Platonist and an eclectic and, apart from
biographical data, had little to offer, he nevertheless made
one noteworthy remark: Galen had been branded an athe-
ist, a detractor of Moses, an Epicurean, a naturalist, and an
abrogator of the immortality of the soul,131 but all his ac-
cusers could be refuted by his demonstration of divine
wisdom. 132
Kurt Sprengel elaborated the subject at much greater
length. Galen now (1794) appeared as neither Platonist nor

180 Thomas Browne, Religio medici, pp. 25 f.

131 Jacob Brucker, H istoria critica philosophiae, 2: 188. Brucker
says that Reimannus, His to ria atheismi, had listed all the pertinent
passages.
132 Ibid., p. 188. This echoed what Cudworth (see above, n. 86)
and others (see Kocher, Science and Religion, p. 248) had said.
Indeed, in his Historia, 6: 359. Brucker actually quotes Cudworth.
 Fall and Aftedife 18 7
Pythagorean, and least of all as an eclectic like "Origen,
Plotinus, Porphyry, Maximus of Ephesus, and so many
others of that gang." 133 Galen was declared far superior to
them, and the article ended with praise of Galen's natural
theology and the admonition not to try to penetrate the
secrets which an invisible hand had closed to man. Let man
be content and "let him respectfully adore the sovereign
power which has covered him with kindnesses and which
has put him in harmony with all the forces of heaven and
earth." 134
Sprengel's estimate of Galen as a philosopher was naive,
and his respectful and unquestioning submission to a higher
power smacks of the respectful submission to the absolUte
potentates who ruled the German states. But in spite of its
exaggerations, the positive attitude of the physician Sprengel
to Galen's natural theology harmonized well with the posi-
tive attitude of most physicians toward a teleological view
in biology. Once the various parts are seen as functioning in
the interest of the maintenance of the life and health of the
organism, the question of design or blind mechanism is
hardly avoidable. It pressed upon the mind of nineteenth_
century man, as it had pressed upon the minds of the an-
cients. Galen had decided in favor of design, and hence of
divine providence, and most men until the last third of the
nineteenth century did the same.
William Whewell (1794-1866), who believed in bio-
logical finality, was only consistent in meting out praise to

133 Kurt Sprengel, "Briefe iiber Galens philosophisches System,"

p. 12 3.
1341bid., pp. 194 f. Sprengel here quotes from Jacques Necker,
De l'importance des opinions religieuses, ch. 12, pp. 340 f., Which,
however, has no reference to Galen.
 Galenism 188

Galen. m It was equally logical to object to Galen's the-

ology, if the teleological view in biology waS not shared.
In the first half of the nineteenth century, Goethe and
Geoffroy St. Hilaire (1772-1844), both idealistic morphol-
ogists, represented interest in type rather than in teleology,
and since Charles Daremberg (18 I 7-1 872), the great
French historian of medicine, leaned toward them,136 it
fell to him to oppose Galen the philosopher.
It is one of history's minor ironies that the last serious
battle against Galen was fought by the man who, more
than any other in the nineteenth century, propagated the
study of his work. vVhat then was Daremberg's role in this
stage of Galenism?
Daremberg wished to do for Galen what his friend Emile
Littre had done for Hippocrates: to bring him to life again
among physicians,137 which meant that he had to offer him
in translation. European doctors of medicine were still in
possession of a classical education and capable of reading
Galen's works in the original Greek or in Latin. TIlis was
the background of the edition in Greek and Latin of
Galen's Opera omnia, which Dr. Carl Gottlob Kuhn, pro-
fessor of physiology and pathology, published between
1821 and 1833. Acquaintance with the history of his art
135 William Whewell, History of Scientific Ideas 9.6. 15; 2: 250,
and History of the Inductive Sciences 18. 1.2; 3: 324-326.
136 Charles Daremberg, Histoire des sciences medicales, I: 216 f.:
"La conception moderne est l'oppose de la conception aristo-
telique; ce som les organes modifies d'apres Ie type qui deter-
minent I'aptitude aux fonctions." P. 217: "11 fallait attendre Goethe
et Etienne Geoffroy-Saint-Hilaire, pour avoir la pleine possession
de cette idee du type." In a footnote to p. 22 I. Daremberg states
that, beginning with his thesis of 1841, he had tried to reveal the
deplorable influence of the doctrine of final causes.
137 Dar., I: viii; see also below, n. 141.
 Fall and Afterlife 189

was still expected of the physician, and men like Claude

Bernard knew Galen. But by midcenrury doctors had be-
come accustomed to have medical works presented in the
vernacular, and in 1854- [856 Daremberg published two
volumes of major Galenic writings in excellent French
translation. The translation was excellent because it was
based on a careful consideration of the Greek text,138 be-
cause it was both exact and elegant, and because it rested on
a long and thorough acquaintance with Galen. 139 A third
volume, which was to contain an introduction to the works
of Galen, discuss his life, his writings, and his anatomical,
physiological, and pathological knowledge,140 never ap-
peared. But on at least two occasions, Daremberg was to
come back to Galen.
Though his translation was intended for physicians in
the first place,141 Daremberg's approach and his goal were
those of the historian. It seemed to him "the most beautiful
privilege of history"
to repair the harm done by time and the injustice of men, to
distinguish in the midst of the debris of antiquity what is good
from what is bad, to render justice to everybody according
to his merit, to study the causes of social or intellectual revolu-
tions, to follow their consequences, to characterize their spirit,
make known their heroes or victims, and, above all, to make

138 The subtitle to the Oeuvres (Dar.) states: "Traduites sur les
textes imprimes et manuscrits."
1:19 Ibid., p. xv: "rai n\petc toutes les dissections de Galien." His
occupation with Galen goes back to his thesis of 1841: Exposition
des connaissances de Galien sur l'anatomie, la physiologie et la
pathologie du systeme nerveux.
140 Dar., I: iii.
141 Ibid., p. xii: "La publication des Oeuvres de Galien s'ad-
dresse plus encore aux I11cdecins qu'aux crudits."
 GalcuiJlll /()O

present and future centuries profit by the experience of past

time. 142
To judge the past, to understand it, and to draw pr:lgmatic
lessons from it were Daremberg's motives for studying his-
tory. And with regard to the neglect of Galen the observer
in favor of Galen the systematizer, he wished
to show to what aberrations the domination of preconceived
ideas can lead, and to what heights a lofty mind may rise
despite these ideas, a mind that is curious about all things,
devoted to study, familiar with the writings of the ancients as
with those of its contemporaries, versed in dialectic as in medi-
cine, accustomed to observe and to meditate, a mind, indeed-
and this can do no harm-appreciative of, and a little partial
to, its own personal worth,143

Here then is the impression Daremberg had of Galen as a

scientist, philosopher, and person. He praised him where
praise seemed due (especially Galen's anatomical studies),
and he blamed him where blame seemed deserved. In an
essay of 1865,144 Daremberg dealt with Galen's philosophy,
which, he thought, served him as an instrument, medicine
being his main aim. 145 Daremberg commented on Galen's
confused notions of nature,146 on his long indecision about
the nature of the soul, and, briefly, on his acceptance of
the Aristotelian doctrine of nature doing nothing in vain. 147
Then, in 1870, Daremberg again took issue with the idea of
142 Ibid., p. vii. 143 Ibid., p. ix.
114 "Galien et ses doctrines philosophiques," in Charles Darem-
berg, La medecine: histoire et doctrines, pp. 59""98.
145 Ibid., p. 61.
146 Ibid., p. 72: "La doctrine de Galien sur la nature est assez
confuse: ici il en fait une force, er 1:1 un etre; rantor il entend ce
mot dans Ie sens universel, tantot dans Ie sens parriculier."
147 ibid., pp. 80-84 and 74.
 Fall alld A ftertif e 19 [

final causes and their theological use. What Galen had done
was not only scientifically doubtful but lacked respect for
God. He incurred crrors in adapting animal structure to
human function and thcn attributing his misinterpretations
to divine \visdom. The procedurc was improper, because of
thc shifting nature of human knowledge: "What was true
yesterday becomes wrong today, and divine wisdom turns
out to be dependent on human wisdom and consequently
always in suspense." 148
As noted before, Daremberg leaned on Goethe and
Geoffroy St. Hilaire, and he argued for type as against
finality. Eleven years after the appearance of the Origin
of Species, he offered arguments which were essentially pre-
Darwinian.
By [870 medicine was firmly launched on its new sci-
entific course, which gave it the intellectual unity it had
lost aftcr the downfall of Galenism as a medical philosophy.
Agnosticism was popular among scientists, but it differed
from Galen's. Piety and searching for design were not con-
genial to the Darwinists, who were hostile to natural the-
ology. Positivistic research and the example of the exact
sciences provided the program in which there was little
place for interest in Galen's thought. Gently and quietly,
but none the less resolutely, Galen was handed over to clas-
sicists, Arabists, and historians for disposal in the cemetery
of the great dead. The great dead are notoriously restless
in their graves and ever ready for resurrection. Prognostica-
tions about their future are, therefore, futile. So much, how-
ever, can be said: the Galenism which began its rise in late
antiquity, which flourished in Byzantium, the Arabic East,
and the Latin West, which saw its acme and incipient de-
148 Daremberg, Histoire des sciences medicates, I: 21 5.
 Galenism 192

cline in the sixteenth century, its scientific downfall and

weakening practical influence in the seventeenth, and which
lingered on into the nineteenth century, this Galenism came
to an end a hundred years ago.
Whatever biological and medical notions may be traced
to him, however intense may be the occupation with
Galen's life, with Galenic texts, with the translation of his
writings, the analysis of his own sources, the interpreta-
tion of his medical lmowledge and his philosophical ideas,
however enthusiastic, contemptuous, or understanding of
Galen's personality we may become-all this, though not
new, is yet different. \Ve may call it the historical phase of
Galenism, if we so wish, and like all historical studies it has
many sides. My aim was to bring one of them into a
stronger light: Galenism as a general intellectual phenome-
non restricted to neither medicine nor philosophy, to nei-
ther one nation nor one culture.
 GJ3ibliography

Ackcrknecht, Erwin H. "The End of Greek Diet." Bull. Hist.

Med',45 (197 1 ),242- 249.
,/ - - . Therapie von dell Primitiven bis zum 20. /ahrhundert.
Stuttgart: Ferdinand Enke, 1970.
Ackermann, Johann Christian Gottlieb. "Historia literaria
Claudii Galcni." In K., I: xvii-cc1xv.
- - . Institutiones historiae medicinae. Nuremberg: Bauer-
Mann, 1792.
Adelmann, Howard B. Marcello Malpighi and the Evolution of
Embryology. 5 vols. Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press,
1966 .
Agrifoglio, Lino. Galeno e il problema del metodo: [Bergamo,
1961] (Castalia [rivista di storia della medicina] Quaderni,
6).
Albertus IVlagnus. C01n1nelltarii in II Sententiarum. In Opera
omllia, ed. by A. Borgnet et al. Vol. 27. Paris: Ludovicus
Vives, 1894.
Alexander of A phrodisias. Alexandri quod fertur in Aristotelis
Sopbisticos Ele1Jcbos c01I11ne1ltari1l1n. Ed. by Maximilian
Wallies. CAG, vol. 2, pt. 3.
- - . In Aristotelis TopicOTll111 lilJros octo comme1ltaria. Ed.
by Maximilian Wallies. CAG, vol. 2, pt. 2.
Alexander of Tralles. Alexander von Tralles: Original-Text und
 Bibliograpby '94
Obersetzullg . . . von Theodor Puschmann. 2 vols. Vienna:
Braumtiller, 1878-1879.
Al-Farab!. Alfarabi's C01mne1ltary on Aristotle's Peri her-
meneias (De interpretatione). Ed. with introduction by
Wilhelm Kutsch and Stanley Marrow. Beyrouth: Imprimerie
Catholique, 1960.
Allen, Phyllis. "Medical Education in 17th-Century England."
]oumal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences, I
(1946),115-'43'
Allut, Paul. Etude biographique et bibliographique sur Sym-
phorien Champier. Lyons: Nicolas Scheuring, 1859.
Altmann, A., and Stern, S. M. Isaac Israeli: a Neoplatonic
Philosopher of the Early Tenth Century. London: Oxford
University Press, 1958.
Ammonius. In Porphyrii Isagogen. Ed. by Adolf Busse. (CAG,
vol. 4, pt. 3.
Argenterius, Ioannes. In arum medicinalem Galeni. 2 vols.
Paris: Joannes Poupy, '578.
- - . Opera. Hanau: Haeredes Claudii Marnii, 1610.
Aristotle. Generatio1J of Animals. With English trans. by A. L.
Peck. Loeb, 1953.
- - . Historia animalium. Bks. 1-3. With English trans. by
A. L. Peck. Loeb, 1965.
- - . Ou tbe Soul, Parva Naturalia, Oil Breath. With English
trans. by W. S. Hett. Loeb, 1957.
- - . Parts of Animals. With English trans. by A. L. Peck.
Movement of Anrmals, Progression of Animals. With English
trails. by E. S. Forster. Loeb, 1945.
Arnald of Villanova. Opera omnia: Cum Nicolai Taurelli ...
il1 quosda111 libros annotationibus. Basel: Conrad Waldkirch,
15 85.
Articell{/. Ed. by Gregorius a Vulpe Vincentinus. Venice:
Philippus de Pinzis de Cancto, 1491.
- - . Ed. by P. E. RusticllS. Vcnicc: Petrus BcrgoIllcnsis, '5°7.
 Bibliography 195
Asclcpius. Tn Aristotelis Metaphysicomm libros A-Z C01J171tell-
tarin. Ed. by Michael Hayduck. CAG, vol. 6, pt. z.
Athcnacus. The Deipnosophists. ·With English trans. by Charles
Burton Gulick. 7 vols. Locb, 1927-1941.
Avcrrocs. Averroes' Tabafllt al-Tabiifllt (The Tncoherence of
tbe Tnco!:Jcrence) . Trans. by Simon van den Bergh. 1. vols.
London: Luzac, 1954.
- - . Colliget libri Vll. Calltica item Avicennae cum eiusdem
AveTrois c0l11111enttrriis, M. A. Zimarae Contradictionum
solutiolles. Venice: Junta, 1562. Reprinted, Frankfort: Mi-
nerva, 1962.
Avicenna. Ca1l0n medicinae. 2 vols. Venice: Junta, 1608.
- - . Kitiib al-qii17im fi t-tibb. Rome: Typographia Medicea,
'593·
- - . Liber de anima sell sextus de natu1'alibus IV-V. Ed. by
S. van Riet, introduction by G. Verbeke. Leiden: Brill, 1968
(Avicenna Latinus).
- - . Poeme de la medecine: Urgiiza fi 't-tibb Cantica Avicen-
nae. Arabic text, French translation and IJth-century Latin
translation, with introduction, notes, and index by Henri
Jahier and Abdelkader Noureddine. Paris: Les belles lettres,
'95 6.
Bacon, Francis. Temporis partus masculus. In The Works of
Fra1lcis Bacon, ed. by James Spedding et ai. New ed. 14 vols.
London: Longmans, 1861.- 18 76. 3: 5 2 3-539.
Bardong, Kurt. "Beitrage zur Hippokrates-und Galenfor-
schung." Nachrichten von der Akademie der Wissenschaften
in Giittingell. Philologisch-historische Klassc, '94 2 , no. 7, pp.
577-640 •
Basilius Magnus. De hominis structura. Migne, PG, vol. 30,
cols. ~61..
Beccaria, Augusto. I codici di medicimz del periodo presalerni-
tano. Rome: Edizioni di storia e letteratura, 1956.
- - . "Sulle tracce di un antico canone latina di Ippocrate e di
 Bibliography 196

