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Comparative Regional Integration and Reg PDF

This document discusses key concepts in the study of comparative regional integration and regionalism. It begins by defining different types and scales of regions that can be compared, from micro-regions within states to macro-regions that span multiple countries. It also distinguishes between related concepts like regionalism, referring to general cooperation among countries in a region, and regional integration, which involves more formal programs and institution building. The document emphasizes that regions cannot be scientifically defined and the definition depends on the research question, but comparisons often focus on specific regional organizations or economic frameworks.

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0% found this document useful (0 votes)
62 views20 pages

Comparative Regional Integration and Reg PDF

This document discusses key concepts in the study of comparative regional integration and regionalism. It begins by defining different types and scales of regions that can be compared, from micro-regions within states to macro-regions that span multiple countries. It also distinguishes between related concepts like regionalism, referring to general cooperation among countries in a region, and regional integration, which involves more formal programs and institution building. The document emphasizes that regions cannot be scientifically defined and the definition depends on the research question, but comparisons often focus on specific regional organizations or economic frameworks.

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kamran habib
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© © All Rights Reserved
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26

Comparative Regional
Integration and Regionalism
Fredrik Söderbaum

INTRODUCTION Cumulative knowledge has grown within


the study of regionalism and regional inte-
Since the mid-1980s there has been an explo- gration during the last two decades, espe-
sion of various forms of regionalist projects on cially on aspects of European integration, the
a global scale. The widening and deepening of institutional design of regional organizations,
the European Union (EU) is the most pervasive the problems of collective action on the
example, but regionalism is also made visible regional level, and the relationship between
through the revitalization or expansion of many globalization and regionalism. However, the
other regional projects around the world, such challenges and weaknesses in the study of
as the Association of Southeast Asian Nations regionalism and regional integration are pri-
(ASEAN), the Economic Community of marily related to the fragmented nature of
West African States (ECOWAS), the North this research field, in particular the weak
American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), the debate around comparative analysis.
Southern African Development Community Despite a growing number of specific
(SADC), and the Southern Common Market comparisons of selected aspects of regional-
(Mercosur). ism (especially regarding regional institu-
Today’s regionalism is closely linked with tions and the role of power) in selected
the shifting nature of global politics and the regions (particularly in the Triad: Europe,
intensification of globalization. Regionalism is East Asia and North America), there is virtu-
characterized by the involvement of almost all ally no systematic debate regarding the fun-
governments in the world, but it also involves a damentals of comparison, such as ‘what to
rich variety of non-state actors, resulting in compare’, ‘how to compare’ or ‘why com-
multiplicities of formal and informal regional pare’. Consequently, the purpose of this
governance and regional networks in most chapter is to contribute to the general discus-
issue areas. This pluralism and multidimen- sion about ‘the problem of comparison’ in
sionality of contemporary regionalism gives the study of regionalism and regional inte-
rise to a number of new puzzles and challenges gration. It does not attempt a detailed empir-
for comparative politics. ical comparison of a set of pre-defined

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478 THE SAGE HANDBOOK OF COMPARATIVE POLITICS

regions according to a fixed set of variables. often a province. Historically the concept of
The chapter will provide an overview of the region has evolved primarily as a space
state of comparative regional integration and between the national and the local within a
regionalism, an outline of the main debates particular state. These types of regions are
and controversies, and a discussion of the here referred to as micro-regions. The con-
state of the research field and directions in cept of region can also refer to macro-regions
which it ought to be moving. (so-called world regions), which are larger
This chapter is organized in four main sec- territorial (as distinct from non-territorial)
tions. The first discusses the main concepts units or sub-systems, between the state level
in the field, and the implications of this for and the global system level.
comparative analysis. The second provides The macro-region has been the most
an overview of the development of the early common object of analysis in international
and the more recent debates on regional inte- studies, while micro-regions have more com-
gration and regionalism in terms of theoreti- monly been considered in the realm of the
cal focus, empirical practices and the study of domestic politics and economics. In
treatment of comparative analysis. The third current international affairs, with blurred
and most extensive section provides an over- distinctions between the domestic and the
view of the debates about regionalism in international, micro-regions have increas-
some of the most critical regions of the world ingly become cross-border in nature, precipi-
in this regard (Europe, East Asia, the tating an emerging debate about the
Americas, and Africa), highlighting in par- relationship between macro-regionalism and
ticular the tension between regional speciali- micro-regionalism within the context of
zation and comparative analysis. The chapter globalization (Perkmann and Sum, 2002;
concludes with suggestions for improving Söderbaum, 2005).
the comparative element in the study of The minimum classical definition of a
regionalism and regional integration. macro-region is ‘a limited number of states
linked together by a geographical relationship
and by a degree of mutual interdependence’
(Nye, 1971: vii). During the early debate
CONCEPTUALIZATIONS about regional integration a large amount of
research capacity was invested in trying to
It is natural to begin with the problem of define regions scientifically (Cantori and
definition, notwithstanding that such an exer- Spiegel, 1970); a plethora of opinions were
cise has often proved problematic, due to the advanced regarding what mutual interdepend-
fact that regional integration and regionalism encies mattered the most (such as economic,
are elusive and evolving concepts. Definitions political and social variables, or historical,
are of course essential in comparative cultural and ethnic bonds). The results of this
research, since the definition and choice of research were not compelling, however, and
what is a comparable case will affect the parsimonious attempts to define regions have
ability to generalize. There have also been essentially come to an end. Most scholars
shifting and competing views regarding the engaged in the contemporary debate agree that
dependent variable, which also results in there are no natural or ‘scientific’ regions, and
problems in comparison. that definitions of a region vary according to
The concept of ‘region’ derives from the the particular problem or question under inves-
Latin word ‘regio’, which means direction tigation. This problem about how to define a
(Jönsson et al., 2000: 15). It also derives region may pose certain challenges for com-
from the Latin verb ‘regere’: ‘to rule’ or ‘to parative analysis, but many scholars solve the
command’. Later in history the concept of problem by concentrating on regional organi-
region denoted border or a delimited space, zations and regional economic frameworks

