Caste and Indian Politics

“The prevailing dichotomy between tradition and mordernity has created a crious cognitive hiatus—in
ideological thinking as well as in much of social science theorizing—between society on one hand and polity on the
other. The former is conceived as if by definition, as ‘traditional’; the latter, as modern and developmental. Political
and developmental institutions do not anywhere function in vacuum. They tend, of necessity to find bases in
society...”

-- Rajni Kothari

Analyzing democratic processes in terms of Caste and communities has become the inevitable reality while
defining politics in India today. The inordinate presence of caste in every aspect of socio-cultural life and its
definitive role in determining the patterns of social and political behavior makes the study of the relation between
caste and politics in India an ever –increasingly fascinating and complicated area of study. For example Indian
politics has undergone much transformation over the years and that change certainly does not reflect what our
founding fathers hoped for. The zeal for democratization and modernization has made the caste system in India
somewhat stronger rather than diminishing its Impact on society and politics- something our founding fathers had
not predicted would happen. The mainstream stream political leadership had recognized the crippling impact that
caste would have on the political system. Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru that caste is wholly antithetic to progress. The
whole question of equality of status and opportunity gets eroded if caste continues to play a dominant role I
society. Dr. B.R. Ambedkar the chairman of the Constituent Assembly opined that it was impossible to build up a
nation if such a system continues to exist. ‘Anything you build up on the foundations of caste is bound to crack and
never be a whole’. However a close study into the ongoing politics and electoral processes in India since the
decline of the ‘Congress System’ from 1967 will show that caste has only led to the deepening of democracy and
has become more inclusive over the interests and needs of the diverse social groups and socially ostracized
categories of the Indian population.

Caste is a hereditary hierarchically organized social structure essentially a phenomenon of the Indian subcontinent.
The caste identity of a person is very different from other identities. Unlike class which is based on the essential
principles of achievement through the utilizations of one’s capabilities, caste status of person is essentially an
ascribed status determined by birth. It derives its origins in Hindu mythology and ancient Vedic scriptures which
tried to give a theological justification of division of labour and social status of a person on the basis of the quality
of work he performs. It is unique system which, from the ancient times till now has justified social segregation and
exploitation. It is a highly rigid and closed social system where rigidity is maintained to the principles of heredity,
endogamy, restrictions of food and specific economic, social, cultural and religious practices, norms and
regulations. However Caste is also not merely about occupational specialization and division of labour. It
encapsulated within it the features of a social structure and normative religious behavior and even provided a fair
comprehensive idea of caste society.

Approaches to the study of the Caste in India.

With regard to the understanding of the caste system in India there are several diverse approaches. Given below
are some of the major approaches:

Indological Approach

One of the most popular approach is the the Indological approach put forward by the orientalists who like to
interpret Caste purely on the basis of classical Hindu texts and mythologies derived from the vedas and
Manusmriti. They believe that the caste system is the essential characteristics of the Indian society. One cannot
understand the Indian society without understanding the caste system. It is the root structure which defines Hindu
society. This approach takes into account theological origins of the caste system. The mythology believes that the
starting of human civilization has been from the body of God or the absolute creator (brahma). Brahmins occupy
the highest position in society because they emerged from the head of brahma which symbolizes intelligence and
wisdom. The Kshatriyas emerged from the chest of Brahma which symbolizes courage and strength. Their dharma
lies in the protection and security of society. The Vaishyas appeared from the thighs of brahma and forms the
trading and business class whereas the Shudras came out from the feet of brahma and form the lowest stratum of
society which works for the service of the other three castes.` the Indologists believe that the early varna system
represents a kind of division of labour. This division of labour was on the basis of quality of and capability. The
early varna system was never really a closed system but rigidness in the system developed over time. So caste
according to the Indologists

 Caste is a kind of social arrangement primarily based on birth.

 The caste system has its roots in the early Varna system. It is a divine creation and not created by man.
 It is a rigid hierarchical social structure. Upward mobility in the caste system is difficult. Rigidity is
maintained through the restrictions of food marriage, customs and traditions etc. Thus the caste system is
a closed system.
 Caste is an ascribed status determined by birth.
 The caste system is an extra human affair. It is the force which guides all social economic and political
behavior of man.

