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Martial law under Ferdinand Marcos

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At 7:17 pm on September 21, 1972, President Ferdinand Marcos announced that he had placed the
entirety of the Philippines under martial law.[1] This marked the beginning of a 14-year period of one
man rule which would effectively last until Marcos was exiled from the country on February 25, 1986.
Even though the formal document proclaiming martial law - Proclamation No. 1081 - was formally
lifted on January 17, 1981, Marcos retained virtually all of his powers as dictator until he was ousted
by the EDSA Revolution.[1]
While the period of Philippine history in which Ferdinand Marcos was in power actually began seven
years earlier, when he was first inaugurated president of the Philippines in late 1965, [2] this article
deals specifically with the period where he exercised dictatorial powers under martial law, [3] and the
period in which he continued to wield those powers despite technically lifting the proclamation of
martial law in 1981.[4]
When he declared martial law in 1972, Marcos claimed that he had done so in response to the
"communist threat" posed by the newly-founded Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP), and the
sectarian "rebellion" of the Mindanao Independence Movement (MIM). Opposition figures of the
time, such as Lorenzo Tañada, Jose Diokno, and Jovito Salonga, accused Marcos of exaggerating
these threats, using them as a convenient excuse to consolidate power and extend his reign beyond
the two presidential terms allowed by the 1935 constitution.
After Marcos was ousted, government investigators discovered that the declaration of martial law
had also allowed the Marcoses to hide secret stashes of unexplained wealth which various
courts[1] later determined to be "of criminal origin."[5]
This 14-year period in Philippine history is remembered for the administration's record of human
rights abuses,[6][7] particularly targeting political opponents, student activists,[8] journalists, religious
workers, farmers, and others who fought against the Marcos dictatorship. Based on the
documentation of Amnesty International, Task Force Detainees of the Philippines, and similar human
rights monitoring entities,[9] historians believe that the Marcos dictatorship was marked by 3,257
known extrajudicial killings,[9] 35,000 documented tortures, 77 'disappeared', and 70,000
incarcerations.[10][11]

Reasons for the declaration of martial law[edit]

Numerous explanations have been put forward as reasons for Marcos to declare martial law in
September 1972, some of which were presented by the Marcos administration as official
justifications, and some of which were dissenting perspectives put forward by either the mainstream
political opposition or by analysts studying the political economy of the decision. [12]
Official justifications[edit]
In his 1987 treatise, Dictatorship & Martial Law: Philippine Authoritarianism in 1972, University of the
Philippines Public Administration Professor Alex Brillantes Jr. identifies three reasons expressed by
the Marcos administration, saying that martial law:[12]

 was a response to various leftist and rightist plots against the

Marcos administration;

 was just the consequence of political decay after American-style

democracy failed to take root in Philippine society; and

 was a reflection of Filipino society's history of authoritarianism and

supposed need for iron-fisted leadership.
The first two justifications were explicitly stated in Proclamation 1081, which cited two explicit
justifications: "to save the republic" (from various plots); and "to reform society" (after the failure of
American-style democracy).[12] The third rationalization arose from the administration's propaganda,
which portrayed Ferdinand Marcos as a hypermasculine figure able to compel the obedience of
supposedly "spoiled" Filipinos.[12]
Dissenting perspectives[edit]
Political mainstream[edit]
Opposition to Marcos' declaration of martial law ran the whole gamut of Philippine society - ranging
from impoverished peasants whom the administration tried to chase out of their homes; to the
Philippines' political old-guard, whom Marcos had tried to displace from power; to academics and
economists who disagreed with the specifics of Marcos' martial law policies. All of these, regardless
of their social position or policy beliefs, subscribed to the interpretation that Marcos declared martial
law:[12]

 as a strategy to enable Ferdinand Marcos to stay in power past the

two Presidential terms allowed him under Philippine Constitution of
1935; and

 as a technique for covering up the ill-gotten wealth of Marcos, his

family, and his cronies.
Economic interpretations[edit]
In addition, some critics who ascribe an economic component to Marcos' motivations, [12] suggesting
that martial law:

 was an acquiescence to the global market system, which required

tight control of sociopolitical systems so that the country's resources
could be exploited efficiently;

 was a product of the infighting among the families that formed the
upper socioeconomic class of Philippine society; and

 was a connivance between the state powers and the upper-class

families to keep the members of the country's lower classes from
becoming too powerful.
Planning and preparation for martial law[edit]
Although Marcos initially claimed that he had declared martial law in response to violent acts which
took place in 1971-72 - such as the Plaza Miranda bombing and the alleged assassination attempt
on Defense Secretary Enrile - the groundwork for its implementation had been laid down much
earlier. Marcos aide-turned whistleblower Primitivo Mijares noted that "The beginning infrastructure
for martial law was actually laid down as early as the first day of his assumption of the Philippine
presidency on December 30, 1965."
Most notably, by the time Marcos declared martial law in September 1972, he had:

 assured the loyalty of state institutions - especially the Armed

Forces - to himself;[13][14]

 appointed 8 out of 11 justices of the Philippines' Supreme Court;[15]

 gained the support of the Nixon administration;[16] and

 carefully crafted a public relations environment that ensured that the

majority of Filipino citizens would at least initially accept martial law.
[17]

Controlling the armed forces and police[edit]

Defense Secretary portfolio[edit]
Marcos began increasing his influence over the armed forces of the Philippines as soon as he
became president in 1965 by following President Ramon Magsaysay's precedent of concurrently
hold the portfolio of Defense Secretary in the first thirteen months of his presidency. [13] American
Defense Analyst Donald Berlin notes that this gave Marcos an opportunity for direct interaction with
the AFP's leaders, and a hand in the Military's day-to-day operationalization. [18] Singaporean author
and political science professor Terence Lee notes that this had the effect of "develop[ing] a
patronage system within the defense establishment."[19] Professor Albert Celoza, in his 1997 book on
the political economy of authoritarianism in the Philippines, notes that: "It was alleged that a plan of
action had existed as early as 1965...no one opposed the plan because no one was certain that the
plan would be carried out."[15](p"32")
Armed Forces of the Philippines Reshuffle[edit]
Marcos soon carried out the "largest reshuffle in the history of the armed forces" when he forcibly
retired fourteen of the AFP's twenty-five flag officers, including the AFP Chief of Staff, the AFP Vice
Chief of Staff, the Commanding General of the Philippine Army, the Chief of the Philippine
Constabulary, the Commanders of all four Constabulary Zones, and one third of all Provincial
Commanders of the PC.[14]
One prominent early example of an officer forced to resign his commission was Navy Commodore
Ramon Alcaraz - a World War II hero who would eventually be dubbed the "father of the Philippine
Marines", and have a Philippine Navy ship named after him. Alcaraz was forced to resign from the
Armed Forces because his success in the Navy's anti-smuggling operations had come into conflict
with Marcos accommodations with alleged "smuggler-king" Lino Bocalan. [20]
In their place, Marcos appointed officers from his home region, the Ilocos, the most significant of
whom had familial connections to Marcos - ensuring their familial and regionalistic loyalties to him.
The practice was so pervasive that it quickly earned a moniker: "Ilocanization". [18][19] The most
