Psychology of Sport and Exercise 26 (2016) 139e148

Contents lists available at ScienceDirect

Psychology of Sport and Exercise

journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/psychsport

Disability sport and activist identities: A qualitative study of narratives

of activism among elite athletes’ with impairment
Brett Smith a, *, Andrea Bundon b, Melanie Best c
a
School of Sport, Exercise & Rehabilitation Sciences, University of Birmingham, Edgbaston, Birmingham, B15 2TT, UK
b
School of Kinesiology, Vancouver Campus, 210-6081 University Boulevard, Vancouver, BC V6T 1Z1, Canada
c
Institute of Sport, Faculty of Education, Health and Wellbeing, University of Wolverhampton, Walsall Campus, Gorway Road, Walsall, WS1 3BD, UK

a r t i c l e i n f o a b s t r a c t

Article history: Objectives: Sport and exercise psychology has recently expanded into how it can be utilized to enable
Received 2 June 2016 social missions like activism. No research, however, has examined activist identities among disabled, elite
Received in revised form athletes. This article is the first to engage with this new and complex issue by examining narratives of
4 July 2016
activism amongst elite athletes with impairment and their adoption/rejection of various activist
Accepted 5 July 2016
Available online 6 July 2016
identities.
Methods: Thirty-six people were recruited using maximum variation and criterion-based purposive
sampling strategies. Data was collected using interviews and fieldwork observations (e.g., observation
Keywords:
Disability
and social media material). The large data set was rigorously analyzed using a narrative thematic
Para-sport analysis.
Activist identity Results: All participants adopted an athletic identity and an athletic activist identity. A small group also
Narrative adopted a political activist identity that was concerned with challenging disablism. The athletes’ reasons
Affect for adopting or eschewing activist identities are identified and connections made to organizational
Retirement stressors, interpellation, feeling, emotional regulation, narrative, habitus, health and wellbeing. Also
revealed is the impact that sporting retirement had on activist identity construction.
Conclusions: The article makes a novel research contribution by revealing two different activist identities
within the context of disability sport and what social functions each identity might serve. It also
significantly develops knowledge by revealing various organizational stressors experienced by disabled
athletes, the importance of embodied feelings and emotional regulation in activist identity construction,
the damage that social oppression can have on wellbeing following sporting retirement, and the positive
possibilities retiring may have for developing different identities. Practical suggestions are as well
offered.
Crown Copyright © 2016 Published by Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Within the field of sport and exercise psychology, research on with work on the athletic role in recreational sport (e.g., Perrier,
disability has grown in recent years. As part of this growth, atten- Sweet, Strachan, & Latimer-Cheung, 2012; Tasiemski & Brewer,
tion has turned to elite athletes with impairment. For example, 2011), research has examined the relationship between athletic
research has examined experiences of retirement (Wheeler, identity and self-esteem among elite, disabled athletes (Van de
Malone, VanVlack, Nelson, & Steadward, 1996), mental skills use Vliet, Van Biesen, & Vanlandewijck, 2008), the effect of sports
(Martin & Malone, 2013), posttraumatic growth (Day, 2013), and participation on athletic identity and influence on quality of life
autonomy supportive coaching (Cheon, Reeve, Lee, & Lee, 2015) (Groff, Lundberg, & Zabriskie, 2009) and the role of para-sport in
among elite, disabled athletes. Research also exists on athletic the construction of disabled and athletic identities (Peers, 2012).
identity, that is, the degree to which a disabled individual identifies Whilst disability specific research within sport and exercise
with the athlete role (Brewer, Van Raalte, & Linder, 1993). Along psychology is a growing field, significant gaps in knowledge remain
(Smith, Martin, & Perrier, 2016). One gap pertains to activist ori-
entations or activist identities among elite athletes with impair-
ment. Activist identity is broadly defined as an individual’s
* Corresponding author. developed, relatively stable, yet changeable orientation to engage
E-mail address: smithbs@bham.ac.uk (B. Smith).

http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.psychsport.2016.07.003
1469-0292/Crown Copyright © 2016 Published by Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
140 B. Smith et al. / Psychology of Sport and Exercise 26 (2016) 139e148