The anthropological approach

The anthropological approach was directly opposed to the Indological approach. The social anthropologist tried to
understand caste in India through a more empirical and scientific systematic study on the caste system in India.
They refuse to adhere to the Indological view of caste which is based on a theological understanding based in
Hindu mythology. According to them caste was not merely an institution that characterized the structure of social
stratification; it represented the core of India. It was both an institution and an ideology. Institutionally ‘caste’
provided a frame work for arranging and organizing social groups in terms of statuses and positions in the social
and economic system. As an ideology caste was a system of values and ideas which legitimized and reinforced the
existing structures of social inequality.

G.S.Ghurye identified six different features of the Hindu caste system, namely:

 Segmental division of society

 Hierarchy
 Restrictions of feedingand social intercourse.
 Civil and religious disabilities and priviledges of different sections
 Lack of unrestricted choice of occupation
 Restrictions on marriage.
 Caste was not merely occupational specialization or division of labour. It encapsulated within it features
of a social structure and normative religious behavior.

The Structural Perspective

The most prominent structuralist thinker on caste was Louis Dumont. He approached the Hindu caste system from
a structuralist perspective that focued on underlying structures of ideas of a given system, the ‘essential principles’
which maynot be apparent or visible in normal everday practice. He opined that caste is essentially based on the
lines of an ideology and that ideology is a justification of hierarchy. It not only signifies social stratification but also
social organization as well.it is a social structure where people survive in an interdependent manner. The various
structures form the basis of the way of life of the Indian people.
Caste and Politics in India

India is attempting a reconciliation between a modern democratic political systems with a social system which has
its firm foundations in ancient culture. Many ancient social structures are persisting. In one sense, the modern
democratic political system has been superimposed on people who are greatly attached to their past and the
dynamics of contemporary Indian society derives from a struggle or conflict between an emerging democratic
politics on the one hand and the loyalties of people rooted in the Indian past on the other. No wonder Caste
became such an important apparatus of politicking in Independent India. While the constituent assembly in large
majority had sought to denounce the caste system and the Articles 14-18 of the newly formed Constitution sought
to establish equality and prevent discrimination on the grounds of caste, creed, color, religion and sex. Article 17
abolished untouchability. Even In the constituent assembly, Dr.B.R.Ambedkar and Gandhi were in support of
implementing certain special provisions for backward class. There was univocal support in the constituent
assembly for implementing special provisions for the upliftment of the S.C.s and S.T.s. However on the issue of
extending reservation on backward classes other than the S.Cs and S.T.s was much debated in the Assembly. On
what parameters it was to be decided as to whether special provisions could be extended was a matter of debate.
Nehru voted for the formation of a categoery called ‘Other backward castes’ but this would be highly ambiguous as
it would not include the poor and deprived sections of the minority.

In the 1950s much heated debate on this issue led to the first backward class commission under the provisions
provided under Article 340 of the Indian Constitution. The 11 member commission came to be known as Kaka
Kalelkar Commission .

First Backward classes commission: Kaka Kalelkar Commission

Adhering to Article 340, the First Backward Classes Commission was set up by a presidential order on January 29,
1953 under the chairmanship of Kaka Kalelkar.

Its terms of references were to:

 Determine the criteria to be adopted in considering whether any sections of the people in the territory of
India in addition to the SC and ST as socially and educationally backward classes, using such criteria it was
to prepare a list of such classes setting out also their approximate members and their territorial
distribution.
 Investigate the conditions of all such socially and educationally backward classes and the differences
under which they labour and make recommendations
 as to the steps that should be taken by the union or any state to remove such difficulties or to improve
their economic condition, and
 as to the grants that should be made for the purpose by the union or any state and the conditions subject
to which such grants should be made;
 Investigate such other matters as the president may hereafter refer to them and
  Present to the president a report setting out the facts as found by them and making such
recommendations as they think proper.
For identifying socially and educationally backward classes, the commission adopted the following criteria:
 Low social position in the traditional caste hierarchy of Hindu society.
 Lack of general educational advancement among the major section of a caste or community.
 Inadequate or no representation in government services.
 Inadequate representation in the field of trade, commerce and industry
The commission submitted its report on March 30, ‘1955. It had prepared a list of 2,399 backward castes or
communities for the entire country and of which 837 had been    classified as the ‘most backward’ Some of the
most noteworthy recommendations of the commission were:

 Undertaking caste-wise enumeration of population in the census of 1961.