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COMPARATIVE REGIONAL INTEGRATION AND REGIONALISM 479

(Acharya and Johnston, 2007; Fawcett and with a formal programme, and often leads to
Hurrell, 1995), or security complexes/com- institution building. ‘Regionalization’ refers
munities (Adler and Barnett, 1998; Buzan and to the process of cooperation, integration,
Waever, 2003), which tend to make cases cohesion and identity creating a regional
more ‘comparable’. space (issue-specific or general):
The view that regions must not be taken for At its most basic it means no more than a concen-
granted or be reduced to regional organiza- tration of activity – of trade, peoples, ideas, even
tions is particularly emphasized in construc- conflict – at the regional level. This interaction
tivist and post-structuralist scholarship. As may give rise to the formation of regions, and in
Jessop (2003) points out, ‘rather than seek an turn to the emergence of regional actors, net-
works, and organisations (Fawcett, 2005: 25).
elusive objective … criterion for defining a
region, one should treat regions as emergent, The majority of studies in this field of politi-
socially constituted phenomena’ (p. 183). cal science continue to focus on the policies
From such a perspective, all regions are of (formal and largely state-led) regionalism
socially constructed and hence politically con- as opposed to the processes of regionaliza-
tested. Emphasis is placed on how political tion (Fawcett and Hurrell, 1995; Gamble and
actors perceive and interpret the idea of a Payne, 1996), although there is, as we should
region and notions of ‘regionness’ (Hettne and see below, an increasing amount of research
Söderbaum, 2000). It is clear that such (inter) on the relationship between regionalism and
subjective understandings of regions pose regionalization.
certain challenges for systematic comparison. In summary, regions, regional cooperation,
Just as there are competing understandings regional integration, regionalism and region-
about how to define a region, there are many alization are contested concepts that are used
contrasting and sometimes incompatible defini- differently across disciplines, and frequently
tions of related concepts. One distinction is also within disciplines. Communication
between regional cooperation and regional inte- between different standpoints has been diffi-
gration. Regional cooperation can be defined as cult because of the incomparability between
an open-ended process, whereby individual different phenomena, resulting in problems of
states (or possibly other actors) within a given not only what to compare, how to compare,
geographical area act together for mutual ben- but also why to compare at all.
efit, and in order to solve common tasks, in
certain fields, such as infrastructure, water and
energy, notwithstanding conflicting interests in
other fields of activity. Regional integration EARLY AND RECENT DEBATES ON
refers to a deeper process, whereby the previ- REGIONALISM: CONTINUITIES
ously autonomous units are merged into a AND DISCONTINUITIES
whole. A fruitful distinction is between politi-
cal integration (the formation of a transnational The phenomenon of regional integration/
political system), economic integration (the regionalism can be traced far back in history,
formation of a transnational economy) and as seen in the rich variety of geographically
social integration (the formation of a transna- confined ‘Staatenbünde’, ‘leagues’, ‘unions’,
tional society) (Nye, 1971: 26–7). ‘pacts’ and ‘confederations’ (Mattli, 1999: 1).
The concepts of regionalism and region- The protectionist and neo-mercantilist trend
alization have entered the discussion during of the 1930s is considered by some to have
the recent debate.1 ‘Regionalism’ represents been the first main wave of regionalism.
the policy and project, whereby state and However, more often it is argued that volun-
non-state actors cooperate and coordinate tary and comprehensive regionalism is
strategy within a particular region or as a predominantly a post-World War II phenom-
type of world order. It is usually associated enon, which therefore (according to some

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480 THE SAGE HANDBOOK OF COMPARATIVE POLITICS

definitions) reduces the number of cases of cooperation was preferred to regional coop-
regionalism. It is common to distinguish eration. Mitrany criticized both federalism
between an earlier wave of regionalism in the and neofunctionalism on the basis that both
1950s and 1960s (then often referred to as were primarily based on territory rather than
‘regional integration’) and a more recent function. He saw territoriality as part of the
wave or generation of regionalism (often Westphalian logic, which was taken to imply
referred to as ‘new regionalism’) beginning conflict and war, although Mitrany considered
in the latter half of the 1980s and now a the European Coal and Steel Community
prevalent phenomenon throughout the world. (ECSC) an acceptable organization.
But after more than two decades of so-called Neofunctionalism enjoyed an enormous
‘new regionalism’, the distinction between reputation during the 1960s. The central
‘old’ and ‘new’ has lost much of its original figure was Ernst Haas, who challenged the
meaning (Hettne, 2003; 2005). It is arguably functionalists, and claimed a greater concern
more appropriate to identify continuities for the centres of power (Haas, 1958; 1964).
and discontinuities between what can be Haas in fact theorized the ‘community
understood as the early and the more recent method’ pioneered by Jean Monnet. Even if
debates. the outcome of this method could be a fed-
eration, it was not to be constructed through
constitutional design. The basic mechanism
The early debate 2 in neofunctionalist theorizing was ‘spill-
over’, which referred to ‘the way in which
The early or classical approaches to regional the creation and deepening of integration in
integration were foremost concerned with one economic sector would create pressures
peace, and tended to view the nation-state as for further economic integration within and
the problem rather than the solution. The beyond that sector, and greater authoritative
most relevant theories were federalism, func- capacity at the European level’ (Rosamond,
tionalism, neofunctionalism and transaction- 2000: 60).
alism (Rosamond, 2000). Federalism, which In the 1960s the neofunctional description
inspired the pioneers of European integra- (and prescription) became increasingly
tion, was less a theory than a political pro- remote from the empirical world, now domi-
gramme; it was sceptical of the nation-state, nated by Charles de Gaulle’s nationalism.
although its project was in fact to create a Stanley Hoffman (1966) asserted that regional
new kind of ‘state’. In Europe there was no integration could not spread from ‘low poli-
obvious theorist associated with federalism, tics’ (economics) to the sphere of ‘high poli-
whereas, functionalism has been much tics’ (security), contrary to the stipulations of
strongly identified with David Mitrany the (neo)functionalists. Perceptions of the
(1966). role of the EC began to diverge. According to
Functionalism was primarily a strategy (or Alan Milward (1992) and the intergovern-
a normative method) designed to build peace, mentalist response, the EC should instead be
constructed around the proposition that the seen as a ‘rescue of the nation-state’.
provision of common needs and functions can Haas (1975) responded to critics by label-
unite people across state borders. Form, in the ling the study of regional integration ‘pre-
functionalist view, was supposed to follow theory’ (on the basis that there was no clear
function, whereas for federalists it was prima- idea about dependent and independent varia-
rily form that mattered. Functional coopera- bles), then referred to the field in terms of
tion should concentrate on technical and basic ‘obsolescence’, and ended up suggesting that
functional programmes and projects within the study of regional integration should cease
clearly defined sectors. Usually, the nation- to be a subject in its own right. Rather, it
state should be bypassed, and international should be seen as an aspect of the study of

