What Helps Children Eat Well? A Qualitative Exploration of Resilience Among Disadvantaged Families
What Helps Children Eat Well? A Qualitative Exploration of Resilience Among Disadvantaged Families
2 2011
Pages 296–307
Advance Access publication 24 February 2011
Ó The Author 2011. Published by Oxford University Press. All rights reserved. doi:10.1093/her/cyr004
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What helps children eat well? A qualitative exploration
feeding style and practices and children’s eating been consistently reported as exerting a negative
behaviour has received increased empirical focus. influence on children’s eating and weight status.
For instance, adolescents who describe their parents For example, children exposed to food advertising
as authoritative (strict yet involved and supportive) of unhealthy foods have been found to show in-
have been found to have healthier dietary behav- creased preference for promoted foods and higher
iours than those who describe their parents as consumption and purchasing requests to parents for
authoritarian (also strict yet uninvolved) [15, 16]. advertised foods [24, 25]. However, although the
Parenting practices that encompass both direct majority of food advertisements promote unhealthy
(e.g. verbal encouragement to eat specific foods) foods [25], there is some evidence to suggest a re-
and indirect (e.g. modelling consumption of spe- lationship between advertisements promoting nutri-
cific foods) communications have been found to tious foods and positive attitudes and beliefs about
influence children’s eating [17]. For instance, pro- these foods [26, 27]. Friends and peers have also
hibiting palatable foods and exerting excessive con- been found to influence children’s food preferences
trol over access to unhealthy foods has been found and eating behaviour. For instance, a recent quali-
to increase taste preference and desirability for that tative study highlighted parental reports that peer
food, leading to weight gain and poor eating habits consumption of certain foods (i.e. from their school
[18]. In addition, implementing ‘food rules’, such lunchboxes) encouraged preferences for obtaining
as offering dessert as a reward for consumption of and consuming these foods [23].
vegetables, have been found to increase the child’s While there is good evidence for an association
preference for the reward food [19–21]. Further- between various family and environmental influen-
more, a recent review of qualitative data on parental ces on children’s eating behaviours, the majority of
perceptions regarding healthy behaviours for pre- studies have focussed on parent report measures
venting overweight in young children revealed that only and on child unhealthy BMI or risk of over-
several parenting strategies such as lack of time, weight/obesity as the main outcome. Rather than
lack of motivation and decreased perception of focussing on obesity-inducing behaviours, it may
responsibility for child weight management acted be fruitful to examine ‘resilient’ children; socioeco-
as barriers to behaviours for promoting healthy eat- nomically disadvantaged families with children
ing and preventing overweight [22]. In addition to who manage to eat well, despite increased risk of
parental feeding styles and practices, parents’ own poor nutrition. To our knowledge, no study has
eating styles have also been show to influence simultaneously assessed parent and child percep-
children’s eating behaviours. Parents’ food prefer- tions of barriers and supports to healthy eating ex-
ences, the foods they consume and make available clusively among a sample of low SEP children of
to their children and their restrained eating normal body weight and with a diet including
(e.g. dieting) influence children’s eating behav- aspects of good nutrition. Enhancing our under-
iours, potentially as a result of social modelling standing of supports for healthy eating and methods
and by the choice of foods made available to their employed to overcome unhealthy eating among dis-
children [14]. advantaged children who eat adequate intakes of
In addition to the family environment, many fac- fruit and vegetables may inform nutrition interven-
tors within the broader environment have also been tions and obesity prevention among this group. The
found to encourage or inhibit healthy eating among current study was designed to gain a better under-
children. For instance, healthy eating behaviours standing of the barriers and supports assisting chil-
among children have been associated with good dren to eat well. Specifically, we aimed to gain in-
accessibility to quality healthy food options in their depth insights into the family and environmental
local neighbourhood and involvement in the grow- factors underlying resilience to poor nutrition from
ing process of fruits and vegetables (e.g. from their children and their mothers living in disadvantaged
home vegetable garden) [23]. The media has also neighbourhoods.