Galeno." 2 pts.ltalia medioevale e umanistica, 2 (1959), I-56,

and 4 (19 61 ), 1-75.
Benivieni, Antonio. De abditis 1l01l1lullis ac mirandis morbontm
et sanationum causis. Trans. by Charles Singer, with bio-
graphical appreciation by Esmond R. Long. Springfield, Ill.:
Charles C Thomas, 1954.
Bergstrasser, G., ed. and trans. ljunain ibn [sbaq: Ober die
syrischen und arabischen Galen-Vbersetzwlgen. Leipzig,
1925 (Abhandlungen fur die Kunde des Morgenlandes, 17,2).
Reprinted, Nendeln, Liechtenstein: Kraus Reprint, '966.
- - . Neue Materialien zu ljunain ibn [sl;Jaq's Galen-Bibliog-
raphie. Leipzig, '932 (Abhandlungen fur die Kunde des
Morgenlandes, 19,2). Reprinted, Nendeln, Liechtenstein:
Kraus Reprint, '966.
Boerhaave, Hermann. Methodw discendi medicil1a111. London:
n.p., '726.
Bohm, Walter, ed. and trans. J ohamles Philoponos, Grammati-
kos von Alexal1drien (6. lh. 11. Chr.) . . . Awgewiihlte
Schriften. Munich: Ferdinand Schoningh, '967'
Bordeu, Theophile de. Recherches sur Ie pouls par rapport !lUX
crises. 3 vols. in 4. Paris: P. Fr. Didot and Theophile Barrois,
Ie jeune, 177()-1786.
Bowersock, G. W. Greek Sophists i11 the Roman Empire.
Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1969'
Boyle, Robert. "A Free Inquiry into the Vulgar Notion of
Nature." In The Philosophical Worh, abridged and cd. by
Peter Shaw. 3 vols. London: W. and J. Innys et aI., '725.
2: 106-'49'
Brock, Arthur j., trans. Greek Medicine: Being Extracts llltlS-
trative of Medical Writers from HippocTiltes to Galen. New
York: Dutton, 1929.
Brockelmann, Carl. Geschichte der arabischen Literatur. 2d ed.
2 vols. Leiden: E. j. Brill, 1943-1949; Supplement, 3 vols.,
1937- 194 2.
 Bibliography 197
Brown, Theodore M. "The College of Physicians and the Ac-
ceptance of Iatromechanism in England, 1665-1695." Bull.
Hist. Med., 44 (1970), 12-30.
Browne, Sir Thomas. Religio medici. Ed. by W. A. Greenhill.
London: Macmillan, 1885.
Brucker, Jacob. Historia critica philosophiae. Rev. ed. 6 vols.
Leipzig: Heirs of Weidemann and Reich, 1767.
Brunn, Walter L. von. Kreislauffullktion in William Harvey's
Schriften. Berlin: Springer, 1967.
Biihler, Curt F., ed. The Dicts and Sayings of the Pbilosophers.
London, 1941 (Early English Text Society, no. 211).
Biirgel, J. Christoph. Averroes "contra Galenum." Gottingen:
Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1968 (Nachrichten der Akademie
der \Vissenschaften in Gottingen, I. Philologisch-historische
Klasse, 1967, no. 9, pp. 265-340).
Burton, Robert. The Anatomy of Melancholy. New ed. 3 vols.
New York: A. C. Armstrong and Son, 1885.
Bylebyl, Jerome J. "Cardiovascular Physiology in the Sixteenth
and Early Seventeenth Centuries." Ph.D. dissertation, Yale
University, 1969'
- - . "Galen on the Non-Natural Causes of Variation in the
Pulse." Bull. Hist. Med., 45 (1971),482-485.
Cabanis, P.-J.-G. Rapports du physique et du moral de
I'ho111111e. 2 vols. Paris: Bibliothcque choisie, 1830.
Caesalpinus, Andreas. Quaestiollum peripateticamm lib. V . . .
J)ae1J1omnn il1vestigatio jJeri fJatetica (2 d ed.). Quaestionum
medicarum libr; ll. De medicame11t[orum] facultatibus lib.
ll. Venice: Junta, 1593.
Campanella, Thomas. De sensu rerum et maf!,ia, libri quatuor.
Ed. by Tobias Adami. Frankfort: Egcnolphus Emmelius, im-
pensis Godefridi Tampachii, 1620.
Castiglioni, Arturo. La vita e l'opera di Santorio Santorio Capo-
distriano 1561-1636. Bologna: Lucinio Cappelli, 1920.
Champier, Symphorien. Symphonia Galeni ad Hippocratem,
 Ribliograpby 198
Cornelii Celsi ad Avicelllll7111: una cum sectis amiquorum
medicoru111 et recemiu1ll, . . . Item, Clysteriorll1l1 Campi
c01ltra Arabu11I opilliolle111, pro Galeui se1lte1ltia, ac oli111
Graecorum medicorum doctri17a. (Preface, p. 5: "Ex nostra
bibliotheca Lugdunensi, MDXXVIII. xv. Februarii.").
Chauvet, Emmanuel. La psycbologie de Galien (deuxieme par-
tie). Caen: F. Le Blanc Hardel, 1867.
Choulant, Ludwig. Handhuch der Riicherku17de fur die altere
Medicm. Leipzig: Leopold Voss, 184/. Reprinted, Miinchner
Drucke, 1926.
Coiter, Volcher. Exte111arU111 et i1lternarum principalium hu-
mani corporis partium tabulae. Nuremberg: Theodoricus
Gerlatzenus, 1573.
Corner, George \V. Allatomical Texts of the Earlier Middle
Ages. Washington: Carnegie Institution of Washington,
Jan. 1927 (Carnegie Institution of Washington, Publication
no. 364).
Cornford, Francis Macdonald. Plato's Cosmology. Reprinted,
New York: Liberal Arts Press, 1957.
Costomiris, A. G. "Etudes sur les ecrits inedits des anciens
medecins grecs." Revue des etudes grecs, 2 (1889), 343-383.
Oemoninus, Caesar. De calido innato, et semine pro Aristotele
adversus Galenum. Leiden: Elsevir, 1634'
Crombie, A. C. "The Mechanistic Hypothesis and the Scientific
Study of Vision: Some Optical Ideas as a Background to the
Invention of the Microscope." In Historical Aspects of Mi-
croscopy, cd. by S. Bradbury and G. L'E. Turner. Cam-
bridge: W. Heifer & Sons, 1967. Pp. 3-1 12.
- - . Robert Grosseteste and the Origins of Experimental
Science, 1100-/700. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1953.
Cudworth, Ralph. The True Intellectual System. 1st American
ed.2 vols. Andover: Gould, Newman, 1839.
Curtius, Ernst Robert. European Literature and the Latin Mid-
 Bibliography 199

die Ages. Trans. by Willard R. Trask. Reprinted, New

York: Harper Torchbooks, 1963.
Dante Alighicri. TfJe Divine Comedy. Trans. by Henry Wads-
worth Longfellow. London: George Routledge and Sons,
n.d.
- - . Opera omnia. 2 vols. Leipzig: Insel Verlag, 1921-
Daremberg, Charles. Histoire des sciences medicales. 2 vols.
Paris: J.-B. Baillicre et Fils, 1870.
- - . La l1ufdecine: histoire et doctrines. Paris: Didier, 1865.
- - . Notices et extraits des malluscrits medicaux grecs, latins et
franfais, des principales bibliotheques de l'Europe. Paris: Im-
primerie imperiale, 1853.
Davis, Audrey B. "Some Implications of the Circulation The-
ory for Disease Theory and Treatment in the Seventeenth
Century." Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied
Sciences, 26 (1971), 28-39'
Debus, Allen G. The English Paracelsians. London: Oldbourne,
196 5.
- - . Science and Education in the Seventeenth Century. New
York: American Elsevier, 1970.
Deichgraber, Karl. Galen als Erforscher des menschlichen
Pulses: Ein Beitrag zm Selbstdarstellung des Wissenschaftlers
(De digllotione pulsuum 1 I). Berlin: Akademie-Verlag,
1957 (Sitzungsberichte cler Deutschen Akademie der Wis-
scnschaftcn zu Berlin, Klasse fUr Sprachen, Literatur und
Kunst, 1956, no. 3).
- - . Die griechische Empirikerschule: Sa11lmlung der Frag-
mente und Darstellung der Lehre. Berlin: Weidmann, '930.
- - . Medicus gratiosus: Untersuchungen zu einem griechi-
schen Arztbild. Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner, 1970, for Akade-
mic der vVissenschaften und der Literatur, Mainz (Abhand-
lungcn der gcistes- und sozialwissenschaftlichen Klasse, '970,
no. 3).
 Bibliography 200

- - . Parabasenverse aus Thesmophoriazusen II des Aristoph-

anes bei Galen. Berlin: Akademie-Vcrlag, 1956 (Sitzungs-
berichte der Deutschen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu
Berlin, Klasse fur Sprachen, Literatur und Kunst, 1956, no.
2 ).

De Lacy, Phillip. "Galen and the Greek Poets." Greek, Ro-

man, and Byzantine Studies, 7 (1966), 25~266.
- - . "Galen's Platonism." American Journal of Philology, 93
(197 2 ): 27-39·
Dietrich, Albert. Medicinalia arabica. Gottingcn: Vanden-
hoeck & Ruprecht, 1966 (Abhandlungen der Akademie der
Wissenschaften in Gottingen, Philologisch-historische Klasse,
3d s., no. 66).
Dietz, Fridericus Reinholdus, ed. Apollonii Citiensis, Stephani,
Palladii, Tbeophili, Meletii, Damascii, Ioannis, aliorum Scholia
in Hippocratem et Galenum. 2 vols. Konigsberg: Borntrager,
18 34.
Dijksterhuis, E. J. The Mecha11ization of the World Picture.
Trans. by C. Dikshoorn. Oxford: darcndon Press, 1961.
Dodds, E. R. Pagan and Cbristian in an Age of Anxiety. Cam-
bridge: At the University Press, 1965.
Durling, Richard ]. A Catalogue of Sixtee11th Ce11tury Printed
Books in the National Library of Medicine. Bethesda, Md.:
U.S. National Library of Medicine, 1967.
- - . "A Chronological Census of Renaissance Editions and
Translations of Galen." Joumal of the Warburg and Court-
auld Institutes, 24 (1961),230-305'
- - . "Corrigenda and Addenda to Diels's Galenica." Traditio,
23 (19 6 7),461 -47 6.
- - . "Lectiones Galenicae: TlXV?7 iaTpIK~." Classical Philology,
63 (1968 ),5 6-57,
Edelstein, Emma ]. and Ludwig. Asclepius: A Collection and
Imerpretatioll of the Testimonies. 2 vols. Baltimore: The
Johns Hopkins Press, 1945.
 Bibliography 201

Edelstein, Ludwig. Ancient Medicine: Selected Papers of Lud-

wig Edelstein. Ed. by Owsei and C. Lilian Temkin. Balti-
more: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1967.
- - . "Hippokrates." In PW, Supplement vol. 6 (1935), cols.
12 90- 1345.
- - . The Idea of Progress in Classical Antiquity. Baltimore:
The Johns Hopkins Press, 1967.
- - . "Motives and Incentives for Science in Antiquity." In
Scientific Change, ed. by A. C. Crombie. New York: Basic
Books, 1963. Pp. 15-41.
- - . "The Philosophical System of Posidonius." American
Journal of Philology, 57 (193 6 ),286-325,
- - . Plato's Seventh Letter. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1966.
Estienne, Henri. Apologie pour Hbodote. Ed. by P. Ristelhu-
ber. 2 vols. Paris: Isidore Liseux, 1879'
Eunapius. Lives of the Philosophers and Sophists. In Pbilo-
stratus and Eunapius: The Lives of the Sophists. With
English trans. by Wilmer Cave Wright. Loeb, 1952.
Eusebius. The Ecclesiastical History. With English trans. by
Kirsopp Lake. 2 vols. Loeb, 1965 and 1964.
Fernelius, Iohannes. Universa medicina. Geneva: Samuel de
Tournes, 1679.
Ferrario, Ercole V.; Poynter, F. N. L.; and Franklin, K. J.
"William Harvey's Debate with Caspar Hofmann on the
Circulation of the Blood." Journal of the History of Medi-
cine and Allied Sciences, 15 (1960),7-30.
Feuer, Lewis S. The Scientific Intellectual: The Psychological
and Sociological Origins of Modern Science. New York:
Basic Books, 1963.
Flashar, Hellmut, ed. Antike Medizin. Darmstadt: Wissen-
schaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1971 (Wege der Forschung,
vol. 22 I).
- - . Melancholie und Melancholiker in den medizinischen
Theoriell der Antike. Berlin: de Gruyter, 1966.
 Bibliography 202

Frings, Hermann Josef. Mediz.ill ll1ld Arzt bei den griechischen

KircheJ77.Jiitern bis Chrysostol1lOS. Dissertation. Bonn, 1959.
Flick, Johann. Die arabischell StudieJl in Europa bis in den
Anfang des 20. Jahrhunderts. Leipzig: Otto Harrassowitz,
1955·
Galen. Adversus LYCU111 et adverslls Iulianum libelli. Ed. by
Ernst Wenkebach. Berlin: Academia Litterarum, '951
(CMG 5, 10'3)'
- - . Claudii Galeni De placitis Hippocratis et Platonis libri
noveJn. Ed. by Iwan Muller. Leipzig: B. G. Teubner, 1874.
- - . Claudii Galeni Opera omnia. Ed. by Carolus Gottlob
Kuhn. 22 vols. Leipzig: Cnobloch, 1821-1833.
- - . Claudii Galeni Pergameni Scripta minora. Ed. by J. Mar-
quardt, I. Miiller, G. HcImreich. 3 voIs. Leipzig: B. G. Teub-
ner, 1884-1893.
- - . De propriorum animi cuillslibet affecwum dignotione et
curatione; De animi clliuslibet peccatorum dignotione et
curatione; De atra bile. Ed. by Wilko de Boer. Leipzig:
B. G. Teubner, 1937 (CMG, 5, 4·1.1).
- - . De sanitate tlleJlda; De alimentorum facultatibus; De bonis
malisque sucis; De victu attenuante; De ptisana. Ed. by
K. Koch, G. HcImreich, K. Kalbfleisch, O. Hartlich. Leipzig:
B. G. Teubner, 1923 (CMG, 5, 4.2).
- - . De te111peramentis, libri Ill. Ed. by Georg HcImreich.
Leipzig: B. G. Teubner, 1904.
- - . De usu partium libri XVI/. Ed. by Georg HcImreich.
2 vals. Leipzig: B. G. Teubner, 1907-1909.
- - . Einfuhrung in die Logik: Kritisch-exegetischer Kom-
mentar mit deutscher Obersetzung von JUTgen Mau. Berlin:
Akademie-Verlag, 1960.
- - . "Galen's 'Advice for an Epileptic Boy.''' Trans. by
Owsei Temkin. Bull. Hist. Med., 2 (1934),179-189.
- - . Galens Art of Physick. .. : Translated into English,
 Bibliography 203
and largely C01mnented on; Together with convenient Medi-
cil1es for all particular Distempers of the Parts, a Description
of the Complexio1lS, their Conditions, and what Diet and
Exercise is fittest for them. By Nich. Culpeper, Gent. Stu-
dent in Physick and Astrologie. London: Peter Cole, 16SZ.
- - . Galen's hzstitutio 10gicl1. Trans., Introd., and Commen-
tary by John S. Kieffer. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins
Press, 1964.
- - . Galieni principis medicorum migro Tegni cum com-
mento Hali Rodoam. In Articella, cd. by Gregorius a Vulpe
Vincentinus. Venice, 1491. Fa!. 144 verso-I92 (misprinted
for 200) verso.
--.In Hippocratis de 11atura hominis; In Hippocratis de victu
acutorum; De diaeta Hippocratis in morbis acutis. Ed. by
J. Mewaldt, G. Helmreich, J. Westenberger. Leipzig:
B. G. Teubner, 1914 (CMG, 5, 9. 1).
- - . In Hippocratis epidemiarum librum VI commentaria
I-VIII. Ed. by E. \Venkebach and F. Pfaff. ld ed. Berlin:
Academia Litterarum, 1956 (CMG, 5, 10.1.1).
- - . In Hippocratis Prorrheticum 1; De comate secundum
Hippocratem; In Hippocratis Prognosticum. Ed. by H. Diels,
J. Mewaldt, J. Heeg. Leipzig: B. G. Teubner, 1915 (CMG,
5,9. 1 ).
- - . Institutio logica. Ed. by Karl Kalbfleisch. Leipzig:
B. G. Teubner, 1896.
- - . Oeuvres anatomiques, physiologiques et mUicales de
Galien. Trans. by Charles Daremberg. I vols. Paris: Bailliere,
1854-1856.
- - . On Anatomical Procedures. Trans. by Charles Singer.
London: Oxford University Press, 195 6.
__. On Anatomical Procedures: The Later Rooks. Trans. by
W. L. H. Duckworth, cd. by M. C. Lyons and B. Towers.
Cambridge: At the University Press, 1961 .
 Bibliography 204
- - . On Medical Experience. 1St cd. of the Arabic version,
with English trans. and notes by R. Walzer. London: Oxford
University Press, 1944.
- - . On the Natural Faculties. With English trans. by Arthur
John Brock. Loeb, 1928.
- - . On the Passions and Errors of the Soul. Trans. by Paul
W. Harkins, with introd. and interpretation by Walther
Riese. [Columbus]: Ohio State University Press, 1963.
- - . On the Usefulness of tbe Parts of the Body. Trans. from
the Greek, with introd. and commentary by Margaret Tall-
madge May. 2 vols. Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press,
19 68 .
- - . Thrasybulos. Berlin: Weidmann, n.d. (Kleine Texte zur
Geschichte und Lehrweise der Leibesubungen).
- - . A Translation of Galen's Hygiene (De sanitate tumda)
by Robert Montraville Green. Springfield, Ill.: Charles C
Thomas, 1951.
- - . Vber die medizinischen NC011en: Arabisch und delltsch
herausgegeben von Max Meyerbof und Joseph Scbacht. Ber-
lin: Akademie der Wissenschaften, 193] (Abhandlungen der
Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philologisch-
historische Klasse, 19J1, no. 3).
- - . Vber die Verschiedenheit der homoiomeren Korperteile:
/n nrnbischer V bersetzul1g 2Um erstenmal herausgegebel1,
iibersetzt und erliiutert von Gotthard Stroh1nilier. Berlin:
Akademie Verlag, 1970 (CMG, Supplementum orientale 3:
Galeni Dc partium hOl11oeomerium differentia libellus).
"Galenisme." In Encyclopidie oU dictionnaire raisonne des
sciences, des arts et des metiers. New cd. 36 vols. Gelleva:
Pellet, 1777-1779. 15: 667-67 I.
G:lrda Ballester, Luis. "Alma y enfermedad en la obra de
Galena: Illtroducci6n traducci6n y comentario a 'Las facul-
tades del alma se derivan de la complexi{lIl humoral del
 Bibliography 205
cuerpo.''' Dissertation. Valencia: Oitedra de Historia de la
Medicina, Facultad de Medicina, 1968.
- - . "£1 Hipocratismo de Galeno." Bofetin de la sociedad
espanola de historia de la medicina, 8 (1968),22-28.
- - . "Medicina y etica en la obra de Galeno." Medicina
Espanola,62 (1969), 28~288.
- - . "Lo medico y 10 filos6fico-moral en las relaciones entre
alma y enfermedad: el pcnsamiento de Galena." Asclepio,
20 (19 68 ), 9~134.
- - . "La 'psique' en el somaticismo medico de la antiguedad:
la actitud de Galena." Episteme, 3 (1969),195-2°9.
Gatje, Helmut. Review of Medicillalia arabica, by Albert
Dietrich. Gottil1gische gelehrte Anzeigen , 221 (1969), 92-
10 3.
Gauthier, Leon. Antecedents greco-m'abes de la psychophy-
siqlle. TIcyrouth: Imprimcrie catholique, 1938.
Ghiselin, Michael T. "William Harvey's Methodology in De
motu cordis from the Standpoint of Comparative Anatomy."
Hull. Hist. Med., 40 (1966), 314-327.
Gilbert, Neal W. Renaissance Corlce pts of Method. New York:
Columbia University Press, 1960.
Gilson, Etienne. La philosophie all moyen age: Des origilles
patristiques ala fin du XIV" siecle. 2d cd., rev. and enlarged.
Paris: Payot, 1952.
Gould, Josiah B. The Philosophy of Chrysippus. Albany:
State University of New York Press, 1970.
Grabmann, Martin. Mittelalterliches Geisteslebell. 3 vols.
Munich: Max Hueber, 1926-1956.
The Greek Anthology. With English trans. by W. R. Paton.
5 vols.Loeb, 1925-1927.
Gregorius Nyssenus. In Scripturae '1.'erba, Faciamus hominem
ad i111aginem et similiwdinem llostrtrm, oratio I. Migne, PG,
vol. 44, cols. 257-278.
 Bibliography :06
Haeser, Heinrich. Lehrbuch der Geschichte der Medicin und
der epidemischell Krankheite1J. 3d. cd. 3 voh. Jena: Gustav
Fischer, 1875-1882.
Halkin, A. S. "Classical and Arabic Material in Ibn 'Al~nin's
'Hygiene of the Soul.'" American Academy for Jewish
Research, Proceedings, 14 (1944),25-147.
Hall, A. Rupert. "Studies on the History of the Cardiovascular
System." Bull. Hist. Med., 34 (1960), 391-4IJ.
Hall, Thomas S. Ideas of Life and Matter: Studies in the His-
tory of General Physiology, 600 B.C.-1900 A.D. 2 vols.
Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 196<;.
Haller, Albrecht von. Bibliotheca medicinae practicae. 4 vols.
Bern: Em. Haller; Basel: Joh. Schwcighauser, 1776--1788.
Harig, Georg. "Die Galenschrift 'Dc simplicium medicamen-
torum temperamentis ac facultatibus' und die 'Collectiones
medicae' des Oreibasios." NTM. Schriftenreihe filr Ge-
schichte der Naturwissemcbaftc1J, Teclmik und Medizin,
vol. 3, fasc. 7 (1966),3-26.
- - . "Leonhart Fuchs und die theoretische Pharmakologic der
Antike." NTM: Schriftemeihe fur Geschichte der Naturwis-
senchaftell, Technik und Medizin, vol. 3, fasc. 8 (1966),74-
104.