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COMPARATIVE REGIONAL INTEGRATION AND REGIONALISM 481

interdependence (a concept popularized at that theorists undertook comparative analysis can


time by Robert Keohane and Joseph Nye). In serve as an inspiration for the development of
retrospect it would appear that the neofunc- a more genuinely ‘comparative’ regionalism.
tionalists expected too much too quickly. They What can be broadly understood as a model
underestimated the anti-pluralist, centralist for regionalism among developing countries
and nationalist orientations of their time, at the emerged in response to the Europe-centred
same time as the theory had relatively little classical models in political science (particu-
regard for exogenous and extra-regional forces larly neofunctionalism) and economics (par-
(Breslin and Higgott, 2000). ticularly neoclassical market integration)
The early debate was always centred on during the early debate. This model can be
Europe, and Europe was in many ways treated understood within the structuralist tradition of
as a single case. Gradually the comparative economic development, pioneered by Gunnar
element in the field grew stronger and some of Myrdal, Arthur Lewis, and Raul Prebisch
the most respected (mainly neofunctionalist) (Prebisch, 1963). From this perspective the
theorists of their time also conducted com- rationale of regional cooperation and integra-
parisons. For instance, Ernst Haas, Philippe tion among less developed countries was not
Schmitter and Sydney Dell studied regional to be found in functional cooperation or mar-
integration (or the lack of it) in Latin America ginal economic change within the existing
(Dell, 1966; Haas, 1967; Haas and Schmitter, structure, but rather, through the fostering of
1964; Schmitter, 1970). Amitai Etzioni com- ‘structural transformation’ and the stimulation
pared the United Arab Republic, the Federation of productive capacities, whereby investment
of West Indies, the Nordic Association and the and trading opportunities were being created.
European Economic Community (Etzioni, This school thus shifted focus away from eco-
1965). Joseph Nye studied East Africa and nomic integration as a means of political uni-
conducted comparisons of the Arab League, fication to one of regional economic
the Organization of American States (OAS) cooperation/integration as a means of eco-
and the Organization of African Unity (OAU) nomic development. Hence the dependent
(Nye, 1970; 1971). variable, as well as the underlying conditions
Even if many of these and other like- for regionalism, was so different that it called
minded scholars were conscious of their own for a different theory, according to which
Eurocentrism, they searched above all for Europe and the developing world were not
those ‘background conditions’, ‘functional comparable cases (Axline, 1994a: 180).
equivalents’ and ‘spill-over’ effects that were
derived from the study of Europe. As Breslin
et al. (2002) point out, they ‘used the
The recent debate 3
European experience as a basis for the pro-
duction of generalizations about the pros- The 1970s was a period of ‘Eurosclerosis’
pects for regional integration elsewhere’ within the EC, but the 1985 White Paper on
(p. 2). This resulted in difficulties in identify- the internal market and the Single European
ing comparable cases, or anything that cor- Act resulted in a new dynamic process of
responded to their definition of ‘regional European integration. This was also the start
integration’. As will be discussed below, the of what has often been referred to as the ‘new
treatment of European integration as the pri- regionalism’ on a global scale. To some
mary case or ‘model’ of regional integration observers regionalism was ‘new’, mainly in
still dominates many of the more recent stud- the sense that it represented a revival of pro-
ies of regionalism and regional integration, tectionism or neomercantilism (Bhagwati,
which is an important part of ‘the problem of 1993). But most observers highlighted the
comparison’ within this research area. fact that closure of regions was not on the
Nonetheless, the rigour with which earlier agenda; rather, the current regionalism was

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482 THE SAGE HANDBOOK OF COMPARATIVE POLITICS

to be understood as ‘open regionalism’ development, trade, environment, culture,


(Anderson and Blackhurst, 1993; Cable and and so on).
Henderson, 1994). Indeed, one of the charac- Historically the study of regional coopera-
terizing features of the more recent debate on tion and integration has strongly emphasized
regionalism, especially within the field of states as actors, or political unification within
international relations, is its focus on the (formal) regional organizations – although
conditions related to what has increasingly neofunctionalist, institutionalist and especially
been called globalization, occurring in the transactionalist approaches certainly consider
context after the end of the Cold War. There the underlying social fabric of non-state actors
are many ways in which globalization and and interest groups. In contrast, many recent
regionalism interact and overlap, according perspectives have placed additional emphasis
to this type of scholarship (Bøås et al., 1999; on ‘soft’, de facto or informal regionalism/
Coleman and Underhill, 1998; Cooper et al., regionalization, acknowledging the fact that a
2008; Farrell et al., 2005; Hettne et al., 1999; rich variety of non-state actors have begun to
Schulz et al., 2001). operate within as well as beyond state-led
One prominent scholar of the recent institutional frameworks. For instance, busi-
debate, Björn Hettne, emphasizes that region- ness interests and multinationals not only
alism needs to be understood both from an operate on the global sphere, but also tend to
exogenous perspective (according to which create regionalized patterns of economic activ-
regionalization and globalization are inter- ity (Rugman, 2005). Similarly, civil society is
twined articulations of global transforma- often neglected in the study of regionalism,
tion) and from an endogenous perspective notwithstanding that its impact is increasing,
(according to which regionalization is shaped as evident in the transnational activist net-
from within the region by a large number of works and processes of civil society regionali-
different actors) (Hettne, 2002). As men- zation emerging around the world (Acharya,
tioned above, the exogenous perspective has 2003; Söderbaum, 2007; Warleigh, 2001).
primarily developed during the recent debate, As mentioned earlier, the distinction and
whereas the endogenous perspective under- causal relationship between formal and infor-
lines the continuities back to functionalist mal regionalism (or between state-led regional-
and neofunctionalist theorizing about the ism and non-state regionalization) has attracted
integration of Europe, the role of agency and considerable attention during the recent debate.
the long-term transformation of territorial Key issues in this debate are whether or not
identities. But in contrast with the time in formal regionalism precedes informal region-
which Haas and the early regional integration alization, and the various ways in which state,
scholars were writing, today there are many market, and civil society actors relate and come
regionalisms and thus a very different base together in different formal and informal coali-
for comparative studies. It is apparent that tions, networks and modes of regional and
neither the object for study (ontology) nor multilevel governance (Bøås et al., 2005;
the way of studying it (epistemology) has Christiansen and Piattoni, 2004; Katzenstein
remained static. One indication of this is the and Shiraishi, 1997; Sandholtz and Stone-
emergence of a rich variety of theoretical Sweet, 1998). According to Breslin et al. (2002)
frameworks for the study of regionalism and the distinction between formal and informal
regional integration.4 Indeed, current region- regionalism helps ‘break out of the teleological
alism may be seen as a new political land- shackles of the first wave and may help us to
scape in the making, characterized by an move our focus to different types of regional
increasing set of actors (state and non-state) response [and] to more issue-specific ques-
operating on the regional arena and across tions’ (p. 13). From a comparative perspective,
several interrelated dimensions (security, the fundamental problem is that the current