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What helps children eat well? A qualitative exploration
Mother
Mean age (years) 38.56 (4.64) 28.79–46.12
Education
Low: did not complete high school 8 (21.1%)
Medium: completed high school/trade/certificate/diploma 17 (44.7%)
High: completed tertiary education 13 (34.2%)
Employment
Full time 12 (31.6%)
Part time 8 (21.0%)
Not currently employed 18 (47.4%)
Marital status
Single 0
Married/DeFacto 36 (94.7%)
Separated/divorced/widowed 2 (5.3%)
Country of birth
Australia 35 (92.1%)
Other 3 (7.9%)
Mean BMI 26.18 (6.29) 17.31–43.97a
Region
Rural 30 (79%)
Provincialb 5 (13%)
Metro 3 (8%)
Child Mean (SD) or N (%) Range
Mean age (years) 9.37 (1.56) 7.08–12.96
Gender
Male 20 (52.6%)
Female 18 (47.4%)
Mean BMI 17.03 (1.83) 14.30–21.73
a
Six (15.8%) parents were classified as obese (BMI > 30). bProvincial refers to a town with a large city within a rural area.
by a staff member. Interviews followed a specific included questions that assessed mother and child
interview schedule and lasted approximately 20–45 perceptions on supports and barriers to fruit and
min. Participants were advised that they had been vegetable consumption, patterns of healthy eating
selected because the child consumed relatively more more generally and physical activity. The existing
fruit and vegetables compared with other children in evidence, our own previous research and a series of
the READI cohort and that we were interested in pilot interviews were used to develop the interview
finding out how and why this was the case. At the schedule items. Only the healthy eating questions
end of the interview, mothers’ were presented with were examined for this paper. Different interview
a $25 gift voucher and children a $10 voucher in schedules were used for mothers and children. Sam-
recognition of and gratitude for their time. Ethics ple questions from the interview schedule include
approval for this study was granted by the Deakin (mother) ‘What do you think helps your child eat
University Human Research Ethics Committee. a healthy diet?’, ‘Is there anything that you think
makes it difficult for your child to eat a healthy
Materials diet?’, ‘Do you actively do anything that you think
The social ecological model guided the develop- helps your child to eat a healthy diet?’, (child)
ment of a semi-structured interview schedule that ‘What do your parents do to help you eat healthy
299
L. K. Williams et al.
food?’ and ‘Does what your friends eat make a dif- inter-coder agreement. No major discrepancies in
ference to what you eat?’, if yes ‘How?’. Probing coding or interpretation were observed.
questions were also employed when responses were
dichotomous (i.e. yes/no) and more in-depth infor- Results
mation was required.
The children’s interview also involved the re- The results are presented around two main themes
searcher presenting the child a slide show on the that emerged from the data: (i) active strategies
computer that displayed various pictures, such as from parents to promote healthy eating behaviours
family meals, breakfast, fruit choices and after- and (ii) external barriers and supports to healthy
school snacks. Pilot interviews with children eating. Active strategies from parents to promote
indicated that the inclusion of visual aids, such as healthy eating encompassed four sub-themes: pa-
a computer slide show, helped to make the rental control and moderation, support for healthy
interviews feel less threatening and also provided eating, eating rules and parental role modelling.
children with a prompt that helped them to think External barriers and supports to healthy eating in-
and comment on their eating habits and food cluded three sub-themes: access, advertising and
preferences. The mothers’ interview included similar friends/family. Each of the above main themes is
types of questions regarding what they believed illustrated with excerpts from participants. Excerpts
was helping (and making it difficult) for their child from children include their code (calculated as their
to eat a healthy diet and what they did as parents to mothers code plus 0.1), gender and age in paren-
influence their child’s eating behaviours. theses. Excerpts from mothers include their code
Coding and analysis and the gender and age of their child in parentheses.
