CHAPTER 4

COMMUNICATION THROUGH THE MOVEMENTS

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1. I N T R O D U C T I O N

The movements led by Gandhi have special significance in the Indian freedom
struggle and in Indian history. This is because it was for the first time that the
masses took an active part in such political movements on a large scale. That is
why it became the most distinctive contribution of Gandhi to the freedom struggle,
namely, that he made it a movement of the masses. In these movements, millions
of men and women, sometimes even with small children, participated with extraor-
dinary zeal and courage to achieve the high motivation of fighting against British
imperialism and colonialism. They underwent tremendous suffering for the cause,
which was unprecedented and unparalleled in the history of India.

The most eminent features of Gandhi's movements were that they were based
upon the principles of truth and non-violence. His civil disobedience movements
had always been intended and embarked upon with a spirit of co-operation, but
he never surrendered his first principles of truth and non-violence. He was un-
compromising on this matter, and even the subtle incitement to violence was not
tolerated by him. He postponed his cherished schemes of mass-civil disobedience
time after time merely because violence broke out at some place or other, however
remote it might be. The movements were civil and non-violent in character, and
worked on a mass scale of immeasurable proportions. A moral issue was always
involved in his campaigns, which were seemingly insignificant in character, though
single-pointed in aim and far-reaching in results. For example, the salt tax; was
trivial in incident but sinful in its yield. Gandhi continuously laid stress on the re-
ligious and spiritual side of the national movement. To quote Nehru: "His religion
was not dogmatic, but it did mean a definitely religious outlook on life, and the
whole movement was strongly influenced by this and took on a revivalist character
so far as the masses were concerned."^ Again, he says, "What I admired was the
moral and ethical side of our movement and of satyagraha."'^ General Smuts also

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remarked, "There was no hatred or personal ill feeling, the spirit of humanity was
never absent, and when the fight was over there was the atmosphere in which a
decent peace could be concluded."^

Another distinguished characteristic of the movement was that there was no

secrecy in these satyagraha campaigns. The adversary was always informed in
advance about relevant actions and plans. For example, when and where and why
satyagraha was to be launched. Moreover, it was not allowed to take advantage
of the opponents' difficulties. In fact, in such a situation, the movement was
withdrawn. Also, before actually launching any movement on any political issue,
serious and sincere efforts were always made till the end to settle the problem by
negotiations and discussions.

Gandhi's revolutionary significance lies in the fact that he absorbed and

turned the passivity and endurance of the Indian masses into a source of strength
and energy, by building up a non-violent movement instead of an aggressive and
militant struggle. Gandhi led numerous mass-movements, however, some of the
major ones amongst them being the Rowlatt Act Satyagraha-1919, Civil Disobedi-
ence (salt law) 1930-31, and the "Quit India" movement, 1942. In all these times,
India went through suffering and upheavals under colonialism. However, Gandhi
with his unique ability and skills to communicate with the masses, turned each of
these movements into a major historical event. He was the originator and basic
driving force behind each of these movements, which involved millions of people
at a time. In these movements, the major techniques used by Gandhi were to
communicate his thoughts, plans and actions.

In the previous chapter we discussed different communication techniques that

Gandhi used at different times to get justice against unjust and oppressive laws and
systems to win the hearts of the masses. In the present chapter, it is proposed to

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analyze and evaluate the practical applications of these techniques through three
major movements led by Gandhi as stated above.

2. T H E ROWLATT ACT SATYAGRAHA

The satyagraha against the Rowlatt Bills, was the first nation-wide movement
launched by Gandhi after his return from South Africa. The people of India were
undergoing tremendous suffering under British Colonialismi. India was in turmoil
as a whole. There was great dissatisfaction among the masses. In that situation,
the Rowlatt Bill was issued, imposing oppressive restrictions on civil rights and
liberty of newspapers in February 1919. Many of the wartime measures were
intended to be made permanent, political causes could be tried without a jury,
the Government could jail prisoners without trial indefinitely. Many such coercive
measures were planned to be imposed.

Gandhi was just recovering from his serious illness. He was totally convinced
that this was an unjust law, and the justification of the cause for satyagraha was
clear. He strongly felt that something should be done to protest against this
oppressive Bill. He had talks on this matter with Sardar Patel and other friends.
They also felt the same. But what could be done? Gandhi said, "If even a handful
of men can be found to sign the pledge of resistance, and the proposed measure is
passed into law, in defense of it we ought to offer satyagraha at once."^ Since he
was convinced about the truth, he never waited for anybody, and implemented his
ideas straightaway. He never bothered about how many agreed with his actions
and views. He had such a strong fcdth in Satya and Ahimsa that he believed that
even one true satyagrahi was enough to shake the whole British Empire. But he
was helpless because of his health. He said, "If I had not been laid up, I would give
battle against it all alone."^ If people agreed with him or followed him, well and
good, but if they did not, he was always ready to stand alone for what he believed
to be right. Gandhi was very clear in his mind that any self-respecting people could

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never accept such a law. A meeting was held, pledges were prepared and signed
by invited people. Gandhi started writing for newspapers. He found it impossible
that any existing organization could adopt this novel weapon of satyagraha, and so
a new Satyagraha Sabha was established of which Gandhi was elected President.
But Gandhi's insistence on the use of the Gujarati language had puzzled some
intellectuals in the Sabha. Also, his stress on Satya and Ahimsa was disliked by
some of them. However, to begin with, this new work went on in full swing.

In the meantime, efforts were continued from all sides to stop this Bill. The
legislatures made a strong fight against it. Gandhi pleaded and corresponded with
the Viceroy, but to no avail.

Gandhi was still very weak, but when he received an invitation from Madras,
he could not stop himself, and decided to go despite his ill health. There, he had
a detailed discussion with Rajaji ( C. Rajagopalachari) about how to fight for
the course. If the Rowlatt Bill became a law, how it could be civilly disobeyed?
So, the meetings and discussions went on. Gandhi was asked to write about the
smallest details about the science of satyagraha, but felt that it was beyond his
capacity. For Gandhi, one step was enough. He never believed in planning so
much in advance, as it depended upon the situation, and satyagrahis had to take
a decision, according to the varying situation, on the spot. Therefore, satyagrahis'
actions and plans could not be fixed in a rigid frame.