important of these appointments included Juan Ponce Enrile as Secretary of Defense, and Fidel
Ramos as Armed Forces Vice Chief of Staff, who were both related to Marcos; and Favian Ver,
Marcos' townmate from Sarrat, Ilocos Norte, as Armed Forces Chief of Staff.
In tandem with this "Ilocanization", generals loyal to Marcos were allowed to stay in their positions
past their supposed retirement age, or were rewarded with civilian government posts. [21] This led to a
loss of morale among the middle-ranks of the AFP, because it meant a significant slowdown in
promotions and caused many officers to retire with ranks much lower than they would otherwise
have earned.[18][14]
As a result, Security Affairs Professor Douglas J. Macdonald noted that "near the end of the
dictatorship, the Military and the Intelligence organizations were badly polarized along generational
lines, as they are today."
Barangay Self Defense Units and Civilian Home Defense Forces[edit]
On June 1970, Marcos authorized the creation of civil militias called "Barangay Self Defense Units",
which would be renamed the Civilian Home Defense Forces in 1977 through Presidential Decree
1016.[22] At its inception, the CHDF numbered 73,000 men, and it earn a reputation as the
perpetrators of the worst human rights violations during martial law.[23]
The "Oplan Sagittarius" expose[edit]
See also: Marcos Soliman
When Marcos was ready to declare martial law, copies of the plan for its implementation were
distributed to key officials within the Armed Forces. As a way of assuring that any whistleblowers
would be easily accounted for, the copies of the plan were distributed with codeword titles taken from
the signs of the Zodiac. The copy marked "Sagittarius" was given to General Marcos "Mark"
Soliman who commanded the National Intelligence Coordinating Agency. Thus, when
Senator Benigno Aquino Jr. exposed the existence of "Oplan Sagittarius" a week before martial law
was declared, other generals were able to deny that they had heard of any operation under the said
code title, and it was easy for Marcos to pinpoint Soliman as the whistleblower who gave the
information to Aquino.[15](p"32")
Not long after the declaration of martial law, the controlled press reported that Soliman had died of a
heart attack, but his family believed that Marcos had ordered that he be killed. [24] Marcos then
dissolved the National Intelligence Coordinating Agency (NICA) and put a powerful super-agency,
the National Intelligence and Security Authority (NISA) in its place, with steadfast Marcos follower
General Fabian Ver in command.[24](p"306")
Ensuring Political Support from the United States Government [edit]
By 1971, Marcos had reached out to US Ambassador to the Philippines Henry Byroade, with the
question of whether the United States, then under the administration of President Richard Nixon,
would support him should he choose to proclaim Martial Law. Byroade brought the matter up with
Nixon in a conversation on January 1971. According to the US National Archives' copy of the
Memorandum of Conversation between Nixon and Byroade: [16]
"The president declared that we would "absolutely" back Marcos up, and "to the hilt" so long as what
he was doing was to preserve the system against those who would destroy it in the name of liberty.
The President indicated that... we would not support anyone who was trying to set himself up as
military dictator, but we would do everything we can to back a man who was trying to make the
system work and to preserve order. Of course, we understood that Marcos would not be entirely
motivated by national interests, but this was something which we had come to expect from Asian
leaders."[16]