Hartung, Edward F. "Medical Regulations of Frederick the

Second of Hohenstaufen." Medical Life, 4 1 (1934), 587-601.
Harvey, William. Opera omnia. Ed. by the London College of
Physicians. London, 1766.
- - . The Works. Trans. by Robert Willis. London: Syden-
ham Society, 1847. Reprinted, New York: The Sources of
Science, no. 13, Johnson Reprint Corporation, 1965.
Haskins, Charles Homer. The Renaissance of the Twelfth
Century. Reprinted, New York: Meridian Books, 1957.
- - . Studies in the History of Mediaeval Science. Reprinted,
New York: Frederick Ungar, 1960.
Heckscher, William S. Rembrandt's Anatomy of Dr. Nicolaas
 Bibliography 207
Tulp. Washington Square, N.Y.: New York University
Press, 1958.
Hegel, G. W. F. Samtlicbe Werke. Ed. by Hermann Glockner.
26 vols. Stuttgart: Fromann, 1927-1939.
Heinrichs, Heinrich. Die Oberwindung der Autoritiit Galens
durch Denker der Renaissancezeit. [Together with] Die
Rechtsphilosophie des Alessandro Turamini, by Martin
Honecker. Bonn: Peter Hanstein, 1914 (Renaissance und
Philosophie, fasc. 12.).
Helmont, Ioannes Baptista van. Ortus medicinae. Ed. by Fran-
ciscus Mercurius van Helmont. New ed. Amsterdam: Elze-
vir, 1652.
Herrlinger, Robert, and Kudlien, Fridolf, ed. Frtihe Anatomie:
Eine Anthologie. Stuttgart: Wissenschaftliche Verlagsgesell-
schaft, 1967.
Hesiod. Works and Days. In Hesiod, The Homeric Hymns
and Homerica, with English trans. by Hugh G. Evelyn-
White. Loeb, 1929.
Hill, Christopher. lmellectual Origim of tbe English Revolu-
tion. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1965.
Hippocrates. With English trans. by W. H. S. Jones (vol. 3 by
E. T. Withington). 4 vols. Loeb, 1957-1959.
- - . Hippokrates tiber Entstehung und Aufbau des mensch-
lichen Korpers (Peri sarkon). Ed. by Karl Deichgraber.
Leipzig: B. G. Teubner, 1935.
- - . Oeuvres completes d'Hippocrate. French trans. with the
Greek text on opposite pages, by E. Littre. 10 vols. Paris:
J.-B Bailliere, 1839-1861.
Hoffmann, Friedrich. Fundamenta medicinae. Trans. and in-
trod. by Lester S. King. New York: American Elsevier,
197 1 .
- - . Fundamenta medicinae ex principiis naturae mechanicis
in usum philiatrorum succillcte proposita. In Friderici Hoff-
manni Operum omnium physico-medicorum supplementum
 Bibliography 208

in duos partes distributum ... pars secunda. Geneva: De

Tournes, 1749. Pp. 1-44-
Honein ibn Ishak. Sinnspriicbe der Philosophen: Nach der he-
briiischen U ebersetzung Charis;'s ins Deutsche ubertragen
und erliiutert von A. Loewenthal. Berlin: S. Calvary, 1896.
Ibn abi U~aibicah. cuyim aPal1btz' fi tabaqat a1->atibbif.
[Cairol,1882.
Ibn al-Qifti. Ta)ril} al-lfukamii). Ed. by Julius Lippert. Leipzig:
Dietrich, 1903.
Ibn an-Nadim. Al-Fihrist. Cairo: MarbaCat al-Istiqamat, n.d.
I1berg, Johannes. "Aus Galens Praxis: Ein Kulturbild aus der
romischen Kaiserzeit." Neue /ahrbiicher
fahrbiicher fiir das klassische
Altertum, 15 (1905), 276-JI2.
- - . "Ueber die Schriftstcllerei des Klaudios Galenos." Rhei-
nisches MUJeum fiir Philologie, n.s., 44 ( 188 9), 2°7- 2 39; 47
(1892),489-514; 51 ( r8 96 ), 16 5- 196 ; 52 ( 18 97), 59 1- 62 3.
- - . "vVann ist G"lcnos geooren?" Sudhoffs Archiv, 23
(193°),289- 29 2.
Ioannes Philoponus. De aeternitate mundi, co11tra Procl1l1n.
Ed. by Hugo Rabe. Leipzig: B. G. Teubner, 1899.
- - . De opificio mundi libri Vll. Ed. by Walter Reichardt.
Lcipzig: B. G. Teubner, 1897.
- - . In Aristotelis De anima libros commentaria. Ed. by Mi-
chael Hayduck. CAG, vol. 15.
- - . III Aristotelis Physicorum conmlentaria. Ed. by Hierony-
mus Vitelli. CAG, vols. 16 and 17.
Ioannes Stobaeus. Authologium. Ed. by Out Wachsmuth and
Otto Hense. Vol. 5 (bk. 4, pt. 2, cd. by Otto Hense). Berlin:
\Veidmann, 1912.
Iohannicius. Sce Articella.
Isaac Israeli. See Altmann, A.
Iskandar, A. Z. A Catalogue of Arabic Manuscripts on Medi-
cine and Science in the Wel/come Historical Medical Li-
 Bibliography 209
brary. London: The WeUcome Historical Medical Library,
1967'
Isnardi, Margherita. "Techne." La parola del passato, vol. 16,
fasc. 79 (1961), 257- 296.
Jaeger, Werner Wilhelm. Nemesios von Emesa: Quellenfor-
schungen zum Neuplatonismus und seinen Anfiingen bei
Poseidonios. Berlin: Weidmann, 1914'
James, William. The Varieties of Religious Experience. Re-
printed, New York: The Modern Library, n.d.
John of Salisbury. Metalogicon libri IV. Ed. by Clemens C. 1.
Webb. Oxford: Clarendon, 1929.
- - . Policraticus. Ed. by Clemens C. I. \Vebb. 2 vols. Oxford:
Clarendon, 1909.
Jones, Richard Foster. Ancients and Moderns: A Study of the
Rise of the Scientific M OVefflent in Seventeenth-Century
England. 2d cd., 196[. Reprinted, Berkeley: University of
California Press, [965.
Kalbfleisch, Karl. "Ober Galcns Einlcitung in die Logik." Jahr-
bucher fiir classische Philologie, :lJ, supplement vol. (1897),
67rr70 8.
King, Lester S. "Attitudes towards 'Scientific' Medicine around
17°°." Bull. Hist. Med., 39 (19 65), 124-133.
- - . "Empiricism and Rationalism in the Works of Thomas
Sydenham." Bull. Hist. Med., 44 (1970), I - I I .
- - . "Medical Theory and Practice at the Beginning of the
[8th Century." Bull. Hist. Med., 46 ([97 2 ), 1-15.
- - . The Road to Medical Enlightenment, 1650-1695. New
York: American Elsevier, 1970.
Klibansl<y, Raymond; Panofsky, Erwin; and Saxl, Frit7-. SatllT1l
and Melancholy: Studies in the History of Natural Philos-
ophy, Religion, and Art. New York: Basic Books, 1964.
Kocher, Paul H. Science and Religion in Elizabethan England.
San Marino, Calif.: The Huntington Library, 1953.
 I3ibliograpby 210
Kovner, S. Istoriya drevnei meditsiny. Kiev: Universitetskaya
Tipographiya, 1878-1888.
Kraus, Paul, cd. "The Book of Ethics by Galen." Bulletin of
the Faculty of Arts of the University of Egypt, 5, pt. I
(1937), I-51 (in Arabic).
- - . JabiT ibn lfayyiin, Contribution a l'histoire des idees
scientifiques dans l'lslam. 2 vols. Cairo, 1943 and 1942 (Mc-
moires prcsentcs a l'lnstitut d'Egypte, vols. 44 and 45).
Kristeller, Paul Oskar. "Beitrag der Schule von Salerno zur
Entwicklung der scholastischen Wissenschaft im 12. Jahr-
hundert." In Artes liberales: Von der antiken I3ildung ZUT
W issenschaft des MittelalteTs, cd. by Josef Koch. Leiden:
E. J. Brill, 1959. Pp. 84-<)0 (Studien und Texte zur Geistcs-
geschichte des Mittdalters, vol. 5).
- - . "Humanism and Scholasticism in the Italian Renaissance."
Byzantiol1, 17 (1944-1945),346-374'
- - . "Nuove fonti per la medicina salernitana dd secolo XII."
Rassegna stoTica Salemitana, 18 (1957) 61-75.
- - . "The School of Salerno." Bull. Hist. Med., 17 ([945),
133-1 94-
Krumbacher, Karl. Geschichte der byzantinischen Litteratur.
2d cd. Munich: C. H. Beck, [897 (Handbuch der klassischcn
Altertums-Wissenschaften, vol. 9, pt. I).
Kudlien, Fridolf. "Antike Anatomic und menschlicher Leich-
nam." Hermes, 97 (1969),78-<)4.
- - . "Dcr Arzt des Korpers und der Arzt der Seelc." Clio
medica, 3 (1968), 1-20.
- - . "Dogmatische Arzte." PW, Supplement vol. 10 (1965),
cols. 179-180.
- - . "Mondinos Standort innerhalb der Emwicklung der
Anatomic." In Friihe Anatomie (sec Herrlinger and Kudlien,
cds.), pp. 1-14.
- - . "Pneumatische Arzte." PW, Supplement vol. I I (1968),
cols. 1097-1108.
 J3ibliography 2I I

- - . "The Third Century A.D.-a Blank Spot in the History of

Medicine?" In Medicine, Science, and Culture: Historical
Essays in Honor of O'Wsei Temkill, ed. by Lloyd G. Steven-
son and Robert P. Multhauf. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins
Press, 1968. Pp. 25-34.
Lain Entralgo, P. Enfennedad y pecado. Barcelona: Ediciones
Toray, 1961.
- - . La medicina hipocratica. Madrid: Ediciones de la Revista
de Occideme, 1970.
Laudan, Laurens. "Theories of Scientific Method from Plato
to Mach," History of Science, 7 (1969), 1-63.
Lawn, Brian. The Salernitan Questions: An Introduction to the
History of Medieval and Renaissance Problem Literature.
Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1963.
Le Clerc, Daniel. Histoire de la medecine. New cd. Amsterdam,
n.p., 1723.
Leibniz, G. W. Opera philosophica. Ed. by J. E. Erdmann.
Berlin: Eichler, 1840.
Lcnoble, Robert. Mersenne ou la naissance du mecanisme. Paris:
J. Vrin, 1943.
Lesley, Erna. "Harvey und Aristoteles," Sudhoffs Archiv, 41
(1957),28<)-31 6,34<)-37 8.
L6pez Piiiero, Jose Maria, and Morales Meseguer, Jose Maria.
"Los 'tratamientos psiquicos' anteriores a la aparici6n de la
psicoterapia moderna." Asclepio, 18-19 (1966-1967), 457-
48 I.
MacKinney, Loren C. Early Medieval Medicine, 'With Special
Reference to France and Chartres. Baltimore: The Johns
Hopkins Press, 1937.
McVaugh, Michael R. "Quantified Medical Theory and Prac-
tice at Fourteenth-Century Montpellier." Bull. Hist. Med.,
43 (19 69),397-413.
Magirus, Joannes. Physiologiae peripateticae libri sex, cum
commentariis, in quibus praecepta illius perspicue eruditeque
 Bibliography 212