The code is used in replacement of pseudonyms
Interviews were transcribed verbatim. The first au- (pseudonyms are used in excerpts where names
thor then read all the transcripts to develop a de- have been provided by participants) and to identify
tailed hierarchical numerical coding scheme that mother–child pairs (e.g. participant 10 is the mother
was used to code all transcripts. Open, axial and of participant 10.1).
selective coding, utilizing NUD*IST (QSR Inter-
national, 2002) version six qualitative software
Theme 1: active strategies from parents to
program, was used to code, subcategorize and
promote healthy eating behaviours
unify coding of transcript text [34]. Transcripts
were coded to identify mother–child pairs [e.g. 1 Parental control and moderation: limiting and
(mother) and 1.1 (child of mother 1)]. Template controlling access to unhealthy food
analysis [35] and inductive thematic analysis [36] The most salient theme that emerged from the inter-
were used to develop and interpret the themes [37]. views from both mothers and children was the per-
For instance, some themes emerged from a list of ception that children consumed a healthy diet
codes (template analysis) identified in the textual because parents had control over the amount and
data of the interview schedule, while our type of food the children consumed. In some instan-
knowledge of the literature shaped a further set ces, this was directly related to the child’s age, with
of themes that emerged from transcript data, not mothers articulating an anticipated decrease in con-
directly related to the interview schedule items trol as their children became older. Parental control
(thematic analysis). Researcher triangulation [38] over food was enforced by limiting access to un-
was employed to increase the validity of the data healthy food, limiting food choice, emphasizing
and its interpretation. This was achieved by having moderation and restricting unhealthy food options
the second author read the transcripts and then to special occasions (e.g. weekends, celebrations).
select a random sample of 10 mother–child For many mothers, the responsibility of consuming
transcripts that were cross-coded to check for a healthy diet was reportedly in their control and not
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What helps children eat well? A qualitative exploration
the responsibility of the child. This involved much Well I would like ice-cream [for breakfast] but
more than simply providing and encouraging con- I know I wouldn’t be able to have that. (28.1:
sumption of healthy food, it was also about refusing female aged 10)
requests for less health food choices, emphasizing
moderation and maintaining an ‘eat this or nothing’ Support for healthy eating: encouragement to
approach to food and healthy eating. consume fruit and vegetables, healthy eating
education and provision of fruit and vegetables
I do give them treats occasionally, . . . I try and
get them to eat really healthy. I do buy the odd Some mothers reported that they verbally encour-
treat for them. Like, there’s a box of Nutrigrain aged their children to eat fruit and vegetables,
up on the shelf . but the kids know that during a theme that was reiterated by a small number of
the week they’re to eat Weetbix or something children.
healthier and on the weekend that’s a treat
for them. So, it’s still . they still get their Maybe if we go down the street and she wants
treats. But, in moderation. (11: mother of son afternoon tea I try and coach her into choosing
aged 7) something that’s healthier than something else.
(2: mother of female aged 8)
The impact of such parental control of food was If I’m asking for something to eat they’ll say eat
clearly articulated by many children. For the major- a banana or something. (19.1: daughter aged 10)
ity of children, food preferences (whether unhealthy
or healthy) were directly dictated by taste. Although Mothers reported that encouragement to eat well
a small number of children reported eating certain was also communicated by educational messages
foods to reduce the risk of weight gain or to sustain about the benefits of healthy eating. However, al-
energy, most children reported taste as the deciding though many children reported that they received
factor for preferred foods rather than health bene- encouragement to eat well, none of the children
fits. However, while taste strongly dictated prefer- specifically reported receiving messages of an edu-
ences, preferences did not always dictate cational nature. Although children did not report
consumption. Food consumption was reportedly receiving messages of an educational nature, many
largely governed by parental control. Hence, while children appeared to have a good knowledge of
a large proportion of children articulated a strong foods, in addition to fruit and vegetables that were
preference for unhealthy foods, they reported that and were not healthy.
access to these foods was restricted or limited by
their parents.
