STATE AND ECONOMY

Structure
19.0 Objectives
19.1 Introduction
19.2 Distribution of Revenue Resources
19.2.1 Iqta and lrhPtlsl
' 19.2.2 The iqta System in Operation
19.2.2 Land Grants
19.3 Land Revenue and its Extraction
19.3.1 Agrarian Measures of Alauddin Khalii
19.3.2 Agrarian Measures of Muhammad Tughluq
19.4 Alauddin Khalji's Market Control
19.5 Currency System
19.6 Slavery and Slave Trade
19.7 Let Us Sum Up
19.8 Key Words
19.9 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

This Unit discusses how the Ghorian conquest and the establishment of the Delhi
Sultanate affected the Indian ecoriomy. It also attempts to highlight the changes that
occurred during the course of the Sultanate.
After-going through this Unit you will be able to learn about:
the nature of land revenue system and its extraction,
the mechanism of distribution of revenue resources,
price control measures of Alauddin Khalji,
the use of slaves in urban economy and sources of enslavement, and
- thk increasing use of money in economy and the currency system.

19.1 INTRODUCTION
'-
The conquest of,Northern India by the Ghorids and the establishment of the Delhi
Sultanate not only changed tfre existing political structure but also brought, economic
change?. The conquerors came with fairly well-defined concepts and piactices , ,. -
regarding tax collection and distribution, ahd system of coinage, etc. But the existing
systems could'not be changed altogether immediately: in the beginning, these were
superimposed on the older systems, and modifications and changes were introduced
by different Sultans uptb the close of the 15th century.
The new rulers wanted luxuries and comforts according to their taste and habits. The
slave labour was thus a great help to provide these.
In the opinion of Muhammad Habib, the economic changes that occurred as a
consequence of the establishment of the Delhi Sultanate created an organisation
considerably superior to the one that had existed before. He felt that the changes
were drastic enough to deserve the designation of 'Urban Revolution' and 'Rural
Revolution'. D.D. Kdsarnbi recognised that 'hidebound customs in the adoptation
and transmission of new techniques' were broken down by the 'Islamic raiders', but
he regarded the changes no more than intensifying elements already present in Indian
.-
'feudalism'.
In this Unit we will study the economic institutions and changes that the Delhi
Sultanate introduced.

19.2 DISTRIBUTION OF REVENUE RESOURCES

During the 13th century, large territories rapidly passed into the hands of the Sultans.
Economy of Delh. ...,-_L,d rhi-c.c.ve$ And their troops by plundering or by~xtracting
tribute from
. .. - the defeated and subjdgated rural aristocracies. Unlike the previous rulers, the
soldiers were paid their salaries in cash.
The regions that refused to pay land-tax or kharaj were known as mawas and were
plundered or forced to pay through military raids. Gradually a mechanism of
simultaneous revenue rcollection and distribution had tohe introduced.

19.2.1 Iqta and Kbalisa

The new rulers brought with them the iqta system that combined the two functions of
revenue collection and distribution without immediately endangering the unity of
political structure. The iqta was a territorial assignment and its holder was called the
muqti or the wali. The classical definition of the iqta system has been given by
Nizam-ul Mulk Tusi, a Seljuq statesinan of the 11th century (see Block 5). ~ c c o r & g
to Tusi's definition, the iqta was a revenue assignment that the muqti held a t the
pleasure of Sultan. m e muqti was entitled to collect in proper manner t& land tax
and other taxes due to the Sultan, he had no further claims on the person, women and
children, land or other possessions of the cultivators. The muqti had certain
obligations to the Sultan the chief being the maintenance of troops and furnishing
them at call to the Sultan. The iqta was a transferable charge and the transfers of
iqta s were frequent.
Khalisa: The territory whose revenues were directly collected for the Sultan's own
treasury was designat d khaIiba. Its size seems to have expanded quite considerably

4
under,Alauddin Khal". But the k h d h did not appear to consist of shifting territories
scattered throughout he country. In all probability, Delhi along with its surrounding
district, including parts of Doab remained in khalisa. In Iltutmish's time, Tabarhinda
(Bhatinda) too was in khalisa. Under Alauddin Khalji, the. khelisP.cdvered the
whole of middle Doab and parts of Rohilkhand. But during the days of Feroz
Tughluq, the khalisa perhaps had reduced considerably in size.
Iltutmish (1210-36) is reported to have assigned in lieu of salaries "small iqtas" in the
Doab to the soldiers bf the Sultan's army (hashm qalb). palban (1266-86) made a
half-hearted attempt tit' their resumption without success. It was Alauddin Khalji
(1296-1316) who established firmly the practice of payment of salaries in cash to the
soldiers. A practice that was again altered by Feroz Tughluq who began to assign
villages to soldiers in lieu of their salaries. These assignments were called wqjh and
the holders wajhdars, These assignments tended to be not only permanent but
hereditary.