The Bill, which became known as the Black Law, was passed as an Act.
Gandhi was constantly pondering over the matter how to gather and raise the na-
tion against this law. That night he thought over the problem, and slept. Early in
the morning an idea flashed upon his mind in a dream state, that a general Hartal
could be observed throughout the country to oppose this law. He called Rajaji and
told him his convictions. "Satyagraha is a process of self-purification, and ours is
a sacred fight, it should be commenced with an act of self-purification."^ Gandhi

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believed that for complete satyagraha, complete self-purification is required, and
so to fight through satyagraha, self-purification was a prerequisite. Fasting and
prayer were two main and major sources of self-purification for him. Rajaji liked
Gandhi's proposal very much, and people, throughout the country, were asked to
fast and pray on 6th April, 1919, which was to be observed as "Satyagraha Day".
Gandhi used his major technique of satyagraha fasting , prayer, and pledges in
this movement for the first time against the British Empire. He asked his fellow
countrymen to shed fear and to show courage, to resist evil and injustice by dis-
obedience and non-cooperation. P.O. Alexander appropriately said: "For the first
time in sharp contrast to all that was accepted as norms of poUtical activity in
India, Gandhi's message of non-cooperation and disobedience was addressed to
the common people of India."^

People pledged disobeying the unjust law following Gandhi's call. It was for
the first time in history that people were asked to pray and fast throughout the
country for a political purpose. In Gandhi's satyagraha, a moral element was al-
ways involved. It was a fight for justice, and so the fight should also be just and
for a just cause. Gandhi commented on the impact of the decision: " The whole
India from the one end to the other, towns as weU as villages, observed a com-
plete hartal on that day. It was a wonderful spectacle."^ Gandhi's call for open
defiance and disobedience of unjust Government laws suddenly changed the whole
situation in India. There was a tremendous awakening in the people. There were
incidents of violence, however, in Delhi, Labor and Amritsar. But in Bombay it
was quite peaceful, and the Bandh was a total success. In Delhi, the strike was
observed on 30th April. It was remarkable, and there was a wonderful demonstra-
tion of Hindu-Muslim unity. Swami Shradhanandaji was invited to Jumma Masjid
to deliver an address, which the Government could not tolerate, and oppressive
measures were taken by it. The fire was opened. People were killed, and some
were injured. In Lahore and Amritsar a similar situation was observed. On 13th

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April, General Dyer ordered firing on a mass of innocent people, who had gathered
for a meeting at the Jalianwalla Bagh in Amritsar. Numerous people, including
women and children, were killed. In reaction to the Jalianwalla Bagh massacre,
fearful people resorted to aggressive violence. In Bombay, "satyagraha day" was
celebrated successfully by selling the books of Gandhi, Hind Swaraj and Sarvodaya
of which the publication had been prohibited by the Government. Gandhi also
started the pubUcation of illegal satyagraha pamphlets.

Gandhi was invited to Punjab in the places of violence, to control them, but
he was arrested on the way to it. He was brought back, and left free in Bombay.
This made people more furious. Events started happening very fast. Violence
began increasing from action and reaction between Authority and the people,
the satyagraha campaign turned into a bonfire of violence. Gandhi was shocked
by that outbreak of violence, and felt that he had under-estimated the force of
evil. He addressed a meeting in Chaupati, Bombay, explaining his attitude to
peace, and the limitations of satyagraha. He said, "Satyagraha is essentially a
weapon of the truthful. A satyagrahi is pledged to non-violence, and unless people
observe it in thought, word and deed, I cannot offer mass satyagraha.''''^ He went
to Ahmedabad and addressed a gathering there to estabUsh peace, and to explain
to the people their guilt. He undertook a penitential fast for three days, and
also told people to fast for a day, those who were involved in the violence. At
the same time, he asked the Government to forgive their crime. But, he frankly
confessed that nobody listened to him. It became unbearable for Gandhi that
Ahmedabad labourers also participated in violence. This was because he had
stayed, worked and served for them, and so he expected much from them in terms
of understanding the basic ideas of a non-violent movement. He then resolved
to suspend the satyagraha. In his statement to the press, published in Young
India dated 23-7-1919, he explained the reason in the following manner: " I have
been accused of throwing lighted matches. If my occasional Civil Resistance be a

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lighted match, Rowlatt legislation and persistence in retaining it on the statute-
book are a thousand matches scattered through out India, and the only way to
avoid Civil Resistance altogether is to withdraw that legislation. Nothing that the
Government have pubhshed in justification of that legislation has moved the Indian
public from the attitude of opposition to it. I have just suspended Civil Resistance
to hasten the end of that legislation. But Satyagrahis will pay for its removal by
their lives if it cannot be removed by lesser means." He was uncompromising on
truth and non-violence. Even the shghtest violence was intolerable to him. He
never sought compromise with his basic principles or convictions in order to gain
immediate advantage or success, and to be popular in the ordinary sense of the
term.

Even Gandhi's contemporary leaders, Hke Jawaharlal Nehru and others, felt
confused sometimes at the sudden twists and turns he gave to the movement in
the midst of his campaign. They could not understand why he suspended the
movement when it appeared to be in full swing! And he had to court the anguish
of his colleagues and co-workers at that time. Gandhi records that he realized
his error, and felt that he had made a "Himalayan mistake"^" in giving a call to
the people for civil disobedience before they had qualified themselves for it. He
says, "Before one can fit for civil disobedience, one must have rendered a willing
and respectful obedience to the state laws."^^ Again, he says, "A satyagrahi obeys
the laws of society intelUgently and of his own free will because he considers it his
sacred duty to do so."^^ Gandhi discerned that "before restarting civil disobedience
on a mass scale it would be necessary to create a bond of well trained, pure
hearted volunteers who could explain and guide the people all the time and who
had thoroughly understood civil disobedience and it's limitations."^^

Later, Gandhi created a bond of satyagrahi volunteers through "Satyagraha

Sabha", and started providing training in civil disobedience to the people; he also

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published pamphlets providing a proper understanding of civil disobedience. The
work went on, but Gandhi could not arouse much interest among the people. He
realized that progress in civil disobedience and constructive activities would be
slow.