explicantur, et ex optimis quibusque peripatheticae philoso-

phiae interpretibus, Platone, Aristotele, Zabarella . . . dis-
ceptantur. Frankfort: W. Richter for Conrad Nebenius,
1605.
Maimonides, Moses. The Guide of the Perplexed. Trans.,
introd., and notes by Shlomo Pines, with introductory essay
by Leo Strauss. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1963.
- - . Incipiunt aphorismi excellentissimi Raby Moyses secun-
dum doctrinam Galeni medicorum principis. Bologna:
Benedictus Hector, 1489.
- - . The Medical Aphorisms of Moses Maimonides. Trans.
and cd. by Fred Rosner and Suessman Muntner. 2 vols. New
York: Yeshiva University Press, 1970-1971.
Malpighi, Marcellus. Opera posthum{(. London: A. and J.
Churchill, 1697.
Mani, Nikolaus. "Die griechischc Euitio princeps des GaIcnos
(1525), ihre Entstehullg und ihrc Wirkung." GeS11erus, 13
(1956), 29-5 2.
- - . Die historiscbe1l Grulldlagell der Leberforschullg. 2 vols.
Basel: Schwabe, 1959-1967.
- - . "Jean Riolan II (1580-1657) and Medical Research."
Bul!. Hist. Med., 42 (19'>8), 121-144.
Maurus. MauTliS of SaleT1lo, Twelftb-Cemury "Optimus physi-
cus," 'With his Commentary 011 the Prognostics of Hippoc-
rates. Trans. by Morris Harold Saffron. Philadelphia:
American Philosophical Society, 1972 (Transactions of the
American Philosophical Society, n.s., vol. 69, pt. I).
Mewaldt. "Galenos." In PW, vol. 7, cols. 578-591.
Meycrhof, Max. "Autobiographische BruchstiicIce Galcns ails
arabischcll QueIIen." Sudboffs Arcbiv, 22 (1929),72-86.
- - . "Ibn An-Nafis (XlIlth Cent.) and His Theory of the
Lesser Circulation." Isis, 23 (1935), /00-120.
- - . V 011 AlexalIdrien ll{(cb Bagdad: Ein Beitrag zur Gc-
schicbte des jJbilosopbischell Ulld medizillischen Ul1terricbts
 Bibliography 2. I 3
bei den Arabem. Berlin: Akademie der Wissenschaften,
1930 (Sitzullgsberichte der Preussischen Akademie der
\Vissenschaften, Philologisch-historische Klasse, 1930, vol.
23)·
- - , and Priifer, C. "Die Lehre vom Schen bei I:Iunain b.
Isl)aq." Sudboffs Archiv, 6 (1913), 21-33.
Michler, Markwart. "Guy de Chauliac als Anatom." In Frilhe
Anatomie (see Herrlinger and Kudlien, cds.), pp. 15-P'
Misch, Georg. Geschichte der Autobiographie. Vol. I: Das
Altertllm. 2d cd. Leipzig: B. G. Teubner, 1931.
- - . A History of Autobiography in Antiquity. Vol. 1. Cam-
bridge: Harvard University Press, 1951.
Mitchell, S. "Veir. The Early History of Instrumental Precision
in Medicine. New Havcn: Tuttle et al., 1892.
Mokhtar, Ahmed Mohammed. Rbases contra Galenum: Die
Galellkritik il1 den ersten zwanzig Biichern des 'Comillens'
von Ibn ar-Riizi. Dissertation. Bonn, 1969.
Molhuyscn, P. C. Rro1l11cn tot de Gcschiedenis der Leidsche
Universitcit. 7 vols. The Hague: Nijhoff, 19IJ-1924.
Montague, M. F. Ashley. "Vesalius and the Galenists." In
Scicncc, Medici1Je, and History: Essays . .. in Honour of
Cbarles Singer, cd. by E. Ashworth Underwood. London:
Oxford University Press, 1953· I: 374-385.
MUller, Gerhard. "Ludwig Edelstein, Plato's Seventh Letter."
Reviewed in Gottingische Gelehrte Anzeigen, 221 (1969),
187-21 I.
Mullcr, Iwan von. Ueber Gale11S Werk vom wissenschaftlichell
Beweis. Munich: Akademie, 1895 (Abhandlungen der k.
Bayer. Akademie der Wiss. [Munich). I. Cl. Vol. 20, pt. 2.
Pp·405-47 8).
- - . "Ueber die dem Galen zugeschriebene Abhandlung 'lrEP~
r1j~ ap[(TTYJ~ aipl(T(w~." Sitzungsberichte der philosophisch-philo-
logischcll Classe dcr k. b. Ahrdc111ie der Wisscl1schaften.
[Munich 1, 1898. Pp. 53-162.
 IJibliography 214

Multhauf, Robert. "Medical Chemistry and 'The Paracelsians.' "

Bull. Hist. Med., 28 (1954), 101-126.
Nardi, Bruno. Studi su Pietro Pomponazzi. Florence: Le Mon-
nier, 1965.
Necker, [Jacques]. De l'importance des opinions religieuses.
Paris, 1788.
Nemesius Emesenus. De natura hominis. Ed. by C. F. Matthaei.
Halle: Gebauer, 1802. Reprinted, Hildesheim: Georg Olms,
19 6 7.
- - . Nemesii Episcopi Premnon physicol1 sive 1rfPl epllCTfW<;
av6ptmou liber a N. Alfano archiepiscop 0 Salemi in Latinum
translatus. Ed. by Karl Burkhard. Leipzig: B. G. Teubner,
19 1 7'
- - . On the Nature of iHan. In Cyril of Jerusalem and Neme-
sius of Emesa, cd. by William Telfer. Philadelphia: West-
minster Press, 1955 (Library of Christian Oassics, vol. 4)'
Neuburger, Max. Gescbichte der Medizil1. 2 vols. Stuttgart:
Ferdinand Enke, 1906-191 J.
Niebyl, Peter H. "The Non-Naturals." Bull. His!. Med., 45
(197 1),4 86-49 2 •
O'Malley, C. D. Andreas Vesalius of Brussels, '514-'564.
Berkeley: University of California Press, 1964.
- - , The History of Medical Education. UCLA Forum Med.
Sci., no. 12. Los Angeles: University of California Press,
197 0 •
Ong, Walter J. Ramus: Method aJId the Decay of Dialogue.
Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1958.
Oribasius. Collectionum medicarum reliquiae. Ed. by Johannes
Raeder, 4 vols. Leipzig-Berlin: B. G. Teubner, 1928-1933
(CMG,6, I and 2).
- - . Oeuvres d'Oribase. Ed. and trans. by Bussemaker and
Daremberg. 6 vols. Paris: Imprimerie nationale, 1851-1876.
Origenes. Contra Celsllm. Migne, PG, vol. I I, cols. 641-1631'
Ortega y Gasset, Jose. La idea de prillcipio en Leibniz y la
 Bibliography 215

evoluci6n de la teorla deductiva. Buenos Aires: Emece Edi-

torcs, 1958.
Osborne, Nancy F. The Doctor in the French Literature of
the Sixteenth CCllwry. New York: King's Crown Press,
1946.
Osler, William. The Evolution of Modern Medicine. New
Haven: Yale University Press, 1921.
Pagel, Walter. Paracelsus: An Introduction to Philosophical
Medicine in the Era of the Renaissance. Basel: S. Karger, 1958.
- - . "The Reaction to Aristotle in Seventeenth-Century
Biological Thought." In Science, Medicine and History:
Essay s . . . in H 01l0ur of Charles Singer, cd. by E. Ash-
worth Underwood. London: Oxford University Press, 1953.
I: 489-509'
- - . "William Harvey Revisited." 2 pts. History of Science,
8 (1969), 1-31;9 (1970), 1-41.
- - . TVillia111 Harvey's Biological Ideas. New York: Hafner
Publishing Co., 1967.
Paracclsus. Four Trcatises of Theopbrastus von Hohenheim
Called Paracelsus. Trans. by C L. Temkin, G. Zilboorg,
G. Rosen, and II. E. Sigcrist; cd. by Henry E. Sigerist. Balti-
more: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1941.
- - . Thcophrast von H ohcnheim (Paracelsus): Sieben Defen-
SiOl1CS ulld Labyrinthus 111edicorum errantiU111. Ed. by Karl
Sudhoff. Leipzig: J. A. Barth, 1915 (Klassiker der Medizin,
vol. 24)'
Pazzini, Alberto. "I manoscritti 'Laurenziani' di G. B. Mor-
gagni, noti, ma ignorati." Rivista di storia delle scicnze
11ledicbe e l1aturali, 44 (1953), 165-186.
Perrault, Charles. Parallete des anciens et des moderncs, en ce
qui rcgarde Jcs arts et les sciences [4 vols. Paris: J. B. Coig-
nard, 1688-1697]. Mit einer einleitenden Abhandlung von
H. R. Jauss und kunstgeschichtlichen Exlmrsen von M.
Imdahl. Munich: Eidos Verlag, 1964'
 Bibliography 2I6

Peters, F. E. Aristotle and the Arabs: The Aristotelian Tradition

in Islam. New York: New York University Press, 1968.
Pines, Salomon, Beitriige zur Islamischen Atomenlehre. Berlin,
n.p. 1936.
- - . "Omne quod movetur necesse est ab aliquo moveri: A
Refutation of Galen by Alexander of Aphrodisias and the
Theory of Motion." Isis, 52 (1961),21-54.
- - . "Razi critique de Galien." Actes du septieme congres in-
ternational d'histoire des sciences, Jerusalem (4-12 aout
1953). Paris: Hermann. Pp. 480-487.
- - . "A Tenth-Century Philosophical Correspondence." Pro-
ceedings of the American Academy for Jewish Research, 24
(1955), 10 3- 1 36.
Plato. The Dialogues of Plato. Trans. by B. Jowett. 2 vols.
New York: Random House, 1937.
Plotinus. Enneades IV. Ed. and trans. [into French] by Emile
Brehier. Paris: Lcs belles lettres, 1927 (Collection des
Universites de France).
- - . Plotinus. With an English trans. by A. H. Armstrong.
Loeb, 1966-
Pomponatius, Petrus. Tractatus de immortalitate animae. Ed.
by Gianfranco Morra. Bologna: Nanni & Fiammenghi, 1954.
Prantl, Carl. Geschichte der Logik im Abendlande. 4 vols. Lcip-
zig: S. Hirzel, 1855-1870.
Premuda, Loris. "Die Anatomie an den oberitalienischen Uni-
versitaten vor dem Auftretcn Vesals." In Frilhe Anatomie
(see Hcrrlinger and Kudlien, eds.), pp. I08-U5.
- - . "11 magisterio d'Ippocrate nell' interpretazione critica e
ncl pensiero filosofico di Galeno." Annali dell' Universita di
Ferrara, n.s., Section I: Anatomia umana, 1 (1954),67-92.
- - . "Kritische Betrachtungen tiber den Inhalt der Vorreden
zur 'Fabrica' von Vesal und zu den 'Elementa Physiologiae'
von Haller." Die medizinische Welt, n.s., 20 (1969), 2149-
21 55.
 Bibliography 117

Prenderg:lst, ]. S. "The Background of Galen's Life :lI1d Ac-

tivities, and its Influence 011 His Achievements." Proceedings
o( tbe Royal Society of Medicine (Section of the History of
Medicine), 23, pt. 2 (1930), 1131-1148.
Prosographia Imperii Romani. 2d ed., pt. 4. Berlin: \Valter de
Gruyter,1952-1966.
Pseudo-Elias (Pseudo-David): Lectures on Porphyry's Isagoge.
Ed. by L. G. Westerink. Amsterdam: North-Holland Pub-
lishing Co., 1967.
Purcell, John. A Treatise on Vapours or, Hysterick Fits. Lon-
don: H. Newman and N. Cox, 1702.
Randall, John Herman. The School of Padua and the Emer-
gence of Modern Science. Padua: Editrice Antenore, 1961.
Rath, Gernot. Andreas Vesal im Lichte neuer Forschungen.
Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner, 1963.
Rather, Lelland J. Mind and Body in Eighteenth-Century Med-
icine: A Study Based on Jerome Gaub's De regimille mentis.
Berkeley: University of California Press, 1965.
V --. "The 'Six Things Non-Natural': A Note on the Origins
and Fatc of a Doctrine and a Phrase." Clio Medica, 3 (1968),
337-347·
- - . "Some Thoughts on Galen." In XVll" Congres interna-
tio17al d'histoire de la medecine. 2 vols. Athens: n.p., 1960.
I: 609-614,
Rattansi, P. M. "The Helmontian-Galenist Controversy in Res-
toration England." Ambix, 12 (1964), 1-23.
- - . "Paracelsus and the Puritan Revolution." Ambix, I I
(19 63),24-32.
Renaud, I-I. P. J. Les ntanuscrits arabes de l'Escurial. Vol. 2,
fasc. 2. Paris: Librairie orientaliste Paul Geuthner, 1941
(Publications de l'ecole nationale des langues orientales vi-
vantes, 6th series, vol. 5).
Rescher, Nicholas. Galen and the Syllogism. Pittsburgh, Pa.:
University of Pittsburgh Press, 1966.
 BibLiograpby uB

- - . "New Light from Arabic Sources on Galen and the

Fourth Figure of the Syllogism." JOllT1ltlL of tbe History of
PhiLosophY,3 (196S), 27-41.
Rhazes. Cominens. 2 vols. Venice: Bernardinus Bcnalius, 150<).
- - . Tbe Spiritual Physick of Rhazes. Trans. by Arthur J.
Arberry. London: John Murray, 19SO (The Wisdom of the
East Series).
/Rich, Audrey N. M. "Body and Soul in the Philosophy of
Plotinus." JournaL of the History of Philosophy, 1 (JC)03).
I-IS·
Riese, Walther. The Conception of Disease: Its History, Its
Versions, alld Its Nature. New York: Philosophical Library.
19S3·
- - . "La pensee morale de Galien." Revue philosopbiqllc dc
LaFranceetdel'hranger, IS3 (1963), 331-346.
- - . "The Structure of Galen's Diagnostic Reasoning." Bullc-
tin of the New York Academy of Medicine, 44 (19oB),
77 8-79 1•
- - , and Bourgey, Louis. "Les gracieusetes aI'egard des
malades: Commentaire de Galien sur Epidhnies, VI section
4, division 7." Revue philosopbiqlle de La France et dc
l'hranger, ISO (1960), 14S-162.
l'erranger,
Riolanus, Joannes, filius. Encheiridium anatomicum et patho/-
ogicum. Leiden: Adrian Wyngaerden, 1649.
Roger, Jacques. Les sciences de la vie dans La pensCe frall(aise
du XVlllc siecLe: La generation des animaux de Descartcs
al'Encyclopedie. [Paris]: Armand Colin, 1963.
Rose, Valentin. Anecdota graeca et graecolatil1a. 2 vols. Re-
printed in I vol., Amsterdam: Adolf M. Hakkert, 1963.
- - . "Ptolemaeus und die Schule von Toledo." Hennes, 8
( 18 74), 32 7-349.
Rosenthal, Franz. "Die arabische Autobiographie." In F. Rosen-
thal, G. von Gri.inebaul11, W. J. Fischel, Studia Arabica f.
Rome: Pontificium Institutum I3iblicum, 1937 (Analect:l
orientalia, vol. 14)'
 Bibliography 2 '9
- - . 'The Defense of Medicine in the Medieval Muslim
\Vorld." Bull. Hist. Med., 43 (1969),5' 9-532.
- - . J){/S Fortleben der A11tike im Islam. Zurich: Artemis
Verlag, '965'
- - . Review of Gale11: On Medical Experie11ce, trans. and
cd. byR. Walzer. Isis, 36 ('946), 25'-255.
- - . The Technique and Approacb of Muslim Scholarship.
Rome: Pontificium Institutum Biblicum, '947 (Analecta
orientalia, vol. 24).
Rothsch uh, Karl E. Phy siologie: Der W {/17del ihrer KOl1ze pte,
Probleme It1ld Methodell vom 16. bis 19. /ahrhundert. Frei-
burg: Karl Alber, 1968.
Rufus of Ephesus. Oeuvres de RUfUS d'Ephese. Ed. and trans.
[into French 1 by Charles Daremberg and Charles Emile
Ruelle. Paris: Imprimerie nationale, ,879,
SiiCjd ibn al+-Ias.1n. Das Buch At-Taswiq at-tibbi des SJcid ibn
al-J-j{/san. Ed. by OttO Spies. Bonn: Sclbstverlag des orien-
talischen Seminars cler U niversitat, 1968 (Bonner orientalis-
tische Studiell, II.S., voL 16).
- - . ObersetzlIng und Bearbeitzt1lg des KitJb at-Taswiq at-
tibbi des ~iicid ibn al- !fasan,
ijasan, von Schah Ekram Taschkandi.
Bonn: Selbstverlag des orientalischen Seminars der Univer-
sitat, 1968 (Bonner orienralistische
orientalistische Studien, n.s., vol. '7)'
Sambursky, S. The Physical WoTld of Late Antiquity. London:
Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1962.
- - . Physics of the Stoics. New York: Macmillan, '959.
Sanctorius, Sanctorius. C0l111nentaria in pri111flm fen pri111i libri
Canollis Avicell11ae. Venice: Iacobus Sarcina, ,626.
Sarton, George. Galen of Pergamon. Lawrence, Kansas: Uni-
versity of Kansas Press, '954 (Logan Clendening Lectures on
the History and Philosophy of Medicine, 3d ser.).
--. Introduction to the History of Science. 3 vols. in 5.
Baltimore: Williams and Wilkins, '927-1948.
Scarhorough, John. R0111{/'l1 Medicine. Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell
University Press, '969'
 Bibliography 220