Marcos informed the US Ambassador to the Philippines about his intent to declare Martial Law plan
as early as 17 September 1972, just a few days before Martial Law was announced on September
23, 1972.
The role of the Communist Party of the Philippines[edit]
Main article: Communism in the Philippines
Of the various threats cited in the Proclamation 1081 document as rationalizations for declaration of
Martial Law, the most extensively described was the threat supposedly posed by Communist
insurgents - specifically the newly formed Communist Party of the Philippines, a Maoist organization
which had only recently broken off from the Marxist–Leninist Partido Komunista ng Pilipinas.
The "Red Scare" in the Philippines and the Anti-Subersion Act [edit]
Main article: Red Scare
When Marcos became president in 1965, Philippine policy and politics functioned under a Post-
World War II geopolitical framework.[25] After gaining independence from the US after the war, the
Philippines had retained strong economic, political and military ties to the United States,
[26]
manifested in a Mutal Defense Treaty (MDT), Military Assistance Agreement (MAA), a US Military
Advisory Group (JUSMAG), and the physical presence of several Military Bases where the US
Military could conduct "unhampered US military operations" for 99 years (later reduced to 50).[27]
Filipino Presidents were very politically dependent on US Support, and this did not change until the
end of the cold war in 1989, and the termination of the 1947 US Military Bases Treaty, in 1992. [28][29][30]
With its close ties to the US, the Philippines was ideologically caught up in the anticommunist scare
perpetuated by the US during the Cold War.[31] The government was not yet strongly-established, and
it was "fearful of being swept away by [communism]'s rising tide",[32] so in 1957, it passed Republic
Act 1700, known as the "Anti-Subersion Act of 1957", which made mere membership in any
communist party illegal. The Philippines would take three three and a half decades to repeal it,
through Republic Act 7636, in 1992.[32]
RA 1700 was originally meant to counter the Partido Komunista ng Pilipinas (PKP) and its armed
force, the Hukbalahap (also called the "Huks. The campaign against the PKP and the Huks was
bloody, but it had basically ended by 1954.[33] Throughout the 60s, the remnants of the PKP pursued
"a course of peaceful action" while working to rebuild their organisation,[33] but, this was later
challenged by a youth-based Maoist group within the organization created by University
Professor Jose Maria Sison, who joined the PKP in 1962.[34] Clashing with the PKP party leaders'
view that armed struggle was an exercise in futility, Sison and his group were expelled from the PKP
in 1967, and on December 26, 1968 founded the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) along
Maoist lines.[34] While the PKP sought to marginalize this new group, it soon became the leading
communist party in the Philippines.
Marcos and Anti-Communist Rhetoric[edit]
When Marcos became President in 1965, the PKP was a weakened organization, and the
Hukbalahap reduced to "what amounted to banditry."[11] But Marcos immediately made noise about
the supposed "communist threat" - drawing on images of the bloody Huk encounters of the 1950s,
and courting the Johnson administration's political support in light of the U.S.' recent entry into the
Vietnam war.[11][35]
Marcos continued using communism as bogeyman after 1968, as the PKP faded into obscurity and
the nascent CPP became more prominent. The Armed Forces of the Philippines did likewise in 1969,
when the CPP allied with Huk commander Bernabe Buscayno to create the nascent New People's
Army. Although the CPP-NPA was only a small force at the time, the AFP hyped up its formation, [36]
(p"43")
partly because doing so was good for building up the AFP budget.[36](p"43")[11] As a result, notes
Security Specialist Richard J. Kessler ,"the AFP mythologized the group, investing it with a
revolutionary aura that ony attracted more supporters."
Even in the days immediately before Marcos' declaration of Martial Law on September 23, 1972, the
Philippine National Security Council did not consider the two communist movements to represent a
sizeable threat. At around that time, the US Senate Committee on Foreign Relations received notice
that as of September 19, 1972, the Philippine Council had set their threat assessment at "between
'normal' and 'Internal Defense Condition 1'" on a scale where 3 was the highest Defense condition.[37]
[38]
One of the generals serving under General Fabian Ver of the National Intelligence and Security
Authority later recalled that "Even when Martial Law was declared, the communists were not a real
threat. The military could handle them."[11]
Confirmed incidents[edit]
Despite historical consensus that the Marcos administration willfully exaggerated the capabilities and
actions of the Communist Party of the Philippines, a few of the incidents cited by Marcos have been
confirmed as genuine activities of the CPP. These included: the July 1972 MV Karagatan incident in
which a secret arms shipment from China, meant for Communist Party forces, sank just off Digoyo
Point in Palanan, Isabela; and the December 1970 raid on the Philippine Military Academy's armory
by defecting army officer Victor Corpuz.[39]
Disputed incidents[edit]
Numerous other incidents cited by Marcos as rationalizations for his declaration of Martial Law have
either been discredited or disputed, in light of Marcos' known tactic of undertaking false
flag operations as a propaganda technique.[40][41]
This includes: the August 1971 Plaza Miranda bombing; the 1972 Manila bombings from March to
September of that year; and the alleged September 1972 Ambush of Defense Minister Juan Ponce
Enrile.[17]