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COMPARATIVE REGIONAL INTEGRATION AND REGIONALISM 483

field of study is still fragmented, lacking com- Debates about regionalism


munication between the many theoretical
in Europe
standpoints and various regional debates.
Europe has a long history of integrative and
disintegrative processes (Mattli, 1999). During
recent decades the regionalization process has
COMPARING DEBATES ON ultimately centred around one dominant
REGIONALISM IN EUROPE, project – what is today the EU – which has
EAST ASIA, THE AMERICAS widened and deepened in scope, reach and
AND AFRICA ambition to a remarkable degree. Historically,
an intense debate has swirled around varieties
This section provides an overview and com- of realist/intergovernmental and functional/
pares some of the main features of the debates liberal/institutional perspectives. These differ-
about regionalism in Europe, East Asia, the ent approaches focus largely on different
Americas, and Africa. Worldwide regionalism aspects of the integration process. For instance,
is not, of course, restricted to these regions, realists and intergovernmentalists appear to
but the ‘sample’ is broad enough to illustrate have the most to say about the logic behind
the pluralism of contemporary regionalism. large Council meetings and treaty reforms
The ambition in this section is to describe such as Maastricht, Amsterdam and Nice
and compare some of the general characteris- (Grieco, 1997; Moravcsik, 1998). Meanwhile,
tics of each regional debate, rather than the functional/liberal/institutional approaches
attempt to compare pre-defined regions or focus more on economic integration and other
regional organizations according to a fixed issue areas (especially under the first pillar) in
and narrow set of variables (an exercise which the EU’s central institutions such as the
which would not be able to address the more Commission and the Court have a more
general problem of comparison in this area of prominent role (Pollack, 2003; Sandholtz and
research). It should be stated that the analysis Stone-Sweet, 1998).
draws attention to the tension between Other scholars emphasize other variables
regional specialization and comparative again, such as the fundamentally changed
research. The main reason for this tension is political landscape in Europe, blurring the
that the majority of scholars tend to special- distinction between international and domes-
ize in a particular region – regardless what tic politics. One such perspective is ‘multilevel
discipline they come from (comparative poli- governance’, which posits that power and
tics, international relations, area studies). decision-making in Europe are not concen-
Sometimes comparisons are made within trated at one level (national or supranational),
each region (for instance, comparing the dif- but are rather characterized by a complex web
ferent regionalisms in Asia), and an increas- of relations between public and private actors
ing number of scholars compare across nested in supranational, national and micro-
regions as well. The fundamental problem is regional levels (Hooghe and Marks, 2001).
that many case studies and the vast majority In recent years social constructivism has
of comparisons tend to use theoretical frame- gained a more prominent place in the study
works that are biased towards European of European integration (Christiansen et al.,
integration theory and practice. Indeed, as 2001). This line of thinking has entered the
this section will draw attention to, the com- discussion on European integration mainly as
parative element is underdeveloped and a spillover from the discipline of interna-
European integration has become an obstacle tional relations, and as a means of transcend-
for developing a comparative regionalism ing the rather introverted debates between
and regional integration.5 the conventional and rationalist theories of

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484 THE SAGE HANDBOOK OF COMPARATIVE POLITICS

European integration referred to initially. The Debates about regionalism


social constructivist approach emphasizes in East Asia
the mutual constitutiveness of structure and
agency, and pays particular attention to the There exists no overall consensus for a defi-
role of ideas, values, norms and identities in nition of the Asian region or about the funda-
the social construction of Europe (rather than mental nature of regionalism in Asia. The
EU per se) (Christiansen et al., 2001). This meaning of regionalism has changed in rela-
theoretical approach has undoubtedly revital- tion to the question of what sub-regions to
ized the study of European integration, but it include and exclude, what dimensions of
makes its comparisons between Europe and regionalism to investigate (such as security,
international regimes rather than between economics, politics and identity) and over the
Europe and other regions. There is therefore particular theoretical perspectives employed.
considerable scope for an increase in com- Conventionally Asia has been divided into
parison of the social construction of various the regions Central Asia, Northeast Asia,
global regions. Southeast Asia and South Asia, with a blurred
The lack of communication and interac- border towards the Middle East. Most litera-
tion between EU studies and regionalism in ture in relation to regionalism has focused
the rest of the world is stark, although some on East Asia, that is, Northeast Asia and
recent attempts have begun to remedy this Southeast Asia. Since East Asia is arguably
lack (Laursen, 2003; Telo, 2007; Warleigh, the most interesting region, from a theoreti-
2004; 2006). Indeed, there has been a ten- cal, empirical as well as comparative per-
dency within EU studies during the recent spective, it is also the focus adopted here.
decade to consider the EU as a nascent, if A considerable body of literature is con-
unconventional, polity in its own right (the cerned with the study of the Association
‘n=1’ problem). This view holds that the EU of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) (see
should be studied as a political system rather Acharya, 2001). A major reason for this
than as a project of regional integration or emphasis, at least historically, appears to be
regionalism (Caporaso and Keeler, 1995; that ASEAN has been one of the few sustain-
Hix, 1994; 1999). The corollary is that estab- able regional organizations in the larger East
lished tools of political science and compara- Asian region. During the Cold War the core
tive politics should be used in EU studies and of ASEAN cooperation was in its joint effort
that international studies and relations are to consolidate the member nation states and
not equipped to deal with the complexity of to enhance stability. These goals were driven
the contemporary EU.6 This view has also by a narrow political elite in what were, at
reinforced the notion that the EU is sui that time, relatively fledgling and fragile
generis, thereby downplaying the similarities state formations. Communism was the pri-
between the EU and other regionalist projects. mary internal and external threat. The raison
According to Ben Rosamond, one prominent d’être of ASEAN – bulwarking against com-
EU scholar, the parochialism inherent in this munist expansion – has of course been long
particular strand of EU studies has contrib- absent from the political landscape; focus has
uted little in deepening our understanding of shifted to achieving increased economic
the EU as a political system. He argues that development and to ensuring security in a
EU studies should return to the broader new context.
ambitions of the comparative and classical During recent decades an important part
regional integration theory (especially neo- of the debate about regionalism in East Asia
functionalism), at least to the extent of devel- has focused on collective identity formation
oping generalizable and comparative and informal or ‘soft’ regionalism (Acharya,
conceptual and theoretical frameworks 2001; Katzenstein, 2002). This scholarship
(Rosamond, 2005). seeks to account for the non-legalistic style of