Schacht, Joseph, and Meyerhof, Max. "Maimonides against

Galen, on Philosophy and Cosmogony." Bulletin of the
Faculty of Arts of the University of Egypt, vol. 5, pt. I
(I9J7), pp. 53-88 .
- - . The Medico-Philosophical Controversy between Ibn
Butlan of Baghdad and Ibn Ridwan of Cairo. Cairo, 1937
(The Egyptian University, The Faculty of Arts, publication
no.IJ).
Schegkius, Jacobus, Philosophus et medicus Tybingensis. Trac-
tationum physicarum et medicarum tomus unus, Vll Libros
complectens. Frankfort: Ioannes Wechel, 1585.
Schipperges, Heinrich. Die Assimilation der arabischen Medizin
durch das lateinische Mittelalter. Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner,
1964 (Sudhoffs Archiv, Beiheft J).
- - . "Handschriftellstudien in spanischen Bibliothcken zum
Arabismus des lateinischen Mittelalters." Sudhoffs Archiv, 52
(19 68 ),3- 29'
- - . Ideologie und Historiographie des Arabismus. Wies-
haden: Franz Steiner, 1961 (Sudhoffs Archiv,Beihcft I).
Schmitt, Charles B. "Experience and Experiment: A Com-
parison of Zabarella's View with Galileo's in De motu."
Studies in the Renaissance, 16 (1969), 80-IJ8.
Schoner, Erich. Das Viererschema in deT antiken Humoral-
pathoLogie. Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner, 1964 (Sudhoffs
Archiv, Beiheft 4)'
Schramm, Matthias. "Zur Entwicklung der physiologischen
Optik in der arabischen Literatur." Sudhoffs Archiv, 43
(I959),28<)-JI6.
Schubring, Konrad. "Bemerkungen zu der GalenausgaLe von
Karl Gottlob Kuhn und zu ihrem Nachdruck: Biblio-
graphische Hinweise zu Galen." In Claudii Galeni opera
omnia. Reprinted, Hildesheim: Georg Olms, 1965. 20: v-
lxii.
Seidler, Eduard. Die Heilkunde des ausgehel1den Mittelalters ill
 Bibliography 221
Paris. Wicsbadcll: Franz Steiner, 1967 (Sudhoffs Archiv,
Bcihcft 8).
Scneca. Ad LuciliTI111 ejJistulae morales. With English trans. by
Richard M. Gummere. Loeb, 1920.
- - . Naturales quaestiones. Vol. I. With English trans. by
Thomas H. Corcoran. Loeb, 1971.
Scrvctus, Michael. Michael Servetus: A Translation of His Geo-
graphical, Medical alid Astrological Writings. With inttod.
and notes by Charles Donald O'Malley. Philadelphia: Ameri-
can Philosophical Society, 1953.
Sezgin, Fuat. Geschichte des t1rabischen Schrifttums. Vol. 3:
Medizill-Phar111i1zie-Zoologie-Tierheilkunde. Leiden: E. J.
Brill, 1970.
Siegel, Rudolph E. Galen 017 Se11se Perception. Basel: S. Karger,
197°·
V--, Galen's System of Pbysiology and Medicine. Basel: S.
Karger, 1968.
Sigerist, Hcnry E. The Great Doctors. Trans. by Eden and
Cedar Paul. Reprinted, Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday An-
chor Books, 1958.
- - . "William Harveys Stellung in der europiiischen Geistes-
geschichtc." Arcbiv fiir Kulturgeschichte, 19 (1928), 158-168.
Simplicius. In Aristotelis Physicorum libros commentaria. Ed.
by Hermann Dicls. CAG, vols. 9 and 10.
Singer, Charles. Tbe Fascicldo di Medicina, Venice 1493.
Florence: R. Lier, 1925.
- - , and Rabin, C. A Prelude to Modern Science. Cambridge:
At the University Press (for the Wellcome Historical Mu-
seum), 1946.
Skard, Eiliv. "Nemesiosstudicn." Symbolae Osloenses, fasc. 15
(193 6 ),23-43; 17 (1937), lT 25; 18 (193 8 ),3 1-4 1 ; 19 (1939),
46-56; 22 (194 2 ), 40-48.
Sprengel, Kurt. "Briefe tiber Galens philosophisches System."
In Beitriige ZllT Geschichte der Medicill, ed. by Kurt Spren-
 Bibliography 222
gel. Halle: Rengcrische Buchhandlung, 1794. Vol. I, pt. I,
pp.117- 195·
- - . Versuch eil1er pragmatischen Geschichte der Arzlley-
kunde. Vol. 2, 3d ed., rev. Halle: Gebauer, 1823.
Stahl, Georg Ernst. Ober den 111a1111igfaltigen EillfiUSS von Ge-
mutsbewegungen auf den meuschlichen Korper (Halle
169) . . . . Ed. by Bernward Josef Gottlieb. Leipzig: J. A.
Barth, 1961 (Sudhoffs Klassiker der Medizin, vol. 36).
Steinschneider, Moritz. Alfarabi (Alpharabius), des arabischen
Philosophen Lebe1l1111d Schriften. St. Petersburg, 1869 (Me-
moirs de )'Academie Imperiale des Sciences de St. Peters-
bourg, 7th s. vol. IJ, no. 4)'
- - . Die hebraeischen Obersetzul1gen des Mittelalters 111ld die
Juden als Dolmetscher. Berlin: Bibliographisches Bureau,
1893.
- - . "Die Vorrede des Maimonides zu seinem Commentar
libel' die Aphorismen des Hippokrates." Zeitschrift der deut-
schen morgenliindischen Gesellschaft, 48 (J 894), 218-234.
Stella, Nicolaus. Discours de Monsieur Stenoll mr l'allatomie
du cerveaU. Paris: Robert de NinviIle, 1669' Facsimile reprint
in "A Dissertation on the Anatomy of the Brain" by
Nicolaus Steno. With preface and notes by E. Gotfredsen.
Copenhagen: Nyt Nordisk Forlag Arnold Busck, 1950.
Stephallus, Carolus. De dissectione partirmt corporis hrrmani
libri tres. Paris: Simon Colinaeus, 1545'
Stobaeus, Ioannes. Amhologii libri duo posteriores. Ed. by
Otto Hense. Vol. 3. Berlin: Weidmann, 1912.
Strohmaier, Gotthard. "Eine bisher unbekannte Galenschrift."
Helikon (Rome), 6 (1966), 608-620.
- - . "Dura mater, Pia mater." M edizinhistorisches Journal,
5 (197°),201-216.
- - , "Galen als Vertreter der Gebildetenreligion seiner Zeit."
In Neue Beitriige zur Geschichte der alten Welt, ed. by
E. C. WeIskopf. Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1965. 2: 375-379.
 Bibliography 223
SudhoiT, Karl. "Medizinischer Unterricht und seine Lehrbe-
hcIfc im frlihcn MittcIaltcr." Sudboffs Archiv, 21 (1929),
28-37·
Suidas. Lexicon. Ed. by Ada Adler. Pt. I. Leipzig: B. G. Teub-
ner, 1928.
Sydenham, Thomas. Opera offluia. Ed. by William Alexander
Greenhill. London: Sydenham Society, 1844.
Sylvius, Iacobus. "Vaesani cuiusdam calumniarum in Hippoc-
ratis Galenique rem anatomicam depulsio." In Opera
medica, ed. by Renatus Moraeus. Geneva: Jacobus Chouct,
16 35. Pp. '35- 158.
Tatarkicwicz, W. "Classification of Arts in Antiquity." JouT17al
of tbe History of Ideas, 24 (1963),23'-240.
Telesius, Bernardinus. De rerum natura. Ed. by Vincenzo
Spampanato. 3 vols. Modena: A. F. Formiggini, 1910-1923.
- - . Quod animal ul1;VerSllm ab unica animae substantia guber-
17ntur, ad~versus Gole17um, fiber llnicus. In Bernardini Telesii
C01lSemini VaTi; de naturaliblls rebus libelli, ed. by Antonius
Persius. Venice: FelixValgrisius, 1590.
Tcmkin, Owsei. "Byzantine Medicine: Tradition and Empiri-
cism." Dumbartoll Oaks Papers, no. 16 (1962 ), pp. 97-115.
- - . "The Elusiveness of Paracelsus." Bull. Hist. Med., 26
(1952),201- 21 7.
- - . The Falling Sickness: A History of Epilepsy from the
Greeks to the Begi1l11i17gs of Modem Neurology. 2d cd.,
rcv. Baltimore: The J Oh11S Hopkins Press, 1971.
- - . "A Galenic Model for Quantitative Reasoning?" Bull.
Hist. Med., 35 (1961),470-475'
- - . "Galenicals and Galenism in the History of Medicine."
111 The Impact of the Antibiotics 011 Medicine and Society,
cd. by Iago Galdston. New York: International Universities
Press, 1958. Pp. 18-37.
/ - - . "Geschichte des Hippokratismus im ausgehenden Alter-
tum." Kyklos, 4 (1932), I-8o.
 Bibliography 224
- - . "Medicine and the Problem of Moral Responsibility."
Bull. Hist. Med., 23 (1949),1-20.
- - . "Nutrition from Classical Antiquity to the Baroque." In
Hwnan Nutrition, Historic and Scientific, ed. by Iago
Galdston. New York: International Universities Press, 1960.
Pp. 78~7'
- - . "On Galen's Pneumatology." Gesnerus, 8 (1951),180-
189.
- - . Review of A. Z. Iskandar, A Catalogue of Arabic Manu-
scripts. (See Iskandar.) Bull. Hist. Med., 43 (1969), 187-189.
- - . "Scientific Medicine and Historical Research." Perspec-
tives in Biology and Medicine, 3 (1959), 70-85.
- - . "Studies on Late Alexandrian Medicine I. Alexandrian
Commentaries on Galen's De sectis ad introducendos." Bull.
Hist. Med., 3 (1935),4°5-43°.
Themistius. In Aristotelis Physica paraphrasis. Ed. by Heinrich
Schenld. CAG, vol. 5, pt. 2.
Theoharides, Theoharis C. "Galen on Marasmus." Journal of
the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences, 26 (1971), pp.
369-39°.
Thomas, Sir Henry. "The Society of Chyrnical Physicians: An
Echo of the Great Plague of London, 1665." In Science,
Medicine and History: Essays . .. in Honour of Charles
Singer, ed. by E. Ashworth Underwood. London: Oxford
University Press, 1953. 2 : 56-7 1.
Thorndike, Lynn. A History of Magic and Experimental
Science. 8 vols. New York: Columbia University Press, 1923-
195 8.
Timarion. "Vizantiiskaya satira 'Timarion'" (The Byzantine
satire 'Timarion'; Russian trans. by S. V. Polyakova and
I. V. Felenkovska; preface by E. E. Lipshits). ViZAntiiskii
Vremennik,6 (1953),357-386.
Ullmann, Manfred. Die Medizin im Islam. Leiden: E. ]. Brill,
1970 (Handbuch der Orientalistik, Erste Abteilung, Ergan-
zungsband VI, Erster Abschnitt).
 Bibliography 225

Vartanian, Aram. La Mettrie's L'homme machine, a Study in

the Or;g;n of an Idea. Princeton: Princeton University Press,
1960.
Vesalius, Andreas. De humani corporis fabrica libri septem.
Basel: 0porinus, 1543.
Walsh, Joseph. "Date of Galen's Binh." Annals of Medical
History, n.s., 1 (1929),378-382.
- - . "Galen's Discovery and Promulgation of the Function of
the Recurrent Laryngeal Nerve." Annals of Medical History,
8 (1926),176-184,
- - . "Galen's Exhortation to the Study of the Arts, Especially
Medicine." Medical Life, 37 (193°),5°7-519.
- - . "Galen's Second Sojourn in Italy, and His Treatment of
the Family of Marcus Aurelius." Medical Life, 37 (1930),
473-5°5·
- - . "Galen's Studies at the Alexandrian Schoo!." Annals of
Medical History, 9 (1927),132-143.
- - . "Galen's Writings and Influences Inspiring Them."
Al11/als of Medical History, n.s., 6 (1934), 1-30, 143-149; 7
(1935),4 28 -437,570-5 89; 8 (1936),65--<)0; 9 (1937),34--61;
3d ser., I (1939),525-537.
- - . "Refutation of lIberg as to the Date of Galen's Birth."
Al1nals of Medical History, n.s., 4 (19J2), 126-146.
Walther, Hans, ed. Proverbia sententiaeque latinitatis medii
aevi. Pt. I. Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1963'
Walzer, Richard. "DjaIi:nus." In The Encyclopedia of Islam.
New ed. London: Luzac, 1960- . 2: 402-4°3'
- - . Galen on Jews and Christians. London: Oxford Univer-
sity Press, 1949.
- - . Greek into Arabic: Essays on Islamic Philosophy. Cam-
bridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1<)62.
Watt, W. Montgomery. Islamic Philosophy and Theology.
Edinburgh: At the University Press, 1962 (Islamic Surveys,
I) .
Webster, C. "The College of Physicians: 'Solomon's House'
 Bibliography 226

In Commonwealth England." Bull. Hist. Med., 41 (1967),

393-4 12 .
Webster, John. Acade1JJiarum Exa1llcll, or tbe Examination Of
Academies. London: Printed for Giles Calvert, 1654. Facsim-
ile reprod. in Allen Debus, Sc;cllce and Education in the
Sevellteenth Century (sec Debus, Allen).
Wellmann, Max. Die pneu111atische Schule bis alif Archige17es.
Berlin: Weidmann, 1895.
Wenkebach, Ernst. "Galens Protreptikosfragmcnt." In Que/len
und Studien zur G eschicbte der N aturw;ssenscbaftell lil1d
der Medizill. Berlin: Springer. Vol. 4, fasc. 3 (1935), pp.
240- 2 73.
Westerink, L. G. Al1ol1ymous Prolegomena to Platonic Philos-
ophy. Amsterdam: North-Holland Publishing Co., 1962.
- - . "Philosophy and Medicine in Late Antiquity." Jal1ltS, 51
(19 64), 169- 177'
Whewell, William. History of Sciemijic Ideas. 3d cd., vol. 2.
London: John tv. Parker alld SOil, 1858.
- - . History of the Inductive Sciences, from the Earliest to
the Present Time. 3d cd., 3 vols. London: John W. Parker
and Son, 1857.
Whitteridge, Gweneth. William Harvey and the Circulation
of the Blood. New York: American Elsevier, 1971.
Wickersheimer, Ernest. "Die 'Apologetica epistola pro de-
fensione Arabum medicorum' von Bernhard Unger aus
Tiibingen (1533)'" Sudhoffs Archiv, 38 (1954),322-328.
Wightman, W. P. D. Science and the Renaissal1ce: an huro-
duction to the Study of the Emergence of the Sciences in the
Sixteenth Ce1ltury. 2 vols. New Yorlc: Hafner, 1962.
Wilkie, J. S. "Harvey's Immediate Debt to Aristotle and to
Galen." History of Science, 4 (1965), 103-124.
Wilkins, John, and Ward, Seth. Vindiciae Academ;arum, Con-
taining Some briefe Animadversions upon Mr. Websters
Book, stiled, The Examination of A cade111ies. Oxford:
 lJibliography '2'27
Lconard Litchfickl for Thomas Robinson, 1654. Facsimile
rcprod. in AlIcn Oebus, Sciellce and Educatioll ill the Seve17-
teem/) C e17tlfTY (scc Ocbus, AIIcn).
/\VilsOIl, Lcol1:lnl G. "Erasistra tus, Galcn, and thc PneUllla."
Bull. Hist. Med., 33 (1959)' '293-314.
Withington, Edward Thcodorc. Medical History from the
Em'liest Ti1l1es. London: Scicntific Press, 1894.
'Volfc, David E. "Sydcnh:l111 and Lockc on the Limits of
Anatomy." Bull. Hist. Med., 35 (19 6 1), 193-2'20.
Ylii):lnna ibn Masawaih. Les axiollles 1l1Cdicaux de YOhll111l1l Ben
Massawllih, celebre 1116decill chretiell decCdIi e1l 857. Ed. by
Paul Sbath. Cairo, 1934.
Zabarclla, Jacobus. De rebus naturalibus libr; XXX: Quibus
qlttlestiolles, quae ab Aristotclis imerpretiblls hodie tractari
solem, accurate discmiu17l1lT. Fr:lnkfort: Haeredes Lazari
Zetzller, 1617'
Zeller, Eduard. Die Philosophie der Griechell ill ihrcr geschicht-
lichell ETltwickiung. 4th cd., cd. by Eduard Wcllmann. 3 pts.
Leipzig: 0. R. Reisland, 1874-1882.
Zilscl, Edgar. "The Genesis of the Concept of Scientific Prog-
ress." ]o1tT'llt11 of tbe History of Ideas, 6 (1945), 3'25-349.
 Index