 Relating social backwardness of a class to its low position in the traditional caste hierarchy of Hindu
society,
 Treating all women as a class as ‘backward’;
 Reservation of 70 per cent seats in all technical and professional institutions for qualified students of
backward classes.
 minimum reservation of vacancies in all government services and local bodies for other backward classes
on the following scale: class I = 25 per cent; class II = 33½ per cent; class III and IV = 40 per cent.
Shri. Kaka Kalelkar, the Chairman, along with 4 other members of the commission took a rather equivocal stand on
the issue, though they did not record a formal minutes of dissent, in his forwarding letter to the President he
opposed the important recommendations made by the commission. But this report was not accepted by the
Central government on the ground that it had not applied any objective tests for identifying the Backward Class.
The Nehruvian state which adhered to socialistic principles was silent on the report. Though the report did not
raise much appraisal in north India, on the basis of the report however many south Indian states led by Tamil
Nadu, Maharashtra Karnataka, Kerela (highest at 70% reservations) implemented the recommendations of the
report. This was because the south of India was not predominantly uppercaste dominated like north India. Thus,
there was a need of second backward classes of commission.

MANDAL I Commission
The decision of the Janata Party Government with Mr. Morarji Desai as PM to set up a second backward classes
commission was made official by the President on January 1, 1979. The commission popularly known as the
Mandal Commission, its chairman being B. P. Mandal. It submitted the report in December 1980. Terms Of Mandal
Commission
 To determine the criteria for defining the socially and educationally backward classes
 To recommend the steps to be taken for their advancement.
 To examine the desirability or otherwise for making any provision for the reservation of appointments or
posts in their favour.
  To present a report setting out the facts found by the commission.
The Mandal Commission adopted various methods and techniques to collect the necessary data and evidence to
fulfill the above objectives. Some of the important measures taken in this connection were:

 Seminar of sociologists on social backwardness

 Issue of three sets of questionnaires  to State Government and the public
 Extensive touring of the country by the Commission, taking evidence of legislators, eminent public men,
sociologist
 Undertaking country wide socio-educational survey (A socio-educational field survey was organized under
the panel of experts with M. N. Srinivas as chairman)
 Preparation of reports on some important issues by specialized agencies.
  Caste Study, village monographs and study of legal and constitutional issues, Analysis of the census data
etc
Of these three groups, different weight-ages were given to indicators of each group.
 Social indicators were given 3 points each.
 Educational indicators were given 2 points each.
 Economic indicators were given 1 point each.
The 11 indicators formulated by the commission are
Social
 Castes/classes considered as socially backward by others.
 Castes/classes which mainly depend on manual labour for their livelihood.
 Castes/classes where the percentage of married women below 17 is 25% above the state average in rural
areas and 10% in urban areas; and that of married men is 10% and 5% above the state average in rural and
urban areas respectively.
 Castes/classes where participation of females in work is at least 25% above the state average.
Educational
 Castes/classes where the number of children in the age group of 5 to 15 years who never attended school
is at least 25% above the state average.
 Castes/classes where the rate of student drop-out in the age group of 5-15 years is at least 25% above the
state average.
 Castes/classes amongst whom the proportion of matriculates is at least 25% below the state average
Economic 
 Castes/classes where the average value of family assets is at least 25% below the state average.
 Castes/classes where the number of families living in kachcha (temporary) houses is at least 25 % above
the state average.
 Castes/classes where the source of drinking water is beyond half a kilometer for more than 50% of the
households.
 Castes/classes where the number of the house-holds having taken a consumption loan is at least 25%
above the state average.
Figures of caste-wise population are not available beyond 1931. So the commission requested states/union
territories to use 1931 census data, analyze the trends and estimate by using statistical methods for extrapolating
the current population. These are well-established scientific methods and the best possible options at that time to
calculate the number of OBCs. The population of Hindu OBCs was derive by subtracting from the total population
of Hindus, the population of SC and ST and that of forward Hindu castes and communities, and it worked out to be
52 per cent. Assuming that roughly the proportion of OBCs among non-Hindus was of the same order as amongst
the Hindus, population of non-Hindu OBCs was also consider as 52 per cent of actual proportion of their population
of 16.16 per cent or 8.40 per cent. The total population of Hindu and non-Hindu OBC therefore naturally added up
to nearly 52 per cent of the country’s population.