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COMPARATIVE REGIONAL INTEGRATION AND REGIONALISM 485

decision-making in this region, and the fact development, agriculture, tourism, and infor-
that there is no transfer of national sovereignty mation technology (Nesudurai, 2005: 167).
to a supranational authority. Nevertheless, It is too early to see what institutional
there exists a dense network of informal gath- structures will emerge, but as Higgott (2006:
erings, working groups and advisory groups, 32) points out, ‘the range of interactions
particularly within ASEAN, but also in the developing is unprecedented, with a consid-
ASEAN Regional Forum, the Asia-Pacific erable number of regular meetings across
Economic Cooperation forum (APEC), and most policy domains, especially economics
more recently the Asia-Europe Meeting and finance, agriculture, forestry (and) tour-
(ASEM) and ASEAN Plus Three (China, ism.’ He also stresses that to ‘see ASEAN+3
Japan and the Republic of Korea). This infor- as but an exercise in extended conference
mal style of decision-making incorporates its diplomacy, reflecting weakness rather
own innate code of conduct that is often than strength, would be misleading’ (Higgott,
referred to as the ‘ASEAN Way’, which, in 2006: 32).
contrast with European-style formal bureau- Most research concerning East Asian
cratic structures and legalistic decision- regionalism is based on case studies rather
making procedures, is built around discreetness, than comparisons. There are an increasing
informality, pragmatism, consensus-building, number of regional processes in East Asia,
and non-confrontational bargaining styles which provide a large base for comparison
(Acharya, 1997: 329). Further, the ASEAN within the region. Generally speaking, stud-
Way reflects to an extent the illiberal under- ies on East Asian regionalism present a sig-
pinnings of the ‘Asian values’ construct, which nificant number of loose comparisons with,
stresses a communitarian ethic (‘society over or sweeping references to, European integra-
the self’) in explaining the region’s economic tion theories and practices. The great major-
dynamism (Acharya, 2002: 27-8). ity of such references or comparisons with
The 1997/98 Asian financial crisis under- Europe characterize East Asian regionalism
lined not only the interdependence of as looser and more informal, sometimes even
Northeast and Southeast Asian countries, but, as ‘underdeveloped’ (Choi and Caporaso,
according to Higgott (2002: 2), also ‘exposed 2002: 485). It is problematic to regard
the weakness of existing regional institu- EU-style institutionalization as an ideal
tional economic arrangements’. This in turn model for regionalism. A particularly effec-
appears also to have undermined the confi- tive remedy for such misplaced comparison
dence in the soft institutionalism of the with European integration is the edited col-
‘ASEAN Way’ and underscored the need for lection by Bertrand Fort and Douglas Webber
deeper institutionalization and stronger com- (2006), Regional Integration in East Asia
mitments from countries. Following the and Europe: Convergence or Divergence?
region’s recovery from the 1997/98 financial Amitav Acharya (2006: 312–3), a leading
crisis the East Asian countries moved to scholar on East Asian regionalism and con-
institutionalize annual leaders’ summits and tributor to this book, points out that rather
ministerial dialogues through the ASEAN+3 than elevating the European model over the
(China, Japan and the Republic of Korea) Asian experience as a preferred model of
framework. The most concrete project is the regionalism, it is more productive to recog-
Chiang Mai Initiative (CMI), which was nize that regional cooperation is a difficult
adopted in May 2000 in order to provide and contested process that will throw up dif-
emergency foreign currency liquidity support ferent, equally legitimate, outcomes. There is
in the event of a future financial crisis. But room for a more mutually reinforcing cross-
broader cooperation also exists across a fertilization in the study of European, East
range of areas such as small and medium- Asian, and also other regionalisms. There is,
scale industry development, human resource for instance, no reason to believe that soft

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486 THE SAGE HANDBOOK OF COMPARATIVE POLITICS

institutionalism is a uniquely Asian phenom- ‘anti-gringoism’ is still evident, but the coun-
enon. Further, comparisons should not be try’s self-reliance based on an oil economy
limited to contemporary Asia and Europe, has now lost credibility. Mexico, which had
but would benefit from considering regional- earlier harboured the ambition of becoming a
ism experience across various time periods. regional power, was the first Latin American
country to conclude, in joining NAFTA in
1992, that a free trade policy was the path out
Debates about regionalism of stagnation.
in the Americas The North American integration process is
characterized by a close cooperation between
Historically the Americas have been divided the US administration and American busi-
and described according to North America, ness interests. The NAFTA proposals were
Latin America and the Caribbean. Since the hotly debated in the US, where criticism
end of the Cold War this division has become focused particularly on the issues of migra-
increasingly inadequate for understanding tion, the relocation of manufacturing indus-
regional processes on the American conti- tries to Mexico and, to some extent,
nent. There are strong convergences both environment and labour issues. In Canada
within Latin America and between Latin and Mexico, discussion concerning NAFTA
America and North America. As Phillips predominantly related to the particular neo-
(2005: 58) asserts; liberal character of the agreement and the
dominant position of the US. It is hard to
(t)he most profitable way of proceeding is there-
fore to abandon traditional categories in favour of dispute that the NAFTA project is elite-
a mode of analysis which seeks to advance an driven and based on a neoliberal philosophy.
integrated understanding of the Americas as a Significantly, opposition to the project from
region, the various parts of which are best disag- civil society has taken a regional form.
gregated into … distinctive but interlocking subre- According to Marchand (2001: 210), the
gions (that is, Andean, Caribbean, Central America,
North America and the Southern Cone). ‘hyperliberal’ NAFTA constitutes the worst
of the new regionalism in North America,
An important aspect of the transformation of while the mobilization of a regionalized civil
the Americas is linked to the changing strategy society constitutes the best of the new region-
of the US and to the consolidation of, and alism in North America.
resistance towards, neoliberal policies. Although NAFTA maintains a strong emphasis on
there is a plethora of subregional projects trade and market liberalization in combina-
across the Americas, most attention in the tion with a weak institutional structure and
debate has focused on NAFTA in the north, and weak political ambitions, respecting the sov-
Mercosur in the south. These two projects are ereignty of each member state, which con-
intriguing from a comparative perspective and trasts sharply with the emphasis on deep and
they are therefore contrasted here. institutional integration of the EU. Although
The origins of NAFTA can be traced to the the NAFTA treaty is binding on its member
growing concerns of Canada and Mexico that states and involves certain dispute settlement
protectionist US policies could potentially mechanisms, these are ad hoc and NAFTA’s
devastate their economies (Pastor, 2005: 220). objectives are limited to the regulation of
NAFTA was preceded by a bilateral free trade trade and investment flows and the protection
agreement between Canada and the USA; of property rights. ‘The style of NAFTA’s
when a similar agreement was proposed governance is laissez-faire, reactive, and
between Mexico and the US, Canada sought a legalistic: problems are defined by plaintiffs
tripartite agreement. Mexico’s involvement is and settled by litigation’ (Pastor, 2005: 220).
particularly intriguing. Mexico’s tradition of a While NAFTA emerged more or less as a
combined nationalism, protectionism, and consequence of US bilateralism, Mercosur