in social missions (Corning & Myers, 2002). It involves collective, accounts, and others forms of discourse do things; our talk is
social-political, problem-solving behaviors that range from low- action-orientated. Language-in-use then is neither passive nor a
risk, passive, and institutionalized acts to high-risk, active, and neutral medium of representing thoughts, attitudes, emotions, or
unconventional behaviors that convey what is seen is needed to behavior. Rather storied language acts in, for, and on us, affecting
make a better society (Corning & Myers, 2002). Thus, individuals our thoughts, attitudes, emotions, and behavior (Frank, 2010). Thus,
with an activist identity are often advocates in the sense that they as Atkinson (2015) argued, researchers must always “have due re-
seek change for the better within society (Bundon & Hurd Clarke, gard for the fact that language accomplishes social actions and
2015; Stake & Rosu, 2012). realities” (p. 93). Or, as Wiggins and Potter (2008) put it, “to
Examining activist identities among disabled, elite athletes’ is of separate talk and action as psychologists commonly do (for
significance for several reasons. As Schinke, Stambulova, Lidor, example in distinctions such as attitudes vs. behavior) is to set up a
Papaioannou, and Ryba (2016) have noted, “there is growing in- false dichotomy, and to overlook the ways in which talk achieves
terest in how sport psychology practices and sport contexts can be things in itself” (p. 77).
crafted to enable social missions” (p. 4) and more generally how the
field might be utilized to benefit human activity. For example, in 1. Methodology and methods
position statements and ethical principles, organisations like the
International Society of Sport Psychology (ISSP) and the Applied As- The research design was rigorously developed and implemented
sociation of Sport Psychology (AASP) have promoted social missions in the following manner.
and called on sport and exercise psychologists to actively
contribute to human welfare by condoning discriminatory prac- 1.1. Methodology and sampling
tices, promoting diversity, and enabling social justice (Schinke
et al., 2016). Despite this, it has been argued that too few re- The research was underpinned by ontological relativism (i.e.,
searchers in sport and exercise psychological research explicitly reality is multiple, created, and mind-dependent) and epistemo-
focus on social missions, such as promoting diversity, tackling logical constructionism (i.e., knowledge is constructed and sub-
oppression, and examining activism (Fisher & Roper, 2015; Krane, jective). After gaining university ethical approval for the study,
2014; Smith & Perrier, 2014). Examining activist identities among participants were recruited through maximum variation and
sports people is also of significance as athletes themselves might criterion-based purposive sampling strategies (Sparkes & Smith,
make a valuable contribution to promoting social missions. This is 2014). The combination of two types of purposive sampling was
because athletes are potentially well positioned to vividly highlight chosen because the former ensures the representation of a variety
injustice both within and outside sport. For example, over the years of Paralympic sports and athletes’ experiences. The latter sampling
various athletes have engaged in activism by shining a spotlight on strategy ensured that participants were recruited who shared
issues such as racism, LGBT rights (Krane, 2014), and, in relation to particular inclusion criteria attributes. The criteria were people a)
disability, inaccessible sporting programs for disabled people aged 18 years or over b) with impairment and c) who were an
(Bundon & Hurd Clarke, 2015). actively competitive elite athlete. An elite athlete was defined as
A focus on activist identities is therefore important. It contrib- someone who had participated in elite talent programs, were in
utes to how the field of sport and psychology might be utilized to receipt of an Athlete Performance Award from UK Sport during
benefit human activity and social life. Despite this, there is a lack of their para-sport careers, competed at high level events like the
empirical work within the field on activist identities in relation to World Championships or Paralympics, and/or have experienced
disabled, elite athletes. Designed to address the aforementioned some sustained success at the highest level (Swann, Moran, &
gaps in knowledge, the purpose of this paper is to examine narra- Piggott, 2015).
tives of activism among elite athletes’ with impairment and their To recruit a sample, calls for participants were placed on social
adoption and/or rejection of possible activist identities. Our central media and websites, and letters were sent to disability sport net-
research questions were: 1) What types of activist identities, if any, works inviting people who met the sampling criteria to take part in
are constructed and performed by elite athletes’ with a disability the study. The study was described as research that sought to un-
and for what do they advocate? 2) Why, or why not, is an activist derstand people’s experiences of being a disabled athlete. Partici-
identity pertinent to them? 3) How and when do they engage in pants were not then informed about the specific topic of this
activism? 4) What social functions might their discourses serve in research. The reason for this was based on the need to recruit a
terms of disability, social missions and wellbeing? diverse sample whilst avoiding recruiting a group of people who
Theoretically, the research is informed by narrative inquiry. might first consider the research an opportunity to promote
Joining with approaches like symbolic interactionism, ethno- disability sport or their personal political views. Recruitment of
methodology, and discursive psychology, and as also shown in participants continued until data saturation was achieved. Recog-
discourse orientated work within sport and exercise psychology nizing the complexities of data saturation (e.g. there is always the
(e.g., Cosh, LeCouteur, Crabb, & Kettler, 2013; McGannon & Spence, potential for ‘the new to emerge’) (O’Reilly & Parker, 2013), this
2012), narrative inquiry considers language to be constructive. That kind of saturation best refers to an iterative process that involves
is to say, stories constitute our psychological realities, including collecting and transcribing initial data, immediately assessing it,
identity (McGannon & Smith, 2015). For narrative scholars, identity and then continuing to collect and assess data until anything ‘new’
is not something an individual ‘has’ inside them and which found adds nothing necessarily to the overall story and patterns.
emerges from their mind. Rather identities are constructed within The result was a recruited sample of 36 people (20 males and 16
social relations primarily through talk (Frank, 2010; Nelson, 2001). females aged between 23 and 40 years) who had been competing in
As part of this relational and discursive constructive process, their sport for an average of 8 years. The participants reported a
identity is performed, which means that people enact identities range of impairments (e.g., amputation, cerebral palsy, spinal cord
through their talk (Cosh et al., 2013; McGannon & Spence, 2012). In injury, visual impairment) and represented a diversity of sports
addition to our identities being constructed and performed, (e.g., athletics, canoe, cycling, swimming, triathlon, wheelchair
research has shown that language is performative (Cosh et al., 2013; basketball). Nine individuals described their impairments as
Smith, 2013; Wiggins & Potter, 2008). In other words, and echoing congenital or acquired during childhood and 27 acquired their
classic formulations of philosophical speech-act theory, stories, impairments in adulthood. The sample was also diverse in terms of
 B. Smith et al. / Psychology of Sport and Exercise 26 (2016) 139e148 141