Signing of Proclamation 1081[edit]

Main article: Proclamation No. 1081
Several conflicting accounts about exist regarding the exact date on which Marcos signed the
physical Proclamation No. 1081 document, which placed the entirety of the Philippines under martial
law.[4][3]
Whichever the case, the document was formally dated 21 September because of his superstitions
and numerological beliefs concerning the number seven.[3] The Official Gazette of the republic of the
Philippines, in a retrospective article on Marcos' proclamation of martial law, comments on the
differences in the accounts:
"Whether they conflict or not, all accounts indicate that Marcos’ obsession with numerology
(particularly the number seven) necessitated that Proclamation No. 1081 be officially signed on a
date that was divisible by seven. Thus, September 21, 1972 became the official date that martial law
was established and the day that the Marcos dictatorship began. This also allowed Marcos to control
history on his own terms."[3]

Announcement and implementation of martial law[edit]

September 22, 1972 marked a brief period in which Proclamation No. 1081 was formally in place,
but without the knowledge of the public. For most of the Philippines, therefore, martial law was thus
properly implemented when it was announced on the evening of September 23, 1972. [3]
The implementation of martial law began sometime before midnight on September 22, with the
arrest of Benigno Aquino Jr.. By dawn of the following day, 1973, many of the 400 individuals listed
on the Military's priority arrest list - journalists, members of the political opposition, constitutional
convention delegates, outspoken lawyers, teachers, and students - had been detained.
Media outlets were shuttered, although those linked with Marcos crony Roberto Benedicto were
allowed to reopen within the day. Soon after, congress was abolished, mass activities were
prohibited, political parties were outlawed, a curfew was put in place, and civil and political rights
were suspended.
First wave of arrests[edit]
The first wave of arrests under Marcos' declaration of martial law began with the arrest of
Senator Benigno Aquino Jr. late in the evening of September 22, during a late meeting of the joint
congressional committee on tariff reforms at the Manila Hilton hotel. Aquino was one of Marcos' most
prominent critics, and who had exposed the plan to proclaim martial law in a speech in the Philippine
Senate the week before.
Juan Ponce Enrile would later acknowledge that the first wave of arrests focused on political figures
and journalists "in the initial stages, we must emasculate all the leaders in order to control the
situation."[42]
The arrest of others took place after midnight, in the early morning hours of September 23. Martial
law forces were sent out to arrest 400 individuals on their priority target list. By 1:00 am, Senator
Jose W. Diokno had been arrested at his residence, as had poet-Senator Soc Rodrigo as of 2:00
am. Vice President Fernando Lopez, who had resigned from his cabinet positions in the Marcos
administration after accusing Marcos of corruption and power-grabbing, was on the priority list but
was overseas at the time of the declaration. Sergio Osmeña Jr, who had run against Marcos in the
contentious elections of 1969, was also abroad at the time and was not caught. [43] In their place,
Lopez' nephew Eugenio Lopez Sr. and Osmeña's son Sergio Osmeña III were arrested in what
international media described as an act of extortion designed to undermine their families' financial
empires.[44]
By the dawn of September 23, 100 of the 400 individuals on the list were in detention centers, with
detainees including Senator Ramon Mitra, Jose Rizal College history teacher Etta Rosales,
University of the Philippines College of Social Work professor Flora Lansang, human rights
lawyer Haydee Yorac, Manila Times publisher Chino Roces, and a plethora of journalists. Student
leaders were arrested regardless of whether their organizations were "radical" or "moderate."
Newspaper editors arrested that night included Amando Doronilla of the Daily Mirror, Luis Mauricio
of the Philippine Graphic, Teodoro Locsin Sr. of the Philippine Free Press, and Rolando Fadul of the
vernacular broadsheet Taliba. Also arrested were reporters Robert Ordoñez of the Philippine Herald,
Rosalinda Galang of the Manila Times; columnists Ernesto Granada of the Manila
Chronicle and Maximo Soliven of the Manila Times, and Luis Beltran and Ruben Cusipag of
the Evening News.[45]
Phil Free Press Associate Editor Napoleon Rama and ABS CBN broadcaster Jose Mari Velez also
happened to be delegates to the 1971 Constitutional Convention, and were among the 11 outspoken
convention delegates to be arrested. The others included Heherson Alvarez, Alejandro Lichuaco,
Voltaire Garcia, and Teofisto Ginguona.
Media lockdown[edit]
By the morning of September 23, 1972, martial law forces had successfully implemented a media
lockdown, with only outlets associated with Marcos crony Roberto Benedicto allowed to operate. In
the afternoon, Benedicto-owned television channel KBS-9 went back on air playing episodes
of Hanna-Barbera's Wacky Races cartoon series, which was interrupted at 3:00 PM, when Press
Secretary Francisco Tatad went on air to read Proclamation No. 1081, through which Marcos
declared martial law.[46] Ferdinand Marcos himself went on air at 7:15 that evening to formalize the
announcement. On the following Morning, September 24, the headline of Benedicto's Daily
Express announced "FM Declares Martial Law" - the only newspaper to come out in the immediate
aftermath of martial law.[1]
The declaration shut down 7 television stations, 16 national daily newspapers, 11 weekly magazines,
66 community newspapers, and 292 radio stations; as well as public utilities such as Meralco, PLDT,
and the three then-existing Philippine Airlines.[47]