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COMPARATIVE REGIONAL INTEGRATION AND REGIONALISM 487

emerged both as a consequence of the demo- ‘political’ and intergovernmental solutions in


cratic and economic reforms in Brazil and lieu of the ‘legal’ avenue through the supra-
Argentina, and as a planned and intended national court of justice. Brazil’s individual-
regional venture. Mercosur has been istic strategy implies weak central institutions
described in terms of ‘open regionalism’ and trade integration only. Conversely, Brazil
(regionalismo abierto) (ECLAC, 1994), favours a strengthened political role for
pointing to that it is an outward-oriented Mercosur in the Americas, as a mechanism
regional response to the challenges of eco- of resistance towards the US, including the
nomic globalization and a mechanism for the FTAA. It appears that this emphasis on
governments to ‘lock in’ economic and polit- political counterweight has been emphasized
ical reform programmes. In this sense with Venezuela’s entry into the organization
Mercosur represents a clear shift in the inte- in 2006. In this sense Mercosur might repre-
gration model in South America away from sent a Latin alternative, resisting ‘North
the inward-oriented model of the past. Americanization’, reminiscent of earlier
According to Alvaro Vasconcelos (2007: models of regionalism in Latin America.
166), the main motivation of the Mercosur There is a rich base for comparative analy-
lay in the desire to create a common market sis in the Americas in time and space, due to
labelled on the European Community. In the the considerable number of old and more
1990s Mercosur was widely considered a recent regional projects across the Americas.
‘success’ (Malamud, 2003), particularly Empirically most of the comparisons con-
because the participant countries agreed on ducted are between sub-regional frameworks
far-reaching tariff liberalization, and because within the Americas in general, or more spe-
of the significant increase in the level of cifically within Latin America. However, as
intra-regional trade, at least compared with far as theory and cross-regional comparison
previous failed projects, such as the Latin are concerned, the EU is by far the most sali-
American Integration Association (LAIA). ent point of reference or model, particularly
However the Mercosur of today faces serious when we are dealing with variations on the
problems, largely stemming from the crisis theme of the common market model rather
set off in 2002–3 in the context of Free Trade than the free trade model. This implies that
of the Americas (FTAA) negotiation, from European integration theory and practice
which Mercosur has not fully emerged. strongly influences the debate in and com-
Mercosur has been a strongly statist parisons with Latin America, but not as much
project. Its formal institutions are weak and regarding NAFTA or the FTAA.7
directly dependent on national administra-
tions, which are responsible for the coordina-
tion and preparation of negotiations between Debates about regionalism
the member governments. This can be under- in Africa
stood as an intergovernmental negotiating
structure, or as ‘presidentialism’, the latter The ideological foundation of regional coop-
should, according to Malamud (2003: 56), be eration and integration in Africa is evidenced
seen as a ‘functional equivalent’ to regional in the pan-African visions and series of trea-
institutions within the EU. The intergovern- ties developed within the framework of the
mental institutions exist alongside an embry- OAU and more recently the African Union
onic legal doctrine in two areas: common (AU) and the New Partnership for Africa’s
trade regulations and a system for the resolu- Development (NEPAD) (Asante, 1997;
tion of disputes. The number of issues that Murithi, 2005; Taylor, 2005). While earlier
inevitably require community-level regula- strategies were built around state-led indus-
tion has grown. However, the key member trialization, import substitution and collec-
states (especially Brazil) appear to prefer tive self-reliance, the dominant view today is

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488 THE SAGE HANDBOOK OF COMPARATIVE POLITICS

that Africa ‘must unite’ in order to avoid regional organizations will be able to attain
marginalization in the global economy and their goals of highly developed institutional
instead exploit the opportunities provided by frameworks – nearly always modelled on the
economic globalization. Indeed, an overarch- EC/EU – with attendant economic and politi-
ing market-orientation in combination with cal integration. The scepticism of this group
EU-style institutionalization is the official has generated a radically different interpreta-
strategy adopted by most of Africa’s main tion of regionalism in Africa, associated with
regional cooperation and integration schemes, various approaches centering on critical politi-
such as AU/NEPAD, the Common Market cal economy and new regionalism (Bach,
for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA), 1999; Bøås et al., 2005; Grant and Söderbaum,
the Economic Community of West African 2003; Hentz and Bøås, 2003; Söderbaum,
States (ECOWAS), the Southern African 2004). These approaches transcend the narrow
Development Community (SADC), and the focus on inter-state regional frameworks,
West African Economic and Monetary Union and obviate the artificial separation, in the
(UEMOA). African context, of state and non-state actors,
The academic debate about regionalism in that are associated with traditional regional
Africa often focuses on state-led regional approaches.
integration frameworks. Two partly overlap- An important argument within this rather
ping schools of thought dominate the debate. loose school of thought is the claim that
The first line of thinking is mainly associated many ruling regimes and political leaders in
with institutionalist and liberal lines of Africa engage in symbolic and discursive
thought, concentrating on formal inter-state activities – praising the goals of regionalism
frameworks and/or official trade and invest- and regional organizations, signing coopera-
ment flows, commonly with reference to the tion treaties and agreements, and taking part
EC/EU as a comparative marker or model in ‘summitry regionalism’ – while remaining
(Fourutan, 1993; Holden, 2001; Jenkins and uncommitted to, or unwilling to implement,
Thomas, 2001). What distinguish the second, jointly agreed policies. Regionalism is thus
‘pan-African’, school of thought are synoptic used as a discursive and image-boosting
overviews of African regional organizations exercise: leaders demonstrate support and
and political-economic relationships, which loyalty towards one another in order to raise
are then coupled with demands for the the status, image and formal sovereignty of
strengthening of pan-African regional organ- their often-authoritarian regimes, both
izations and the so-called regional economic domestically and internationally (Bøås, 2003;
communities (RECs) of the envisioned Clapham, 1996).
African Economic Community (AEC) This type of ‘regime-boosting’ regionalism
(Asante, 1997; Muchie, 2003). It is notewor- may be a goal in itself, but it may also be
thy that the pan-African line of thought often closely related to ‘shadow regionalization’;
takes the EC/EU experience as inspiration what Bach refers to as ‘trans-state regionaliza-
and as a justification for the development of tion’ (Bach, 1999; 2005). Shadow regionaliza-
pan-African regionalism. Indeed, despite tion draws attention to the potential for public
their foundational differences, the two strands officials and various actors within the state to
of thought make implicit or explicit compari- be entrenched in informal market activities in
sons with the EU, and also come to a similar order to promote either their political goals or
conclusion that, notwithstanding the ‘failure’ their private economic interests. This particu-
of regionalism in Africa hitherto, there is still lar type of regionalization grows from below
great potential to build successful regional- and is built upon rent seeking or the stimula-
ism in the future. tion of patron-client relationships. Bach
A third and smaller group of scholars is claims, for instance, that regional organiza-
more sceptical about whether the restructured tions constitute a means for ‘resource capture’

