Review - Scipio Africanus. Soldier and Politician
Review - Scipio Africanus. Soldier and Politician
Scullard
Review by: Erich S. Gruen
The American Journal of Philology, Vol. 93, No. 2 (Apr., 1972), pp. 377-380
Published by: The Johns Hopkins University Press
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been deceived by any supposed falsehood" (p. 17) will hardly win
universal assent. Patronage extended by the circle of Scipio
Aemilianus must have put a strain on objectivity. That Polybius
"made the fullest use of all oral sources" (p. 18) is unverifiable.
Even if it were so, however, the fact would not necessarily bolster
confidence. Self-interested oral informants may well lie behind
Polybius' rejection of the Carthaginian treaty recorded by Philinus-
to take but the most notorious example (Polyb., III, 26; cf., inter
alia, Toynbee, Hannibal's Legacy, I, pp. 540-55). Scullard inclines
to accept Polybius' romantic story about young Scipio's rescue of his
father at the Ticinus (p. 29). Laelius had conveyed the tale (Polyb.,
X, 3). But whether Laelius knew Scipio at the time of the alleged
episode is dubious. Polybius was certainly not above retailing
inaccuracies about Scipio's early career-as Scullard himself must
admit (pp. 30-1; Polyb., X, 4-a story that also seems to derive
from Laelius). The author, in general, shows an inclination towards
acceptance of most traditions on Scipio, even attempting a rational-
istic explanation of the watchdogs who never barked when Scipio
entered the Capitoline temple (pp. 20-1).
Since the views expressed in Scullard's current volume were
formulated long ago and are widely known, detailed criticism is
unnecessary. One may reread with profit his incisive and lucid
reconstructions of Scipio's campaigns in Spain and Africa. On
many of the more controversial questions he is eminently sane:
e. g., his explanation of the "ebb-tide " at New Carthage (pp. 52-
63), and his defense of Scipio against those who criticized him for
permitting Hasdrubal to slip across the Pyrenees (pp. 82-5). Less
satisfactory is his acceptance of Veith's theory on Zama: that
Hannibal's second line of Carthaginians failed to support the
mercenaries by design rather than out of cowardice (p. 151). If so,
then Hannibal does not seem to have let his mercenaries in on the
plan. On larger strategical matters some points call for dissent.
Scullard has no warrant for asserting that C. Claudius Nero's
appointment to Spain in 211 envisaged a purely defensive strategy
in that area (p. 38). Nero's previous service under Fabius Maximus
proves nothing. His most recent duty had been with Fulvius Flaccus
at the siege of Capua-not exactly a defensive maneuver. Of course,
Nero's policy in Spain was cautious; he could hardly be expected to
resume the offensive in the first year after the Scipios' severe defeat.
His purpose was to reorganize the survivors and consolidate the
Roman position north of the Ebro. Scullard, on the whole, draws
too sharp a distinction between the strategical philosophies of Fabius
and Scipio (pp. 109-11, 168). Delaying tactics in Italy and a
vigorous offensive in Spain were complementary, not opposing,
policies. Hannibal's strength was to be worn down in Italy, while
his source of reinforcements was eliminated in Spain. Nor is
Fabius to be identified simply with conservative hesitation. The
swift and firm Roman reaction in 215 to Carthaginian moves in
Sardinia and Sicily was headed by T. Manlius Torquatus and T.
Otacilius Crassus, both reckoned by Scullard himself as " Fabians"
(cf. Roman Politics, pp. 58-9).
Scullard's assessments of politics, often criticized, still provoke
many doubts. It is a mistake, for example, to lump the Servilii
honoured " (p. 224). Scipio was never cruel without a purpose: " he
struck to punish and deter" (p. 233). When he tore up his account
books to fend off a senatorial inquiry, it was "from a conscious
belief in himself and the rightness of his cause" (p. 235). " A noble
of the nobles, born into one of Rome's greatest families, he shone
forth like a star of hope in his country's darkest hour" (p. 241).
" He withdrew to voluntary exile, soon to die, having drunk deep of
the waters of success and power, but willing to forego the outward
show in a constitution which had no place for the outstanding in-
dividual" (p. 242). On questionable actions, Scipio usually receives
the benefit of the doubt. So, his willingness to treat with Carthage
in 203 was not out of personal ambition, but because " he saw that
the season was ripe" (p. 135). And the conclusion of peace after
Zama came not because Scipio feared supersession, but because
"Italy needed rest to heal her wounds" (p. 156). One would do
well to keep in mind indicators which point in other directions:
the brutal massacre which Scipio ordered at Ilurgia; the mutiny of
his soldiers, quelled only with difficulty; the (at best) dubious
behavior in the Pleminius affair; and, as the author himself admits,
Scipio's contributions to politics were of no significance (p. 238).
On balance, however, Scullard's admiration is not misplaced. His
subject naturally evokes it. And his general analysis of Scipio as
a man who combined both calculating rationalism and religious faith
is surely close to the truth.
Students of Roman history have long been in Professor Scullard's
debt. Not the least of his achievements is his current editorship of
the excellent series " Aspects of Greek and Roman Life," to which
he himself contributed a distinguished volume on Rome and the
Etruscan cities. The book presently under review is also part of
that series. It will certainly see widespread use. The collection of
Scullard's thoughts on Scipio within a single volume is a valuable
service. But one cannot blink the fact that it contains very little
which we have not heard before-from Scullard himself.
ERICH S. GRUEN.
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, BERKELEY.