Theory for

Ethnomusicology

Ruth M. Stone
First published 2008 by Pearson Education, Inc.

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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Stone, Ruth M.
Theory for ethnomusicology / Ruth M. Stone.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references (p. ) and index.
ISBN-13: 978-0-13-240840-0 (alk. paper)
ISBN-10: 0-13-240840-6 (alk. paper)
1. Ethnomusicology. 2. Music—Philosophy and aesthetics. I. Title.
ML3798.S76 2008
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To my students—past, present, and future
This page intentionally left bank
 Contents

Figures vi
Plates vii
Preface ix

1 Inquiry in Ethnomusicology 1

2 Cultural Evolutionism and Diffusionism

in Comparative Musicology 24

3 Structural-Functional Approaches 37

4 Linguistic Approaches 51

5 Paradigmatic Structuralism 90

6 Marxist Explanations 98

7 Literary and Dramaturgical Theories 111

8 Cognition and Communication Theory 126

9 Performance Theory in Ethnomusicology 136

10 Gender, Ethnicity, and Identity Issues 145

11 Phenomenology and Experiential Ethnomusicology 165

12 Historical Research 177

13 Postmodern, Postcolonial, and Global Issues 195

14 Convergence and Divergence in Theory Today 220

References 226

Index 236

v
Figures

Figure 1 Evolutionism vs. Diffusionism

Figure 2 Kpelle Classification of Instruments
Figure 3 Cuing Sequence: Kpelle, Stuart’s Rubber Farm, Bong County, Liberia
Figure 4 Rewrite Rule 1: Cuing Sequence: Kpelle, Stuart’s Rubber Farm,
Bong County, Liberia
Figure 5 Rewrite Rule 2.1: Cuing Sequence
Figure 6 Rewrite Rule 2.2: Cuing Sequence
Figure 7 Rewrite Rule 3: Cuing Sequence
Figure 8 Rewrite Rule 4: Cuing Sequence
Figure 9 Rewrite Rules 5 and 6: Cuing Sequence
Figure 10 Rewrite Rule 7.1: Cuing Sequence
Figure 11 Rewrite Rule 7.2: Cuing Sequence
Figure 12 Rewrite Rule 7.3: Cuing Sequence
Figure 13 Rewrite Rule 8: Cuing Sequence
Figure 14 Rewrite Rule 9: Cuing Sequence
Figure 15 Rewrite Rule 10.1: Cuing Sequence
Figure 16 Grammar for Cuing Sequence for Event Pause
Figure 17 Reconstruction of Proto-Rhythmic 12/8 Pattern
Figure 18 Rhythmic Order: Grouped
Figure 19 Rhythmic Order: Not Grouped
Figure 20 Positional Structure: Grouped
Figure 21 Immediate Constituent Order: Not Grouped
Figure 22 Rhythmic Positional Structure: Not Grouped
Figure 23 Proto-Rhythmic Reconstruction
Figure 24 Proto-Proto Rhythmic Reconstruction
Figure 25 Proto-Proto-Proto Rhythmic Reconstruction
Figure 26 Branching Tree Diagram of Rhythmic Reconstruction
Figure 27 Model of Historical Construction
Figure 28 Succession of Theories

vi
 Plates

Plate 1 Harris Berger. Courtesy of Harris Berger.

Plate 2 Alan Merriam. Courtesy of Indiana University Archives.
Plate 3 Mantle Hood. Courtesy of Society for Ethnomusicology.
Plate 4 Anthony Seeger. Courtesy of Society for Ethnomusicology.
Plate 5 Virginia Danielson. Courtesy of Virginia Danielson.
Plate 6 Ingrid Monson. Courtesy of Society for Ethnomusicology.
Plate 7 Benjamin Brinner playing gender to accompany a Javanese
shadow play performance by Midiyanto, Cowell Theater, San
Francisco. Courtesy of Rebecca Bodenheimer.
Plate 8 Peter Manuel. Courtesy of Peter Manuel.
Plate 9 Kay Kaufman Shelemay. Courtesy of Kay Kaufman Shelemay.
Plate 10 Ruth M. Stone. Courtesy of Ruth M. Stone.
Plate 11 Feme Neni-Kole. Photo by Verlon L. Stone.
Plate 12 George Herzog. Courtesy of Archives of Traditional Music.
Plate 13 Hugo Zemp shooting his film The Song of Harmonics, 1990.
Courtesy of Hugo Zemp.
Plate 14 Adrienne Kaeppler. Courtesy of Adrienne Kaeppler.
Plate 15 Bruno Nettl. Courtesy of Bruno Nettl.
Plate 16 Regula Qureshi. Courtesy of Regula Qureshi.
Plate 17 Moses and John Woni viewing a video playback of their
performance. Photo by Verlon L. Stone.
Plate 18 Jane Sugarman. Courtesy of Jane Sugarman.
Plate 19 Margarita Mazo. Courtesy of Margarita Mazo.
Plate 20 Cornelia Fales. Photo by K. A. MacDonald.
Plate 21 Ellen Koskoff. Courtesy of Ellen Koskoff.
Plate 22 Martin Stokes. Courtesy of Martin Stokes.
Plate 23 Daniel B. Reed. Courtesy of Daniel B. Reed.
Plate 24 Daniel Avorgbedor. Courtesy of Daniel Avorgbedor.
Plate 25 Mellonee V. Burnim. Courtesy of Mellonee V. Burnim.

vii
viii Plates

Plate 26 Portia K. Maultsby. Courtesy of Portia K. Maultsby.