The Rowlatt Act Satyagraha was, of course, not the first mass-movement that
Gandhi had led and conducted. He was already an experienced leader of mass
movements by that time, who had conducted the South African struggle; and in
India, the Champaran Satyagraha, the Kheda Satyagraha, the Ahmedabad Mill
Workers movement, etc. All these movements had greatly increased his experience,
leading to a sharpening of his methods day by day.

The Rawlatt Act Satyagraha was, however, specially significant in one way.
It was for the first time that all the Gandhian techniques, such as satyagraha,
non-violent civil disobedience, fasts, prayers, etc. as described in the previous
chapter, were being practically applied on a truly national scale to deal with an
issue that was relevant to the Indian nation as a whole. All the earlier movements
were, as such, limited in scale, concerning themselves with somewhat Umited and
local issues. Gandhi dealt with many of these quite effectively, producing at times
excellent results. On the other hand, the Rowlatt Act Bills, by their oppressive
nature, stirred the nation as a whole, creating agony in the mind of the public. And
now Gandhi had set out to apply his techniques, such as beginning the movement
with a nation-wide fast, leading a satyagraha, etc.

Prom the Gandhian perspective of a non-violent civil disobedience movement,

one can possibly say that he had failed in his purpose. The movement turned
violent within no time, and got out of hand very soon. Even though the beginning
was good, subsequent events happened too fast, and Gandhi lost all control over
them. As he himself said, neither the public nor the Government listened to him!
He had no previous experience of conducting a movement on such a wide scale,

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and obviously did not anticipate all that happened later, caUing it his "Himalayan
Mistake" in order to invite people to the movement, who were not initiated and
trained in a non-violent manner of thinking and action.

The Rowlatt Act Satyagraha, however, resulted in one unique achievement

both for Gandhi and India. It was perhaps for the first time that the entire coun-
try responded in a united manner to the call that was given to resist an oppressive
measure. A unique, nationwide communication had taken place of Gandhi's mes-
sage. This was a historical phenomenon, which resulted no doubt because of the
unique communication abiUties and the organization that Gandhi had achieved.
There was a novel freshness in the manner in which he gave the plan of action
to the people, which they welcomed and received with great spontaneity. His ap-
proach was completely new, reaching the hearts of the people in a straight and
direct manner as it caught their imagination. This was a genuine communica-
tion. The credit for it goes to all Gandhi's techniques, as reported in the previous
chapter.

Further, even if the movement turned violent, and Gandhi had to withdraw
the satyagraha call, it was for the first time that words and concepts, such as
"satyagraha", "non-violent civil disobedience", etc. entered the social and polit-
ical domain of our country. Even though the implementation turned out to be
difficult at that time, a familiarity with these notions developed in all corners of
the Indian sub-continent. This was no mean achievement, a remarkable commu-
nication through an actual movement. As pointed out by Gandhi (Young India,
10-4-1924), "It was that day that thousands men and women all over India kept a
twenty-four hours fast. It was on that sacred day that the nation recognized with
the strength it has never done before the necessity of Hindu-Muslim unity and
that Hindus, Mussalmans, Sikhs, Parsis, Christians and others met in hearty co-
operation and it was on that day that an all India sv?adeshi spirit, not in vengeance

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but as a vital necessity in the life of the nation, was bom."

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 (A) The Rowlatt Act Satyagraha 1919- At a glance

Date Action
February 24,191Bledges for Satyagraha were prepared and signed
by the people in large numbers. The
response was very good.
March 1919 A Satyagraha committee was set up.

March 18,1919 The Rowlatt Act was passed . It raised a nationwide

protest and dissatisfaction in the country.

March 23,1919 Declaration was made to observe a nationwide strike,

fast, prayers, and meetings on 6th April for a
protest against the Bills.
April 6, 1919 Satyagraha day was observed throughout India.
It was the first on a nation-wide scale,
and the first country-wide protest against the
Government. Religious concepts such as, fasts, prayers, pledges
were used for the first time by the people for political
purposes and for the first time on a nationwide
scale. The response was very good throughout India.

April 7, 1919 Gandhi issued an unregistered newspaper called

"Satyagrahi", pubHshed and prohibited Hterature
was sold.
April 13, 1919 The Jalianwalla Bagh Massacre. According to
Government reports, four hundred unarmed and helpless
people were shot down, and about a thousand were wounded
by General Dyer, including women and children.
April 13, In the reaction to the Jalianwalla Bagh massacre, fearful
onward people resorted to violence.5a/j/a^ra/ia turned into a
Bonfire of Violence, and resulted in suspension. So,
Satyagraha held sway only for a brief period, from
the 6th of April to the 18th. The object, however,
of rendering the Rowlatt Act a nullity, was achieved.