19.2.2 The Iqta Spstem in Operation

L _ & & _ - -.=*
-.
>.

You have already read about the Iqta system in Block 5. Here, we are adding a few
more aspects. In the tarly years of the foundation of the Sultanate, neither the
revenue income of these assignments was known nor the size of the contingent of the
assignee was fixed. However, certain modifications and mild attempts at introducing
central control to some-extent were made by Balban (1266-86) when he appointed a
khwaja (accountant) with each muqti: this may imply that the Sultanate now was
trying to find out the actual income of the iqta and muqti s expenditure.
'I'he real interventiorl in the iqta administration came under Alauddin Khalji. The
central finace department (diwan-i wizarat) perhaps prepared some sort of an
estimated revenue inicome from each iqta. The audit was stringent, punishments
severe, transfers frequent and enhancements (taufir) were often made in the
estimated revenue i w m e of theiqta on various pretexts.
Ghiyasuddin ~ u g h l u q(1320-25) introduced some moderation. The enhancements in
the estimated revenup income by the central finance ministry wds not to be more than
1/10 or 1111th annually. The muqtis v:ere allowed to keep 1110th to 1120th in excess of
their sanctioned salqies.
The auempt at centre1 intervention reached its climax during the timi of Muhwmad
Tughluq (1325-51). h several cases. a walk and an Pmir was appointed to the same
temtory. The wali wbs to collect revenue and, after deducting his pay, to send the rest
to the treasury. or commander had nothing to do with revenue realization
anrl thn ealnmr nf h i e t r n n n e in ,-sch nrmcmnmghlv Fmm th..
 reign the troops of the iqta holders were paid in cash by the state's treasury. This State and
. Eammv
possibility infuriated the commanders and created political problems for Muhammad
Tughluq. Feroz Tughluq, therefore, decided to make concessions. He enhanced the
cash salahes of the nobles and got new estimates of revenue (mahsul) prepared which
I
was designated jama. ,
There was no attempt to restore central control by the successors of Feroz. Under the
Lodis (1451-1526),'the administrative charges and revenue assignments were
combined together and these were no more called iqta but were simply called sarkars
and parganas. A system of sub-assignments came in vogue particularly under
Sikandar Lodi (1489-1517). The main assignees used to sub-assign portions of their
assignment to their subordinates who in turn made sub-assignments to their soldiers.

19.2.3 Land Grants

As you know already, the religious persons and institutions such as dargahs,
mosques, madraw and other dependents of the ruling class were maintained by
making grants of revenue income. These revenue grants were called milk, idrar, and
in am. These grants were not generally resumed or transferred. But the Sultan had
the right to cancel them. Alauddin Khalji is reputed to have cancelled almost all
grants. Ghiyasuddin Tughluq too cancelled large number of grants. However, Feroz
Tughluq made a departure and not only returned all the previously resumed grants
but also made new grants as well. In spite of this generosity of the Sultan, according
t o the figures recorded by Afif, the total grants by the Sultan accounted only for about
one-twentieth of the total jama (estimated revenue income). Nobles, too, made
revenue grants out of their own iqtas. Noticeably, the Sultans made grants not only in
the khalisa but also in the iqtcrs. These grants covered cultivated as well as cultivable
areas not yet brought under plough.

Check Your Progress 1

1) How will you define iqta?
. , t

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4 .

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2) p a t changes were introduced in the iqta system by Muhammad Tughluq? . ,

3 Mark ( d )against the correct and (x) against the wrong statements given below:
(a) Alauddin Khalji allowed the muqtis to keep the excess income from their
.iqtas. . .
(b) Ghiyasuddin Tughluq handed over iqtas to revenue-farmers.
(c) The jama under Feroz Tughluq meant the estimated revenue income.