Impact of martial law on the 1971 Constitutional Convention [edit]

Main article: Philippine Constitutional Convention of 1971
Marcos' September 1972 proclamation of martial law had major repercussions for the 1971
Constitutional Convention. Marcos arrested the leadership of the "opposition bloc" of the convention
which wanted to make sure Marcos would not stay in power longer than the two terms allowed him
under the 1935 constitution. Eventually, a group of Marcos-supporting delegates led by Gilberto
Duavit came up with an entirely new draft of the constitution, which they submitted to Malacañang
for ratification within only two months of the proclamation of martial law. [48]
Arrested delegates[edit]
The work of the Convention was affected by the declaration of martial law in September 1972 by
President Ferdinand Marcos; the military units assigned to implement martial law were given a list of
400 individuals to arrest, consisting mostly of outspoken critics of Ferdinand Marcos' administration.
This included a number of members of the Constitutional Convention. [13]
Some of the individuals on the list, such as Raul Manglapus,[49] were either not in the Philippines
when martial law was declared, while some, such as Raul Roco, where in the country but managed
to evade arrest.
However, numerous members of the Constitutional Convention's opposition bloc were among those
arrested in the early hours of September 22, 1972.[13](p"157") Convention members arrested included
Antonio Araneta, Jose Concepcion, Voltaire Garcia, Bren Guiao, Teofisto Guingona Jr., Alejandro
Lichuaco, Jose Nolledo, Philippines Free Press associate editor Napoleon Rama and ABS-
CBN broadcaster Jose Mari Velez.[50][51][48]
With nearly a dozen of its members in jail and some of its most prominent leaders overseas or in
hiding, the "progressive faction" of the convention which spoke against Marcos was no longer able to
contribute to the discussion.[13]
Rushed approval[edit]
The convention moved quickly after Marcos had declared martial law. The opposition bloc had
effectively been decimated and the threat of imprisonment hung over any delegates who might voice
opposition in the convention. The regular rules of the convention were suspended and a 166-
member group headed by Marcos-supporting Delegate Gilberto Duavit came up with a new draft of
the constitution. By November 29, 1972 - a little over two months after the declaration of martial law,
the convention approved the draft, and it was presented to Ferdinand Marcos in Malacañang palace
on December 1, 1972.[48]

Rise of the Moro National Liberation Front[edit]