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3. THE SALT SATYAGRAHA (1930-31)

The Salt Satyagraha was a major communication strategy, very carefully and
thoughtfully devised by Gandhi. He launched a nationwide civil-disobedience
movement against the British in 1930. In December 1929, the resolution of Puma
Swaraj was declared at the Lahore session of the Congress, presided over by Jawa-
harlal Nehru. On December 31, 1929, the Congress unfurled the flag of Indepen-
dence, and gave full authority to the All-India Congress Committee to start Civil
Disobedience. The nation was to be prepared for the freedom struggle and the civil
disobedience movement. It was a tough challenge for Gandhi, the communicator.
How to prepare the country for a civil disobedience movement? How to raise the
nation to achieve the common single goal of freedom? Gandhi was fully convinced
that true freedom could be achieved only through self-purification, self-sacrifice,
and a non-violent movement. But there had been serious differences of opinion at
the Lahore Congress, and it became quite clear when angry opposition was shown
at the Lahore Congress to a resolution moved by Gandhi himself to congratulate
the Viceroy, Lord Irwin, for his lucky escape from a bomb attack. But there was
no other alternative, and if any, Gandhi could not be a party to it. According
to him, it would not be a Swaraj of the masses, and freedom had to be a fruit
of suffering.^'^ Gandhi formulated his strategy by taking into account both the
Indian masses and the British Government. He was practical enough to anticipate
the reaction of the Government. He knew that any violence in the movement by
people would be pounced upon by the Government, and then world public opinion
would go in it's favour.

Actually, the overall situation was quite different from what it was in 1920-
22 at the time of the Rowlatt Act. There was an economic depression in the
country, and unrest among factory workers. As B.R. Nanda notes, "Unlike in
1919-20, there was no rallying cry like the Rowlatt Bills or rankling grievance
like the Punjab martial law, no emotion bridge for Hindu-Muslim differences like
the Khilafat."^^ So the basic concern of Gandhi was to arouse the people, and at
the same time keep them non-violent. It was really a challenging task for him.
The nation was to be prepared for complete freedom through civil disobedience,
and for that a great awakening of the people was required. Gandhi was thinking

161
intensely about how his ideas and plans could be communicated to the people.
Several ideas were suggested about the kind of civil disobedience which could be
initiated, e.g., establish a parallel government, a march to Delhi, etc. But as noted
by Suchitra,^^ Gandhi discarded all these suggestions, "he had the perspective of
a long-drawn-out movement in which the largest masses of the people had to be
mobilized... the British would pounce on things like a march on to Delhi, and a
parallel Government immediately." But the actual course of the action was still
not clear. On January 10, 1930, as he said to Jawaharlal Nehru: "Ever since we
have separated at Lahore, I have been evolving schemes of civil disobedience. I
have not seen my way clear as yet. But I have come so far that, in the present state
of the Congress, no civil disobedience can be or should be offered in it's name, and
that it should be offered by me alone, or jointly with a few companions."^^

In the meantime, Gandhi was judging the whole situation, including the pros
and cons of a civil disobedience movement. January 26, 1930, was decided to be
celebrated by the Congress Working Committee as Independence Day. The idea
behind this was not to start a civil disobedience movement; it was a tactic meant
to invoke and stimulate the enthusiasm of the masses. Ultimately, Gandhi took his
first step in the direction of his future course of action by declaring the celebration
of "Independence Day" on January 26, 1930. But, a week later, on February 2,
1930, he wrote to C.F. Andrews, "The nature of the action is not yet clear to me.
It has to be civil disobedience. How it is to be undertaken and by whom besides
me, I have not yet seen quite clearly. But the shining cover that overlays the truth
is thinning day by day, and will presently break." ^*

Gandhi drafted a manifesto which included eleven points in it, to clear the
concept of Swaraj, made less abstract for the masses. The eleven points consisted
of a number of social and economic reforms. He made a fervent appeal in his
letter to Viceroy Irwin to carry out the reforms. There was a feeling of shock and
despair about the demand of eleven points among Indians. In fact. Lord Irwin also
could not understand the relevance between these eleven points and the demand
for Swaraj. Even Nehru had a doubt, "What was the point of making a fist of some
political and social reforms-good in themselves, no doubt-when we were talking in
terms of independence? Did Gandhi mean the same thing when he used this term

162
and space. That would enable the people to realize and meditate on the genuine
cause, and then would offer them enough time to prepare themselves for actual
action.

Here, Gandhi also used his earlier South African experiences, where he had
successfully initiated a satyagraha march. Before starting the proposed march,
which would eventually result in breaking the salt law, Gandhi informed the
Viceroy about his intention as usual: "It is, I know, open to you, to frustrate
my design by arresting me. I hope that there will be tens of thousands ready, in a
disciphned manner, to take up the work after me, and in the act of disobeying the
salt act, to lay themselves open to the penalties of a law that should never have
disfigured the statute book.^'* Gandhi was trying to generate maximum possible
publicity in a positive sense, to create public awareness, to protest against the salt
laws, and to indicate the necessity of an end to the British Government in India.
He made up his mind, and decided to march with his 78 chosen followers from
Sabarmati Ashram, Ahmedabad, as he had done in South Africa. On March 12,
1930, they set out for a 240 miles trek to Dandi . In a prayer meeting held on the
evening of March 11 Gandhi said, "Our cause is just, our means the purest, and
God is with us."^^ He was sixty-one then, the oldest marcher in the group. He
walked all the way to Dandi, ten to fifteen miles a day. He rested frequently, but
avoided sitting in the cart that followed the queue. During this march, Gandhi
woke up at 4.00 a.m. as usual, conducted his morning prayers, addressed meetings
in villages through which he passed, did his daily spinning, wrote articles for his
papers, and letters to his correspondents. Thus, while advancing towards his des-
tination, Gandhi would stop at each place and explain to the people the rationale
behind the march. He would give them understanding about the unjust salt laws,
and the valuable concept of swaraj. During the march of over 25 days, he visited
40 villages, giving a speech at each village. He also appealed to the local leaders to
give up their posts, and by April 5, 140 out of 760 village heads had resigned. All
these actions clearly bring out the awareness and understanding of Gandhi that
genuine communication is a gradual process; it grows and matures in its own time,
which must be patiently and willingly accepted.

