++governance and Funds Allocation in United
++governance and Funds Allocation in United
INTRODUCTION
How can boards of directors influence managers to act in the interest of the
organization, rather than in their personal interest? Much financial
economics literature has focused on answering this question for directors of
for-profit corporations. Less is known about governance arrangements in
nonprofit corporations. Although some researchers have advanced theories,
the finance literature contains little systematic, empirical work regarding
nonprofits. The organization-theory literature does pay considerable
attention to nonprofit boards, but as we will see, it focuses on the external role
of boards. Relatively few studies consider the internal control function of
boards.
Nonprofit organizations are of interest not only in themselves, as a large and
growing part of the economy, but also for what they may say about the
corporate control problem in general. Because their ownership is non-
tradable, nonprofits face neither monitoring by equity markets nor the threat
of takeover. Boards of directors are thus virtually only mechanism for
controlling nonprofit managers. In this respect, nonprofits, although unlike
publicly traded corporations, resemble other types of for-profit organizations
(e.g., privately-held or closely-held corporations).
We examine the relationship between governance structure and resource
allocation decisions in a sample of nonprofit corporations. Our sample
comprises medical charities that fund medical research and patient services.
We find strong evidence that board structure and composition make a
difference in the performance of the organization. In short, managerial self-
interest is an issue in nonprofits, as it is in for-profits.
The following section discusses the role of the board of directors in the
governance of for-profit and nonprofit corporations. We then describe our
sample of medical charities and report the results of regressions examining
the effect of various board characteristics on the corporations' funds allocation
decisions. We summarize our conclusions in the final section.
* The authors are respectively Christopher Sheafe/Estes Homes Professor of Finance at the University
of Arizona; Senior Lecturer in Political Science at Haifa University; and Assistant Professor of
Finance at Babson College. Authors' names are in alphabetical order.
Address for correspondence: Howard Frant, Department of Political Science, University of
Haifa, Mt. Carmel, Haifa 31905, Israel.
email: frant@poli.haifa.ac.il
ßBlackwell Publishers Ltd. 2000, 108 Cowley Road, Oxford OX4 1JF, UK
and 350 Main Street, Malden, MA 02148, USA. 335
336 DYL, FRANT AND STEPHENSON
Berle and Means consider the locus of control in corporations to rest in the
board of directors:
Since direction over the activities of a corporation is exercised by the board of
directors, we may say for practical purposes that control lies in the hands of the
individual or group who have the actual power to select the board of directors. . . (p.66).
Although a large part of their book discusses ways in which some stockholders
can act to the detriment of other stockholders, they also consider the
possibility that management could gain effective control through its influence
on the nominating committee that determines board composition:
Where ownership is sufficiently sub-divided, the management can thus become a self-
perpetuating body even though its share in the ownership is negligible. . . For the most
part, the stockholder is able to play only the part of the rubber stamp. Occasionally he
may have the opportunity to support an effort to seize control, a position not unlike
that of the populace supporting a revolution. In either case, the usual stockholder has
little power over the affairs of the enterprise. . . The separation of ownership and
control has become virtually complete (pp. 82^83).
As is clear from the quotation, Berle and Means had little faith in the ability
of shareholders to change management. But this option became more credible
as takeovers began to replace proxy fights. Manne (1965) explicitly put
forward the idea that takeovers may function as a management control device.
During the hostile takeover wave of the 1980s, it was widely believed that
managers were indeed being disciplined by market forces, making the issue of
control by the board less pressing.
Thus, Fama and Jensen (1983, p. 301) argue:
Since the takeover market provides an external court of last resort for protection of
residual claimants [i.e. stockholders], a corporate board can be in the hands of agents
who are decision experts. Given that the board is to be composed of experts, it is natural
that its most influential members are internal managers, since they have valuable
specific information about the organization's activities. . . The outside board members
act as arbiters in disagreement among internal managers and carry out tasks that
involve serious agency problems. . . for example, setting executive compensation. . .
(pp. 314^5, 316).