income and employment status. opposed to being applied in a universal manner to all qualitative
research. The criteria for enhancing the quality of the work here
1.2. Data collection included the following: the worthiness of the topic; the significant
contribution of the work; rich rigor (e.g., developing a sample
Data was collected using qualitative methods synchronously, appropriate for the purpose of the study and generating data that
resulting in a large and qualitatively rich data set. All participants could provide for meaningful and significant claims); and the
were involved in a semi-structured life story interview. Each coherence of the research, which refers to how well the study co-
interview was recorded and lasted on average 2 h. In each inter- heres in terms of the purpose, methods, and results. Participant
view, the interviewer invited each participant to tell stories about reflections on our analytical interpretations were also utilized, not
their own life and how it had been lived over time. An interview in an effort to achieve theory-free knowledge, but rather to open up
guide was also used to help facilitate discussion. Questions dialogue about the fairness, appropriateness and believability of
included in the guide were, “Can you tell me about your sporting the results shared. A reflexive diary was kept in order to critically
experiences?”, “Can you describe who you are?”, “What does reflect on, for example, prior assumptions held about disability,
activism mean to you” and “Can you describe any experiences sport, and activism, and ongoing judgments about the data and
you’ve had of engaging in activism”. Clarification, elaboration, and interpretations of these. An audit trail in which two colleagues,
detail orientated probes, that is, curiosity-driven follow-up ques- acting as ‘critical friends’ (Smith & Sparkes, 2012), independently
tions were used throughout to elicit richer data (Sparkes & Smith, scrutinized data collection was additionally used. Critical friends
2014). One year after the first interview, people in the sample were also used to provide a theoretical sounding board to
who had retired from competitive sport were interviewed again. encourage reflection upon, and exploration of, alternative expla-
The rationale for a second interview with this group was based on nations and interpretations as these emerged in relation to the data
the view that retirement from elite sport might be a major epiph- (Burke, 2016; Smith & Sparkes, 2012).
any that engenders reflection and possible change in identity and
wellbeing. Eight participants retired during the project and were 2. Results
interviewed on average for 1.5 h. All data were transcribed verbatim
and participants given pseudonyms. The results are presented as follows. The theme of a sporting
Concurrently with the interviews, 70 h of observational data activist identity that all participants adopted is first highlighted. A
was collected in various contexts. For example, gym training (e.g., second activist identity concerned with challenging social oppres-
weights sessions or aerobic training in the gym), training camps in sion outside sport is then revealed. Emphasized next are the bar-
which players met, ate together, practiced skills, discussed tactics, riers to constructing and performing political activist identities.
played sport and so on, team meetings, interactions in cafe s with Thereafter retirement and the development of a new identity about
team mates and friends, and time spent in a family home were political activism are attended to. The article concludes by
observed. Data were recorded either in situ or later that day using addressing the contribution of the research, suggesting what each
fieldnotes. The method of observation was chosen because it allows identity might do, and offering practical implications.
the researcher insight into the mundane, the typical, and occa-
sionally extraordinary features of everyday life that a participant
2.1. Sporting activist identities
might not feel worth commenting on in an interview (Thorpe &
Olive, 2016). Moreover, combining observational data with inter-
All participants identified strongly with the athlete identity.
view data enables researchers to understand not just what a
Each also constructed and performed what we termed a sporting
participant says they do, but also what they do in everyday life
activist identity. Defined, this is a type of identity that advocates for
(Atkinson, 2015). In addition to these ‘real world’ observations, the
change inside sport for the purpose of transforming policy, prac-
authors were also attentive to the virtual and digital sites where
tices, and organizations that are believed to restrict ones own in-
athletes with disabilities show and perform identities (Bundon,
dividual or team sporting success. In addition to advocating for a
2016). Throughout the project, social media accounts (e.g.
consistent, fair, correct, and clearly communicated classification
Twitter) and blogs produced by athletes were also observed and
policy system (the system by which athletes with disabilities are
provided a supplementary source of material.
‘classified’ into different competitive categories based on their type
of impairment and/or functional abilities), what people with a
1.3. Data analysis and validity
sporting type of activist identity mainly advocated for was a
reduction of perceived inequalities between what able-bodied
Transcripts, fieldnotes and collected digital media were sub-
athletes received and what disabled athletes received. The
jected to an inductive thematic narrative analysis as described by
perceived inequalities, often emerging from within organizations
Riessman (2008) and Smith (2016). Initially, the authors engaged in
or the material environment, included restricted disabled parking
indwelling, which involves immersing oneself in the data, thinking
and limited accessible accommodation close to training locations, a
with stories, and generating initial ideas. Next, narrative themes e a
lack of disability specific sport equipment, minimal and precarious
pattern that runs through a story e were identified by theme-ing
financial support to train and compete, and limited access to high
the data, which means systematically coding stories for manifest
quality coaches and sport science services (particularly those with
and latent meaning. Themes were then reviewed against the entire
disability-specific awareness and knowledge). Moreover, such
data set before these were refined and combined into larger themes
perceived inequalities emerging from within the material envi-
that captured complex patterns that run through stories. This
ronment and organizations were deemed a stressor by the partic-
process led to the emergence of 4 main narrative themes, and the
ipants that could negatively impact upon their preparation for
initial naming of these.
major competitions, sporting success, emotions, and health and
The study was guided by a relativist approach to conceptualizing
wellbeing. As one female athlete said in response to being asked
validity in qualitative research (Burke, 2016; Sparkes & Smith,
‘What does activism mean to you’:
2009, 2014). This approach does not mean that ‘anything goes’.
Rather, it means that criteria for judging the quality of qualitative Activism for me is all about getting equality in sport. As an
research are drawn from an ongoing list of characterizing traits as athlete my goal ultimately is to win, and to be the best I can. But
142 B. Smith et al. / Psychology of Sport and Exercise 26 (2016) 139e148