The British Government failed in their judgment of the march, and did not

164
take any action to stop it, believing that it would peter out by itself. What was the
point of leading the people merely to pick up a few grains of salt, they thought? As
Gardner Howard mentions, "Some Indian leaders were equally uncomprehending"^^
in their perception of the entire movement. In our country, from ancient time, there
is a tradition to go for pilgrimages and these pilgrimages to holy places were always
made on foot, walking hundreds of miles and continuing for months at a stretch.
Buddha and Mahavir went on foot to give their sermon. Gandhi also followed
this tradition. He was very careful in choosing the means which would appeal
most to the people. Thus, he used every possible instrument very effectively to
communicate with the masses, and in a positive sense he exploited the inherent
faith of people very effectively. As Suchitra also writes, "Gandhi used the struc-
ture of the march itself to communicate the unified India that he envisaged."^^
This was in the sense that the 78 marchers of Gandhi represented all the provinces
of India, and included all the castes. He also used religious concepts of sin and
duty. "Nowhere in the world is there a law like the salt law. If there is such a
law, then it is a demonic law, a satanic law. To be loyal to a Government which
implements such a law is not dharma but adharma."^^ Gandhi also used symbols
related to salt. "In this struggle, do not be 'untrue to salt"^^, he said. He also used
famous and familiax examples from mythology to attract women to participate in
the movement. Besides, symbolic imaginary songs played an equally important
part in stirring people and creating an atmosphere of protest. A tribal woman
from Vedcchi recalls, "That was the environment in those days. We were ready to
die. We used to sing a lot of songs. If you have to break laws, you have to sing a
lot."30

For Gandhi, there was no retreat. To his followers, Gandhi was resolute. 'For
me there is no turning back whether I am alone or joined by thousands. I would
rather die a dog's death and have my bones licked by dogs than that I should
return to the Ashram a broken man."^^

After marching for twenty-four days, the procession reached Dandi. At night,
Gandhi held a prayer meeting. On the morning of April 6, 1930, he walked into
the sea, bent down, picked up a handful of salt, and broke the law. He was now a
criminal of the Government. At the first glance, it seemed to be very trivial and

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superficial, and nothing happened. But in later days, people rose to protest all
over India. The whole nation was stirred and awakened. As Nanda notes: "Far
from proving a fiasco, as some British officials had hoped and Indian skeptics had
feared, Gandhi's march electrified the whole country".^^ In Nehru's words: "Today
the pilgrim marches onward on his long trek. And none that passed him can escape
the spell, and men of common clay feel the spark of Ufe. It is a long journey, for
the goal is independence of India" .^^ Again he recalls, "It seemed as though a
spring had been suddenly released... as we saw the abounding enthusiasm of the
people and the way salt-making was spreading like a prairie fire, we felt a little
abashed and ashamed for having questioned the efficacy of this method when it was
first proposed by Gandhi. And we marvelled at the amazing knack of the man to
impress the multitude and make it act in an organized way."^* People were engaged
in breaching the law by one or other way all over the country. The Government
implemented strict measures to strangulate the Congress organization by freezing
its funds, and countered the satyagraha by choking the means of communication.
The Government also put a restriction on the press seeing the impact of Gandhi's
writings. The situation was getting out of control. Six people were killed in a raid
conducted by Hindustani terrorists. The military was called. But there was a clash
between Hindu and British soldiers. Because Hindu soldiers refused to fire on the
crowds. In the protest of restrictions on the press, Gandhi declared his intention to
raid the Government-owned salt-works at Dharasana. He was arrested on the night
of 4th May 1930. But his arrest further stimulated civil disobedience rather than
weakening it. About 90,000 civil resisters were jailed. The following lamentation of
the Governor Sykes of Bombay provides ample testimony of a nationalist upsurge:
"The whole poptdation of the town had been carried away on a wave of semi-
hysteric enthusiasm."^^ Home Minister Haig also admitted "the power and success
of the Congress movement."^®

Neither Congress leaders nor the British Government realized that the move-
ment against the salt law would acquire such a marvellous success, and would
create a serious threat to British Power.

Here, it is important to note that the idea of launching the march was not
Gandhi's original, but was suggested by one of his colleague, named Kalyanji

166
Mehta, who had a keen understanding of the pubUcity value of the event.'^ Even
the idea of using salt in a mass mobilization campaign had been explored earlier.^^
Gandhi's credit lies in the fact that he could use imd transform a small cause like
salt into an extremely powerful weapon and public issue, to communicate his
profound ideas such as swaraj, economic slavery etc. in the most simple way to
the Indian masses, and could shake the oppressive Government.

The question that comes to mind is, why did Gandhi march and walk such
a long distance? He could have gone by some vehicle to Dandi. What was the
need to walk all the way? This is because a march gave him the opportunity to
create a live, direct communication with the masses, constantly for twenty-four
days, by explaining and conveying his ideas to the masses through which he could
generate great political awakening and press publicity, in India and the world.
By means of a long march, he cotdd build a great movement, gradually. On the
other hand, if he had gone by a vehicle, perhaps, the whole project would not
have been noticed. So it was a specific technique of creating a common mass-
appeal. Gandhi was a remarkable symbolic communicator, and discovered the
great idea of communication by launching the salt satyagraha. It was not the
originality of his idea that won success for him but the novel way in which he
projected and handled the whole idea of communication. What mattered was how
he implemented the movement. His understanding of and familiarity with the
symbols made them effective as a means of communication. But success cannot
be ascribed only to symbols. If it were so, then anybody can use them and be
successful. However sound and true a message, that by itself is not sufficient. If it
did not have credibility, it cannot appeal to the common people. Credibility is also
one of the important factors that play an important role. Another factor was that
it was easy to break the salt law, and it could be broken in a variety of ways by
selling, purchasing and making salt. Thus, people could participate in a large scale
with this action. Also, there was no provision of law which prohibited the march,
so long as it was conducted peacefully. Like breaking the salt, marching also did
not need any special skill or courage, so it ensured the participation of ordinary
people. As Suchitra notes in her article, that "common folk were impressed by
Gandhi's simple life style, his lack of wealth and possessions."^^ People were highly
influenced by his practical actions, and as we know, Gandhi believed in action, and