And yeah we had that discussion, the content of
sugar in cereals and I showed them on the side
Chocolate balls (cereal), they’re not allowed to
of the packet the rice bubbles and they were
have that as breakfast because I consider them
amazed at that at the time. (24: mother of son
lollies because there’s so much sugar in them . . .
aged 8)
we buy a jar of Nutella and it’s for school holi-
days . . . (24: mother of son aged 8)
Support for healthy eating from mothers was not
My mum sometimes buys chocolate balls which always communicated through verbal encourage-
are these round things that are chocolate. It’s ment and healthy eating education. Both mothers
actually a type of cereal that we’re not allowed and children reported the positive impact parental
to have as cereal, we’re just allowed to have them provision of adequate fruit, vegetables and healthy
as snacks, treats. A treat, it’s very rare. (24.1: food options had on healthy eating. Mothers
male aged 8) reported that their child maintained a healthy diet
301
L. K. Williams et al.
because they provided healthy food: in lunchboxes, The rule is you’ve got to eat three different col-
for dinner and by having a well-stocked supply of oured vegetables . . . You can choose which three
fruit and vegetables for snacking. When children but you’ve got to have three. (24: mother of son
were asked what their parents did to help them eat aged 8)
healthy food, almost all respondents reported that
Mum says you have to eat one piece of broccoli
their parents provided them with fruit and added
to have dessert. (10.1: female aged 8)
vegetables to their meals.
Look there’s a big fruit bowl I keep on the bench Parental role modelling
and the kids know they can eat that any time. Compared with direct influences on healthy eating,
There are certain foods they can graze on when- indirect influences, namely role modelling (both
ever but then there are other foods that it’s, you positive and negative) reported by mothers emerged
know, off limits. With fruit I mean yeah always as a less salient theme. Only one child reported an
two or three pieces in their lunch box. (37: awareness of her parents’ eating habits.
mother of daughter aged 10)
They usually make healthy food like vegetable [I] lead by example. I think we eat a fairly healthy
soup and when they make food they put in peas diet. (23: mother of son aged 9)
and carrots and lettuce. (7.1: female aged 8) Mum is very healthy. Dad’s not completely
healthy . . . Dad’s nowhere near as healthy as
Eating rules Mum. Mum’s always having the healthy food
Many mothers reported that they mandated eating . And Dad’s just happy with a sandwich or if
certain meals, namely breakfast. Some mothers also he’s down the street he might get a pie. (20.1:
mandated three meals a day. While almost all the female aged 10)
children reported consuming breakfast, lunch and
dinner, they did not articulate an awareness of this
Theme 2: external barriers and supports to
eating rigidity or report any concerns with eating
healthy eating
the standard three meals a day.
Access
Sometimes Jessica will be ‘‘I’m running late for The majority of mothers reported good access to
school, I haven’t had breakfast yet’’, or ‘‘I’ve fruit and vegetables within their local community.
still got to have breakfast’’. ‘Yes you do have Some mothers reported the poor quality and range
to eat breakfast before you leave, you don’t skip of fruit and vegetables available at supermarkets,
breakfast’’. You can skip other things if you’re yet overcame this barrier by growing their own
running late but yeah you don’t skip your break- fruit and vegetables or travelling further to access
fast or your tea. (19: mother of daughter aged 10) better quality produce. Some of the mothers re-
sided in rural and provincial areas where fruit
In addition, many mothers reported implementing and vegetables are the towns primary industry
specific rules to promote healthy eating. These in- and hence access to fresh seasonal produce (e.g.
cluded prohibiting dessert until vegetables were con- from orchardists and ‘pick your own’ produce out-
sumed, consuming leftover fruit from lunchboxes lets) acted as an environmental support to healthy
before further food is made available, prohibiting eating. Residing in these rural areas, for some, also
‘junk food’ before lunch and mandating a minimum resulted in less access to mainstream take-away
fruit and vegetable daily consumption quota (e.g. options and fast food, which mothers reported re-
must eat two pieces of fruit a day). Many children duced their child’s consumption of these un-
also articulated an awareness of these eating rules. healthy options.