Plate 27 Steven Friedson playing axatse rattle with a village drum and
dance society in Ghana. Courtesy of Steven Friedson.
Plate 28 Tom Porcello. Courtesy of Simon Craven.
Plate 29 Gage Averill. Courtesy of Gage Averill.
Plate 30 Bonnie Wade. Courtesy of Bonnie Wade.
Plate 31 Eric Charry. Courtesy of Eric Charry.
Plate 32 Gerhard Kubik with a family in Disol, Nigeria, 1963. Courtesy of
Gerhard Kubik.
Plate 33 Kao Gibii. Courtesy of Verlon L. Stone.
Plate 34 Mark Slobin. Courtesy of Mark Slobin.
Plate 35 Marina Roseman. Courtesy of Marina Roseman.
 Preface

Ethnomusicology has been variously defined as the study of any and all of the
music of the world, the study of music as culture, or the study of music as
human experience. Each of these definitions moves into different dimensions
of inquiry, but all of the definitions expand the study of music.
Ethnomusicology is a field of inquiry that is half a century old, and many eth-
nomusicologists espouse the centrality of theory to this enterprise. Theory,
whether appearing explicitly or implicitly, is an important mark of a distinguished
ethnomusicologist. Whether an ethnomusicologist is studying the inner workings
of a string quartet playing Mozart or the playing of the horse-head fiddle in the pop-
ular music of Mongolia, theory has its place and significance. Nevertheless, there
are generally limited discussions of theory in either general books devoted to eth-
nomusicology or in specific ethnographies of musical practice.
This book addresses ethnomusicological theory directly and explicitly,
exploring some of the underpinnings of various approaches and analyzing dif-
ferences and commonalities in these orientations. The study also explores how
ethnomusicologists have used these theories in their ethnographic research,
exploring the particular circumstances of the theoretical application in
ethnomusicology.

Theories for Ethnomusicology

The work of many ethnomusicologists today shows affinities for certain theo-
rists or concepts that theorists in the social sciences and humanities have
offered. Particularly at the beginning of ethnographic accounts, ethnomusicol-
ogists cite theoretical ideas that they associate with their work. Some ethno-
musicologists go further to then interweave the concepts with the data as they
develop their manuscript. Other ethnomusicologists sprinkle theoretical
terms—deconstructionism, gaze, role of ideology—in their analysis without
attributing in detail the sources for these ideas. A very few ethnomusicologists
engage in detailed theoretical discussion, developing their own theoretical
angle, critiquing theories of other researchers, and talking about where their
work fits into the conversation. These latter ethnomusicologists are definitely
in the minority, though, and theoretical discussions are more typically brief
and cursory in most ethnomusicological accounts.
Although theory is regarded as necessary for ethnomusicology, detailed the-
oretical development may be lacking. This situation should not be surprising,

ix
x Preface

considering that few courses are devoted to theory in ethnomusicology within

the curricula of ethnomusicology programs. Theory is often integrated into
classes focusing on other topics, such as fieldwork, and theory is seldom a fea-
tured topic. Alternatively, students generally learn about theory in seminars
that are located in neighboring disciplines like anthropology, linguistics, musi-
cology, or folklore.
The history of the field serves to illuminate the present situation. On one
hand, the anthropological influences on the discipline have helped emphasize
the importance of theory and its place in ethnomusicological studies. Certain
musicological influences, on the other hand, have contributed to the emphasis
on studying music from the perspective of a phenomenon that exists most
importantly as an aesthetic object and creative process.
Thus, although most ethnomusicologists would acknowledge the importance
of theory, I would posit, that based on published material in the field, a small
number would also argue for an extended explication of theory. Those scholars of
the social science orientation have stressed the importance of theory in orienting
projects from the beginning. Other scholars from a more musicological back-
ground have argued for avoiding theory and going to the field with a blank slate,
awaiting the inspiration of the music to be studied for a theoretical conclusion.
The compromise that has been tacitly reached with regard to theory appears to be
that though theory is invariably mentioned and pointed out in ethnomusicologi-
cal work, few studies detail the role and involvement of theory in an explicit and
extended way. Perhaps what fuels this tacit compromise is the ambivalence about
starting research with an orienting framework. As Harris Berger (1991a) poses the
question, “Can theory explain the phenomena of expressive culture, or does each
individual item . . . transcend generalizing frameworks?” (31).
In many cases, ethnomusicologists have drawn from a variety of theories or
approaches, and the boundaries between them are treated as porous and perme-
able. To try and pigeonhole various ethnomusicologists as espousing this or that

Plate 1 Harris Berger. Courtesy of Harris Berger.

 Preface xi

particular theory would be to ignore the reality of practice within the field. Many
scholars mix and match theories with considerable ease, and this book explores
both how those various theories have been used in conjunction with one another
and on what bases these combinations may or may not be compatible.
The practice of present-day ethnomusicologists to draw on multiple
approaches is not unlike that of Charles Seeger (1886–1979) Seeger (1977)
embraced at least three different approaches to his work. He relied on the work
of Henri Bergson, for his interest in intuition and mystical faith as a basis for
studying music; on Bertrand Russell, for his way of combining mystical faith
with logic; and on Ralph Barton Perry, who supplied the rationale he later
employed to explain the relation between music and language as well as an
overarching framework for combining his interdisciplinary interests (Greer
1998:21–22).
At certain points in the history of ethnomusicology, a particular theory has
lit up the landscape and been embraced as the nearly perfect explanation for
musical phenomena. The appearance of paradigmatic structuralism, best
known through the work of anthropologist Claude Lévi-Strauss, appeared to
offer such a solution in the early 1970s. The meeting of the Society for
Ethnomusicology in 1972 included a number of papers that demonstrated that
palpable excitement. Yet by the latter part of the decade, a diminishing number
of references to structuralism could be found in the current work of ethnomu-
sicologists, and other theories were now favored in conference papers and
ethnographic studies.
The theories in the social and humanistic sciences, when compared with
one another, may at first seem to bear no resemblances. I would point, however,
to Wayne D. Bowman’s (1998) comment in his book Philosophical Perspectives
on Music: “[A]midst the striking diversity, there do exist discernible patterns,
convergences of perspective, recurrent disputes and problems.”
My mentors, Alan P. Merriam and Charles Boilés, instilled a keen interest
in and concern for theory in me during my days as a student. This was
reflected in my dissertation, which included an extended discussion of theo-
retical assumptions that framed my study of Kpelle cuing in performance
(Stone 1979:1–65).
When I began teaching at Indiana University more than twenty-five years ago,
I inherited what may be the most consistently taught graduate course in ethnomu-
sicological theory, “Paradigms in Ethnomusicology.” This class was patterned on
one by the same name that Boilés had taught in the Department of Folklore
and Ethnomusicology at Indiana University some years earlier. In that class, he
examined linguistic approaches to ethnomusicology. I expanded the course to
include a broad range of theoretical approaches, and over the years I have contin-
ued to add to the range of theories addressed with the goal of exploring common
themes among the various approaches. Several years ago, the Ethnomusicology
Institute, in recognition of the importance of theory to the training for students,
added another course in theory—an advanced theory course—which, in addition
to the “Paradigms in Ethnomusicology” course, is required of all doctoral students
who specialize in ethnomusicology at Indiana University.
xii Preface