167
communicated his ideas very successfully through it. He was quite aware of the
credibility factor. He had established tremendous credibility among the masses.
All these factors contributed to the success of the Salt Satyagraha. It was a
tremendous communication through a mass-movement, and the great contribution
of Gandhi to the freedom movement, which required special skill and a unique
ability to communicate. In Louis Fischer's words, "To pick up a pinch of salt
in defiance of the mighty Government and thus become a criminal.... required
imagination, dignity and the sense of showmanship of a great artist. It appealed
to the illiterate peasant and it appealed to a sophisticated critic."^°

That this movement very nearly reached the ideal of the model satyagraha,
as envisaged by Gandhi again and again in his writings and speeches, is clear
from the following eye-witness report filed by the well-known American journalist,
Web Miller: "Suddenly at a word of command, scores of native policemen rushed
upon the advancing marchers and rained blows on their heads with their steel-shod
latha. Not one of the marchers even raised an arm to fend off the blows. They
went down like ten pins. From where I stood I heard the sickening whack of the
clubs on unprotected skulls. The waiting crowd of marchers groaned and sucked
in their breath in sympathetic pain at every blow.... They marched steadily with
heads up, without the encouragement of music or cheering or any possibility that
they might escape serious injury or death. The police rushed out and methodically
and mechanically beat down the second column. There was no fight, no struggle;
the marchers simply walked forward till struck down. The police commenced to
savagely kick the seated men in the abdomen and testicles, and then d ragged
them by their arms and feet and threw them into the ditches... Hour after hour
stretcher - bearers carried back a stream of inert bleeding bodies... By 11.00 A.M.,
the heat had reached 116 degrees, and the assault subsided. "^^

168
 The Salt Satyagraha (1930-31)- At a glance

Date Action
In the last Congress session was held at Lahore,
week of December 1929 and the resolution of "Puma Swaraj" was passed.
December 31, 1929 The Congress unfurled the flag of Independence
on the banks of the Ravi, and authorized the All-India
Congress Committee to launch civil disobedience.
January 26,1930 A Declaration was made for the celebration
of the "Independence day". A pledge to be taken by
each Congressman was drafted and sent out.
January 29, 1930 "Independence Day" was celebrated
throughout the country. Gandhi continued to think
and meditate over a suitable mass-action plan.
January 30,1930 Gandhi proclaimed his intention to give up
Civil Disobedience; he put forward his eleven
demands in Young India, against the Viceroy.
February 5, 1930 Gandhi's plan to begin civil disobedience
by defying the salt laws was declared in
the Newspapers.
March 2, 1930 Gandhi communicated his plan to the
Viceroy, Lord Irvin.
March 11, 1930 A prayer meeting was held in the
Sabarmati Ashram in the evening.
March 12, 1930 The Salt March was started at 6.30 a.m.,
with Gandhi's 78 chosen followers to Dandi,
240 miles away, and continued for 25 days,
covering 40 villages. Gandhi took a vow that he
would not return to the Sabarmati Ashram until he
gained "Swaraj"

169
Date Action
By April 5, 1930 140 out 760 village headmen
had resigned their post.
April 5, 1930 The procession reached Dandi.
Gandhi wrote "I want worid sympathy in the
battle of right against might"
April 6, 1930 Gandhi breached the Salt-law at
8.30 a.m. A tremendous genuine and direct
communication took place. It electrified the whole
nation, and created great awakening in the
masses. The novel idea of Gandhi captured the
imagination of the people. They took part in this
movement irrespective of caste and religion, with
extra-ordinary zeal and courage. About 90000 people
courted jail. The "Dandi March" marked as one of the
most dramatic and successful episodes in the history
of the Indian freedom struggle, and is termed as a model
satyagraha in Gandhi's view.

170
4. T H E QUIT I N D I A M O V E M E N T (1942)

The second world war broke out in 1939. Two major forces that emerged were
Allies and the Axis powers. Great Briton got heavily involved in the war. India
was also declared a belligerent nation against the Axis power. However, this was a
direct declaration coming from the Viceroy without any consultation in any form
with the Indian pubhc or any public organization representing people. This was
perceived as a clear proof of foreign control, and was considered to be completely
unjust. Anger spread throughout the nation. The Congress had already thought
over and formulated its war policy. It was against Nazism and for democracy, but
it was against any imposition of war in India.

Gandhi was called by the Viceroy for talks in Simla. He was a die heart
pacifist, and was for complete non-violent resistance. His sympathy was with the
British nation, but in his view, India was not to fight violent wars. He said, there
must be a non-violent resistance in the shape of non-cooperation with the invader.

For the Congress, however, non-violence was only a policy. The Congress was
ready to extend cooperation, but wanted to strike a political advantage in return.
Gandhi would of course not agree to such a formula. He asked the Congress
to either declare firm faith in non-violence or otherwise go and help the British
without bargaining politics. The Congress did not agree on such an unconditional
stand. However, Gandhi supported the Congress when it asked the British Empire,
which was fighting in the name of democracy and freedom, for the declaration of
war aims. The British rulers in India, of course, declined. They were neither ready
to concede democratic rights or independence to India. The Viceroy referred to the
communal differences among Indians. He just said an advisory council of Indians
to help the Viceroy with war efforts may be set up.

However, the Nazi armies came to western Europe in the summer of 1940.
The very existence of England was in danger. This invoked sympathy, and in a
fresh approach the Congress Working Committee declared that if Independence is
declared after the war, the Congress would immediately join the defense efforts.
But the Viceroy did not respond, and merely repeated the previous policy. The
point: India was already contributing in a major way to the war efforts in terms

171
of men and materials. So, support from the Congress would not make a great
difference.

In fact, Gandhi was not a party to that offer made by the congress. However,
he let the other leaders, go their way. The reaction of the Viceroy was a great
disappointment for the Congressmen. In a way, this was a final parting of ways.

The All-India Congress Committee met in Bombay in 1940, and rejected

the Viceroy's stand. Now, there was no co-operation with the Government, either
violent or non-violent. Then, once again, Gandhi and the Congress came together.
The Congress requested his leadership, and asked him to devise a method for
protesting against the Government.