19-3 LAND REVENUE AND ITS EXTRACTION

f i e Islamic land tax with which the new rulers of India were familiar was kharaj. The
,kharaj was essentially a share in the produce of the land and not a rent on the land?
During the 13th century, the kharaj took by and large the form of tribute. As
mentioned earlier, this tribute was paid, in lump sum, either by the potentates
Economy of ~elbiSultanate some arrangement. Alternatively, from the recalc~trantareas (mawas) where such
arrangements were hot possible, the tribute was extorted through plundering raids. It,
was thus probably mostly in the form of cattle and slaves.
The sources of ~ e l d Sultanate
i do not suggest that before the reign of Alauddin
Khalji (12961316) any serious attempt was made to systematise the.assessment and '

realization of kharaj.

19.3.1 Agrarian Measures of Alauddin Khalji

You have already rehd (Block 5) .in some detail about the agra;ian measures of
Alauddin Khalji. ~ iattempt
i wa%toincrease the revenue collection by enhancing the
demand, introducing direct collection and cutting down the leakages to the '
intermediaries.
As you know, the demand was thus fixed in kind but realization appears to be mostly
in cash. Barani informs us that the revenue collectors were ordered to demand the
revenue with such rigour that the peasants should be forced to sell their produce
immediately at the side of the fields. At another place, Barani says that Alauddin
Khalji brought the q o a b into khalisa apd the tax (mahsul) from there was spent on
paying the cash salaqies to the soldiers.
Yet there is a rathericontradictory statement by the same author that the Sultan
ordered that the peakant should pay tax in kind and not in cash. According to Itfan
Habib, it seems to hdve reference to only some parts of the khalisa in the Doab. From
there the Sultan wanted to obtain supplies for his granaries. Otherwise the realization
was normally in cash'.
Yet these new measures affected the rural intermediaries which we will discuss in
Unit 20. .
The system of taxation introduced by Alauddin seems to have lasted for long though -
Gh~yasuddinTughluq (1320-25) modified it to.some extent and exempted the khots
aod muqaddamsfrom paying tax on their cultivation and cattle. But he did not permit
them to impose any cesces on the peasants.

19.3.2 Agrarian Measures of Muhammad Tughluq

~ u h a m m i dTughluq, first extended Alauddin Khalji's system of revenue collection
based on measurement to Gujarat. Malwa, Deccan, South India and Bengal. At a
later,stage, the scale of agrarian taxation wgs enhanced considerably. Barani's
statement that the increase amounted to 20 or 10 times is undoubtedly a rhetoric but
it certainly gives the impression of an enormous increase. Barani suggests that
additional new imposts (abwab) were levied. Of the other taxes. kharaj, chard and
ghari were more rigorously collected. According to Yahya, cattle were branded and
cottages counted to avoid any concealments. B U more~ important than these
measures was the fact that for assessment of kharaj, wafa-i-farmani (officially
decreed yields) and drkh-i-farmani (officially decreed prices) were used. The
statement very clearly implies that the yields and prices used for'calculating revenue
were not actual.
One could very well expeCt that the decreed yields and prices were certainly inflated.
Use of inflated yields instead of actual and prices much-higher than what were
prevailing, had the obvious result of overstating the value of produce and thus the
share of the state. This tremendous increase in revenue demaqdresulted in
contraction of area under plough, flight of peasantry, and, as wswill see in Unit 20
in a b ~ gpeaqant revolt in the Doab and around Delhi. This caused failure of grain
supplies to Delhi and a famine that lasted for about seven years, from 1334-5 to 1342.
Faced with these problems, Muhammad Tughluq became the first Sultan to attempt
to formulate an agrichltural policy for promoting agriculture. He introduced the '
practice of giving agrkultural loans named sondliar for increasing the area under
plough and foidigging wells f o irrigation.
~ Barani says that 70 lakhs tenkas (according
to Afif 2 krors t a n k 4 were given till 1346-7 in sondhar but perhaps hardly any
A new ministry designated diwan-i amir-i kohi was established to promote
agriculture. Its two main functions we-re to extend the area under cultivation and to
reclaim the land that went out of cultivation and improving the cropping pattern. It
was recommended that wheat should.be replaced by sugarcane and sugarcane by
grapes and dates.

The Sultan was so determined to introduce his project of agricultural improvement

that when a theologian said that giving loan in cash and receiving the interest in grain
was sin, he executed him.
Barani, however, says that alr these measures were almost a complete failure. Feroz
Tughluq (1351-88) abandoned these projects but abolished agrarian cesses, forbade
levying of ghari and chard. But he is reported to have imposed a separate tax -jiziya
-distinct from kharaj (land-tax) on the peasants. He also introduced an irrigation tax
in Haryana where he d u g canals.
There is little information forthcoming for the intervening period but in all probability
the land tax continued to be collected in cash by whomsoever be the rulers, till the
time of Ibrahim Lodi (1517-26). Owing to the scarcity of currency and cheapening of
the grains, he is reported to have ordered collection of land revenue in kind or in
grain.