Many of the ideas offered in this book were first discussed in the “Paradigms
in Ethnomusicology” class. Ideas on theory also emerged in lectures to students
at other universities, including those from the University of California, Santa
Barbara; University of California, Los Angeles; University of Ghana; University
of Malawi; New York University; University of Michigan; and the University of
Zimbabwe. Through their probing questions and keen observations, the students
and other audience members provided the basis for changes and amplifications.
The chapter on history, for example, was added to the manuscript at the sugges-
tion of students after I had written an initial draft and let them read and critique
it. Thus this book should be read as a summary of numerous dialogues that have
ensued over some twenty-five years of lively exchange.
This work presents my views on the advantages as well as limitations of
these theoretical approaches in ethnomusicology. Such explorations show that
no theory encompasses all issues of inquiry. Ethnomusicologists have judged
some theories better than others for their work at certain points in history, and
not all ethnomusicologists would agree on what the best theories might be. But
these orientations are, at best, partial in their explanatory power.
Theories often incorporate aspects from earlier approaches and thus build
from earlier work. Thus they may share some aspects of earlier theories in ori-
entation. In this way, theories overlap and interrelate in ways that complicate
the best attempts to build tight categories.
My goal here is to show that, whether acknowledged or not, theory under-
lies ethnomusicological inquiry and even implicit theories have a bearing on
the analyses that result from our fieldwork. The trick is not to obscure the
study of music making with clumsy or inappropriate frameworks. Theory
should ultimately make ideas transparent and strengthen the quality of the
intellectual conversation.
This book explores the underlying ideas within the humanities and social
sciences to which ethnomusicologists have referred. The basic assumptions of
these theories are explained and compared in order to understand relation-
ships. Examples are offered of how ethnomusicology as a field of inquiry has
used and adapted these theories.
Each chapter centers on a distinct theory or cluster of theories that have
been or are presently important to the studies produced by ethnomusicologists.
In most cases the treatment includes the following:

1. Definition of the theory

2. Basic assumptions of the orientation
3. Examples of the theory in ethnomusicology
4. Critical examination of theory for ethnomusicology

A final chapter draws some general conclusions about the status of these theo-
ries, showing how they converge at some points and diverge at other points.
A number of people have assisted me in the work on this book, and I would
like to thank them for their efforts. Each class of “Paradigms in Ethnomusicology”
students, beginning in 1980, has contributed to making this book what it has
 Preface xiii

become. Furthermore, a number of students worked more intensely on the project

by serving as assistants or conducting specialized searches. To Susan Oehler, Paul
Schauert, Charles Seymour, and Jessica Anderson Turner, a special thanks. To
Kimberly Marshall, who conducted a detailed review of the manuscript, a spe-
cial word of appreciation. To Anthony Guest-Scott who prepared the illustra-
tions, my appreciation for your skill and care. To Keith A. MacDonald, who
helped with photo research, I’m grateful for your help and instruction. To
Harris Berger, who has continued to stimulate my thinking about theory long
after he took the class, I’m grateful for our discussions. To my colleagues Daniel
Reed, Sue Tuohy, Portia Maultsby, Mellonee Burnim, Charles Sykes, Dick
Bauman, Nina Fales, Marina Roseman, Greg Schrempp, and David Shorter,
who have been part of important intellectual exchanges, your ideas have sus-
tained me. To my daughter, Angela Keema and son-in-law Keith, you have
made my life a joy. Finally, to Verlon, my husband, you’ve been my anchor. I
would like to thank the following reviewers Ellen Koskoff (Eastman School of
Music), Gregory F. Barz (Vanderbilt University), and Stephen Blum (Cuny
Graduate Center).
In the end, I take responsibility for the ideas offered here. The interpreta-
tions are mine and reflect my own particular point of view about theory as it is
practiced in the field of ethnomusicology.
Ruth M. Stone
Bloomington, Indiana

References
Berger, Harris M. 1999a. “Theory as Practice: Some Dialectics of Generality and
Specificity in Folklore Scholarship.” Journal of Folklore Research 36(1): 31–49.
Bowman, Wayne D. 1998. Philosophical Perspectives on Music. Oxford and New York:
Oxford University Press.
Greer, Taylor Aitken. 1998. A Question of Balance. Berkeley: University of California
Press.
Seeger, Charles. 1977. Studies in Musicology 1935–1975. Berkeley and Los Angeles:
University of California Press.
Stone, Ruth M. 1979. “Communication and Interaction Processes in Music Events
among the Kpelle of Liberia.” PhD diss., Indiana University.
This page intentionally left bank
 Chapter 1

Inquiry in Ethnomusicology
Ethnomusicologists carry out research about music performance, about music
experience, and about music performers using concepts that are drawn from
inquiry in the social and natural sciences as well as the related areas of music
and the humanities. A number of concepts anchor the language that surrounds
“theory” as well as other aspects of research in ethnomusicology. These ideas are
essential to the extended discussion of theory in ethnomusicology.

Paradigm
One starting point in the conceptual apparatus of theories is the idea of paradigm.
Paradigm means “pattern, exemplar, example” (Oxford English Dictionary 1986).
The concept became a very popular in academic circles with the publication of
Thomas Kuhn’s book, The Structure of Scientific Revolutions (1962). Kuhn defined
paradigm as the shared understandings and agreements that form the lens used by
scientists to proceed in conducting “normal science” (1962:10). When a revolution
in scientific research occurred, he maintained, a particular paradigm changed, giv-
ing way to a new procedure for conducting research.
Paradigms or exemplars include sets of assumptions that are not necessarily
obvious but describe those things that make up the world and are models for how
we can inquire about them. “Acquisition of a paradigm and of the more esoteric
type of research it permits is a sign of maturity in the development of any given sci-
entific field” (1962:11). Because they are often implicit, they are out-of-awareness
and not altogether obvious.
Kuhn outlined a set of chronological phases for paradigms: (1) a pre-paradigm
stage, (2) crystallization of a dominant paradigm with the beginning of a normal
science, and (3) scientific revolutions. Scientific revolutions are marked by those