Reservation for SCs and STs is in proportion to their population i.e. 22%. But as there is a legal obligation to keep
the reservation under Articles 15(4) and 16(4) of the constitution below 50%, the commission recommends a
reservation of 27% for OBCs
Article 15(4)
Nothing in this article or in clause 2 of Article 29 (protection of minorities) shall prevent the state from making any
special provision for the advancement of any socially and educationally backward classes.

Article 16(4)
Nothing in this ‘article shall prevent the state from making any provision for the reservation of appointments or
posts in favour of any backward class citizens which, in the opinion of the state, is not adequately represented in
the services under the state.

Other recommendations of Mandal Commission

 Candidates belonging to OBC recruited based on merit in an open competition should not be adjusted
against their reservation quota of 27 per cent.
 The above reservation should also be made applicable to promotion quota at all levels.
 Reserved quota remaining unfilled should be carried forward for a period of three years and de-reserved
thereafter.
 Relaxation in the upper age limit for direct recruitment should be extended to the candidates of OBC in
the same manner as done in the case of SCs and STs.
 A roster system for each category of posts should be adopted by the concerned authorities in the same
manner as presently done in respect of SC and ST candidates.
 These recommendations in total are applicable to all recruitment to public sector undertakings both
under the central and state governments, as also to nationalized banks.
 All universities and affiliated colleges should also be covered by the above scheme of reservation.
The commission suggested that the entire operations of its recommendations should be implemented for 20
years.On 30th April 1981, Mandal Commission was submitted to both the houses of parliament but former prime
minister Indira Gandhi and after that Rajiv Gandhi cleverly ignored it.On 7th August 1990, Mr.V.P.Singh issued a n
order in 1990, as Prime Minister, to implement a part of the recommendations of the Mandal Report. 27% of the
jobs were reserved for the OBCs who constitute about 52% of the total population. Article 16(4) of the Constitution
makes provision for job reservation and Article 15(4) for reservation in educational institutions.

In the period of the Narashima Rao Government, the government introduced 2 changes: a) Preference to the
poorer sections of among the OBC quota, i.e. adaptation of economic criteria in granting reservation b) extra 10%
reservation for the poorer sections of the upper castes.

In the famous case Indra Shawney vs Union of India 1992, the scope and extent of article 16(4), which provides for
reservations of jobs in favor of backward classes, has been thoroughly examined by the Supreme Court. The court
rejected the governments proposal for 10% reservation for the poorer sections of the upper castes but upheld the
Constitutional validity of the 27% reservations for OBCs however with certain conditions:

 The advanced sections of the OBC’s or the Ceamy Layer should be excluded from the reservation benefits.
 There should be no reservations in promotions
 The Total quota of reservations of ST, SC, OBC should not exceed 50%. The carry forward rule of
unfulfilled vacancies is valid but should not violate the 50% rule.
On the basis of the supreme court’s verdict

 The ram Nandan Committee was formed to identify the creamy layer. N
 National commission for Backward Classes was established in 1993
 In order to nullify the ruling on reservations in promotions the 77 th amendment 1995 was enacted.
 The 76th amendment place the Tamil Nadu reservations Act under the 9 th schedule to protect it from
judicial review.

In A fresh row has arisen over the April 5, 2006 declaration by HRD Minister Arjun Singh to reserve 27 percent of
seats for OBCs in educational institutions funded by the central government like central universities, IITs, IIMs,
AIIMS, and other professional institutions. The OBC reservation in educational institutions is being called Mandal-
II,, as it was not covered under the existing reservation for OBCs. The 93rd Constitutional Amendment Act brought
by the UPA government to supersede the Supreme Court judgment in the Inamdar case, that gave immunity to
private educational institutions from reservation policy, was quoted as a constitutional mandate to extend the
reservation policy in educational institutions.

The relation between caste and politics is thus a complex one. While many critics opine that the utilization of caste
in electoral politics is against the very nature of democracy as it is further segregating the nation on narrow lines,
scholars like Rajni Kothari believe that caste plays a strong cohesive factor in national integration and deepening of
democracy. He opines that the transition of power from the upper strata of the society to the lower strata has
been the most peaceful transfer of power the world has ever seen. Power got transferred not through violent
revolution but through peaceful democratic and constitutional means. Regarding the reservation system, I would
opine that preferential treatment for the upliftment of the least advantaged in our society is fully justified. Only
the government should work better to see that the reservation policy can actually reach the grassroots instead of
the relatively well-off sections of the lower castes utilizating it for their own selfish benefit.