CAbd al-La~if al Bagd:idI, 77 n. 87, AI-Hazen, see Ibn al Haitham

120 n. 66 CAli ibn a1- cAbbas, 68, 99'~4 n. 51
Ackerknecht, Erwin H., 162 n. 64, CAli ibn Riq,wan, 77 n. 87, 109 & n.
165 n. 75, 166 n. 67 38
Ackermann, Johann Christian Ammonius, 67-68
Gottlieb, 183 n. 1%3, 185 n. 1%9 Analysis, 11 n. 4. 43, 47, 108- 1°9,
Action by the whole substance, 89 110 n. 40, 117; see also Method-
& n. 131,111 & n. 43,144,171- ology
17 2 Anatomy, 3, 5, 12- 14, 40-4 2, 49,
Adelmann, Howard B., 168 n. 83, 54-55, 80-81, 114-116, 120 n. 66,
173 n. 101, 178 nn. 111,112 12 I, 124, 134, 136-142, 152 & n.
Aesculapius, see Asclepius 46, 157 n. 55, 15 8 n. 57, 17 2, 174,
Age of anxiety, 56-57, 80 175, 178 & n. 112, 181, 183, 190;
Agnosticism, 44-46, 77, 86, 92, 156 pathological, liS, 116 n. 55. [36-
n. 55, 16 4 n. 69, 170-171, 191; 138, 174. 184 & n. 127; progress
see also Epistemology in, 30-3[, 165, [75-176; useful-
Agrifoglio, Lino, 37 n. 84 ness of, 34, 41-42, [76
Air, 17, 90, 102, 108, 154-156, 160 Ancients, the. 27, p, 58, 67, [18,
n. 61; as food, 154 n. 51, 155 n. 134, 135 n. 2; and the moderns,
53; intelligence in, 26, 89 175-178, [80; shortcomings of,
Alberrus Magnus, 98 B, 58, 67; see also Hippocrates;
Alchemy, 70, 113 n. 49, 117 n. 57, and Galen, as perfecter of the
128 ancients
Alexander Benedictus, 127 n. 82 Anthropology, 73, 74, 8[
Alexander of Aphrodisias, 60, 74 Apollo, 27, 126
& nn. 75,77, 75 n. 78, 127 n. 82 Apothecaries, 136, [64. 166
Alexander of Damascus, 12, 74 nn. Arabic civilization, 59. 69-7 0 , 99
75,77 Archimedes, 26
Alexander of Tralles, 73 n. 74, 118 Aretaeus, 161
Alexandria (Alexandrians), 3, 59, Argenterius, Ioannes, 141-[ 44. 149-
61-62, 64-67, 69, 95--96, 101, 104, 152
109 & n. 39 Arisrophanes, 6 n. 11
Alfanus, 96-97 A ristotelianism (Aristotelians), I,
 ludc:>.: 230

Aristotclianism (cont.) Banholinus, 176 & n. 107

54, 71- 80, 98, 117, 135 n. 3, 143, Bcccaria, Augusto, 96 n. 3
145 n. 19, 149 n. 37, 150, 161, Bchavior and tcmperamcnt, 83-
165, 171-171, 188 n. 136 86,170,180--181,185 & n. 128; see
Aristotelian philosophy and Gal- also Galen, works (individual),
enic mcdicinc: alliancc of, 17, 25 "That the Facultics of the Soul
& n. 46, 65-66, 69-73, 97--118, 110, Follow the Temperament of the
117, 145 n. 29, 162 n. 64, 167-168, Body"; Soul, as temperament;
171, 178-179; controversy be- and Temperament
tween, 72-80 passim, 98, 121, Benivieni, Antonio, 136-137
143-144 n. 29, 161, 173 Benivieni, Hieronymus, IJ6 & II. 5
Aristotle, I, 5, 17, 18, 25, 26, 32-33, Bernard, Claude, 182
55-56, 60, 65, 74 n. 7 8, 76, 77 n. Bernard of Gordoll, 114 n. 50
86, 78, 79, <)0, 97, 107, 110, 120, Richat, 12 n. I I
130, 140, 146-147, 153 n. 46, 161, B1ecding, 121, 127, 158 n. 57, 165,
164, 168, 172, 178, 186; authority 17 6
of, 72-73 n. 74,98, 121, 141, 167; Blood, 107-108, 120, 111, 140, 141,
commentators of, 60, 65, 74-75; 146, 148 n. 35, 149 11. 39, 155-
ree also Aristotelian philosophy 159, 180; circulation of, 152-159,
and Galenic medicine 166, 176
Armengaud of Montpellier, 104 n. Bocrhaare, Hermann, 1'>2 n. 6+, IiJ,
26 181 n. 121
Arnald of Villanova, 114 n. 50, 144 Rologna, 115, 168, 178
Arteries, 55, 142 n. 23, 150, IB, Bordeu, Thcophile de, 184 n. 126
IH & n. 53, 15 6 Rowersock, G. W., 3 n. 3, 53 n. 7
Articella, 100-101, 105 n. 27, 109 Royle, Raben, 135, 168
n. 38 Drain, 42, 54-55, 73, 89, 101, 121,
Asdepiades, 17, 19 14 1- 144, 149; ventricles of, 55,
Asclepius, 3 & n. 3, 24. 27, 126 lJ7, 14 6 , 155 n. 53
Asellius, 176 Rrch ieT, f:nl ile, 81 n. 97
Atheism, 169 n. 86, 17 I, 186 Brock, Arthur j., 4 n. 7, 15 n. 47,
Athenaeus (grammarian), 59-60 39 n, 91
Athenaeus (physician), 20 Rrockclmann, Carl, 106 n. 28
Atomism, 17, 7f, 122 n. 72; see Brown, Theodore M., 164 n.71
also Philosophy, mechanistic Browne, Sir Thomas, 153 n. 46,
Augustine, Saint, 98 171, 186
Averroes, 71, 77 n. 86, 80, 98, 114 Brucker, Jacob, 186 nn. 131,131
n. 50, 120-121, 123 n. 73, 127 n. Brunn, Walter L. vun, 156 n. 5.1,
82 158 n. 57
Avicenna, 71,98, 104 & n. 26, 107, Bunny, Edmund, 170
110 & n. 41, I I I n. 42, 120-UI, Btirgel, J. Christoph, 72 n. 72, 74
123 n. 73, 127 &: n. 82, 129; II. 77, 76 nn. 82,84, 77 nn. 86.!??
Cant;ca of, 104 & n. 26, 107 Rurgundio of Pisa, 97
Rurton, Roben, 170
Bylcbyl, Jcrome J., 102 n. 10, 153
Bacon, Francis, 149, 169 & n. 88, & n, 47, 15 6 nn. 54, 55
17 2 Byzantines, 96, 98, 100, 118; see
Bardong, Kurt, 10 n. I, 84 n. II3 alro Alexandria
 Index
23 1
Cahan is, P.-].-G., 181 n. [r!l, [85 De Lacy Phillip, G n
n. [28 Demonstration: an . [[.. 86, n. n3
C~clius Aurelianlls, 16[ 47, 54 & n. II. atomlea 1~ 12, [6,
Caes~ll'inlls, Andreas, [49-[5°, [7Z 87; logical [6, ~2 geometrical, 44.
Caml'~nella, Thomas, [45-[48, [68 also Epistemol' 43-44. lJ o ; see
n. Hz Lugic and M Ogy, Geolllctry
, ~thodology ,
Cardioyascular system, 9 n. [6, [56 Descartes (Cart~i;' )
n. 55
lans [35 n
[59. [7 , IS[ n
Z 8' . 3.
Cassiodorus. 96 n, z Determinism, 39 ~ II
Celsus, [5 n. zo, [73 84 . 9[,45 & n. 1[6,
Cham pier, Symphorien, [Z7 n. Sz Diairesis, z9
Chauvet, Emmanuel, 45 n. [[6 Dijksterhuis, E. )
Christians, 55-56, 80-S[, 97, [3[- n. 63 " [59 n. 5\), [6[
133, 168; see also Religion, J) ioeles, 48
Christian; and Theology Diogencs of ApolI . 8
Chrysipplls, H & n. [[ D' 6 oma, 9 n. 13
Clocks, 29, 43 & n. [07 6
u[J' [ ,
Iseas e,
30, 3,00 n. 128
18, zoo z8 n ° 8
• 5 ,
Coiter, Volcher, 140 n. 17 [54, 160 n. 61 '102. [°4. [n, 13 8,
'161 169 176
Commodus (emperor), 53, 56 & n. [10, 17\); see'/ PI' 17 S
Constantine (emperor), 56 Dissection, 40 54 a so a~ lology
Constantinus the African, 97 & n. , , [5Z; ammal
n, 25, [14-115 S ' 5.
6 human, [[5- 11 ; 13, 14 z, Ip;
Contel1l pt fo r the multitude, 10. 136-[4°, 174- ,no. 135 n, z.
p. H-H, 49, 53, [[9 Dodds, E. R., 57 tl
Copernicus, [34 Dogmatists, [5 n . n
Cornarius, [z6 also Sect (s) 'zo, [9, Pi see
Cornford. Francis Macdonald, 24 Drugs, [8, ZO, 8\)
n·44 [[7, [Po [67 nn. 1 3.[.1[0-.1 [4,
Cremoninus, Caesar, xi, 91 n. [36, Pharmacology. . 79. see also
[48-[49 pharmacologic~1 and Therapy,
Crombie, Alistair c., [01) n. 38, Du Chesne (Otlcr )
[10 & n. 4[' [ [ I n. 4z, [ n n.73 Z9 Cetanus , 145 n.
Cudworth, Ralph, [69 n. 86, [86 Durling, Richard J
n. [32 ., [or n. [5
Culpeper, Nicholas. [66-167 Eclecticism, [7-2Q
Curtius Ernst Robert, 1[8 n. 58 [87 ' [03 n. Z 3, 186-
Ecology, [54-[56
Dante, 73, [01 also Med"IClne' 18d'5 n. . nS; see
Daremberg, Charles, xii n. 2. 45 n, Non-naturals' letetlc; rrnd
[[5,48 n. [3°,58 n. z5, [34, 188- Edelstein. LUdWig
[9[ [5 n. [9, z7 n.' Z n. 1,4 n. 5,
n. [30, 83 n'll e55. 3 n. 60'48
Darwin (Darwinism), z3, [91 0

Davis, Audrey B" [58 n. 57. 176 Elements", [6- I 8t lo-

' [62 n. 64
n. [08 73, 98, [06, [08 Be ZI. 29, 40-.4[,
Debus, Allen G .• [64 n. 7'2 16[, [68 n. 35, [30, 148•
Deichgraber. Karl, z n. z, 4 n. 7. EmpedocIes. 48
6 n. II, 8 n. 15. z6 n. 48,49 n, Empiricists, [5-16
[33. 50 n. 1340 51 n. I Sect (s) , p; see also
 Index Ip
Ent. Dr., 162 n. 66 74; and Christians in Rome, 5i-
Epicurus, 170, 186 56; as commentator of Hippoc-
Epistemology, 11-12, 43-44, J 53 n. r:lt~s, 5. "I n. p, 33-34, 66, 96

46 n. 3; commentators of, 65-69, 95,

Erasistraws, 23 n. 39 104, 109, 150, 166; contradictions
Euclid, 55 in, 6-7, 44 n. lIS, 78, 79,9 2 • 12 3,
Eudemus (philosopher), Il, 47 151, 156 n. 55, 181, 185 n. 129;
Eunapius, 64 n. 44 critical biography of, 8. 24, 59;
Eusebius 55 n. 16 criticized, 6, 67-68, 73-82, 91 n.
Experience, 15-16, 31-32, 63 & n. 137, 92, 118-124. 140-154, 162,
42,66, III, 112, "7 n. 57,118, 164, 167-171, 181, 183-IR4, IR6,
122, 119-130, 153 n. 46, 162 n. 190- 19 1; development of. 7, 9
64, 165, 169, 177-178, 182 n. 17, 44 n. liS, 185 & n. 129; as
Experimentation, 14. 16, llo-III, dietician, 39, 59-60, 162 n. 64,
1I4 n. 51, I17, 153-154, 162 n. 165 & n. 75, 185 n. 128 (see also
64; see also Physiology Medicine, dietetic); fame of,
52-53, 60, 62, 14, 119, 12.5- 12 7.
Fabricius ab Aquapendente, 152 151, 161; friends and pupils of,
Faculty (ies), 57 n. 24, 106, 115; 36, 47 & n. 12 7, 49, 51; as guide
natural, 25 & n. 47, 89, 143, n. 25, to truth, II, 36; historizatioll of,
146 182-19 2; as hygienist, 39, 179;
aI-Farabi, 23 n. 40, 72 n. 72 , 76 & income of, 37, 47-48; as inter-
nn. 84,85, 77 n. 86, 79 preter of Hippocrates, 33, 99, 126,
Fernelius, Juhannes, 149 161-162; liberation of, 126-127,
Feuer, Lewis S., 170 n. 89 13 6; life of, 2-4, 14, 4 1-47, 52-
Fire, 17, 87 n. 126, 90, loB, 147 & n. 53, 56, 12 5, 151, 192; as lo~ician,
33, 149 n. 39, 161; see also Heat 76 & n. 85; as model of philo-
FIashar, Hellmut, 103 n. 22 sophical life, 36-38, 5 I; as model
Flavius Boethus, 12, 48 n. 127 of physician's life, 51, 70-71,
Food, 17, 18, 39, 87 n. 126, 154- 93--94; as natural theologian. 186-
155; see also Medicine, dietetic 191 (see also Nature, as god); as
Form, 145 n. 29; substantial, 144 & perfecter of the ancients, 12, 59.
n. 29, 171-172, 177, 178 n. 110; 16 3; personality of, I, 7, 51, 57
see also Soul, as form & n. 23, 68, 74, 125, J P & n. 43.
Frings, Hermann Josef, 81 n. 98 169, 19 2; pessimism of, 49,59; as
Fuchs, Leonhart, 126 philanthropist, 48-50 (see also
Fiick, Johann, 128 n. 86 Galen, serving mankind; and
Fulgentius, 92 n. 140 Philanthropy); as philosopher, 1.
Function, 13 & n. 13. 18, 40, 102, 36-3 8, 46, 50, 51, 56, 72, 74-Ro,
106, 139, 188 n. 13 6 96, 100, 123, IRS n. 128, 186-IR8.
190-- 19 2; as physician, 1, 46-50,
Galen: as allegory of medicine, 92, 51-51, 59, 62, 73, 92, 100, 185 n.
131; anatomical discoveries of, 128; portrait of, 61-62; and pos-
14, 30-36; authority of, I, 61 & terity, 49-YO, 184; prolixity of,
n. 36, 72, 73 n. 74, 78, 79, 81, 9 8, 67- 68 , C}6 n. 3, 151 n. 44, 181; as
I16, 120, 121, 123, 125, 127 n. sage, 71, 94 n. 145; as scientist,
82, 140-142. 152, 171. 182, 185; 49 n. 133, 57, 92, 100, 125, 161-
autobiography of. 4-5, 55. 70- 16 5; self-criticism of. 7 n. 14, IRy
71, 93--94; called "mule head." n. 129; separated from Hippo<>
 Index 233
Galen (cont.) as intellectual phenomenon. xi.
rates, 130, 161-164; serving man- 192; as medical philosophy, 93,
kind, 46, 49-51; style of, 6, 52, 124, 171, 178-179. 191; as medi-
68 n. 58, 151 n. 44, 181; as sur- cal practice, 135, 158 n. 57, 161,
geon, 4, 18 n. 29, 34 (see also 165-167; as medical science, 112,
Surgery). systematizes medicine, 117, 124, 135, 150, 152, 161-165.
40, 41 n. 99, 101- 104, 18 3 n. 12 3 medieval, 98, 101, 102, 116 n. 56,
(see also Galenic system of med- 118, 124, '36, 143; philosophical
icine). on time, space, and cau- limitations, 74-80, 171; scholastic,
sality, 74--"75 64-<><;, 117-118, 173; as social
-works of (general): 5, 7 n. 14, phenomenon, 124-125, 152, 166-
69, 76, 95-101 passim, 185, 188- 16 7. 173' Western, 59. 94, 97, 133
189; Aldine edition, 125, 132; Galenists, 97, 102, 109, 116 n. 56,
canon, 69 & n. 60, 95-¢ "9. 127&nn. 82,83,128,13 1,132,
-works of (individual): AdhoT- 14 1, 1440 145 n. 29, 149, 150, Ip,
tatio ad aTtes addiscendas, 26-27; 164-173, 181
ATs medica, I I n. 4, 41 n. 99, 69, Garcia Ballester, Luis, 3 n. 2, 9 n.
101-105, 1U6, 108--110, 138, 150, 17, 33 n. 70, 39 n. 9 1, 45 n. 115,
166-167, 183 n. 123; De const;tu- 83 n. 113
tione aTtis medicae ad PatTophi- Giitie, Helmut, 69 n. 60
lum, " & n. 4, 40-41. On Ana- Gaubius. Hieronymus, 185 n. 128
tomical Procedures, 5, 12, 49, 59 Gauthier. Leon. 114 n. 50
n. 28, 100, 140 n. 17; "On Dem- Geoffroy St. Hilaire, Etienne, 188
onstration," lin. 5,82, 83; "On & n. 136, 191
the Doctrines of Hippocrates and Geometry, 11,28-29. see also Dem-
Plato," 5 & n. 9, 53, 100; "On the onstration, geometrical; Mathe-
Species of the Soul," 86 & n. 123, matics; and Methodology
87; On the Use of PaTts, 25, 33, Gerard of Cremona, 97, 109 & n.
42, 100 n. 13, 140 nn. 16,17, 169 38
n. 86, 186; "That the Faculties Ghazali, 80 & n. 95
of the Soul Follow the Temper- Ghiselin, Michael T., 154 n. 49
aments of the Body," 44 n. 115, Gilbert, Neal W., 40 n. 97
83,84 n. "3,86 nn. 120,122,92, Gilles of Corbeil, 99 n. 9
185 n. 128 Gilson, Etienne, 98 n. 8
-works of, translated into: Ara- Glisson. '79
bic, 70, 105 n. 28, 109 n. 39, 123- God (gods). 24, 42-43, 44-46, 5I,
124; French, 188-189; Latin, 95- 56, 86, 92, 129, 130, '32, 168,
97, 100-101, 109 & n. 38 186-187. 191. omnipotence of, 24,
Galenicals, 165, 167 78 (see also World. eternity of);
Galenic system of medicine, xii n. see also Nature, as god
2, 17-20, 106-107, 182-184 Goethe, 188 & n. 136, 191
Galenism: afterlife, 179-192. Arab- Gould, Josiah B., 54 n. II
ized, 95 n. I, 128; causes of de- Grabmann, Martin, 98 n. 8
cline, 135-136; definition, xi; Gregorius Nyssenus, see Nyssenus,
emergence, 6, 51, 61, 124; falls Gregory
into oblivion, 184; in folk med- Grosseteste. Robert, 110-111
icine, 165 & n. 74; historical phase Guinther of Andernach, 126, 135
of, 192; humanistic, 116 n. 56, n. 2
127 n. 82 (see also Humanism); Guy de Chauliac, 116 n. 56
 Index 134