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COMPARATIVE REGIONAL INTEGRATION AND REGIONALISM 489

and international patronage (Bach, 2005). It even why to compare at all, arise predomi-
implies regionalization without regional inte- nantly as a consequence of the tension in the
gration or formal regionalism. field between regional specialization (that is,
Many of the shadow networks are closely in the form of case study or area study) and
tied to the complex wars on the African con- comparative research. The ongoing develop-
tinent. Taking the example of the Great Lakes ment of comparative regionalism rests there-
region, Taylor and Williams argue that for fore upon finding a more mutually reinforcing
well-placed elites and business people the relationship between these standpoints. This
war in this region offers potentially substan- section begins with some conclusions regard-
tial resources for those able to exploit them. ing the problematic role of European integra-
Foreign involvement is not only about pre- tion theory and practice for comparative
serving national security and defeating ene- regionalism, before outlining a general way
mies, but also about securing access to of thinking about comparison which will be
resource-rich areas and establishing priva- able to facilitate dialogue in this fragmented
tized accumulation networks that can emerge field of study.
and prosper under conditions of war and The problem of European integration theory
anarchy (Taylor and Williams, 2001: 273). and practice in comparative regionalism. This
In summary, both the mainstream and pan- chapter reveals the tension between regional
African line of thought tend to elevate specialization and comparative research in the
European integration theory and practice. study of regionalism and regional integration.
Although the critical and new regionalism At least empirically, most scholars specialize
approaches are often cast within a general in a particular region, which they will often
discussion about regionalism, there is little consider ‘special’ or ‘unique’. Even if intra-
cross-fertilization and deep comparisons regional and cross-regional comparisons may
between Africa and regions in other parts of be undertaken, there remains a strong bias
the world, including European integration. towards European integration theory and
This is unfortunate, since it is unlikely that the practice in the field; most other regionalisms
phenomena highlighted through this scholar- are compared – implicitly or explicitly –
ship are uniquely ‘African’. Any particularity against the backdrop of European theory
appears to be related to the nature of the and practice.
African state-society complex and Africa’s Two broad attitudes towards comparative
insertion in the global order. This specializa- analysis within the field of regionalism are
tion tends to reflect the tendency in the other distinguishable, which revolve around two
regional debates, namely that many scholars competing attitudes towards European inte-
tend to use specific contextual language to gration theory and practice. One strand of
describe rather similar phenomena instead of thinking tends to elevate European integration
applying general concepts and developing theory and practice through comparative
questions and hypotheses that can be trans- research, while the other is considerably less
ferred to cross-regional comparisons. convinced of the advantages of comparative
research and Europe-centred theories. The
first perspective – especially variants of real-
ist/intergovernmental and liberal/institutional
CONCLUSION scholarship – strongly emphasizes Europe-
centred generalizations. This type of research
This chapter has highlighted deep divisions has been dominated by a concern to explain
regarding the problem of comparison within variations from the ‘standard’ European case.
the study of regionalism and regional inte- Indeed, other modes of regionalism are, where
gration. Contestations regarding what to they appear, characterized as loose and infor-
compare, how to compare and sometimes mal (such as Asia) or ‘failed’ (such as Africa),

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490 THE SAGE HANDBOOK OF COMPARATIVE POLITICS

reflecting ‘a teleological prejudice informed a simple point of reference, or to a model/


by the assumption that ‘progress’ in regional anti-model. Further, many comparisons and
organization is defined in terms of EU-style generalizations, which depart from the
institutionalization’ (Breslin et al., 2002: 11). European context, are skewed through a lack
One reason for this bias lies in the ways the of sensitivity to the issues around comparing
underlying assumptions and understandings regions with different levels of development
about the nature of regionalism (which most and holding unequal positions in the current
often stem from a particular reading of world order.
European integration) influence perceptions A more advanced debate about regional-
about how regionalism in other parts of the ism will not be reached through simply cel-
world does (and should) look. As the authori- ebrating differences from European
tative scholar, Andrew Hurrell (2005), asserts, integration theory and practice, but rather in
‘the study of comparative regionalism has going beyond dominant interpretations of
been hindered by so-called theories of region- European integration, and drawing more
alism which turn out to be little more than the broadly upon alternative theories (Diez and
translation of a particular set of European Wiener, 2003; Rosamond, 2000). To neglect
experiences into a more abstract theoretical Europe is to miss the opportunity to take
language’ (p. 39). advantage of the richness of the EU project
Avoiding Europe-centeredness has been and laboratory. As Warleigh and Rosamond
an ongoing issue in the study of regionalism (2006) argue, comparative regionalism
among developing countries and for critical ‘cannot afford to lock itself away from the
scholarship in the field of international rela- most advanced instance of regionalism in
tions. There are persuasive reasons for taking world politics’ (p. 2). The challenge for com-
stock of cumulative research on regional parative regionalism is to both include and
integration in the developing world and for transcend European integration theory and
being cautious regarding EU-style institu- practice. But this requires enhanced commu-
tionalization inherent in most classical or nication between various specializations and
mainstream perspectives or policies. Indeed, theoretical standpoints.
there have been a number of innovative
efforts to develop a regional approach spe-
cifically aimed at the developing world The future of comparative
(Axline, 1994c; Bøås et al., 1999). However regionalism
even these perspectives tend to mirror the
Europe-centred view, thus celebrating the Some of the most informative studies in the
differences in theory and practice between field of regionalism are case studies or stud-
regionalism in Europe and in the developing ies situated in debates within a particular
word. According to Warleigh and Rosamond region, such as Europe, East Asia, the
(2006) this has even resulted in a caricature Americas, or Africa. Detailed case studies of
of European integration or of classical regionalism are certainly necessary; these
regional integration theory, giving rise to identify historical and contextual specifici-
unnecessary fragmentation within the field. ties and allow for a detailed and ‘intensive’
The barrier for achieving a nuanced com- analysis of a single case (according to mono-,
parative analysis is not European integration multi- or interdisciplinary studies). The dis-
experience or theory per se, but rather the advantage of case studies is, however, that a
dominance of certain constructions and single case is a weak base for creating new
models of European integration. Conversely, generalization or invalidating existing gener-
discussions about regionalism in Africa or alizations (Axline, 1994b: 15).8
Asia have often reduced the EC/EU to the Comparative analysis has sometimes
community method or a common market, or been heavily criticized by area specialists,