sometimes it feels as though I can’t do this. That’s not down to would be ineligible to compete at the Paralympic Games, 29 of the
me. It’s the fault of so many things external to me, like the failure participants rejected the term disability to describe themselves,
of the [name of] organization to come up with good training preferring instead to define themselves as simply an athlete. The
facilities, parking, the lack of good coaches that understand my participants described themselves using this ‘athlete only identity
needs and what being a Paralympian is all about. But I don’t discourse’ partly as a way to legitimate their athletic status,
accept the inequalities between what we have and what competence, and talents as a sportsperson. For example, one
Olympic, able-bodied have. You see it’s a huge stress that im- participant in an interview said:
pacts on my training, what I could really do in sport, and effects
Female participant: I think of myself as an athlete, not as a
even my health and moods … Inequalities are wrong and really
woman, and certainly not as disabled.
stressful, but I don’t take it lying down. I won’t tolerate now how
some people in sport treat us. I know a lot of other para-athletes I: Why is that?
think like this too, that we get a raw deal and more needs to be
Female participant: I am 100% an athlete, that’s who I am,
done to shrink the gaps between us and Olympic athletes. That’s
totally. I train hard, I lift weights, I cover hundreds of miles, go
a big mission, but I believe in it. (Helen)
out in all weathers … I am an athlete, and want to be seen as
one, not disabled, but an athlete outright, a winner. I don’t even
How athletes responded to perceived inequalities in sport, and think of myself as disabled. I’m a Paralympian and for me that is
the stress that inequality could engender, was by sometimes all about being an athlete, not disability. (Emma)
engaging in acts of activism that they themselves perceived to be
high-risk. This included demanding change at team meetings and
Observational data further highlighted the dominance of an
via social media in confrontational ways. What was largely
‘athlete only identity discourse’ within the sample.
perceived to be at stake for the participants by engaging in such
risky acts of activism was the withdrawal of emotional (e.g. trust), During team meetings, when speaking with the media, on his
tangible (e.g. financial assistance), and informational (e.g. advice) twitter account, and in conversations with the general public it
social support from coaches or team management. What the par- has become apparent that James views himself as just an
ticipants were also risking was a rise in stress that came with the athlete. Sometimes he was often at pains to stress this. On
fear of having social support withdrawn. Notwithstanding such several occasions, like observed today when he responded on
risks and stressors, how athletes mostly performed activist iden- twitter to a tweet, he stressed that, to quote, he ‘did not see
tities was by engaging in occasional, low-risk, gentle, and institu- himself as disabled’ and was ‘an athlete just like any other elite
tionalized activist acts. For example, the participants spoke with athlete who competes at elite level.’ (James e observational field
other athletes as well as sport staff (coaches, team mangers, and notes)
performance lifestyle coordinators), about perceived inequalities
and about how reducing these gaps in equality would improve their
In contrast to the majority of participants who used athlete only
individual or team performance.
identity language, 7 people in the study, who came from a range of
I: You spoke about trying to make changes in sport. Can you tell sports and had different impairments that were either congenital
me how you’ve gone about this? or acquired, described themselves as a ‘disabled athlete’. Identi-
fying as a disabled person first and then an athlete second did not
Male participant: Not in an aggressive manner. I’d be out of the
though mean that the participant’s identification with an athletic
team I reckon if I did. You see, being a para-athlete comes with
identity was weak or diminished. Rather, they identified strongly
many challenges. Many though are not of our own making. For
with the athlete role but preferred to position disability first within
me, and others I know, there is great pressure to perform and get
their identity hierarchy to emphasize an affirmative identity. As
medals, but I’m having to battle to get things in place to do this.
described by Swain and French (2000), an affirmative identity re-
Para-athletes don’t get the same environment as able-bodied
fers to a positive identity as a person who is proud to be disabled,
athletes and sometimes the disparities between us feel so
finds benefits in living life with a disability, and wishes to affirm a
wrong because we could do so much better if we had the same
connection with other people who have an impairment. Partici-
as them. I know I could … I’m not saying I can change the world
pants also adopted the discourse of a ‘disabled athlete’ to as a way
of para-sport here. I’m not naïve. But I can do my little bit. I’ve
to counter negative discourses of disability, including those that
spoken up at training camps about how bad our food is, I’ve
depict disabled people simply as vulnerable, dependent, pitiful,
pushed for competitions that treat us as good as able-bodied
tragic victims, or not ‘normal’.
athletes, and said we need the same access to sport science
support … Still, when you do speak up there are risks, like I: How would you describe yourself?
thinking, if I tell the coach to stop patronizing me, will he just
Male participant: I’m disabled, and that defines me. I’d describe
walk away or not give his all. So mostly I’m like, yes this is
myself as a disabled athlete, in that order. I’m an athlete, for sure.
wrong, things need improving, but I don’t go overboard. There’s
But I’m more than an athlete. I’m first and foremost a disabled
too much to lose, and it’s emotionally quite draining I reckon
person … Disability isn’t just about me, my body, or Paralympic
too. So I’m more like, I go about things in a gentler, subtle
sport, or winning a medal. It’s political because when you’re
manner, wanting to make change but not upset the apple cart.
disabled society often treats you like a second-class citizen, as if
(Harry)
being disabled is a horrible, abnormal thing, and we should be
grateful for help or pity. That’s wrong. It needs challenging, and
Whilst all the participants constructed and performed a sport- if I can use my status as an athlete to do this, to bring disability
ing activist identity by advocating for change inside sport, there rights to people’s attention, then that’s as good as any gold
were important differences amongst them in terms of where they medal … I’m proud to be disabled. I’m disabled and then an
discursively positioned ‘athlete’ in their identity hierarchy. Whilst athlete, a disabled athlete. Unfortunately I don’t see too many of
Paralympians are, de facto, individuals with a disability else they us about in sport like this. (Mark)
 B. Smith et al. / Psychology of Sport and Exercise 26 (2016) 139e148 143