Check Your Progress 2

1) Discuss the land revenue system introduced by Alauddin Khalji.

2) Indicate the correct and wrong statements given below hy marking ( d )or ( x ) .
(a) The areas which did not pay kharaj without the use of force were called
mawas.
(b) Ghiyasuddin Tughluq imposed tax on the cultivation and cattle of khots and
muqaddams.
(c) Ibrahim Lodi ordered for the collection of revenue in cash.

19.4, ALAWDDIN KHALJI'S MARKET CONTROL

Alauddin Khalji's measures did not remain confined to rural economy but extended
to urban market as well. He is credited for issuing a set of seven regulations which
came to be known as market-control measures. Barani,who is our main source on this
aspectis the only authority who gives these regulations in detail.
The Sultan fixed the prices of all commodities from grain to cloth, slaves, cattle, etc.
(Regulation 1). These prices were really to be enforced since the Sultan carefully
made all arrangements for making the measure a success. A controller of market
(shahna-i mandl), barids (intelligence officers) and munhiyan (secret spies) were
appointed (Reg. 2). The grain merchants were placed under the shahna-i mandi and
sureties were taken from them (Reg. 4). The Sultan himself was to receive dailjl
reports separately from these three sources (Reg. 7). Regrating (ihtikar) was
prohibited (Reg. 5). While ensuring strict control in the market, the Sultan did not
overlook the more essential requirement, namely the regular supply of grains and
 </ $, 3
4
1
Economy of Delbi Sultanate 1

No. Commodities Alauddin Muhammad ~eroz

I
, Khalji Tugluq Tughluq
(Prices in Jitals per maund)
.
1. What 7'h 12 8 r

2. Barely 4 8 4
3. Paddy 5 14 ..
4. Pulses 5 .. 4
5. Lentils 3 4 4
6. Sugar (white) 100 80 .- I
7. Sugur (soft) 60 64 120,140 -
8. Sheep (mutto*) 10-12 64 ..
9. Ghi (clarified butter) 16 .. 100

Table of prices is reprodpced from K.M.Ashraf, Life Pod Conditiolloft& people o,-f Delhi.
1970, p. 160. The table copplied from dierent sources shows that the prices of these commodities
went up'under Muhammakl Tughluq but dropped under Feroz Tughluq to the price level of Alauddin
Khalji's relgn.1
A

as mentioned in contemporary .rrounts of the sultanate period.

1. Rlees of some commod~ties

Obviously, the grain merchants could bring supplies to the market only if they could
get the grains and that, too, at sufficiently low prices. It was apparently for this reason
that the Sultan decreed such a rigour in realization of land revenue in the Doab that
the peasants should be forced to sell the grain to the h a n i a n (the grain merchants)
at the side of the field (Reg. 6).
The Sultan established granaries in Delhi and in Chhain in Rajasthan. The land tax
from the khalisa in the Doah was realised in kind. T h e grain went to the state
granaries (Reg. 3). The Multanis who were cloth merchants were given 20 lakhs of
tankas as advance loan to purchase and bring cloth to the market.
The Sultan succeedekl in maintaining low prices and ample supplies in the market as
reported by all our authorities. But there are varying reascns mentioned for why the
Sultan introduced tHe market control and in what region it was enforced. The poet
courtier Amir Khusrau considers the measure to be of immense generosity taken for
the welfare and comfort of all, the elite as well as the public at large. The Chishti di-
vine Nasiruddin Mapmud (Chiragh Delhi) attributes it to the Sultan's effort to do
good to all the people. But the historian ~ a i a n i ' view
s was totally different. He did not
credit it to Sultan's btnevolent intentions but gives a hard financial reason. The Sultan
was anxious to have1 a large army and to take other precautions such as building of
forts at strategic plaues, fortification wall around Delhi, etc. against the Mongol inva-
sions. If numerous additional cavalrymen and troops were to be employed ar&e pre-
vailing salaries, the drain from the state treasury was to exhaust it totally. The salaries
could be reduced only if the prices were kept at a sufficiently low level.
Barani's reasoning abpears of course, more valid. Since the main lmhkargak (army
\
. encampment) was id Delhi and most bf theroyal troops were to be stationed in or
around Delhi, the mpin area of price control was Delhi itself. However, since the
sl~ppliesof cheap grain were to be made available to the grain merchants in the
surroundirlg districm of the oo?h, the low prices ought to be prevalent there as well.:
The market control did not sbrvive its enforcer and we do not hear about it after
Alauddin Khalji's tiMe. A very efficient and alert administration was imperative for
the success of price control. Therefore, one possible reason for its not surviving could
be the lack of sufficiantly competent administration. Irfan Habib, however, offers a
different reason for t@ abandonment of price control by the successors of Alauddin
Khalji. Since the prevalence of low prices implies lower revenues from the low-price
zone, the price contr?l was viable as long as the zone of low prices was restricted and
most of the expenditqre was concentrated there. With the Mongols no more
, remaining a threat, the army and the expenditure was t o b e dispersed Fore widely
and not to be concentrated at and around Delhi alone. The interest of hstate
f r = a s ~ m nnw in AirrnantIinn thn --;- ---+--I
Check Your Progress 3 State and Economy
1) Discuss the measures taken by Alauddin Khalji to introduce 'price control'.