Paradigm

• Model or example
• Shared understandings about research procedures

1
2 Chapter 1

moments when there is a shift; a new paradigm takes over and becomes the dom-
inant exemplar.
Although Kuhn’s ideas have had a long-lasting influence in scholarship,
they have also been subject to critique on a number of fronts. Some scholars
have felt that Kuhn’s conception of paradigms made these models incompatible,
one with another, in a way that was not necessarily typical of the interpenetra-
tion of research ideas with one another. Other researchers observed that Kuhn
saw the scientific community as separate from society in general. But Paul
Hoyningen-Heune (1993) maintains that many scholars misread Kuhn’s early
formulation as well as ignored his later formulations, which led to some of the
misunderstandings.
We might consider what paradigm characterizes ethnomusicology today. Alan
Merriam proposed in the 1960s a three-part “model” that addressed (1) music sound,
(2) behavior in relation to that sound, and (3) conceptualization about music
(1964:32–33). That exemplar has been widely quoted and cited over the years. Yet
Merriam staunchly maintained, in class lectures and conversation, that ethnomusi-
cology as a whole possesses no single paradigm.
Mantle Hood, Merriam’s contemporary, maintained that ethnomusicology
is “a field that has almost as many approaches and objectives as there are prac-
titioners” (1971:1). Merriam did not see the situation as quite that diffuse and
posited that there were, more or less, two approaches to ethnomusicology—
what he liked to call the “two horns of the dilemma”—one that derived from the
anthropological perspective and another that was inspired by the musicological
viewpoint.

Plate 2 Alan Merriam. Courtesy Indiana University Archives.

 Inquiry in Ethnomusicology 3

Plate 3 Mantle Hood. Courtesy SEM.

More than twenty years after Merriam’s influential publication of The

Anthropology of Music, Timothy Rice, in his article “Toward the Remodeling
of Ethnomusicology” (1987), referred to Merriam’s work as “[p]robably the best
example of an effective model in the recent history of ethnomusicology.”
Anthony Seeger, in responding to Rice’s call for remodeling ethnomusicology,
questioned the need for consensus in the field. He noted, “It is possible to think
of models as dialectical, of a field as a ferment, and of debate as a method for
advancing ideas.” Seeger went on to advocate for “different approaches.” He
said, “I have always envisioned the Society for Ethnomusicology as a place
where people who are studying music from very different perspectives can
report on their work as well as listen to or read each other’s reports.” Referring
back to his ancestor, he commented, “Instead of everyone going the same route,
[Charles] Seeger suggests a field in which we all travel in different directions,
reporting back to each other on what we have seen, heard, or discovered on our
travels. Rather than providing a single point of departure, the field and the
Society for Ethnomusicology provide a place to report on our arrivals” (Anthony
Seeger 1987a).
Richard Middleton, reflecting a perspective from British musical studies, envi-
sioned a field called “cultural musicology,” as he wrote in 2003. Recognizing a
number of trajectories of scholarship, he said, “Nonetheless, different approaches
are interacting, and with increasing intensity, such that it is clear that a new para-
digm may well be on the horizon” (2003:1). For Middleton, culture forms the com-
mon denominator in ethnomusicological studies that derive from a variety of
disciplines.
4 Chapter 1

Plate 4 Anthony Seeger. Courtesy SEM.

Ethnography as a Shared Aspect

Although there might not be complete agreement on a single paradigm, ethno-
musicologists can establish certain points of convergence among competing
paradigms. The single most important shared aspect among the paradigms of
ethnomusicologists at present is ethnography as a way of carrying out research.
Ethnography typically involves face-to-face observation of and participation
in performance. It “embraces the descriptive details” (OED 1986) of how people
create, perform, and critique music in societies around the world, including our
own. Essential to ethnography as conducted by ethnomusicologists is fieldwork
carried out on location among the people who perform—wherever on the globe
they may live, including local communities in close proximity to the everyday
world of ethnomusicologists. As Deborah Wong observes,

Ethnographic work means having direct, sustained contact with people and
their activities—it means talking with them and spending time at it. . . .
At some point, you transform the accumulation of particularities (personal

Ethnography

• Research emphasizing face-to-face interaction

• Research rich in descriptive details
 Inquiry in Ethnomusicology 5

histories, opinions, alliances etc.) into another medium—a book, a film—in

which you probably try to make some larger points about broader matters
implicitly or explicitly suggested by the particularities. (2004:8–9)

Thus most ethnomusicologists share ethnography as a means of carrying out

research. Although there may be overlapping ethnomusicological paradigms,
ethnography does form an area of at least partially shared understandings.
Researchers from a variety of persuasions value the fieldwork experience for the
gathering of data in ethnomusicology.
Fieldwork employs close and sustained interaction—often face-to-face—
with the people whose music is the focus of study. Fieldwork implies immersion
into the everyday life, musical performances, and other aspects of the society in
which they live. Following the immersion experience, a fieldworker produces
written accounts—field notes—of the experience, which then serve as data for
later analyses. Sometimes that same fieldworker also becomes adept at perform-
ing the music he or she has been studying and then reproduces it in performance
and teaching settings.
Fieldwork may involve living in a far removed geographical setting or working
in a nearby location that, nevertheless, provides a view different from the everyday
world of the ethnomusicologist. As a research practice, fieldwork sets the ethno-
musicologist apart from most other music researchers, although it is partially
shared with folklorists, anthropologists, oral historians, and sociologists.
In most ethnomusicology programs, students conduct fieldwork as part
of their course of study. Ph.D. candidates are typically expected to conduct
8 to 12 months of sustained fieldwork in preparation for writing their disser-
tation. In this way, fieldwork is an important component of the dissertation
process.
The field where research is conducted may constitute more than one geo-
graphical location. Because people live in dispersed communities around the
world, the field for some researchers has become multiple geographic locations.
Kay Kaufman Shelemay, in studying Syrian Jews who have settled in New York,
conducted fieldwork not only in Brooklyn but also in Mexico City and in
Jerusalem, to understand the music of the people who had originated in Aleppo,
Syria (Shelemay 1998).
Although fieldwork unites segments of ethnomusicologists, there are points of
divergence in the paradigms. This divergence owes much to the musicological
training and orientation of some ethnomusicologists, and social scientific training
and orientation of other ethnomusicologists. Further, ethnomusicology may be
lodged within a department or school of music or, less commonly, in a department

Fieldwork

• Participant observation research

• Immersion in everyday life and performance
6 Chapter 1

of anthropology, folklore, or linguistics. Such associations may influence the

research practices of ethnomusicologists in these various areas.
In my own case, for example, being a part of a folklore department for all of
my career has no doubt influenced my interest in and analysis of texts and in
particular an epic text—the Woi epic—even though I looked at it in the larger
context of a musical performance (Stone 1988).