Fama and Jensen suggest that including several top managers on the board is an
essential part of the way boards limit the discretion of managers. Top managers
constitute a `mutual monitoring system' because they possess knowledge about
the firm's operations that may not be available to outside directors and because
they are in competition with each other for career advancement.
Recently there has been renewed attention to the issue of whether boards
exert effective control over managers as institutional investors have become
concerned with corporate governance issues. A variety of proposals has been
advanced to improve the way in which corporate boards of directors monitor
managers. Two ideas gaining considerable currency are (1) to limit the number
of `insiders' on boards, and (2) to reduce the size of boards. Both these changes
are intended to reduce the chief executive's ability to dominate the board.
Lipton and Lorsch (1992, p. 59), for example, assert, `Corporate
governance in the United States is not working the way it should.' They
propose a number of changes; under the heading of `Board Size and
Composition' they state:
We believe that the size of a board should be limited to a maximum of ten directors
(indeed we would favor boards of eight or nine) with a ratio of at least two independent
directors to any director who has a connection with the company. . . A smaller board
will be most likely to allow directors to get to know each other well, to have more
effective discussions with all directors contributing, and to reach a true consensus from
their deliberations (pp. 67^68).
This proposal is seconded by Jensen (1993), who goes even further, and
reverses at least one of his and Fama's earlier prescriptions:
Keeping boards small can help improve their performance. When boards get beyond
seven or eight people they are less likely to function effectively and are easier for the
CEO to control. Since the possibility for animosity and retribution from the CEO is
too great, it is almost impossible for those who report directly to the CEO to participate
openly and critically in effective evaluation and monitoring of the CEO.Therefore, the
only inside board member should be the CEO (p. 865).
In the literature of financial economics, there has been considerable recent
interest in measuring empirically the effect of insider board membership on
firm performance and on monitoring of managers. Baysinger and Butler
(1985), for example, find evidence that firms with a higher percentage of
independent directors perform better in subsequent periods. Weisbach
(1988) examines the relation between CEO resignations, board composition,
and prior poor performance by the firm. He finds that poor performance is a
better predictor of resignations when boards have a significant proportion of
outsiders than when they are dominated by insiders. Weisbach also finds that
resignations following poor performance result in an increase in stock prices
when the board is dominated by outsiders, but not when it is dominated by
insiders. These results suggest that the stock market, at least, believes that
boards are more effective at disciplining management when they are not
insider-dominated.
. . . because a nonprofit lacks alienable residual claims [i.e., shares] the decision agents
are immune from ouster (via takeover) by outside agents.Without the takeover threat
and the discipline imposed by residual claimants with the right to remove members of
the board, nonprofit boards composed of internal agents and outside experts chosen by
internal agents would provide little assurance against collusion and expropriation of
donations.Thus, nonprofit boards generally include few if any internal agents as voting
members . . . (p. 319).
Williamson (1983,p. 359) comments that Fama and Jensen:
. . .have the beginnings of a predictive theory of the performance of nonprofits based on
the composition and character of the board of directors (trustees). For example, I
would predict on their reasoning that the expense to payout ratio will be higher in
nonprofits where the proportion of insiders on the board is high. . .
Financial economists to date, however, have not taken up the challenge of
testing the accuracy of this prediction.
In contrast, the literature in organization theory and sociology has featured
empirical work on nonprofit as well as for-profit boards. Again, however, this
work focuses on the issue of the external, boundary-spanning role of the board.
For example, Pfeffer (1973), in a study of 57 hospitals (almost all nonprofit)
finds that hospitals that depend more on local resources are more likely to
select board members for their linkages to the outside rather than for
management ability, and that their boards tend to be larger. He reports a
negative correlation between the presence of a board selected for management
ability and growth rates of facilities and budget.