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2 ) Explain briefly the reasons for:
.(a) Introduction of price control according to Barani.
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(b) Dismantling of price control under the successors of Alauddin Khalji.

19.. CURRENCY SYSTEM

The establishment of the Delhi Sultanate was marked by a considerable growth of
money economy which accelerated particularly in the first half of the 14th c e n t u j .
Since the growth of money economy in simple words means larger use of currency in
transactions (monetisation is another term for this pbnomenon), a large scale
minting of gold, silver and copper coins that followed'the foundation of the Delhi
Sultanate was an attendant process of the monetization of Indian economy.
The period prior to the foundation of the Delhi Sultanate was marked by the scarcity
of coinage particularly of pure silver. The early Ghorid conquerors found mints
uttering coins of copper with very small silver contents. Except an increase in the
number of coins stamped, no changes were introduced in'the beginning. The coins
continued to bear the image of goddess Lakshmi or bull-and-horseman, etc. Only the
name of the new ruler in a corrupt form got inscribed over it in Nagri script. These
coins were called Dehliwal.
lltutmish (1210-36) is credited for standardizing the coinage of the Delhi Sultanate.
The currency system established by him in its essentials survived the Delhi Sultanate
He introduced gold and silver tankas and a copper jital that was reckoned at 1/48th of
a tanka in North India and 1150th in the Deccan after the conquest of Devagiri.
'A firm ratio of 1:10 between gold and silver appears to have been established.
For studying the currency system we not only have the testimonybf the chronicles but
also the physical evidence available in the form of suniving coins (this is called
numismatic evidence).
The Sultanate mints generally uttered coins in three metals: gold, silver and billon
(copper mixed with very small quantity of silver). The main coins were tanka and jital
but some smaller currencies were also in circulation. Barani mentions dangs and
dirams in use at the capital Delhi. The equation between these currencies in the north
has been worked out as:
1silver tanka = 48 jital = 192 dangs = 480 dirams
The gold and silver remitted from Bengal was the main source of coinage during the
13th century. The seizure of treasure hoards in northern India and later in t b Deccan
was the other major source of silver and gold for coinage.
The Sultanate mints should not only have coined government money but also
stamned hlillion and f o r e i ~ ncoins hrow~hthv the nrivate merchant<
 The silver currency remained dominant till the reign of Alauddin Khalji. From
Ghiyasuddin TughluQ's reign, a decline in silver coinage in relation t ~ ' ~ o and
l d billon
. set in. Under Muhammad Tughluq gold coinage overshadowed the silver, and silver
coinage practically disappeared under Feroz Tughluq. In the 15th cenfury, billon
winage dominated (the Lodis (1451-1526) uttered no other coins).
Token Currency of Muhammad Tughluq
The only major innovation in the currency system established by Iltutmish was made
by Muhammad Tughluq. The Sultan introduced a coin of copper and brass alloy and
reckoned it at the value of a silver tanka. This w i n for the first time camed an
inscription in Persian. This new currency w h o ~ eface value was much higher than its
intrinsic value (that is, value of the metal it was made of) is termed as token currency.
The introduction of tdken currency was already attempted in sister Asian empires. In
China, Qublai Khan (1260-94) had introduced a token currency of paper and the
experiment was successful. In Persia, Kaikhatu Khan (!293), too, tried to introduce a
token currency but thre attempt failed.
Muhammad Tughluq's experiment, too, met total failure perhaps owing to the fact
that the new currency could easily be forged. Barani says rhetorically that every
'Hindu' household became a mint. However, the Sultan accepted the failure with
grace and exchanged all the token currency brought to the treasury with pure
currency.
--
Check Your Progress 4
1) Discuss the introduction of 'token currency'.