Partially Shared Ideas

Ethnomusicology is a social enterprise in which data are shared and ideas are
exchanged. These ideas are exchanged in professional meetings where papers are
delivered and comments made about the ideas offered. They are shared in public
discussions on the Internet or in print or electronic publications. These ideas,
although they are exchanged, are only partially shared. Knowledge in ethnomu-
sicology depends on experience. That is, anything that we know in ethnomusi-
cology, if it is to be meaningful, must be brought into relation with experience
or background knowledge. Just how this happens depends on our particular
orientation.
I recall a trip that my colleague Portia Maultsby and I took to Zimbabwe in the
mid-1980s. As we watched a performance of musicians in Murewa, a town a few
miles from the capitol of Harare, we each posed different interpretations. Portia
typically saw parallels to African American practices. I related what I heard to
West African sounds with which I was familiar. And we grew to realize how our
interpretations of Zimbabwean music were influenced by our past experiences,
each past deriving from a different configuration of personal biography.

Theory
There are other concepts in the field of ethnomusicology that ground analysis and
deserve elucidation. Theory is one overarching such concept. Few researchers
would agree on a definition of theory, but many more agree on what theory does.
“Theories, then, are more than merely abbreviated summaries of data, since they
not only tell us what happens but why it happens as it does. Any worthwhile the-
ory should thus perform the double function of explaining facts already known as
well as opening up new vistas which can lead us to new facts” (Kaplan and
Manners 1972:11). Theories suggest explanations not only for the phenomena that
invoked them in the first place but for other phenomena as well.

Theory

• Explains why something occurs

• Creates new horizons of knowledge
 Inquiry in Ethnomusicology 7

Theory that is closely tied to specific data is grounded theory—where the

specific connections between theory and data can be documented. Though the
sociologists who developed grounded theory included detailed method for
employing it, ethnomusicologists generally use it in a more generic sense
(Glaser and Strauss 1967; Strauss and Corbin 1990).

Theory vs. Descriptive Statement

To contextualize theory further, let us compare it to the descriptive statement.
A descriptive statement refers to “events occurring in a specific space-time con-
text” (Kaplan and Manners 1972:13). Theoretical generalization, in contrast,
refers to highly abstract relationships under which descriptive statements can
be submitted as special instances.
Over the course of nearly a year of research in Liberia, West Africa, I had come
to realize that those cues to end dances were associated with instances of enter-
tainment music. In ritual contexts, these cues were absent or obscured. A theory
served to explain a great number of cases and situations—not only those I had
observed but those that I had not yet seen and heard.
From my own research on performance among the people of Gbeyilataa,
I could derive the following descriptive statement:

Descriptive Statement Example

As the women from Gbeyilataa watched the videotape of their performance,
Lopuu commented that Keema has “cut the edge” when she turned and
brought her arm in an art to her waist.

With a number of related descriptive statements and some interpretation on my

part, I then developed the following theory to explain the earlier event.

Theory Example
Cutting-the-edge dance cues are characteristic of music that is considered
entertainment in nature and quite absent in ritual events.

When students in music departments or schools take courses in music the-

ory, they are studying the logic of sounds relating to other sounds, particularly
harmonic progressions. In ethnomusicology, we consider the sort of theory with
which we are contending to be much more general and abstract than the logic of
chord progression. A theory in ethnomusicology might be one such as Alan
Lomax’s theory offered in Folk Song Style and Culture.

Descriptive statement

• Describes events in a specific space and time

8 Chapter 1

Theory Example
Song performance can characterize a culture in terms of basic structural
elements such as complexity and subsistence level, political structure,
complementarity and sexual mores. (1968:98)

Range of Theory
Theories show enormous range in level of generality. The level of generality
involves the radius of the explanatory shell or the extensiveness of the sorts of
events to be considered such as might be distinguished in the range between
macrotheory versus microtheory. If we take

• Theory 1: Instruments in Gbeyilataa village in Liberia are classified by the

local musicians as either struck or blown.

This could be considered a theory with limited generality and limited abstract-
ness. But, if we take

• Theory 2: Instruments across the world are classified by ethnomusicologists as

aerophones, membranophones, idiophones, or chordophones.

Then we have a theory of extended generality but not extended abstractness.

In the third instance, consider

• Theory 3: Specific instruments across the world are associated with specific
colors, times of the day, and moods.

This theory could be considered to exhibit extended generality as well as

extended abstractness, for the instruments are associated with symbolic ideas
that extend beyond sorting and grouping.
Finally, some theories have much more explanatory muscle than others
and are evaluated according to the number or types of cases they can explain.
Some theories may be considered more powerful than others, and that judg-
ment will be the basis for choosing one theory over another.

Types of Theory
Ethnomusicologists refer not only to theories that derive from Western academic
scholarship, and by extension Western philosophy, but from the various cul-
tures where research is conducted. Because these indigenous theories are often
implicitly rather than explicitly stated, they are not always easily discerned.
 Inquiry in Ethnomusicology 9

Nevertheless, I would argue that much in ethnomusicological thought derives

from abstractions and theories held by musicians and peoples from the cul-
tures we study. As Shelemay notes in the introduction to her study of Syrian
pizmonim,

Over time, it became clear that insider perspectives not only had determined
the central unit of study, but had opened pathways for its interpretation as
well. (1998:2)

In another case Wong points out,

Theory is made by people thinking through the valences of their moment.

Regarding theory as part of cultures makes visible the conditions of its
construction—i.e., the fact that theory, like any part of culture will be inflected
with the power play of race, ethnicity, gender, sexual orientation, class, etc.
(2004:317)

In the end, theory making is not a privilege of the elite but a process in which
we all engage, and awareness of diverse theories created by the musicians we
study comes with careful listening and observing.