Hadrian, 3 Hclmontians, 135 n. 3. 164

Hacser, Heinrich, 127 n. 83 Heraclitus of Ephesus, 50 n. IH,
Hall, A. Rupert, 156 n. 55 115 n. "9
Hall, Thomas S., 2 n. 2 Hermes. 27
Haller, Albrecht von, 162 n. 64, Heron. 16o n. 61
184 & n. u6 Herophilus, 33
Haly Abbas, see cAli ibn aI-cAb- Hesiod. 35
bas Hill, Christophcr, /66 n. 78, 167
Hannes, Ed., 177 n. 109 n. 80
Harig, Georg, II3 n. 48 Hipparchus, 26
Harvey, William, 23, 149 & n. 39, Hippocrates,s, 18, 25 n. 48, 30, 32
152-154, 156-159, 162 n. 64; and n. 67, H & n. 70, 44, 1"4, (;2-64.
Aristotle, 153 n. 46, 154 n. 49, 82, 83 & n. 1/2, 85 n. 119. 87 n.
172 & n. 99, 173; and circulation 1l6, 88, 89, 96 & n. 2, 98. 99. 101.
of the blood, 9 n. 16, 15 2, IB, 103, 107, & n. 32, 118, 123, 129-
156 n. 55, 157, 158 & n. 57,159 & I}O, 140 n. 14, 158 n. 57, 162 n.
n. 58, 176, 179; contrast with 64> 175, 177, lBo, 182 & n. 121,
Galen, 156, 172; as founder of 185 & n. 1Z8, 188; amhori[y of,
modern physiology, 157; and in- 1,32,35 & n. 8[, 96, 98, 1l6, 127
nate heat, 149 & n. 39; and Lon- n. 82, 161-162, 167-168, 177, 185;
don College of Physicians, 164; as clinical teacher, 15, 32, 1(;1-
and mechanistic thought, 159 & 161, 177, 182 & n. I Z1; as Galen's
n. 60, 172; and medical practice, idc:!.I, 32 n. 67. 35 n. 81, 48 & n.
158 n. 57, 165; and progress, 162- 130, 63 & n. 4Z; methods and
163; and spirits, 149 n. 39, 157, principles of, 28-30, 32 n. 67, 511,
158 n. 56 62---63, '77, ,8z; shortcomings of,
Haskins, Charles Homer, 99 n. 9, 30, 33, 176 (see also Ancicnts,
101 n. 14 shortcomings of); as tbe ancient,
Health, 13 n. 13, 40, 46, 104, 154, 28, 175
178-179; latitude of, IB, 102; as Hippocratic collection, 56, 62-63,
moral postulate, 39 65, 161
Heart, 54, 73, 83, 102, 103, II9- I l I , -face, 29. 66-67
142-143, 154, [55 n. B, 15 6 & Hippocratism, Galenic. 64
n. 55, 157 & n. 56, 15 8 n. 57, 159, Hippolyrus of Rome, 55 n. ,6
17 6, 179 Hoffmann, Friedrich, 180--181
Heat, 17,86,88 & n. 12 7, 142-144, Hofmann, Caspar, 159 n. 58
146-149, 157, 100-161; celestial, Homer, 6. 27
143, 144 n. 27, 147 & n. 33,148 & b01l10i01l1ere, see Tissues
n. 35, 149, 169 n. 88; elementary, Humanism, 99 & n. 9, 1Z5-129, 131,
147 & n. 33, 148, 149, 169 n. 88; 134 n. I, 135 n. 2, 136, 141; see
innate. 67. 87-8B, ~I, 142 n. also Galenism, humanistic
2j, [48-149, [54, 155 & n. B, [56 Humors, 17, 19, 29, 103, 106. 130.
n·55 140, 144, 168, ISo
Hcckscher, William S., 116, n. 56 l-,Iunain ibn Isl)aq, 70, 71. l0-i, 101",
He~c1, G. W. F., 160 & n. 62 106 n. 28, 109 n. 39, I I 3 II. 49
Hernrichs, Heinrich, 141 n. 18, 146
n. 30 Iatrochemistry, [32, 174, 177, 178-
Hclmont, Jean Baptiste van, I II, 179
1}5 n. 3, 162, 163, 164 Iatromechanics, 174, 178-180
 Index 235
latros(lphi~ts, 6,-62, 65 n. 49, 66 Kristeller, Paul Oskar, 97 n. 6
Ibn ahi ~;iadiq an-Nfsabiiri, 77 n. 87 Krumbacher. Karl, 105 n. z8
11m abi U~aibi<ah, 5 II. 7, 47 n. 127, Kudlien, Fridolf, 3 n. 2, 4 n. 5, IS
106 II. 28 n. z, zo n. 34, 57 n. 22, 61 & n.
Ibn al-Haitham, 120, [22 n. 73 35,1,6 n. 56
Ibn al-Salii4, 77 n. 85 Kuhn, Carl Gottlob, 126, 188
Ibn an-Nafis, [[9-120
Ibn Sallum, I p n. 9H Lain Entralgo, Pedro, 88 n. I z8, 91
Ibn Zuhr, 77 n. 87 n.l37
IIberg, Johannes, 2 n. 2, 3 n. 4, 4 La Mettrie, 181 n. 118, 185 n. 128
n. 7, 'a n. , Lawn, Brian, 96 n. 4, 97 n. 6
Innovations (Innovators), '35, 158 Le Clerc, Daniel, 59 n. z7, 181-IS3
& n. 57, '7 Z-[74, [77 Leeuwenhoek, Antoni van, 174
Intelligence: cosmic, 26 & n. 49, 89; Leibniz, Gottfried Wilhelm, IjS
human, II. 26, z8 n. 3
Intuition, see Intelligence, human Leiden, '73
Ioannes Philoponus, sec Philopo- Lenoble, Robert, 135 n. 3
nus, John Leonardo da Vinci. 13 8, '39 & n.
lohannicius (Iohannitius), !O[, 105 II
& nn. 27,18, 116 n. 56, [43 Leonicenus, Nicolaus, ,z6, 127 n.
Isaac the Jew, 71, 99 82
/sagogc, [0[, [05-108, 116 n. 56, Lesky, Erna. 153 n. 46, 163 n. 66
143 Linacre. Thomas, 126, 127 n. 82
Iskandar, A. Z., 120 n. 68 Lipari, Michaele, 173 n. 101
Islam, 59, 70, 93. 99, [28; sec also Lipshits, E. E., 68 n. 57
Religion and Theology Littre, Emile, 188
Isnardi, Margherita, 35 n. 8, Liver, 73, 830 90 n. 132, lOZ, 121,
(31)-14°, 14 2 , 143 & nn. 25,26, 144,
J:ibir, 113 & n. 49 155
Jaeger, Werner Wilhelm, 82 n. Logic,S, 22, 43, 65 & n. 49, 69, 72.
!O7 76, 79, 94, 99
James, William, 88 & n. 128 London, 138, 164-167; College of
Jerome, Saint, 99 Physicians, 164-167; Royal Soci-
John of Salisbury, 99 ety of, 165, 174
Julian the Apostate, 62, 64 Long, Esmond R., 137 & nn. 6,8
Justinian, 65, 131 Lower, 176
Lycus the Macedonian, 30, 31 n.
Kalliklos, Nikolaus, 68 n. 57 62,9[ n. 136
Kieffer, John S., 22 n. 38, 23 n.
4°,3' n.64 McVaugh, Michael R.• 114 nn. So,
al-Kindf, 71, "3 & n. 49, 114 n. 50 5'
King, Lester S., 145 n. 29, 173 n. Magirus, Joannes, 144 n. 29
102, 176 n. 108, 178 n. 112, 180 Ma$'nus (iatrosophist), 6,--62
n. "4 Malmonides, Moses, 5 n. 7, 71 &
Klibansky, Raymond, 103 n. 70, 75 nil. 78,81. 77-79, 92, 99,
Kocher, Paul H., 16<) n. 86, '7' 120, 121, 123-124
n·94 Malpighi, Marcello, 173, 176, 178
Kovner, S., z n. 2 Mani, Nikolaus, 126 n. So, 158 n.
Kraus, Paul, ['3 n.49 57, ,63 n. 67
 index 236