When it comes to examining the internal role of boards, and in particular
the issue of board-manager relations, the empirical work is, in Middleton's
(1987, p. 150) words, `scant.' There has been some work on factors affecting
the relative power of boards and managers, with Zald (1969) asserting on
theoretical grounds that, for instance, boards will have less power in highly
complex and technically oriented organizations. Herman and Tulipana
(1989) find weak statistical evidence that nonprofits where the manager is
more influential are rated more effective (by staff and board members), and
that board influence is unrelated to ratings of effectiveness.
Provan (1988) examines CEO ratings of board influence over a variety of
internal management issues, but mainly seeks to relate them to characteristics
of the board's external environment. He does include CEO membership on
the board as an independent variable in regression equations, hypothesizing
that boards with CEO membership will be less influential, but fails to find
any effect.
Hypotheses
Neither the finance literature nor the organization-theory literature, then,
seems to have considered empirically the question of whether the structure of
nonprofit boards affects their ability to control managerial discretion. We
address this issue by examining the relationship between board structure and
spending decisions for a sample of nonprofit corporations. If board structure
matters in the nonprofit sector in ways similar to those demonstrated in the
for-profit sector, then there ought to be observable consequences of different
structures, just as there are in the for-profit sector.
The discussion above suggests several hypotheses. First is what we might
call the `Williamson-Fama-Jensen hypothesis' ^ that when there is a higher
proportion of insiders on the board, we will observe a higher ratio of
management expenses to total spending. Second, by the same logic, insiders on
the board should result in higher executive compensation.
Third, we examine balance-sheet equity, known in nonprofit accounting as
`fund balance' or `net assets.' While growth in equity is a positive sign in for-
profit corporations, nonprofits are supposed to expend their resources to
promote the goals of their donors. Retention of equity beyond a prudent
minimum may indicate that managers are trying to promote their own security
at the expense of the organization's stated goals. This phenomenon is analogous
to the `free cash flow' problem in for-profit corporations (see Jensen, 1986). If
managerial representation on the board makes it easier for managers to pursue
their self-interest, one might hypothesize that fund balance will be positively
associated with managerial representation. Finally, if the literature on for-
profit boards applies to nonprofits, we may expect that increased board size will
have effects on all these variables in the same direction as the effect of
managerial representation, since both imply weaker board oversight.
were therefore eliminated from the sample.2 In addition, the smallest charity
among the respondents had annual revenue of only US$13,692, one-ninth the
annual revenue of the second smallest charity in the sample. One observation
so different from the rest of the sample could have an undue influence on the
study's results, and in fact, several coefficients that were statistically
significant when this observation was included became insignificant once it
was excluded, suggesting the original results were a statistical artifact. This
observation was, therefore, also eliminated from the sample, leaving a final
sample of 54 relatively comparable medical charities. The largest
corporations in the sample are the American Cancer Society and the
American Heart Association, with annual revenues of US$372 million and
US$288 million respectively. The smallest organizations are the National
Reye's Syndrome Foundation and the Rheumatoid Disease Foundation, with
annual revenues of US$190,000 and US$119,000.
An interesting, and potentially important, characteristic of the final sample
involves monitoring by the National Charities Information Bureau (NCIB).
The NCIB is an organization that evaluates and monitors selected nonprofits
according to nine basic standards, to give prospective donors `. . .reasonable
assurance of public service by organizations to which they make their
contributions.'3 The standards promulgated by the NCIB recommend lower
bounds on program spending and upper bounds on fund-raising expenses and
fund balances. By actively monitoring the operations of a subset of national
nonprofit corporations, the NCIB is, in a sense, a part of the governance
structure of these organizations. Organizations listed by the NCIB, which
tend to be larger and better-known than those not listed, may feel additional
pressure to make their financial practices conform to standards. Our analysis
therefore controls for NCIB listing
ANALYSIS
Independent Variables
In line with the research on for-profits discussed above, our analysis focuses on
managerial representation on the board of directors. In our sample, Fama and
Jensen's (1983) assertion that there are `few, if any' managers on the boards of
nonprofits is correct. None of the medical research charities we examine had
more than one manager ^ the executive director ^ on the board of directors.