Theoretical Orientation
As ethnomusicologists prepare and plan a research project, theoretical orientation
might best describe the frame of reference they use. This orientation draws from
theoretical issues and contains some assumptions or things that researchers hold to
be true as they begin to work.
Some ethnomusicologists staunchly maintain that they want to enter the
field with a blank slate. They do not want to go in with an orientation. Such an
approach, no doubt, harkens to the ideas that have been held about music as an
object that does not rely on any external element but stands as an independent
entity and should be understood as such. Music, they contend, exists separately
from context.
I maintain that meaning in music is socially created just as culture is
socially created. Whether we acknowledge our theoretical orientation or not,

Theoretical orientation

• Creates a frame of reference

• Draws from theoretical issues
• Contains assumptions
10 Chapter 1

we most surely possess one. We are experiencing the musical tradition we

encounter and processing it against the backdrop of our previous experience.
We have an implicit theoretical orientation whether or not we make it
explicit.
How might one state a theoretical orientation? Virginia Danielson encapsu-
lates her theoretical orientation for The Voice of Egypt as follows:

This book addresses the issue of agency in society, particularly the role of the
exceptional individual in expressive culture. Theoretically it rests on the rather
large literature that has become known as practice theory as well as the litera-
ture associated with cultural studies. I am particularly indebted to the work of
Raymond Williams, whose Culture and Society accounts successfully in broad
social terms for a good number of English literary “stars.” (1997: ix)

Danielson succinctly locates her work in practice theory and cultural studies,
identifying Raymond Williams as a scholar on whom she relies in accounting
for the behavior of an exceptional individual.
Veit Erlmann positions Nightsong, his work on migrant work song in South
Africa, by saying this:

In the account that follows, I have adopted a writing strategy that, like the title
of the book, highlights rather than obliterates the foreignness and shifts that

Plate 5 Virginia Danielson. Courtesy of Virginia Danielson.

 Inquiry in Ethnomusicology 11

marks ethnographic translation. . . . I attempt to position my account of isic-

athamiya within contemporary efforts to insert agency and performativity into
anthropology. (1996a:xiii)

He identifies with theories of agency and performance in setting up his

account.
A third theoretical orientation is offered in Ingrid Monson’s Saying
Something where she addresses jazz improvisation.

My commitment to the value of vernacular or insider knowledge places me at odds

with a considerable body of work in cultural studies, and my serious engagement
with poststructuralist thinking places me similarly at odds with established eth-
notheoretical thinking in ethnomusicology. Consequently, a secondary theme of
this book is the reconciliation of ethnomusicology’s traditional preoccupations
with post structuralism. (1996:7)

Monson, in stating her theoretical position, suggests that she is challenging

another theoretical orientation—that of the poststructuralist thinking.
All these theoretical orientations then suggest ways of selecting, conceptu-
alizing, and ordering frameworks in preparation for research processes. These
orientations ultimately help to generate theories through the course of research
as data are obtained and interpreted.

Plate 6 Ingrid Monson. Courtesy SEM.

12 Chapter 1

Method
Once a theoretical orientation or general framework is identified, we can then
identify method for carrying out the research. Method is “the process by which
[an ethnomusicologist] generates an abstract view of the situation. In this way
[method] comprises how the [ethnomusicologist] decides what social phenom-
ena are relevant to his descriptive project at hand and how he deals with these
in developing his account or theory” (Phillipson 1972:79). In other words,
method is how we get at our research. In contrast, methodology is “the study—
description, the explanation, and the justification—of methods” (Kaplan
1964:19).

Method in Ethnomusicology
One method many ethnomusicologists use is participant-observation. This
method provides for varying degrees of involvement with a culture, depending
on the techniques employed and that place the researcher more or less at the
participant end of the spectrum or more or less at the observer end of the spec-
trum. Ingrid Monson describes the observation end of the spectrum and many
things one can learn about a culture:

I attended many performances, observed the multiplicity of business and

social activities taking place inside New York’s jazz venues, and became some-
thing of a regular at several clubs. I imagine my presence may have drawn the
notice of some: a normally unaccompanied women, usually seated at the bar

Method

• General way an ethnomusicologist conducts research

Methodology

• Explanation and justification of methods

Participant-observation

• Approach to research involving varying degrees of observation and participation

in a cultural setting.
 Inquiry in Ethnomusicology 13

(where no minimum was charged), who talked to musicians during the

intermissions. (1996:16)

Participant-observation at the participant end of the spectrum may involve a gen-

eral immersion in daily life of a society. As Jane Sugarman recounts,

We spent most of our time participating in farming activities with our host fam-
ily: stringing tobacco, chopping wood, threshing wheat, irrigating fields, pick-
ing vegetables, herding oxen, baking bread. (1997:8)

Such activities led to a deepening understanding of issues and values that are
critical to the creation of the music. John Blacking, many years earlier, also
reported on the participant end of the spectrum when he detailed his research
among the Venda of southern Africa:

I learnt the songs both from adults and from children. On some occasions I made
deliberate mistakes, and was therefore especially interested if I was not cor-
rected. (1995a [1967]:33)

Archival work may be another method that ethnomusicologists incorpo-

rate into their research. Archival materials cover many media, from record-
ings to field notes of other researchers, newspaper articles, correspondence,
artifacts, photographs, and various kinds of documentation for the record-
ings. All of these objects contribute to our understanding of historical
events.

Historical collections made by listeners give indications of what was important

to them, what not, and sometimes why. Historical resources permit comparison
of events as they occurred with later reflections on the same events (Danielson
1997:7).

Archival knowledge forms part of the discourse that is important to ethnomusi-

cologists and is a method shared with other disciplines such as history, musi-
cology, and others. In all of the archival work, the researcher is interpreting data
collected by others, often at a time some distance in the past. (These data also
help respond to Rice’s call for reinserting the historical dimension into ethno-
musicology [1987:480].)

Archival work

• Research of materials housed in archives

• Study of recordings, fieldnotes, newspapers, letters, photographs, artifacts
14 Chapter 1

Techniques in Ethnomusicology
Techniques are “specific procedures used in a given science or in particular con-
texts of inquiry in that science” (Kaplan 1964:19). A number of techniques that
ethnomusicologists employ include sound and video recording, still photogra-
phy, transcription of music or speech, and the writing of fieldnotes.
Ethnographic interviews—playback interviews, life history interviews, and ques-
tions from an interview schedule—all constitute yet another series of techniques.
Ethnomusicologists frequently mention their techniques as they introduce
their books. For example, Shelemay notes, “The team effort results in a large col-
lection of field recordings and interviews deposited in the Sephardic Archives”
(Shelemay 1998:2; emphasis added). Or Sugarman comments on techniques used
in Eastern Europe:
I . . . turned increasingly to playback interviews structured around audio or
video recordings (see Stone and Stone 1981). Here the advantages of video were
immediately apparent. Not only was it easier to identify all participants in a
singing occasion, but the songs could be correlated more precisely to other activ-
ities taking place. (1997:21; emphasis added)

Regula Qureshi comments on her techniques used in Asia:

The music of Qawwali reflects its ethnographic setting. An extensive oral reper-
toire (recorded 433 performances of 261 songs with 179 tunes) is performed and
transmitted by hundreds of Qawwals at different local Sufi centres (I recorded
83 groups at fifteen centres). (1995 [1986]:14; emphasis added)

In each case, the ethnomusicologist begins with either audio or video recordings
and then structures interviews of various kinds adjacent to or with those recordings.