Marc of Toledo, 97, 105 n. 28 Miiller, Gerhard, 2 n. I

Marcus Aurelius, 4, 46, 56, 57, 59 MiiIIer, Iwan von, lin. 5, 30 n.
n. 28 60,36 n. 84
Martialius,8 n. 14 Multhauf, Robert, 132 n. 97
Materialism, 85 n. 119, 88--89, 91 & Mundinus, "5-,,6, 120
n. 137, 144, 145 n. 29, 186; see
also Naturalism Nardi, Brunu, 170 n. go
Mathematics, 43, 94; see also Ge- Naturalism, 45 n. 1/5, 84 n. "3.
ometry 9 1 & n. 137, 135 n. 3, 145- 148,
Matter, 24-25, 91 n. 137, 145 n. 29, 171,186; see also Materialism
146,161 Nature, II, 25 nn. 47,48, 42, 73, 87
Maximus of Ephesus, 187 n. 126,90 n. 132,91,98, UI, 129,
May, Margaret Tallmadge, 2 n. 2, Ip, 157 n. 55, In, 179, 190 & n.
5 n. 8, 25 nn. 45, 47, 31 nn. 62, 146; attributes of, 25; docs noth-
63,57 n. 23,90 n. 133 ing in vain, 25, 41, 168, 190; as
Medicine: clinical, 66-67, 161, 173- god, 25, 40-42, 44, 91-<}2, 168
174; definition of, 41 n. 99, 102, (see also Theology, natural); as
104; dietetic, 39-40, 85, 154- 156; heat, 87 & n. /26, 91; as pneuma,
profession of, 4t'r-48, 93, 100, 173 87 n. 126; secrets of, 163-164,
(see also Physicians); unity of, 17°
9 2, 131, 178, 19 1 Necker, Jacques, IR7 n. 134
Menodotus, 48 n. 130 Nemesius of Emesa, 81-83, 87-8R,
Mesue, 129 9 2 ,9 6
Methodists, 15 n. 20, 3'-}2; see also Neoplatonism, 65, 72, 149
Sect(s) Nerves, 14, 55, 121, 146 & n. 31,
Methodology, 4, II n. 4, 28-30, 33, 150, 15 6 n. S5
43-44, 58-59, 96 n. 4, 108-1/ I, Neuburger, Max, 95 n. I, "4 n. 50
117,137-138,140-141,15° n. 4 2, Nicon (Galen's father), 3 & n. 3
152 n. 46, 153-154; of Harvey, Niebyl, Peter H., 103 n. 20
152-154; of Hippocrates (see Noah, 146
Hippocrates, methods and prin- Non-naturals, 102, 106, 155 n. 5',
ciples of); of Plato, 28 n. 58, 29 180
Meyerhof, Max, 5 n. 7, 70 n. 64, Nyssenus, Gregory, 81
109 n. 37, 12 3 n. 73
Michler. Markwart, 116 n. 56 Organs, 13 & n. 12, 139
Microscope, 174 Orihasius, 62-64, 81, 95,113 n. 48
Mind, 26, 180; see also Intelligence Origcn (Origcnes), 60,187
Misch, Georg, 4 n. 7, 10 n. I Ortega y Gasset, Jose, 91 n. 137
Mokhtar, Ahmed Mohammed, 73 Osborne, Nancy F., '3' n. 94
n. 174, 122 n. 72 Osler, Sir William, 154
Moliere, 158 & n. 57, 172
Muntague, M. F. Ashley, 141 n. Pagel, Walter, 129 n. 88, '41 n. 20,
19, 172 n. 100 143 n. 25, 145 nn. 29,30, 148 n. 35,
Montesquieu, 185 n. u8 149 nn. 37,39, 153 & nn. 46,47, 154
Montpellier, 97, 99 n. 48, 159 n. 60, 172 n.97
Morgagni, 137, 168, 184 n. U7 Panofsky, Erwin, 103
Moses, 71 n. 88, 78-79, 186 Paracelsists, u8, '31, 135 & n. 3,
Motion, 14,54,75, 121, 146 13 6, 150, 167, 173
al-Mubassir ibn Fatik,71 Paracehm, 128-132, '35 n. 3, '36,
 Index 237
ParaccIsus (com.) 74 n. 77, 75 nn. 78,79, 77 n. 86,
150, 162, 163. 164, 166- 16 7, 169. 93 n. 144
170 n. 88, 177 Plato, I, 2 n. I, 13 n. II, 26, 60,
Pare, Ambroise, 134 n. I, 136 65 n. 48, 77 n. 86, 79, 87 n. 116,
Paris, 99 n. 9, 101 n. 14,13 8,158 97; Galen's relationship to. 5, 10
Parmenides. 91 n. 139 n. I, 21. 13 n. 39, 14 n. 44, 18-19.
Passions, 16, 36-38, 83 & n. 110, 83, 85, 86,87 n. 116,91 & n. 139;
93, 101 and Hippocratic method, 18 n.
Pathology, 17-18, 101. 106, 136-138, 38, 19; and the soul, 54, 83-84,
141, 161, 174. 179; humoral, 17, 91
137, 161 n. 64; see also Anatomy. Platonism. I, II, 71, 71, 83, 111,
pathological; and Disease 117 n. 82, 186
Patrophilus (Galen's friend), II, Plotinus, 79, 80. 81 n. 97, 187
4° Pneuma, 16, 19 & n. 33, 13 n. 39,
Paul of Aegina, 117 n. 82 87 nn. 114.116, 107, 111 n. 73,
Pazzini, Alberto, 185 n. 127 143,144 n. 17, 155 & nn. 51,p,H,
Peck, A. L., 90 n. 133 156 n. 55; definition of, 19; in-
Pecquet, 176 & n. 107 nate, 155 & n. 53; natural, 10 7;
Perception, II, 16-17, 23 n. 40,28; psychic, 55, 155 n. 53; vital, 107,
see also Epistemology and Senses 143, 155 n. H; see also Spirit(s)
Pergamum, 3 & n. 3, 64- Pneumatists, 19 & n. 33, 10 & n. 34,
Perrault, Charles, 176 n. 107 88 n. 116; see also Sect (s)
Peters, F. E., 70 n. 64,71 n.69 Pomponazzi, Pietro, 170
Pharmacology, 11, 11I-1I4, 116, Purphyry. 65 n. 49,80, 187
117, 117; see also Drugs; and Pusidonius, 81 n. 1°7, 83 n. 110, 84-
TIlcrapy, pharmacolugical 85,88 n. 126
Philagrius, 61 n. 36 Pragmatism, 46 & n. 110
Philanthropy, 48--50, 63 Premuda, Loris, 46 n. 110, 1I6 n.
Philaretus, 10)' n. 18 55,139 n. 12
Philoponus, John, 75 & n. 81,91 Prendergast, J. S., 14 n. 16
Philosopher-physicians. 38 & n. 90, Problems, insolvable, 22-13, 44
69. 71-71, 144, 149; Arabic, 71- Progress. 3()-31, 57-51l, 161-164-
71 169- 1 7°; cumulative, 31 57; as
Philosophy: contemplative, 41, 45; improvement, 33-34, 163, 174;
and diet, 39, 85 & n. 119; Her- limited, 33 n. 70, 58, 163 n. 67,
metic, 163; mechanistic, 135 & n. 174
3, 159-161 , 168, 171, 174-175, Propositions, hypothetical, 11, 23
17 8- 180, 18 7; moral, 39-40, 41, n. 40; see also Logic
45-46, 83-86 n. 110; natural, 41, Providence, 15,4°,4+ 186- 18 7
65,9 8 P rufer. C.• 113 n. 73
Physician (s): admiration for, 51 & Pscudo-Elia.~, 67 n. 56
n. I, 55-56, 64; categories of, 38 Pseudo-Soranus. 96 n. 4
& n. 90, 48, 71-71; nature of,48; Ptolemy. 30 n. 60
see also Medicine, profession of Pulse. 49 & n. 133. 55, 69, 156 n.
Physiology, 41, 67, 116, 139-141, 55, 161, 162 n. 6+ 165. 181 & n.
154-155, 157 & n. 55, 158 n. 57, 110. 184 n. 116
161, 174, 179, 181; see also Ex- Purcell. John, 175 n. 105
perimentation Puritans, 164. 168, 173
Pines, Salomon, 71 n. 69, 72 n. 70, Pythagoras. 85. 97, 187
 Index 238
Qualities, [7-22, 89, 98, 102, 108 Salerno, 97 & n. 6, 99 & n. 9, 10[
nn. 34,35, 112-[13, 117, 13 0, 144, n. 14, 114, 115
168, 175; mechanization of, 159- Sambursky, S., 19 n. 34
161; secondary (subjective), 161, Sanctorius, Sanctorius, 15g-160
17 1 Sarton, Georgc, 3 n. 3, 95 n. I
Quantification, 1[1-114, 153, 159 Sa xl, Fritz, 1°3
n. 60, 160 & nn. 61,62 Sbaraglia, 17B & n. I I I
Quintus (anatomist), 31 n.62 Scammony, 110-111
Schacht, joseph, 109 n. 37
Rath, Gernot, 139 n. 12 Schegk(ius) Jacob (us), 145 n. 29,
Rather. Lelland, J., 57 n. 24, 102 149
n. 20, 185 n. 128 Schipperges, Heinrich, 97 n. 6, 128
Rattansi, P. M., 164 n. 72, 166 n. n.85
78 Schmitt, Charlcs B., 147 n. 34
Realism, 117, 14lr[41 Scholasticism, 73 n. 74, 97 n. 6,
Reason, 16, 27, 63 & n. 42, 66, 110, [09, [17, [35 n. 3, [44, [62, [67-
I l l , [53 n. 46,182 [68, 173-[ 74
Religion, 24-25, 91--<)2, 147, 157 n. Schiincr, Erich, [07 n. 32, [oR n.
SS' 168-[69; Christian, 3, 56, 60, 34
65, 80-81, [69 (see abo Chris- Schramm. Matthias, [22 n. 73
tians); Judaeo-Christian, 24, 78- Schubring, Konrad, 88 n. [27
79, 92; pagan, 3, 24- 25, 62, 65, Science: modern, 110, [34, [57,
9[-92, 13[, [56 n. 55, [64, 167, 161, 164. 170 n. B9' [72; unified,
[69; Protestant, [29, 132, [6g- .~o n. 60; see also Experimcnta-
J 70; see also Theology tion; and Philosophy, natural
Rescher, Nicholas, 76 n. B5 Sect (s), 15 & n. 20, J 9, 35-36, 60-
Respiration, 17,57,154-156 61, 69, 127 n. B2; the best, 30 n.
Rete mirabile (retiform plexus), 60, 36, 60-61; see 111so Dogma-
55, 139, 14 2, 155 n. 53 tists, Empiricists, Methodists, I1nd
Revolution (s), scientific, 23, 34, Pneumatists
135 Seed,73. 82,9° & n. 135. 108, 146
Rhazes, 47 n. 127, 71, 72 n. 70, 73 Semeiology, 161, 179
n. 74, 75 n. 78, 77 & n. 76 , 92, 93 Sensation, I I , 14, 54, Ill, 114 n.
& n. 143, 99, 113 n. 49, lIB, 119, 50, 148, 161
122 & n. 72,123 n. 73,129 Senses, 12, 16, 2B, 5B, 142, 174; see
Riese, Walther, 138 n. 10 also Epistemology and Percep-
Riolanus, J oannes, [58 n. 57, 163 tion
n.67, 172 Septimius Severus (emperor), 3,
Roger, Jacques, 145 n. 29, 158 n. 10 n. I
57 Sergius Paulus, 12
Rome, 4, 7, 12, 31, 46, 52, 53, 55, Servetus, Michael, 127
56,59 Se7.gin, FlIat, 113 n. 49, [23 n. 73
Rosenthal, Franz, 70 n. 62, 71 n. 66, Shakespeare, 6 n. I I, 12.~
76 n. 82 Siegel, Rudolph E., 2 n. 2, 122 n.
Rudbeck, 176 & n. [07 73, 155 n. 53
Ruelle, [27 n. 82 Sigerist, Henry E., [53 n. 46
Ruysh, [76 Simeon Seth, [19 n. 62
Simplicius, 75 n. 80
Sacid ibn al-Basan, 93 n. 145 Singer, Charles, 49 n. I J2
 index 239
Skanl, Eiliv, 82 n. [07 Sydenham, Thomas, 162 n. 64, 177-
Societies, scielltific, 174 178
Socrates, [0 n. [, 22, 27, !l8 n. 128, Sylvius, Franciscus, 173 & n. 102
9 2 n. [39 Sylvius, lacobus, 126, [3 [, 135 n.
Sophists (Sophistry), 22, 54, 68, 2, 141
[30 Synthesis, 43, '°8-1°9, 110 n. 40;
Soul, 26, 37, 39, 53-55, 57, 8[--9 2 see also Methodology
passim, [Z1, 142-[48; animal, [45-
[47; centers of, 26, 42,44, 54-55,
73,83-84,121, [42 (see also Brain, Tatarkiewicz, \Y., 27 n. 55
Heart, and Liver); concupiscent TaurclIus, Nicolaus, 144
(vegetative), 26, 83, 90 n. [P, Tegni, 101
[46 n. 3[; division of, 26, 44, 73, Teleology, 25, 4[-42, 73. ,68, 178-
[42, 146 n. 3[, [59; as form, [44- 179, Ill7, ,88 & n. 136, 19'
[46; immortality of, 44 n. II 5, Telesius, Bernardinus, '45-[48
82, 86, 145 n. 30, [47 & n. 34, [59, Telfer, William, 82 n. 100
[68, 170, [7[, [86; passionate, 26, Temkin, C. Lilian, 62 n. 39, '3'
83, 146 n. 3'; rational, 26, 42, n·94
53-54, 84, [46 n. 3[, [59; sentient, Temkin, Owsei, 28 n. 57, 33 n. 70,
[49; substance of, 44 & n. II 5, 154 n. 48, 155 n. 52
57, 58, 87 & nn. 124,126, 91-<}2, Tcmperament, 19 & n. 34, 102-[04,
145-[47, [7 1, [90; as tempera- 106, 144 & n. 29, [45 n. 29, [67
ment, 58, 82-85, 97 & n. 5, 144 & 11. 79, '68, [79-[8[, [84-[85; see
n. 29, [46, 170, [71; unitarian a/so Soul, as temperament
doctrine of, [42-[43 Terminology, 29, [09 n. 39, 116,
Spirit(s), 1(>6-[07, [42-[47, 149, 12 7
157 n. 56, [8[ n. 118; animal Thiibit ibn Qurra, 75 n. 78
(see Spirit(s), psychic); natural, Thcmistius, 74-76 nn. 78,80,8 [
[07, [44; psychic, [07, [42, 144. Thcodorus Gaza, 127 n. 82
'-+9, [80; unitarian doctrine of, Thcodotus of Byzantium, 55
[4 2-[43; vital, 107, 143 n. 27, Theology, 42. 70, 74, 78-79, 8 [,
[44; see also Pneuma 87~8. 92 & n. [39, [7[, [79, [88,
Sprengel, Kurt, [82-[84. 186-187 191; natural, [86, [87, [9[ (see
Stars, 26, 143, [48 n. 35 also Nature, as god); see also
Steinschneider, Moritz, 78 n. 88, Christians, Islam, and Religion
106 n. 28 Theophilus, 91 n. 138, 105 n. 28
Stensen (Stena), Niels, [75, 176 Theophrastus, 55
Stephanus (commentator of Ga- Therapy, 15-16, 18, 69, 161, 165,
len), 67 n. 53 169, 174. 176 & n. 108, 179; by
Stobaeus, Ioannes, 88 n. 128 contraries, 18 & n. JI; dietetic,
Stoicism (Stoics), 5, 19, 39 & n. 9[, 18, 162 n. 64; pharmacological,
H, 87 n. 126, 149, 151 18, 112-114, "7. 127, 132 (see
Strohmaier, Gotthard, 12 n. [I, 13 also Drugs, Iatrochemistry, and
n. [2 Pharmacology)
Struthius, loannes, [82 n. 120 Thermometer, 160 & n. 61
Suarez, [86 Thessalus, p, 35 & n. 79
Surgery, 4, ,8, 34, 4 1, "5 & n. 55, Thorndike, Lynn, 95 n. I
'34, 136-'39 passim, 14[, 166, Timaeus, 92 n. 139
'74 Ti111arion, 68 & n. 57
 Index 240

Tissues, 12-13, 17, 19, 19-30, 40, Walther, Hans, 13 I n. 93

73, 98, 10 3, 14 1 \Valzer, Richard, 14 n. 44, 16 n.
Traditionalism (Traditionalists), 50, 55-56, 84 n. 116, 86 n. 110
128, 130, 140, 150, 151, 166- 169, Ward, Seth, 166 n. 77
173- 174 Watt, W. Montgomery, 70 n. 63
Trajan (emperor), 58 Weoster, C., 164 n. 73
Truth, 10--1 I, 21-14, 36 & n. 84. Webster, John, 165 n. 76, 167
44. 51, 53-54, 57-58, 68, rI7, rI8, Wellmann, Max, 10 n. 34> B8 n.
130,153 n. 46, 163; and authority, 116
II8-rr9; impeded by greed and Westerinck, L. G., 65 nn. 47,48,
passion, 35-36, 44, 13 0, 131; love 49,67 n. 56
of, Io--rr, J1 & n. 66, 35, 36 , 44- WheweIl, William, 187-188
50,53, 119, 16 3 Wickersheimer, Ernest, 117 n. 8t
Wightman, W. P. D., 150 n. 41
Ullmann, Manfred, 93 n. 141, 106 Wilkie, J. S., 1)4 n. 48
n. 18, 110 n. 66,131 n. 9B Wilkins, John, 166 n. 77
Universities, 99-100, 116, 166, 16]- Wilson, Leonard G., 3 n. 3, 155
168, 173-174 n·53
Valla, Giorgio, 116 Wirsung (Virsung), 176
Vartanian, Aram, 185 n. 118 Withington, Edward Theodore,
Veins, 56, 139-140, 155-156; see 107 n. 19
also Blood, circulation of Wolfe, David E., 178 n. 111
Verification, 15,43, rr7 & n. 57 World: best possible, 16; eternity
Vesalius, Andreas, 134, 135 n. 1, of, 14, 45, 75 n. 8 I, 78-'79, 91,
138-141, 171 & n. 100, 176, 185 168, 170
n.119 Yiihanna ibn Masawaih, 76
Virtue, 46, 56, 83 n. 110, 84,93
Vision, 16,77,81, 111 n. 73 Zabarella, Jacobus, 143 n. 17, 148 &
Vitalism, 159, 179 n·35
Vitruvius, 43 n. 107 Zeller, Eduard, 46 n. 120
Zeno (of Citium), 88 n. 116
Walsh, Joseph, 1 n. 1, 3 n. 4, 18 leno (of Elea), 91 n. 139
n. 19, 37 n. B6 Zilsel, Edgar, 134 n. I
 I, Galen (middle of the top row) and other Greek physicians, the oldest

lown portrait. Codex Aniciae Julianae (Vindobonensis Meet Gr. I) fol.

, auout A.Il. 512. FroJII Codices Graeci et Lali11i pbolOgrapbice depicti,
.1. 10, lJioscorides. Leiden: A. \V. Sijthotf, 19°0.
 2. Galen demonstrating on the living,
initial from the Dresden codex of
Galenic works, about A.fl. 1400. Frolll
Fritz \Veindler, GesclJichte der
gyniikologisch-al1ato117ischen
Abbildun~en. Dresden: Zahn &
Jaensch, 190R, p. 13.

3· Galen as a scholastic teacher, decorative border to Galen's Therapeutic,1

~d Glaucolle11l. Vcnicc: (Z. Callierges for) N. B1astus, 1500. From the copy
In the Wellcome Institute. By courtesy of "The Wcllcollle Trustees."
 4. Galen in concert with Hip-
pocrates, Plato, and Aristotle.
Symphorien Champier, SY1llpbonia
Platonis cum Aristotele, et Galeni
cum HY!Jpocrate. Paris: Radius, 1516.
From Palll Allut, Etude biograpbique
et bibliogrnplJique sur SY11lplJorien
Cha11lpier. Lyons: Nicolas Scheuring,
18 59, p. 173·
5. The liver: traditional and realis-
tic representations. Andreas Vesalius,
Tabulae a17ato1l1icae sex (table I,
lower part). Venice: B. Vitalis, 1538.
From facsimile privately primed for
Sir William Sterling Maxwell, 1874,
copy in the WeJlcome Historical
Medical Library, no. 223). 13y cour-
tesy of "The \VeJlcome Trustees."

~IECVR SANGVIFICATIONIS GENERATIONIS ORGA,

Of FICIN", PER VENAM POR T "PI. «-VAl' G ~ /lEel s HA,~VPF.RIV:: \'lftJ,INFER1Vs MVLI£RfI •
....
•• -.j(.";". ,,-.dJ,., w .. ~,·...~rl rprL"'.~J< ..t1""•• I'O''''·Jf,... (J.I/''''"_ h ...J,.... *J"""',_'t~" ...,,..,,.-.... oiffff.
,..J..'
J" ..,"' M ~, •• t ..... ,1.".HJ"."'l.t._..
, .<'\"t;tI

·,C_,fno{o_.....
&"-,.,;..1,,---
<- ..t ...•..... fi··.. hl...~..u..
i .. J._.'..u"".,rue,!..
D II Ir-''',
l.~ ......
t .. /(,):rr-:"'loMt~r.li.
f AUllu~"'J-ll~
~.! :'''C<t...-,..~
t; 1'.';,hflfYffl'--'"
Ht'.·.""...la,ofm _
,.,."·"'a'·".- ...
 ::"C' ALE N I
~v ~N T A~/r J:1' ;~51~
Eam _dicin:r~r~6:r '~armaciam fpt~ht.XI
pontJU,limplicium mrdieamtnlonun, fUblbrurorii,
purganliu m,.ntidocorum,compontndot ii taM
ptc loco. <jI p.rgrntra mrdiumrntOt1lm,
pondtcum drni., .e mtnluruum
do(rrinam (ompTthrndit.
OMN!S HVIVS CLASSIS LIBROS
ill ~,.,,« ~ r.mrm
dr ""..,,'O/rdff,., conwt'rfOt.I'''''
III'PI lid l("~~"rol1lm Mnnrf",,",'" wrntr1f'tm rrm..
I"ll'Ol ~lrrt .,.,.OlC,m4 r"Xmtr,ln.rc....'" md!tr...
contln"" .dtTno,./T,.J,n.
O",ftIl,,,, ItNN J"'lrn<nt'l & urif" ~dlf'('Ia fi'"t.f'j"lW~
UrtU ~~rIO(h..un rr-f'J"('iir.un hUo(nr.
, Cq>«tlPlb.vTIJl;1.

Cum (ummt PC"nt. Sfn<ltme, Vrnni drcrm••

6. Scenes illustrating Galen's life, title page of

ol1mia], quinta classis. Venice: Junta, 1550.
 GALENISM

Designed by R. E. Rosenbaum.
Composed by Vail-Ballou Press, Inc.,
in II point linotype Janson, 3 points leaded,
with display lines in monotype Deepdene.
Printed letterpress from type by Vail-Ballou Press
on Warren's Sebago Antique Text, 60 pound basis.
Bound by Vail-Ballou Press
in Columbia book cloth
and stamped in All PlJrpose foil.