Main articles: Moro conflict and Moro National Liberation Front
Sparked by the 1968 Jabidah massacre exposes, tensions had been rising between the Marcos
administration and the Moro peoples of Mindanao. Soon after Jibin Arula told the story of the
Massacre story to the press, and Senate investigations suggested the involvement of the president,
[52]
Lanao Del Sur Congressman Rashid Lucman called for Marcos' Impeachment. [53] When the bid
failed, he eventually founded the Bangsamoro Liberation Organization (BMLO), which initially called
for Moro Independence, although it eventually shifted its positions and called for regional autonomy.
[53]
Former Cotabato governor Datu Udtog Matalam likewise formed of the Muslim Independence
Movement (MIM), which also called for Moro Independence.ref name="RevoltinMindanao:">George,
T. J. S. (1980). Revolt in Mindanao: The Rise of Islam in Philippine Politics. Oxford University Press.
pp. 130–134.</ref> Neither group, however, drew enough followers to form a viable opposition until
Marcos declared Martial Law. The BMLO remained small, while the MIM was dissolved when
Matalam accepted a government post under Marcos.[54]
With the declaration of Martial Law, on October 21, 1972, political parties, including the BMLO and
the MIM, were dissolved.[55] So when former MIM member Nur Misuari formed an armed secessionist
group called the Moro National Liberation Front, he was quickly able to consolidate power.[55] The
MNLF became the single dominant voice calling for Moro Independence, and was able to raise a
significant armed force. The Philippines' decades-long Moro conflict had begun in earnest.[55]

Human rights abuses[edit]

Main article: Human rights abuses of the Marcos dictatorship
Marcos' 14 years as dictator is historically remembered for its record of human rights abuses,[6]
[7]
particularly targeting political opponents, student activists,[8] journalists, religious workers, farmers,
and others who fought against the Marcos dictatorship. Based on the documentation of Amnesty
International, Task Force Detainees of the Philippines, and similar human rights monitoring entities,
[9]
historians believe that the Marcos dictatorship was marked by 3,257 known extrajudicial killings,
[9]
35,000 documented tortures, 77 forced disappearances, and 70,000 incarcerations. [10][56]
Some 2,520 of the 3,257 murder victims were tortured and mutilated before their bodies were
dumped in various places for the public to discover - a tactic meant to sow fear among the public, [10]
[57]
which came to be known as "salvaging."[58] Some bodies were even cannibalized.[59]
International pressure, and knowledge of abuses by Marcos [edit]
The international community eventually got word of these human rights violations and applied
pressure to the Marcos administration to end them. In 1975, Marcos aide and chief propagandist
Primitivo Mijares defected from the Marcos administration and revealed in front of US lawmakers
that torture was routinely practiced within the Marcos regime.[60] Mijares' admission attracted
international criticism, particularly from Amnesty International and Washington. Amnesty
International's first report about the Philippines in December 1975 revealed the "systematic and
severe torture" handled by the Fifth Constabulary Security Unit (5CSU). [61][57] Amnesty International
found convincing evidence of widespread torture among prisoners, enabled by Marcos's suspension
of the writ of habeas corpus and the absence of judicial oversight.[62] Evidence reveals that not only
was he aware of tortures and murders enacted by his military and police force, but that he was
condoned and at times arranged for it.[11] This caused tensions between the United States and the
Philippines, pressuring Marcos to admit human rights violations during his regime. [57]
Marcos initially denied knowledge of human rights violations.[11] In 1974, he proclaimed in a televised
address that "No one, but no one was tortured". [63] But he eventually confessed at the 1977 World
Peace through law Conference in Manila that "there have been, to our lasting regret, a number of
violations of the rights of detainees".[64]