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COMPARATIVE REGIONAL INTEGRATION AND REGIONALISM 491

post-modernists and others, who emphasize Such a middle ground can avoid the equal
cultural relativism and the importance of a deep interlopers of exaggerated contextualization
multidisciplinary knowledge of various con- on the one hand, and over-generalized (or
texts and people. Given that the comparative irrelevant) theory on the other. Achieving this
method is ultimately based on the same logic as perspective on the eclectic centre of compara-
‘the experimental method’, it is reasonable that tive studies will be inclusive rather than exclu-
it should be used with care in the social sci- sive – even if it will be too ‘social sciency’ for
ences. But comparative analysis helps guard some and too much of ‘storytelling’ for others
against ethnocentric bias and culture-bound (World Politics, 1995). There need not be any
interpretations that can arise when a specializa- opposition between area studies and discipli-
tion is over-contextualized or the area of study nary studies/international studies, or between
is too isolated. particularizing and universalizing studies. The
The next step in the study of regionalism is eclectic center perspective should enable area
to develop its comparative element, which will studies, comparative politics and international
be crucial for enhancing cross-fertilization studies to engage in a more fruitful dialogue,
between various theoretical standpoints and and through that process overcome the frag-
regional specializations. For; mentation in the field of regionalism and
regional integration. Such a perspective should
when conducted properly, the comparative
approach is an excellent tool … In particular, it is a be able to bridge divisions between earlier
key mechanism for bringing area studies and disci- (‘old’) and more contemporary (‘new’) theo-
plinary studies together, and enhancing both. It ries and experiences of regionalism and
provides new ways of thinking about the case regional integration. It should also enable
studies whilst at the same time allowing for the cross-fertilization between different regional
theories to be tested, adapted and advanced
(Breslin and Higgott, 2000: 341). debates and specializations. Finally, an eclec-
tic centre perspective will highlight the rich-
While doing comparative research, it is ness of comparative analysis, and enhance a
crucial to move beyond the ‘false universal- dialogue about the fundamentals of compara-
ism’ inherent in a selective reading of region- tive analysis (for example, what constitute
alism in the core, and in the EU in particular. comparable cases, and the many different
As Hurrell (2005: 39) asserts, rather than forms, methods and designs of comparative
trying to understand other regions through the analysis). This chapter will have achieved its
distorting mirror of Europe, it is better to think aim if it has contributed to furthering such a
in general theoretical terms and in ways that dialogue.
draw both on traditional international relations
theory, comparative politics and on other areas
of social thought. This will only be possible
if the case of Europe is integrated within a ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
larger and more general discourse of compara-
tive regionalism, built around general con- A great deal of the author’s work on region-
cepts and theories, but that remains culturally alism during the last decade has been carried
sensitive. out in liaison with Björn Hettne, and his con-
This calls for a middle ground to be estab- tribution to this chapter has been invaluable.
lished between context and case/area studies on The author is also grateful for the helpful
the one hand, and ‘hard’ social science as comments on an earlier version, especially
reflected in the use of ‘laborative’ comparisons by Ian Taylor, and also by Daniel Bach,
on the other. This middle ground has been Shaun Breslin, Todd Landman, Philippe
referred to as the ‘eclectic center’ of comparative de Lombaerde, Nicola Phillips, Rodrigo
studies (World Politics, 1995; also see Africa Tavares, Luk van Langenhove, and Alex
Today, 1997; Axline, 1994c; Payne, 1998). Warleigh-Lack. The research funding from

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492 THE SAGE HANDBOOK OF COMPARATIVE POLITICS

the Swedish International Development 6. See Rosamond (2000: chapter 7) for a detailed
Cooperation Agency (Sida) is gratefully discussion about the relationship between EU studies
and international studies. Also see Warleigh (2004;
acknowledged. 2006).
7. Thanks to Nicola Phillips for this point.
8. According to Axline (1994b: 15–16), case stud-
ies must be cast within a comparative context in
NOTES order to contribute to general propositions. Drawing
on Lijphart’s work, Axline clarifies that six types of
case studies can give a cumulative contribution to
1. Hurrell (1995: 39–45) makes a more nuanced
knowledge: (1) atheoretical case studies, (2) interpre-
distinction between five different categories of
tative case studies, (3) hypothesis-generating case
regionalism: (1) social and economic regionalization;
studies, (4) theory-confirming case studies, (5) theo-
(2) regional awareness and identity; (3) regional
ry-infirming case studies, and (6) deviant case stud-
inter-state cooperation; (4) state-promoted regional
ies. Atheoretical case studies have little utility for
integration; and (5) regional cohesion.
generalization in themselves, but may indirectly lead
2. Parts of this section draw on Hettne and
to theory-generation. Interpretative case studies may
Söderbaum (2008). See also Hettne (2005).
or may not include a theoretical element, and may or
3. According to Axline (1994b: 1–5) the evolution
may not contribute to generalizations applicable to a
of regional cooperation since the 1950s can be
number of different cases. The other four types of
divided into four (rather than two) generations of
case studies do contribute to the building of general-
regional cooperation: (1) traditional free trade areas;
izable knowledge through their contribution to
(2) regional import substitution; (3) collective self-
theory building.
reliance; and (4) regional cooperation in the new
world order (that is, the ‘recent debate’).
4. The recent debate has seen the proliferation of
a large number of theories and approaches to
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