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2) Mark (y)
against the statement if it is true and ( X ) if false.
(a) Alauddin Khalji established the currency system of the Sultanate.
(b) One silver tanha was equal to 48 jitals in North India.
(c) The main sourae of silver for coinage in the Deccan were the treasure hoards 9
of the local rulers.
-
'"t
(d) Silver coins in Feroz Tughluq's reigh outnumbered gold coins.

19.6 SLAVERY AND SLAVE TRADE -

The Ghorians found slavery in existence in India where it had an ancient history.
They certainly had no ethical qualms about it. Slavery was permitted in Islam and it
was prevalent in the Islamic world. According to Irfan Habib, the Ghaznavid and the
Ghorid invasions of Ndrthern India, like Julius Caeser's invasions of Britain, were
partly for acquiring slaves. The success of a campaign was to be measured by the
number of captives acquired along with gold, silver, cattle and horses. Qutbuddin
Aibak captured 20 thousand slaves in his Gujarat campaign of 1195 and 50 th9,usand
slaves in raid on Kalinjar in 1202. Even after the establishment of the Sultanat, the
enslavement continued through campaigns in yet to be wnquerred areas. One of the
main objects of Balbanls raid of Ranthambor and Malik Kafur's campaigns in the
Deccan was to get slaves.
Another source of getting captives was the plunder raids of rebellious villages
(mawas) in the Sultanate that refused to pay the k h a M or tribute. The number of
slaves received from these sources was tnormous. There were 50,000 slaves in
Alauddin Khalji's (12991316) establishment. The number increased to 1,80,000
under Feroz Tughluq (135.1-88). Besides the Sultans, nobles had their private large
retinues of slaves induding large number of concubines. Even the respectabls poor
kept slaves,
!
i: The slwes were of meai use to the new ruling class that needed things fashioned to
 their taste. At the beginning, it pight have been somewhat difficult for the traditional .
Indian craftsmen and artisans to adjust themselves to the demands of the new
aristocracy and to new production technology such as spinning wheel, carding bow,
etc. The previously unskilled slpves could be trained in any craft. Feroz Tughlua's
slaves included 12,000 artisaas.
There was a large slave market. The prices of slaves of the twc sexes arid ci srious
ages fixed under Alauiidin Khalji are recorded by Barani. The abundance or slaves
encouraged continuous export of slaves from India to the Islamic World. But Feroz
Tughluq prohibited the export of slaves.

I ' Check Your Progress 5

1) Indicate the correct statement by marking ( d )and wrong by (X).
(a)
(b)
(c)
Slaves were maintained only by the Sultan and his nobles.
Ghorid campaigns were partly invasions of slave raiders.
Feroz Tughluq had a large number of slaveaartisans.
(d) Alauddin Khalji prohibited export of slaves from India.
2) What were the main sources of supply of slaves in the Delhi Sultanate?

19.7 LET US SUM UP

In this Unit, you have studied the impact of the Delhi sultanate on Indian economy
w e have traced how gradually the previously existing systems of revenue collection
-and distribution changed, cash nexus grew, and pure silver currency was introduced.

19.8 KEY .WORDS

A coper coin; 48 jitd = 1tanka
Grain Merchants
Land revenue
Estimated revenue
Rebellious aredvillage where land revenue was extracted by the ,
use of force
A Muslim educational institution
Revenue free grants
See Block 5
Iqta-holder/provincial governor

" 19.9 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

I EXERCISES
1 - Check Your Progress 1
I 1) See Sub -sec. 19.2.'1
I -. - - . -- -
 I
Econom) of Delhi Sultanate
Check Your ~ r o ~ r e s s i 2. . .
1) See Sub - r e c 19.p. I
2) (a) d (b) x (c) T
Check Your Progress 3
1) See Sec. 19.4
-.
2) See Sec. 19.4

Check Your Progress 14

1) See Sec. 19.5
2) (a) x (b) d (c)
Check Your Progress 5
1) (a) x (b) d (c) v (dl x.
2. See Sec. 19.6 ,