activist political identity had force was because the participant’s felt
they must respond to a call made their own body.
3. Political activist identity
I: You’ve said a lot that you’re, to use your words, ‘a disabled
activist who is also very much an athlete’. Are there any reasons
The majority of the participants confined activist behaviors to
why you were drawn to activism?
advocating for change inside sport. However, the 7 participants
who described themselves as a ‘disabled athlete’ did engage in Male participant: There are a few. This might sound strange, but
activism both inside and outside sport. In so doing, they con- it was a feeling, deep inside me that told me it was wrong to
structed and performed another identity, what we termed a po- ignore the injustices I heard about and saw were happening
litical activist identity. Defined, a political activist identity refers to when I stepped outside of sport … The only way I can explain
a type of identity that advocates for change outside sport for the my initial decision to be an activist was that it felt wrong
purpose of resisting and transforming discourses, attitudes, non- knowing what happens to disabled people and I knew, in my
verbal acts, policies, and environmental structures that socially body by how I suddenly felt, that I should do something. I had to.
oppress people in their everyday lives. Accordingly, this type of If I ignored that feeling, what person would I be? (Matthew)
activist identity is different to an athletic activist identity in that
activist acts are conducted outside of the sporting context. More-
Of course, people can refuse interpellation and avoid taking on
over, what these actions were directed at challenging was disabl-
board a political activist identity they have been called by their
ism, not for reasons to do with sporting performance, but rather to
corporeal feelings to adopt. But, this was not the case for the 7
collectively improve the everyday lives of disabled people. Disabl-
people. Reasons for this relate to an embodied narrative encultur-
ism refers to the social oppression disabled people encounter
ation and socialization process that involved first being inducted to
(Goodley, 2016). It involves the social imposition of restrictions of
a story of oppression that soon acted on them as a subjectifier by
activity on people with impairments and the socially engendered
arousing imagination, offering a new narrative map and connecting
undermining of their physical health and psychological or subjec-
people, and then over time, the stories that acted on and for them
tive wellbeing (Thomas, 2014). As one female participant said:
formed a narrative habitus around a political activist identity. Spe-
Being a disabled athlete is a privilege in many ways. When you cifically, whilst “language interpellates or ‘calls out’ feeling, orga-
really look outside sport and the comfortable life it gives you, nizing experience in accord with regimes of discourse” (Cromby,
what you see is unfortunately a lot of misery and difficulties for 2015, p. 101), people also require access to certain discourses in
disabled people. None of it our fault, very little anyway. The order to help inform them, in the sense of providing information,
problems largely fall at the door of society, for not thinking we about political activist identities. In other words, in order to know
can excel at work, for not adapting buildings, people staring at about activist identities they needed to be introduced to stories of
disabled people when they shop in a supermarket, a lack of activism, what might be termed narrative induction. A key way in
accessible transport, bad stadiums, welfare cuts, cruel jokes, and which they were inducted to discourses about activism was by
even physical violence. The list goes on. When you step outside hearing stories from other disabled people outside of sport about
of sport you hear all about the damage being done to disabled oppression and the damage disablism can do. Being introduced to
people and get to experience it first hand. It’s wrong. It’s these stories not only helped organize and make sense of their
oppressive. People can’t enjoy gyms, get a job, struggle to watch embodied feelings. The stories moreover helped perform the work
their football team, or even afford to buy healthy food or live in a of identity subjectification, that is, “telling people who they ought to
house that meets their needs. People are suffering, that’s the be, who they might like to be and who they can be” (Frank, 2006, p.
reality of it. And if I can use my identity as an athlete to help 430).
change things, I will and do. I’m proud of being an athlete, and Whilst a story as a subjectifier does not determine people as
have a very strong identity as a political disabled athlete too. individuals can reject stories as not for them, the participants did
This didn’t happen overnight though. It was a while before I felt get caught up in political stories, and these left their mark. A reason
the calling. (Rachel) for this lies in the capacities that, according to Frank (2010), equip
narratives to have the effects they have. For the participants, stories
aroused their imagination by making the unseen not only visible
There were various reasons why the 7 participants constructed
but also emotionally compelling. Stories as subjectifiers further had
and performed a political activist identity. Five participants began
the capacity to provide what Pollner and Stein (1996) termed a
the process of developing this kind of identity prior to being an elite
narrative map. Narrative maps are guides that experienced people
athlete and 2 when competing at athletes, partly as a result of being
offer to newcomers who are at a gateway to an unfamiliar world. As
interpellated to activism. Interpellation is the social constitutive
a map, the stories people share provide orientation, information
process where individuals are “hailed”dcalleddto acknowledge
and advice about how to navigate a new social world and the
and respond to ideologies to be certain individuals’ as subjects
negotiation of new identities in unfamiliar situations (Pollner &
(Frank, 2010). The people in this study were interpellated to take up
Stein, 1996). Moreover for the participants, stories had the capac-
an activist political identity by at least two embodied, socialized,
ity to connect them with other people who performed activist
and relational forces: one of affect and feeling and one of narrative.
identities. In so doing, the stories brought multiple actors together
As part of the affective turn, it has been argued that we are feeling
to produce a collective story of activism and a network of activists,
bodies and act on how we feel (Burkitt, 2014; Cromby, 2015;
thereby enhancing the force of narratives to call and capture peo-
Damasio, 1994). That is, we feel various embodied intensities,
ple’s imagination (Frank, 2010). As one female athlete put it:
sensations, directions, desires, and valences corporeally and these
feelings, provided for us by our bodies, can impel us to certain Sport is very insular. But for me I felt anger when I heard what is
identities that have been called out. For example, participants happening to disabled people who don’t have the luxury of
explained that they took up political activist identities partly being in sport. There are problems in sport, don’t get me wrong,
because of their ‘gut feelings’, what Damasio (1994) theorized as and which I’m happy to protest about. But the big issue is what
affective somatic markers for informing identity identification and is going on out there. When I was introduced to other disabled
guiding behavior. Likewise, why the interpellation to take up an
144 B. Smith et al. / Psychology of Sport and Exercise 26 (2016) 139e148

people, it was like a wake-up call. I knew in my body something said to the person, “One thing you should know is that I had to
was wrong, and as well people were telling me so many stories fight hard to get access to this weights area. People didn’t want
about the horrors they were going through and how together me here. Bad for business I was told. But I wouldn’t let it go. I
we could do something. They opened my eyes to a new world fought it and here I am. But compared to most disabled people, I
and I wanted to be part of their cause, and fight for the rights of have it easy. I’ve left a petition about welfare cuts at the front
disabled people …. When I heard all these stories about how desk. If you’ve the time please read it, and hopefully you’ll
disabled people are badly treated in society it got me angry, very support us.” An hour later I watched as the young man read and
emotional, and I couldn’t help but imagine that could be me. signed the petition … Edward later sent a tweet about the cuts
Now I feel as though this political side is part of me, that it’s and why he believed these were dangerous for disabled people.
important to who I am, it’s engrained in me. I suppose you might (Edward - observational field notes)
say that it’s in my veins now. I don’t hesitate to tell someone
now if they are being prejudiced against disabled people, write
an email to MP [Member of Parliament], or pipe up when I hear
people say disabled people are a drain on society. It’s natural
3.1. Barriers and risks to constructing and performing political
now to act like this. (Janice)
activist identities