This state of affairs stands in marked contrast to boards of for-profit
organizations, where commonly many of the firm's top managers are also
members of the board of directors. Clearly, the executive director alone does
not have enough voting power to control the board, so none of the boards in
our sample is dominated by insiders in a numerical sense. The executive
director does, however, have significant informational advantages that may
result in disproportionate influence, in Sridharan's (1996) sense, on board
decisions. Moreover, the presence of the executive director in the boardroom
may have an inhibiting effect on free discussion of policy issues by other board
members. One of our independent variables, therefore, is a dichotomous
variable with a value of 1 if the executive director is a board member and 0 if
not.
Because proposals for reform in the for-profit sector often include limits on
the number of directors, we also examine the effect of board size on our
dependent variables. Intuitively, it is implausible that the effect is linear; the
difference between a five-member board and a ten-member board is unlikely
to be the same as the difference between a thirty-member board and a thirty-
five-member board. We therefore employ a logarithmic measure of board size,
which implies roughly that equal percentage increases in board size have equal
effect on the dependent variable. This choice of specification is supported by
the empirical findings of Yermack (1996), who reports a logarithmic
relationship between board size and performance in for-profit corporations.
If, as we suggested above, the executive director may have disproportionate
influence on the board, then the dynamics of board meetings may be different
when the director is present. Accordingly, we include an interaction term in
the regression analyses to allow the effect of board size to vary with insider
representation.
Finally, we control for two other organizational characteristics. The first is
size, measured as the organization's annual revenues. If economies of scale
Summary Statistics
Descriptive statistics for the 54 medical research charities in our sample are
shown in Table 1 for the overall sample and categorized according to NCIB
listing and according to whether or not the executive director serves on the
board of directors. The average medical charity in our sample had assets of
US$31.1 million and revenues of US$25.2 million in 1991. Total expenditures
are allocated as follows: 77.5 percent to program activities, 14.3 percent to
Table 1
Descriptive Statistics for 54 Medical Research Charities
Number of Observations 54 30 24 14 40
Total Assets $31.1 $56.2 $5.8 $13.3 $42.3
Annual Revenue $25.2 $40.6 $6.0 $16.7 $28.2
Program Expenditures $18.9 $30.4 $4.5 $13.3 $20.2
(77.5%) (77.2%) (77.6%) (78.7%) (74.5%)
Fund Raising $3.5 $5.8 $0.6 $2.2 $3.8
Expenditures (14.3%) (14.7%) (10.3%) (13%) (14.4%)
Mgt. & Gen. $2.0 $3.1 $0.6 $1.3 $2.3
Expenditures (8.2%) (7.9%) (10.3%) (7.7%) (8.5%)
Total $24.4 $39.4 $5.8 $16.9 $27.1
Expenditures (100%) (100%) (100%) (100%) (100%)
Notes:
Mean values ($ million) are shown for the total sample and for the sample categorized according
to coverage in the NCIB's Wise Giving Guide and according to whether or not the executive director
serves on the board of directors. The numbers in parentheses are the percentage of total expendi-
tures represented by each expenditure category.
Regression Results
Results of regressions examining the relationship between financial
performance and various governance variables and other organizational
characteristics are shown in Table 2. Panel A shows results for ordinary least
squares regressions, using White (1980) heteroskedasticity-consistent
standard errors.5
The regressions with program expenditures and fund-raising expenditures
as the dependent variables reveal significant effects for two variables ^
executive director membership on the board, and the interaction term
between board size and executive director membership on the board. Having
an executive on the board significantly decreases program expenditures and
significantly increases spending on fund-raising. When an executive is on the
board (and only then), however, these effects are to some degree counteracted
by increased board size. The size of the board is not significant, except when an
executive serves on the board. Stated differently, having an executive on the
board is associated with decreased spending on the charity's medical support
program and increased spending on fund-raising, but only when the board is
small. The board size at which the interactive variable offsets the effect of the
executive director being on the board is roughly 23 for the program activity
and fund-raising regressions in Table 2.