Gandhi was now brooding over a new method to express the anger and dis-
content that was spreading throughout the nation against British hegemony. Once
again, he was in the process of devising a novel method to communicate the true
state of affairs both to the Indian masses at large and the world far away. The
war regulations were enforced in India. There were heavy restrictions on the press
and on freedom of speech. Gandhi suggested that the Government should grant
freedom of speech, and the Congress should be allowed to air its views against
the war and in favour of non-cooperation. Then, there would be no need for civil
disobedience. The Viceroy wrote back to Gandhi that such a freedom could not
be allowed in war time. However, Gandhi was quick to point out the Government
declaration that the whole of India was willing to help the war effort. Thus, it was
necessary to clarify that the vast majority of people was simply not interested in
it. Gandhi and the Congress had no alternative, and the movement had to begin.

Now, Gandhi started making his plans. As usual, he decided to proceed

gradually before the fulfledged mass civil disobedience would begin. He only se-
lected associates whom he considered disciplined and trained in non-violent non-
cooperation. Again, as usual, the Viceroy was fully informed about these plans.
Gandhi started putting a heavy emphasis on constructive programs. For him,
such programmes were the real expression of non-violence. The beginning of the
movement was made on October 17, 1940, with Vinoba Bhave delivering an anti-
war speech. Next, Jawaharlal Nehru was arrested. By the middle of 1941, about

172
twenty-five thousand people courted imprisonment. Sometimes, a demand was
made to launch mass civil-disobedience. However, Gandhi did not agree, and the
individual satyagraha went on at a low key. Perhaps, Gandhi was preparing the
ground for the future. The Government also did not pay much attention to the
Movement. As if to make a friendly gesture, Gandhi suspended the movement
during Christmas to allow the officers a vacation.

By the beginning of 1942, the war took a serious turn. The Japanese were
gaining heavily, and a speedy advance was being made towards India. All the
political prisoners were released, including Nehru and Maulana. The Congress
was clearly against the aggressors. But it only wanted a Free India to make it's
own defense. Gandhi was, of course, an out-and-out pacifist, and he wanted a
defense only through non-violent non-cooperation. The Congress did not agree
with this. Again, to avoid the split, Gandhi parted company with the Congress
when they met in January 1942. The beginning of the year was marked by high
hopes because of the arrival of the Cripps mission in March 1942. Cripps came
with many proposals which looked.quite attractive. The point was there was
heavy pressure on the British Government by the Allies to come to terms with
the Congress. The U.S.A. and China wanted the Japanese to be content with
the help of Indians. The public opinion in Britain also favoured the same stand.
The idea was to arrive at a settlement so that, soon after the war, India would
attain dominion status with full freedom under a constitution to be framed by
Indians. However, when discussed in full, with the details, Cripps had turned
out to be tricky, and allowed for a vivisection of the country. The racial and
religious elements received heavy consideration, and special importance was given
to princely states. There were mixed reactions within India, but Gandhi rejected
the plan outright. There was no question for him about India joining the war, and
the only alternative for him was non-violent non-cooperation. Also, he desired
immediate freedom because there was no guarantee that Britishers would fulfill a
promise made during the war. Thus, Gandhi left for Wardha advising Cripps to
take the next plane to London.

Further, to the failure of Cripps, the communication between the Government,

and Gandhi and the Congress broke down completely. The country was growing

173
increasingly restless, and the danger of disunity on communal grounds also grew.
Such was the background in which the "Quit India" movement of 1942 emerged.
By such a movement, Gandhi meant the complete departure of the British, except
probably the staying of the British army for some more time due to war needs.
The Congress again went to Gandhi asking him to provide leadership, and the
working committee resolved that the British rule in India should end immediately.
The way was clear, that it would be a mass civil disobedience under the leadership
of Gandhi. The historic declaration was made on 8 August, 1942, with Gandhi
saying: "I want freedom immediately this very night",'*^ giving the mantra of "Do
or Die" to the masses of India. He told the entire nation that they would see a
free India, or die in the attempt.

Gandhi's plan was the following: He would write a letter to the Viceroy con-
veying the national demand. In the case of failure, the movement would begin,
consisting of total strikes, no rent campaigns, boycott, and picketing of foreign
goods, etc. in a non-violent manner. He also told satyagrahis to be ready to
receive bullets on their open breasts. However, the Government acted with light-
ning speed, allowing no time for Gandhi and the Congress to organize the civil
disobedience movement. On August 9 itself most of the leaders including Gandhi,
were behind prison bars. The Congress units were banned, property attached, and
Ashrams disbanded.

A s a result of these fast developments and sudden arrest of leaders, the entire
country was thrown into confusion. There were no leaders to guide the masses,
and a spontaneous movement started off. This mob soon turned violent, setting
fire to Government property such as post offices, police quarters, courts, railway
stations, etc. Immediately, severe Government repression started with help from
the army. People declared independence on their own in several parts of the coun-
try. Thousands were simply killed by the military, and over thirty six thousand
were put in jail. Even though Gandhi was immediately behind bars, his influence
had grown so much by 1942 that people were, so to say, electrically charged by his
dictum, "Do or Die". Thus, the movement started, and continued even without
his leadership. However, it could not remain non-violent disobedience in the sense
of what Gandhi desired. He was jailed in the Aga Khain Palace in Pune. No news-

174
papers or other communication facilities were granted to him. Eventually, he came
to know even in jail what was going on outside. All the blame for the blood shed
and violence was being put on Gandhi and the Congress by the Government. The
Viceroy Linlithgow squarely blamed Gandhi for all that had taken place. Gandhi
denied the charges, stating that he or the Congress were denied the opportunity
to direct the movement in a peaceful manner. He was deeply pained by the false
propaganda. He undertook a fast on February 9, 1943, for three weeks. The eyes
of the entire nation were rivetted on Aga Khan Palace, what Gandhi was doing,
and saying, and what was happening to him. He had already become the center
of attention in the whole country. His influence had grown so tremendously by
this time that even without his saying anything a powerful conrniunication was al-
ready continuously taking place. All his actions, and even qtdetness, had become
a source of strength for the masses. It was as if a great moral power was now
communicating with the people, and leading them.