As suggested above, over time stories of oppression and activism There were two main reasons as to why the majority of partic-
that the participants first heard, provided information, aroused ipants did not construct political activist identities. Although
imagination, and connected them with other people who engaged disabled people still regularly face disablism in society (Goodley,
in activism, turned into an embodied companion to tacitly guide 2016), most people in the study assumed that disabled people
and predispose actions by becoming part of their narrative habitus. were now largely treated fairly, equally, and respectfully in society.
This type of habitus (Frank, 2010) refers to the embedding of stories Thus, it was reasoned that engaging in activism outside sport was
in bodies to hear certain stories, immediately and intuitively, as largely needless. A second reason for the absence of a political
belonging to one’s body and self. As Frank (2010) put it, although activist identity was that it was presumed that, even if activism was
narrative habitus is never determinism, it is “a disposition to hear truly needed, a political activist identity was incompatible with an
some stories as those one ought to listen to, ought to repeat on athletic identity. For example, people thought their sport organi-
appropriate occasions, and ought to be guided by” (p. 53). It de- zations and sponsors would be offended if they engaged in social
scribes the embodied sense of attraction, indifference, or repulsion justice issues outside of sport. As a result, they feared the with-
that people feel in response to stories which leads them to define drawal of funding, endorsements, or sponsorship that was neces-
some story as for us or not for us. Narrative habitus, therefore, “is sary for maintaining a strong athletic role. In addition, it was
the unchosen force in any choice to be interpellated by a story, and presumed that engaging in activism would engender negative
the complementary rejection of the interpellation that other stories emotions that would negatively impact on their athletic identity
would effect if a person were caught up in them” (p. 53). Another due to the need for repeated emotional self-regulation e “the use of
example of the participant’s narrative habitus that predisposed automatic or deliberate strategies to initiate, maintain, modify or
them to be called to stories of activism can be seen in the following display one’s own emotions” (Tamminen & Crocker, 2013, p. 738).
comments from a male participant (Ken): “I’m political. I’m not sure For instance, performing a political activist identity during social
I’d be allowed to have it any other way, well, that’s how it feels. And interactions was assumed to require the management of emotions
of course, all this dictates what I do. It’s natural for me now to by deliberately inhibiting outward displays of emotion. Such an
challenge discrimination and give my voice to campaigns to make expressive suppression response-focused strategy for regulating
life better for disabled people.” emotions would, in turn, require significant coping efforts and
How and when the participants performed a political activist consume cognitive resources, resulting in negative training, re-
identity in predisposed ways was diverse. For example, using their covery, and performance outcomes (Wagstaff, Hanton, & Fletcher,
platform in sport as a vehicle to help counter disablism in society, 2013).
they purposefully shared stories about the damage done to disabled
I: Why do you say you’ve no interest in disability politics?
people in society and what might be done to change this with other
athletes who they perceived to be widely unaware of how wide- Female participant: I don’t hear too many bad things happening
spread oppression was. Notably this process, they claimed, helped to disabled people. So I guess there isn’t much point in acting
change some athletes’ views and narratively inducted them into a political. But even if there was, I suspect it would be too
political activist identity. Participants would also challenge people emotionally draining to get involved. That and you’d have to
they encountered in public places, like in the street, shop, or gym, keep your emotions hidden. You can’t bubble over in public. I
for suggesting that all disabled people are vulnerable, pitiful, and/or couldn’t afford any of that as an athlete … My focus and energy
welfare ‘scroungers’. Other ways how participants sought to resist needs to be on training, going for a medal, which is about being
disablism and improve disabled peoples’ lives was by writing to an athlete, not wasting emotional energy on getting involved in
their local Member of Parliament, signing petitions, producing political stuff and trying to keep my emotions in check. But as I
blogs or tweets, engaging in organized protest rallies, and con- say, I don’t think disabled people have it bad now. (Hannah)
fronting senior people in organizations to demand oppressive
policies and structures, like inaccessible environments, were
In contrast to the majority of participants who assumed acts of
changed.
activism were a barrier or risk to the athlete role and associated
Observing Edward train in the gym today. Whilst I was helping peak performance, the small group of people who did construct and
put away some weights, I watched him chat with another male perform a political activist identity said they both strongly identi-
gym member. “Yes, I’m training for the Paralympics. I’m a fied with an athletic identity and believed sporting achievement
disabled athlete,” he responded to a question asking if he was a never suffered as result of their activism. This is not to say that
Paralympian. Following a short conversation about how great engaging in activism was easy or straightforward initially for the 7
sport was and that he’d won a medal at the last Paralympics, he participants. When political views were expressed and oppression
 B. Smith et al. / Psychology of Sport and Exercise 26 (2016) 139e148 145