Table 2
Expenditures Regressed on Governance Variables and Other Variables
Notes:
The dependent variables are measured as a percentage of total expenditures. Total revenues and
board size are expressed as natural logarithms. A 0,1 indicator variable denotes whether the char-
ity is listed by the NCIB and/or if the executive director serves on the Board (yes = 1). The number
of observations is shown in brackets in the last column [N]. The numbers in parentheses are t-sta-
tistics. The t-statistics in Panels A and B are calculated using White's (1980) heteroskedasticity-
consistent method.
** Significant at the 0.01 level.
* Significant at the 0.05 level.
The finding of Pfeffer (1973) that large boards are likely to be more oriented
toward fund-raising is not borne out here. Possibly, larger boards do more
volunteer fund-raising and thus have less need to expend organizational
resources on fund-raising activities. This conjecture fails to explain, however,
why the coefficient on board size is insignificant except when an executive is on
the board.
The relatively small size of the sample means that a few observations could
be highly influential. We use two methods to check our results for their
robustness to outliers. First, we employ standard diagnostic statistics to test
for the presence of influential observations. We find three influential outliers
that could distort the estimates of the regression parameters.6 Panel B shows
results with these observations deleted. They are essentially the same as the
findings reported in Panel A of the table. Second, we use an alternative
estimation technique, least absolute deviations (L1) regression, that is more
robust to outliers than least squares regression. These regressions are shown
in Panel C of Table 2. The results of all three methods are strikingly consistent.
Our findings are not driven by a few outliers.
An obvious interpretation of these results is that executives who serve on the
board are more influential when boards are smaller. This finding is basically in
line with the Williamson-Fama-Jensen hypothesis that the key variable is
proportion of insiders; on a smaller board, the executive has a proportionately
larger voice. This mechanism seems implausible, though; it is hard to believe
that whether a manager is one-eighth or one-twentieth of the board makes a
large difference in his voice. More likely, small boards are different in some
other ways from large ones. For example, smaller boards may be more likely
to be hand-picked by the executive.
Substantively, these results fail to support the Williamson-Fama-Jensen
hypothesis if we interpret it as meaning that management expenses will be a higher
proportion of total expenses when insiders are a larger proportion of the
board. In our data, management expenses appear to be impervious to either
board size or board composition. The way Williamson actually formulates the
conjecture (quoted earlier) is that the expense-to-payout ratio will be higher
when insiders are a larger proportion. This is true in our sample of nonprofits,
but only because fund-raising expenses are a higher proportion of the total and
program expenses lower. Our sample shows no evidence that executives in
nonprofit corporations increase management expenses when they are on the
board. This finding is noteworthy, since a primary concern of the corporate
governance literature is managers pursuing their own interests.
Table 2 reveals that the effect on program activity of having an executive on
the board is opposite in sign and very nearly equal in magnitude to its effect on
fund-raising expenses. This is true both for the direct effect and for the
interaction with board size. We have a clear picture of executives attempting
to shift spending from programs to fund-raising, and of larger boards
successfully resisting this behavior. And this shift appears to be almost entirely
a tradeoff between programs and fund-raising; there is no significant effect on
management expenses. That is, we find no evidence that managers who serve
on the board attempt to increase spending on management and general
activities at the expense of programs.
Our result contrasts with Yermack's (1996) result on for-profit
corporations. When the CEO is on the board, smaller boards appear to be less,
rather than more, successful at controlling managers. When the CEO is not on
the board, we find no independent effect of board size. Thus, we find no
support for the hypothesis that increased board size and CEO board
representation have effects in the same direction.
We find some evidence of economies of scale in management expenses,
consistent with the recent results of Hyndman and McKillop (1999). All three
panels show a negative coefficient on organization size (measured as revenue)
in the management expense regression, though only in Panel C is the effect
significant at the 5 percent level. The numbers indicate that the savings on
management expenses are, however, channeled into fund-raising rather than
program expenses, as larger size correlates with a higher proportion of budget
spent on fund-raising. Of course, size may be endogenous; organizations that
choose to spend proportionately more on fund-raising may naturally end up
being larger than other organizations.