In the meantime, Gandhi's life companion for more than sixty years, Kasturba,
passed away in the Aga Khan Palace. Again, the entire nation was shocked by that
happening, and grieved with Gandhi. It was as if Gandhi had become the soul of
the nation as a whole. His communication with the masses had now risen to such
a stage that the nation was vibrating with him, with equal frequency. It was as
if an effortless communication bridge had been established. Of course, there were
problems like Hindu-Muslim disunity, communal tensions, etc. However, by and
large, Gandhi communicated well with the masses. Eventually, he was released
from jail in 1944, considering his serious health condition. He then only took rest
for a while. However, the momentum generated by the movement he had initiated
in 1942 was so great that it continued to affect the nation, and world opinion,
eventually resulting in the freedom of the country after the next few years.

175
 The "Quit India" Movement 1942
At a glance

1939 The Second world war broke out.

October 17, 1940 The movement begins with Individual Satyagraha by
Vinoba Bhave. Vinoba made a public speech in which he
preached the Congress war-policy, and exhorted the people
not to help the war effort. He was arrested after he had
been making speeches for four days, and was sentenced to
three months' imprisonment. This Satyagraha continued tiU the
end of 1941, and about 30,000 people courted jail for
repeating anti-war slogans.

By the beginning The war took a serious turn.

of 1942

Gajidhi parted from the Congress

January 15, 1942 and saved it from splitting.

Sir Stafford Cripps reached India with

March 22, 1942 his scheme of political reform.
The idea flashed upon Gandhi that
March 30, 1942 Britishers must leave India, and a final movement
must be launched.
August 8, 1942 Gandhi made the classic declaration of the
"Quit India" movement in Bombay, and gave the country
the message of "Do or Die".
August 9, 1942 Most of the leaders including Gandhi were
arrested and jailed. Gandhi was arrested in the early morning
without any charge, and for an uncertain period. It was
his 8th arrest in India. Arrests were made throughout
the country. All Congress committees were declared illegal.
Ahmedabad miU-workers went on strikes. Government put
restriction on the newspapers, and they were allowed to publish
news sent only by Institutions acknowledged by the
Government. The Congress was soon swept away, without
initiating the struggle. The unguided people fought the struggle
in their own way, excited by the arrest of their leaders,
and resorted to violence. Thousands were killed and
thirty six thousand were put in jails. The Military was
called by the Government. Independence was declared in several
parts of the country by the people.

176
Feb. 9, 1943 Gandhi undertook a fast for three weeks to gain
justice from the Government, because he
and the Congress were blamed by the Government for all the
violence which broke out following their arrest.
May 6, 1944 Gandhi was released from jail at 8.a.m.
for health reasons.
June 16, 1946 The Viceroy invited 14 persons to join
the Interim Government.
Sept.2, 1946 The Indian Government was formed under the leadership
of Jawaharlal Nehru. The Muslim League launched
a direct action and black-flag demonstration. There were
large scale riots in Calcutta, Bombay and other places.

References

1. Nehru Jawaharlal, Mahatma Gandhi: Reflections on his personality and teach-

ings, T.K. Mahadevan (ed.), Bhartiya Vidya Bhavan, Bombay, 1960. p. 13.
2. Ibid., p. 14.
3. Radhakrishnan S. (ed.) Mahatma Gandhi: Essays and Reflections on his life
and work, George Allen & Unwin, London 1939. p. 282.
4. Gandhi M.K. Satyana Prayogo Athava Atmakatha (Gujarati), Navajivan, Ahmed-
abad, 1927. p. 415.
5. Ibid.
6. Ibid, p. 417.
7. Alexander P.C. The perils of democracy, Somaiya Publication, Bombay, 1995,
p. 215.
8. Gandhi M.K. op.cit. p. 418.
9. Ibid, p. 424.
10. Gandhi M.K. Atmakatha, op.cit, p.427.
11. Ibid, p.426.
12. Ibid, p.427.
13. Ibid.

177
14. Gandhi M. K. Young India, 1-5-1930.

15. Nanda B.R. Pilgrim On His Trek: Recalling the Dandi March, The Times of
India, 12-3-1992.
16. Suchitra, What Moves Masses: Dandi March as Communication Strategy,
Economic and political weekly, 8-4-1995.

17. Collected works of Mahatma Gandhi, Publications Division, Govt, of India,

Vol. 42, p. 382.

18. Ibid, p. 444.

19. Nehru Jawaharlal, An Autobiography, Allied Publishers Private Ltd., Bombay,
1962, p. 210.

20. Nanda B.R. op.cit.

21. Sinha R.K. Gandhian non-violence and Indian National Struggle, H.K. Pub-
lications, Delhi, 1992.

22. Nanda B.R. op.cit.

23. Suchitra, op.cit.
24. Tendulkar D.G. Mahatma Gandhi, The Publication Division, Govt, of India,
New Delhi, 1981, Vol. 3, p.l8.

25. Nanda B.R. op.cit.

26. Gardner Howard, Creating Minds, Basic Books, New York, 1993, p. 343.
27. Suchitra, op.cit.
28. Ibid.

29. Ibid.
30. Ibid.
31. Gardner Howard, op.cit., p.344.
32. Nanda B.R. op.cit.
33. Ibid.
34. Nehru Jawaharlal, An Autobiography, op.cit. p.213.
35. Nanda B.R. op.cit.

178
36. Ibid.
37. Suchitra, op.cit.
38. Ibid.

39. Ibid.
40. Fischer Louis, The life of Mahatma Gandhi, Jonathan Cape, London, 1951,
p.294.
41. Gardner Howard, op.cit. p. 345.
42. Sinha R.K. op.cit.

179