challenged they sometimes encountered anger, alienation, or hos- With new first-hand experience of how society often treats
tility from sporting organizations, athletes, and the general public. disabled people, coupled with witnessing stories from other
This made it difficult to act effectively at first. Anger, alienation, or disabled people about the damage oppression causes, the partici-
hostility could also engender negative emotions for the partici- pants began constructing a political activist identity. As one female
pant’s, harming their wellbeing. That said, it was suggested that participant said:
with experience they became competent at enacting political
Sport is like being in a bubble, and now I realize buffers you from
activist identities and, in turn, harm to wellbeing was very rare. One
what are very real daily problems most disabled people face.
reason for this relates to their narrative habitus and use of certain
Yes, I had access difficulties as an athlete. But these were small in
emotional regulation strategies.
comparison to what I now face. I regularly experience people
According to Frank (2010), “narrative habitus provides the
openly gawping at me, hear a lot of negative attitudes leveled at
competence” (p. 53) to use stories and perform identities. This is
disabled people, which I thought were in the last century, am
because with experience people develop a disposition to know, in
made to feel invisible or I’m really not wanted, have experienced
the body and mostly tacitly, what acts fit which occasion, who
a lot of insults and even some threats, and, well, that’s the tip of
wants to hear what activist story and when, and how others will
the iceberg of the discrimination I face, and we face as disabled
react to a story that might be told to challenge oppression. Whilst
people … I thought everything by and large was fine for disabled
never perfect or guaranteed, narrative habitus can thus enable
people when I played sport. But no - how wrong I was! I couldn’t
knowing, as if one were on narrative automatic pilot, how to
have been further from the truth. The stories disabled people
effectively perform political identities without serious negative
told me about the daily discrimination they face and how hard it
impact on emotion during and after interactions. Important in the
is to survive shocked me, and I soon realized that my experi-
process was the development of strategies for both emotional self-
ences since retiring were so similar. That set me on a path to
regulation and interpersonal emotional regulation e the “verbal
where I am today, a person who still loves sport but also a
and nonverbal actions which influence others’ emotions”
person who wants to make a difference by confronting
(Tamminen & Crocker, 2013, p. 738) - that over time became part of
discrimination and wanting to change things so our lives as
their habitus. For example, constituted from life experiences over a
disabled people can be better. I must say too that this has had a
period of time participants used reappraisal strategies, such as
very big, positive impact on my confidence, happiness, esteem,
altering their emotion experience by changing thoughts, to manage
relationships. (Liz)
any potential negative interactions and emotions. Other useful
positive strategies for regulating emotions that formed part of their
habitus for communicating activist points effectively were humor, Whilst developing a new identity was not easy following
smiling, cue words to calm people down, and prosocial actions, like retirement, the participants proposed that with the intimate
taking into consideration the needs of others (Tamminen & Crocker, knowledge of the damaging nature of disablism they now had, if
2013). As one male said: they could go back in time, they would unequivocally have done
several things differently whilst being an elite athlete. One of these
Challenging the problems, and the physical and psychological
included adopting an athletic identity, athletic activist identity, and
abuse disabled face is now second nature to me. I don’t have to
a political identity. The participants also suggested that other ath-
think about it. That wasn’t always the case though. I had to learn
letes would benefit from adopting these multiple identities. This
to control my emotions and anticipate how other people might
was especially so given the negative impact retirement initially had
react to what I would say as it was a fine line between making
on their health and wellbeing due to not just direct social oppres-
them angry and getting my point across … Early on some people
sion, but also limited post-sport employment opportunities, psy-
got me so angry that I blew up at them, which you learn doesn’t
chological difficulties dealing with the loss of sport, and a reduced
help, and a few athletes started to ignore me. But eventually it all
quality of life. As one male said:
clicks in place and becomes natural. I know when to smile to
take the heat out of someone now, make a joke to get my point Retiring from competitive sport hit me psychologically. It left me
across, or think, ok, this isn’t going to work, change approach or struggling. I wasn’t happy. I was miserable a lot. I lost a lot of
leave it for later. (Martin) confidence too. And to add to all this, I woke up in a world that I
didn’t really recognize … When I retired and was out of the
sporting bubble I started to see the world very differently. My
impairment was a route into professional sport, but now society
4. Retirement and the development of a political activist
treats me like a second-class citizen. It’s left me first angry, but
identity
soon more defiant, especially when I was told, by strangers, that
I’m a drain on society and would be better off dead. I wasn’t
Eight athletes retired from playing sport competitively during
going to let people off the hook and I felt I needed to do
the study. In interviews with them before they retired, none
something. Battling for disability rights is now a daily part of my
adopted a political activist identity whilst in sport. However,
life, it’s part of who I am now … And if I could offer one bit of
analysis of data collected one year following retirement from
advice to athletes in sport now it would be: ‘Don’t believe all is
playing revealed that 7 of the 8 athletes now constructed and
rosy for disabled people. It isn’t. When you retire, you’ll find this
performed this type of identity. Several connected reasons were
out pretty quickly and retirement will be even more difficult
suggested for constructing a new identity. Whereas the one
because of the discrimination we face. Retirement will be much
participant who did not construct a political activist identity
more difficult to adjust to. Start being politically active as an
returned to sport in a coaching capacity, the other seven left sport
athlete, or at least aware. Use your status as an athlete to bring
completely. They reflected that sport largely buffered them from
attention to disability rights if you can … It isn’t time
the everyday realities disabled people in society generally face.
consuming. For instance, sending a tweet highlighting problems
When they retired from sport the participants were however no
only takes 30 seconds.’ (Ian)
longer buffered. As a result, they soon began to personally experi-
ence and witness profound disablism. This shattered their previ-
ously held assumptions about the absence of oppression in society.
146 B. Smith et al. / Psychology of Sport and Exercise 26 (2016) 139e148