All in all, we find rather mixed evidence for the hypothesis that managerial
self-interest is an important determinant of the policies of our sample of
medical charities. Managerial representation on boards of directors of
nonprofit organizations clearly makes a difference. Managers on small boards
are able to shift spending away from program activities and toward fund-
raising. This finding may be consistent with the self-interest hypothesis.
Increases in fund-raising expenditures presumably result in more revenue
from donations, increasing the job security of managers who have invested
their human capital in the medical charity. In addition, they may be able to
command larger salaries as heads of larger organizations. This argument is
closely analogous to Baumol's (1959) sales maximization hypothesis with
respect to for-profit firms ^ that increased revenue is beneficial to managers.
It may be, moreover, that managers of nonprofits are in part evaluated on the
external labor market by their success in fund-raising.7 They may thus have an
incentive to spend more on fund-raising than is optimal for the organization.
Conversely, however, managers may simply have longer time horizons than
boards and therefore be more willing to invest now to further the charity's
long-term objectives. Feigenbaum (1987, p. 251) suggests that:
. . . .the most important indicator of a research charity's performance is the fraction of
donations actually allocated to research projects.
Table 3
Executive Salary and Fund Balance Regressed on Governance Variables
and Other Variables
Notes:
Executive salary is the salary of the highest-paid employee. Fund balance is measured as the total
fund balance divided by the charity's annual expenditures. Total revenues and board size are ex-
pressed as natural logarithms. A 0,1 indicator variable denotes whether the charity is listed by the
NCIB and/or if the executive director serves on the Board (yes = 1). The number of observations is
shown in brackets in the last column [N]. The numbers in parentheses are t-statistics calculated
using White's (1980) heteroskedasticity-consistent method.
** Significant at the 0.01 level.
The strong effect of size in the salary regression, moreover, strengthens the
argument for an analogy to the Baumol `sales-maximization' hypothesis. The
allocation of additional resources to fund-raising may be an indirect means of
increasing management salaries over time. If fund-raising expenditures
increase the annual revenues of the organization, and if salary levels are a
function of revenue (as the results in Table 3 suggest), then increased fund-
raising activities may be motivated by a desire to increase management
salaries in the long run.
A large fund balance can be thought of as providing financial stability and
security for a nonprofit organization's managers. The second row in Table 3
shows that the size of the charities' fund balances is unrelated to any of the
independent variables in our regression analysis. In particular, there is no
evidence that executives on boards use their influence to build up large fund
balances. Fund balances are idiosyncratic and unrelated to either board
structure or NCIB listing.
CONCLUSION
NOTES
1 IRS regulations state that individuals are entitled to examine a copy of a nonprofit
organization's three most recent Form 990 informational returns and schedules during regular
business hours at the organization's principal, regional, and district offices, but the
organizations are not required to mail this information.
2 These were the Shriners' Hospitals for Crippled Children, the City of Hope, and ALSAC-St.
Jude's Children's Research Hospital.
3 National Charities Information Bureau, Wise Giving Guide (June 1991, p. 7).
4 Although 100 percent of the NCIB-listed charities responded to our request for information,
only 54 percent of the non-listed charities responded. Controlling for NCIB listing thus reduces
the possibility of selection bias.
5 The American Cancer Society and the American Heart Association are orders of magnitude
larger than the typical charity in our sample. Estimates from OLS regressions omitting these
two observations are essentially identical to the results reported in Panel A of Table 2 for the
full sample.
6 The three outliers are the United Ostomy Association, the National Leukemia Association,
and the National Foundation for Cancer Research. Their common characteristic is unusually
low proportional expenditures on program activities.
7 We thank Keith Provan for this suggestion.
8 As noted earlier, the sample includes two organizations reporting a highest management
salary of zero. Deleting these observations gives similar results, but the coefficients are
significant only at the 10 percent level.
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