Assumptions
Assumptions, held by any ethnomusicologist venturing to the field to do
research, are taken-for-granted knowledge. These are concepts, theories, or
ideas that at any particular moment are beyond question. They are accepted

Techniques

• Specific procedures an ethnomusicologist uses to conduct research

• Field recording, transcription, and interview

Assumptions

• Concepts or theories that are held to be true and beyond question at a given
moment
• Taken-for-granted knowledge
 Inquiry in Ethnomusicology 15

as given “until further notice” (Schutz and Luckmann 1973:4). Yet in the
process of any project, these assumptions yet may become the basis for
inquiry.
Benjamin Brinner tells us in his introduction to a study of the Javanese
gamelan about his assumption:

The Chomskyian concept of linguistic competence and its offshoots should not
be taken apriori as the standard for the more inclusive concept of musical com-
petence proposed here. I prefer to start with the assumption that these compe-
tences are essentially different, allowing the phenomenon of musical compe-
tence to be judged on its own merits while leaving open the possibility, indeed,
the desirability of comparing it with linguistic competence at a later date.
(1995:2–3; emphasis added)

In my own work about music event among the Kpelle of Liberia (1982: 7–10),
I outlined eleven assumptions I was making in conducting the study, beginning
with, “Music is communication,” and including “Meaning in music is created by
participants in the course of social interaction.” I continued with, “The social
relationship among event participants is based upon the simultaneous experi-
encing of the performance in multiple dimensions of time,” and ended with,
“The ethnomusicologist makes inferences about music event interaction by
engaging in interactional behavior.”

Plate 7 Benjamin Brinner playing gender to accompany a Javanese shadow play

performance by Midiyanto, Cowell Theater, San Francisco. Courtesy of Rebecca Bodenheimer.
16 Chapter 1

Jocelyne Guilbault, in her study of zouk in the West Indies, offers an

assumption to situate her work within the field:

The premise on which this study is based assumes, as Peter Manuel has
observed, that music functions not merely as a passive reflection of broader
sociocultural phenomena, but also as an active contributor to the processes of
cultural change. (1993:xvii; emphasis added)

These statements of assumptions then cordon off those things, which scholars
take to be true and are not questioned as ethnomusicologists embark on their
research. It is important to identify assumptions so it is clear from the start
what areas are not open to question—at least at the outset. Now there are of
course many cases where evidence may change those assumptions at a later
point in time.
Over the years of reading proposals submitted for research, I have noticed
that some scholars begin by describing certain assumptions about a body of
music to be studied. Very quickly as the research questions are presented, it
becomes evident that some concept stated as an assumption is also being posed
as a research question. Although one may end up, in fact, questioning one of
the assumptions because of unexpected data, one needs to be clear from the
start where the investigator is placing and situating the work, and what aspects
are initially not open to questioning.

Plate 8 Peter Manuel. Courtesy of Peter Manuel.

 Inquiry in Ethnomusicology 17

Hypothesis vs. Research Question

The hypothesis is part of the research package that science employs and is
sometimes mentioned in ethnomusicology. In science, the hypothesis helps
focus the research process and identifies the locus for experimentation.
Typically, the hypothesis is stated in a “If . . . then” statement. The experiment
or observation that follows proceeds to test that specific hypothesis.
Ethnomusicologists, for the most part, are conducting research that is focused
on a much more preliminary stage of investigation. They frequently find them-
selves among the first scholars to investigate a musical topic in a particular loca-
tion. They often do not already know enough about the music they study to frame
an appropriate hypothesis. Furthermore, their interests are generally much broader
than can be appropriately encompassed in a specific hypothesis or a related set of
hypotheses. There are also a great number of variables, and there may be difficulty
in isolating one or two hypotheses at that stage in the research.

Research Questions
Rather than hypotheses, several broad questions typically frame and guide eth-
nomusicologists as they conduct research. These research questions are
encompassing in nature, and, like the theoretical orientation, are quite general
and abstract. For example, these were Danielson’s questions for the study of the
Egyptian singer Umm Kulthūm:

Why was this individual, among many other entertainers, so important? . . . What
were the material circumstances of a commercial singer’s life? How did she make
her way? In what respects was Umm Kulthūm’s career typical? How was she
affected by the operations of institutions such as record companies and theaters?
What was her effect on musical life and in what ways were her actions informed
or constrained by precedents? Where were her performances situated in the larger
processes of life? (1997:2–3)

Hypothesis

• Identifies the locus for experimentation

• Typically stated in an “if . . . then” statement

Research question

• Broad question that frames the research

• Typically general and abstract
18 Chapter 1

These questions imply a study that begins with the performance of the singer but
moves to explain larger social processes that interrelate with that performance.
Sugarman framed her study of singing at Prespa Albanian weddings with
these questions: “How is it that these families have developed such a strong
sense of place? What is it about weddings that make them so central to the life of
the community? And why is it so important that everyone sing at such a cele-
bration?” (1997:7). Like Danielson, Sugarman firmly embeds her study in the
larger social setting. Her guiding research questions help her determine what
data to collect as she proceeds with fieldwork. And both scholars are asking
why music seems so vital to the conduct of the larger social life.
The research questions that Brinner poses focus on the actual performance
of the music and the relationship to competence. He begins his study of
Javanese gamelan by asking, “How do they do what they do?” and follows
with, “How do musicians make music together?” (1995:1). Despite different
research questions, an assumption of a social basis for performance seems
shared by all of the scholars—Sugarman, Brinner, and Danielson.
Guiding research questions derive both from what is already known about
a specific musical issue and from the theoretical orientation that the researcher
uses. Research questions give strong clues about what data will be vital to the
ethnomusicologist.