Economy[edit]
Main article: Economic History of the Philippines under Ferdinand Marcos
Philippine economic history from Marcos' declaration of Martial Law to his ouster through the 1986
People Power Revolution was a period of significant economic highs and lows. [65][66][67][13][68]
The September 1972 declaration of Martial Law coincided with an increased global demand for raw
materials, including coconut and sugar,[68][66] and the increase in global market prices for these
commodities. This “commodities boom” allowed GDP growth to peak at nearly 9 percent in the years
immediately after the declaration - in 1973 and 1976.[66] The Philippine's Gross Domestic Product
quadrupled from $8 billion in 1972 to $32.45 billion in 1980, for an inflation-adjusted average growth
rate of 6% per year.[69]
The commodities boom continued throughout most of the 70s, only slowing down towards the early
1980s when it left the Philippine economy vulnerable to the instability of the international capital
market.[66] As a result, the economy grew amidst the two severe global oil shocks following the 1973
oil crisis and 1979 energy crisis - oil price was $3 / barrel in 1973 and $39.5 in 1979, or a growth of
1200% which drove inflation.[citation needed]
The Heritage Foundation pointed that when economy began to weaken 1979, the government did
not adopt anti-recessionist policies and instead launched risky and costly industrial projects. [70] The
overall economy experienced a slower growth GDP per capita, lower wage conditions and higher
unemployment especially towards the end of Marcos' term after the 1983-1984 recession. The
Philippine Peso devalued sharply from 3.9 to 20.53. The recession was triggered largely by political
instability following Ninoy's assassination,[71] high global interest rates,[72] severe global economic
recession, and significant increase in global oil price, the latter three of which affected all indebted
countries in Latin America, Europe, and Asia. The Philippines was among these countries and was
not exempted from the negative economic consequences.[73][74]
Despite the 1984-1985 recession, GDP on a per capita basis more than tripled from $175.9 in 1965
to $565.8 in 1985 at the end of Marcos' term, though this averages less than 1.2% a year when
adjusted for inflation.[75][75][76][77]
The period is sometimes described as a golden age for the country's economy. [78][79] However, by the
period's end, the country was experiencing a debt crisis, extreme poverty, and severe
underemployment.[78][80] On the island of Negros, one-fifth of the children under six were seriously
malnourished.[81][82]
Rise in Poverty incidence[edit]
Poverty incidence grew from 41% in the 1960s at the time Marcos took the Presidency to 59% when
he was removed from power.[83][84][85][86][87][68][88]
Rise in Debt[edit]
The Philippines had a cautious borrowing policy as late as the early 1970s, but the Marcos
administration borrowed a massive amount of foreign debt in the early 1980s amidst high oil prices,
high interest rates, capital flight, and falling export prices of sugar and coconut. [83] The country's total
external debt rose from US$2.3 billion in 1970 to US$26.2 billion in 1985. Along with corruption and
plunder of public funds by Marcos and his cronies, this held the country under a debt-servicing crisis
which is expected to be fixed by only 2025.

Proclamation 2045[edit]
On January 17, 1981 Marcos issued Proclamation 2045, which formally lifted the proclamation of
martial law, but retained many of his powers. The lifting was timed to coincide with Pope John Paul
II's visit to the Philippines and with the inauguration of new US President and Marcos ally Ronald
Reagan.[89]
Amendment Six of the new 1973 constitution allowed him to continue making laws, and the decrees
issued during martial law were carried forward after the lifting of Proclamation 1981 lifting. He also
retained the right to suspend the writ of habeas corpus for "crimes related to subversion,
insurrection, rebellion, and also conspiracy to commit such crimes."[89]
Human rights abuses continued.[90]

1986 EDSA Revolution and exile of the Marcos family[edit]

Main article: 1986 EDSA Revolution
See also: Marcos dynasty
Increasing unrest springing from the economic collapse of the Philippines in the years after the
assassination of Senator Benigno Aquino in 1983 came to a head in February 1986, when the EDSA
Revolution succeeded in unseating the Marcoses from Malacañang palace. [91]
Fearful of a scenario in which Marcos' presence in the Philippines would lead to a civil war, [91] the
Reagan administration flew Marcos and a party of about 80 individuals [92] - the extended Marcos
family and a number of close associates[93] - from the Philippines to Hawaii despite Marcos'
objections.[91][94]
The exiles stayed at Hickam Air Force Base at the expense of the US Government. A month later,
they moved into a pair of residences in Makiki Heights, Honolulu, which were registered to marcos
cronies Antonio Floirendo and Bienvenido and Gliceria Tantoco.[92]
Marcos would eventually die in exile in 1989.[35]
President Corazon Aquino eventually allowed the remaining members of the Marcos family to return
to the Philippines in order to face various charges. [95] News reports from the period record that
Marcos supporters organized crowd from Manila's slums to welcome the Marcoses on their return. [95]