5. Closing thoughts unintentionally too, the narrative shifts attention away from the
social oppression that damages the lives of many to considering
Drawing on a large qualitative data set rigorously developed, disabled people as ‘tragic victims’ who can be ‘saved’ by sport and
this research is the first within sport and exercise psychology to the largely able-bodied people associated with para-sport Games.
explicitly examine activist identities among elite athletes with In contrast to an athlete-only identity discourse and athletic
impairment. The article also contributes to research, including the activist identity, what the discourses of a political activist identity
fields of (critical) disability studies and the sociology of sport, by and a disability first identity (i.e. ‘I’m a disabled athlete’) can do is
identifying two different types of activist identities disabled, elite act as a counter-narrative. According to Nelson (2001), counter-
athletes construct. Research, be it qualitative and/or quantitative, narratives are purposive acts of moral definition that set out to
should therefore consider in the future activist identities in the resist “and repair the damage inflicted on identities by abusive
plural. Interpretations were offered concerning why identities were power systems” (p. xiii). Acting as counter-narratives, what the
constructed or not, when and how an activist identity was per- identity discourses of political activism and ‘I am a disabled athlete’
formed, and the costs and benefits to wellbeing associated with do is resist disablism and circulate affirmative identities. In so do-
different identities. In addition, the article develops novel insights ing, these discourses hold great potential for evoking social change
into various contemporary concerns within sport and exercise and generating positive ways of being as a disabled person. What
psychology as well as (critical) disability studies and the sociology the political activist and disability first identities also may do is
of sport. For example, in terms of career transition research not only promote a social relational model and a human rights model,
was the negative impact of retirement on wellbeing for disabled thereby bolstering possibilities for change and the promotion of
people revealed (Wheeler et al., 1996). It was suggested that social affirmative identities. Building on the social model, the social
oppression could increase damage to wellbeing following retire- relational model proposes that disabled people can experience
ment from competitive sport. The possibilities retiring may have for various forms of indirect or direct social oppression that restrict
developing different identities that can positively impact on well- activities and damage wellbeing (Thomas, 2014). Encountering the
being were noted too. The article moreover adds to the organiza- social relational model can positively change how people view
tional stress literature in sport (Arnold, Fletcher, & Brown, 2016). disability and equip them with a vocabulary to further resist dis-
Research in this area has overlooked elite, disabled athletes. This ablism (Smith & Perrier, 2014). For instance, people can move from
article however suggests that disabled athletes, as a result of thinking that the ‘solution’ to the ‘problem’ of disability lay squarely
perceived inequalities within sporting organizations, encounter with ‘them’ (the individual) to believing that society produces
some similar stressors (e.g., leadership and team issues) to ablee- disability. Such a move can be empowering and affirmative for
bodied athletes as well as distinct stressors (e.g., the lack of people. It also means that attempts to improve wellbeing, envi-
disability-specific coaching and inaccessible environments). ronmental structures, societal attitudes, and media representations
Further, the article extends into research on feeling and emotion. of disabled people must involve challenging disablism within so-
The importance of embodied feelings for motivating the develop- ciety. In contrast to the social relational model, the human rights
ment of identity for disabled athletes was highlighted. The use of model is embedded in a legal convention - the United Nations’
emotional regulation and various strategies in constraining and Convention on the Rights of People with Disabilities (United
enabling the development of activist identities was noted. It was Nations, 2006). It promotes change at a national and interna-
suggested that emotions and feelings should not be subordinated to tional level through eight principles (e.g. disabled people have the
cognition or the mind. Emotion and feeling are instead often rights to equality of accessibility) that, if implemented, helps enable
somewhat ineffable and emergent from and immanent within the disabled people to claim their rightful place in society (Smith &
flows of language and embodied social relationships. Bundon, in-press).
With regard to what the participant’s discourses of identity With regard to practical opportunities, one possibility lies in
might do e the social functions -, several suggestions are proposed. amplifying stories of activism. By amplifying stories we mean
Whilst athletic activist discourses offer some resistance to in- seeking to expand peoples’ narrative resources through sharinge
equalities inside sport, what the combination of using an athlete- not prescribing but offering - different stories about activist iden-
only identity discourse and eschewing a political activist identity tities and showing what each story might do. One possible way to
may do is reproduce both a medical model understanding of share stories, and which currently is being discussed with disability
disability and a ‘supercrip’ narrative. A medical model defines sport organisations, is through workshops with athletes, perfor-
disability as any lack of ability resulting from impairment to mance lifestyle advisors, and coaches. The rationale for amplifying
perform an activity within the range considered normal for a per- stories is based not just in organizational mandates to promote
son (Goodley, 2016). One problem with the medical model is that social missions and take care of athletes’ wellbeing. It is grounded
disability is depicted as abnormal, inevitably a personal physical in narrative theory and research (e.g., Frank, 2006, 2010; Nelson,
tragedy, and every time a psychological trauma that should be 2001; Pollner & Stein, 1996; Smith, Tomasone, Latimer-Cheung, &
overcome. Thus, being disabled is portrayed as always a ‘bad’ thing Martin Ginis, 2015) along with the findings of this study. The
that must be eradicated. Another danger with the model is that any former has suggested that in addition to stories being a highly
solutions to ‘disability’ are directed at the individual, thereby effective way to communicate knowledge, and because narratives
leaving social oppression unchallenged and placing the weight of are emotionally engaging and compelling, narratives as sub-
responsibility onto the person to seek a ‘solution’ to their problem jectifiers can be useful for what Freire (2005) termed con-
(Goodley, 2016; Smith & Bundon, in-press). A supercrip refers to an scientization. Also shown to be beneficial in community based
athlete who, with courage, hard work and dedication, proves that participatory action research (Schinke & Blodgett, 2016), con-
one can accomplish the impossible and heroically triumph over the scientization refers to the process of breaking through prevailing
‘tragedy’ of disability through sport (Smith et al., 2016). Whilst assumptions and mythologies through sharing stories (and other
numerous disabled athletes themselves might not see themselves means) to reach new levels of awareness. Stories further help
as a ‘supercrip’, for some disabled people inside sport (Peers, 2012) constitute our identities and, as subjectifiers, can arouse imagina-
as well as outside of sport (Braye, Dixon, & Gibbons, 2013), the tion and act as narrative maps for possibly learning new identities.
supercrip narrative provides an artificial stereotype of disability by Thus, by bringing in more stories people’s narrative resources can
misrepresenting the wider population of disabled people. Perhaps be expanded to potentially enable the construction of different
 B. Smith et al. / Psychology of Sport and Exercise 26 (2016) 139e148 147

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