Study Object
The most explicit statement about the focus of a research project is identification
of the study object. Theoretical orientations and research questions may provide
a few hints, but they may not directly address the unit of analysis. Certain of
these units or study objects may be associated with a specific approach. Among
early comparative musicologists, for example, the “song” was the unit of analy-
sis. Study of these recorded or experienced objects yielded scales or pitch inven-
tories, which could then be compared. Later, structural-functional scholars,
influenced by anthropology, took the community as the study object. For many
years, these ethnomusicologists studied all music making within a geographi-
cally bounded unit such as a village. A song versus a community forms quite dis-
parate study objects that each yield much different results.
Today we have yet other study objects that serve to center our studies. My
own research among the Kpelle for example, has taken the music event as a
point of focus. In doing so, I have argued that the event is a unit of analysis
with saliency for the Kpelle people. The event is bounded and set apart from

Study object

• Unit of research
• Units include song, individual, event, repertory, community, genre
 Inquiry in Ethnomusicology 19

everyday life and is where sound and behavior are united in musical interac-
tion. Often Kpelle musicians say, “Kwa loi belei su” (“We are entering the inside
of the performance”). The Kpelle mark the boundaries as they speak of the
“inside” of the performance (Stone 1982:2).
Monson identifies her study object as jazz improvisation, centered on inter-
action in this multiple sense. Stressed here are the “reciprocal and multi-layered
relationships among sound, social settings, and cultural politics that affect the
meaning of jazz improvisation in twentieth-century American cultural life”
(1996:2). Thus although she begins with a musical process, Monson also links
this process to much broader issues of race and culture. She also indirectly com-
ments on the structural-functional definition of community when she says, “By
stressing the activity of music making as something that creates community, I am
purposefully moving away from the idea of community that is defined exclu-
sively by a particular geographic location or a particular social category, such as
race, class, or gender” (1996:13).
Shelemay chooses a repertory of songs, pizmonim, as her study object and
she tells us she intends to “document and interpret the pizmonim tradition for
the recent century” (1998:1). She even comments on the choice of study object:
“In contrast to most ethnomusicological projects, where the unit of study
slowly emerges during the course of ethnographic research, the central focus
here was identified before the process of fieldwork began in consultation with
members of the Syrian Jewish community in Brooklyn” (1998:1).
Timothy Rice presents his study object:

I’ve made two individuals—Kostadin Varimezov (a historically important instru-

mentalist) and his wife Todora Varimezova (a knowledgeable singer)—the center
of the study. By following the history of their interaction with the world into

Plate 9 Kay Kaufman Shelemay. Courtesy of Kay Kaufman Shelemay.

20 Chapter 1

which they were thrown, I hope to show (1) how they have defined themselves
in interaction with that changing world; (2) the dramatic changes in that world
over the seventy years or so of their lives; and (3) what aspects of that world—of
that culture—are opened to our understanding by musical sounds, performances,
and contexts acting as symbols. (1994:8)

We are presented by these ethnomusicologists, then, with a variety of study

objects:

1. Song (comparative musicologists)

2. Event (Stone)
3. Musical process—jazz improvisation (Monson)
4. Repertory of songs (Shelemay)
5. Individuals (Rice, Danielson)
6. Community (Merriam, Blacking, Monson)
7. Genre of musical performance (Sugarman)

For the present discussion, what are interesting are the implications of these
choices for theory in ethnomusicology. Using a song as a starting point for a
study is very different from using a community as a starting point. If individ-
ual songs form the focus, then elements of these songs become the most likely
areas of examination. In contrast, if community is the object of study, then the
research will embrace a whole range of performances and inevitably treat the

Plate 10 Ruth M. Stone. Courtesy of Ruth M. Stone.

 Inquiry in Ethnomusicology 21

details of individual songs differently. Furthermore, where Blacking (1995a

[1967]) and Merriam (1964) took the community as a starting point, studying
musical performance within a bounded geographical area, Monson (1996)
took a virtual community of musicians and followed them into a variety of set-
tings. In the latter case, they were a community bounded by interests not geog-
raphy. Like Monson, in my own doctoral research (Stone 1982), I studied
musical groups from neighboring villages and traveled wherever they went to
perform, again transcending the idea of studying music within an isolated
geographic area.
Each choice of study object has a theoretical basis. In Merriam’s case, draw-
ing from a structural-functional theoretical framework, he was interested in the
interrelationship of the music system with other parts of the cultural system. In
my own case, drawing on symbolic interaction and phenomenology, I was
most interested in events, and those events took place in a variety of neighbor-
ing geographical settings. I wanted to understand processes of interaction
within that united behavior and sound. Merriam depended on a defined geo-
graphical area; in my own case I depended on the events that transcended vil-
lage boundaries. Neither approach was right or wrong. Rather, each approach
revealed different kinds of insights.
Although the different study objects that ethnomusicologists select relate
to different theoretical orientations, they also connect to a variety of method
and techniques. A paradigmatic structuralist would be far less interested in the
details of a feedback interview, for example, than a phenomenologist might be.
Thus, in this work, we associate certain techniques much more closely with
certain theoretical approaches than with others.
We also need to check how certain techniques and methods align with the
overall theoretical orientation to ascertain their compatibility. For example, a
phenomenologist is unlikely to begin research with a schedule of fixed ques-
tions. Rather he or she would conduct broad observational research initially to
investigate what questions may be important to the musicians themselves before
developing a list of questions.
Alignment of theory with method and technique is critical to the process of
inquiry. There needs to be integration in terms of assumptions being made
about the research process, and how these parts fit with one another. It is not
good enough to have a theory in mind as we conduct research. The theory
needs be compatible and integrate appropriately with the rest of the inquiry
process.
Certain theoretical orientations have developed one or another parts of the
inquiry process to a different extent. Some approaches are more elaborated in
terms of theory, others more developed in terms of method or technique.
Ethnomusicologists are actively publishing exciting new work about music
of the world’s peoples, and they seek to understand the basis of the inquiry.
What approaches are being used? How do they compare to one another? What
are the differences and the points of unity? How have approaches to this field
changed from the early days of the discipline? How are the parts of the inquiry
interrelated in each approach?
22 Chapter 1

We can examine each approach as distinct and separate, but ethnomusicolo-

gists often draw from several approaches simultaneously. Our look at specific
studies will reveal something of how scholars actually conduct their studies and
combine what will be described here as distinct theoretical orientations.

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