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What helps children eat well? A qualitative exploration
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L. K. Williams et al.
say ‘‘I want that tomorrow’’ .he definitely does Perhaps, this was because mothers also offered ed-
that. [1: mother of son aged 11] ucation and explanations about unhealthy food
items and promoted the importance of being
I made some dairy gluten free vegetable slice
healthy. It is also possible that the children in the
and it was lovely cold. We sat there and had it
current study, particularly those who were younger,
together. She came home from school, ‘‘I’m
were also accustomed to this parenting style (or
never having that again’’. ‘‘Why not?’’ ‘‘The
unaware of anything different) and shared similar
kids said it was disgusting and they was teasing
attitudes about food and eating.
me’’. I said, ‘‘That’s okay, you just tell them that
These parenting attributes (i.e. strict, restrictive,
they’re missing out on good stuff’’. [2: mother of
yet encouraging and supportive) are consistent with
daughter aged 8]
an authoritative parenting style, which has been
demonstrated as a positive predictor of healthy eat-
Discussion ing and weight status [16]. The emotional climate
created by authoritative parents is one of the high
The purpose of the current study was to explore the strictness and involvement, warmth, emotional sup-
family and environmental factors underlying resil- port, appropriate granting of autonomy and clear,
ience to unhealthy eating. Individual interview dis- bidirectional communication [39]. As parenting is
cussions with mothers from disadvantaged a learned process, teaching parents to implement
neighbourhoods and their children revealed the practices inherent in an authoritative parenting style
presence of parental strategies and external barriers (e.g. by accepting responsibility for their child’s
and supports to promoting healthy eating behav- diet, prohibiting unhealthy foods and encouraging
iours. This is one of the first studies to include both and modelling healthy food choices) is a viable av-
mother and child reports and focus exclusively on enue for nutrition promotion interventions among
low SEP families of children who eat well. Our low SEP families.
study underscores the importance of focussing spe- In addition, children in our study had a good
cifically on ‘resilient’ children (i.e. those eating rel- knowledge of healthy and prohibited foods, despite
atively well) to further elucidate potentially not articulating an active awareness of specific
effective parent–child attitudes and behaviours in food-related education. The finding that transfer-
preventing unhealthy eating. ence of healthy eating education from mother to
Compared with previous studies that have pre- child was likely internalized by children highlights
dominantly focussed on the barriers to healthy eat- potential limitations of relying on children’s self-
ing and a healthy weight status, our results report in evaluation of health promotion interven-
highlighted the active role mothers from disadvan- tions.
taged neighbourhoods played in promoting healthy The results from our study also highlighted some
eating. For instance, almost all the mothers in the environmental influences as both barriers and sup-
current study believed that parents were the main ports to healthy eating among families residing in
vehicle for influencing healthy eating and as a disadvantaged neighbourhoods. Previous research
result, they exercised significant control over their has indicated the negative impact on eating of ad-
child’s food by implementing ‘food rules’, providing vertising and poorer access and availability of
access to fruit and vegetables and restricting healthy food options [40, 41]. Some mothers from
unhealthy food items. our study reported instances of poor availability and
Although there is some evidence to suggest that quality of healthy produce yet many had developed
excessive control over access to certain foods and strategies to overcome these barriers, namely,
implementing food rules has a negative effect on through responding to and creating more sustain-
eating and weight [18, 19, 21], the children did not able access to fruit and vegetables and other healthy
report their mothers to be too strict or controlling. food options. For instance, many families had their
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What helps children eat well? A qualitative exploration
own fruit and vegetable garden, a practice consis- that schools are limiting their options to healthy
tently associated with increased fruit and vegetable choices is positive.
consumption [23, 42]. Although a number of fam- Strengths of this qualitative study are the large
ilies in the current study benefited from residing in sample, inclusion of both mother and child reports
rural or provincial areas where fruit and vegetables and a focus on healthy eating among resilient chil-
were the town’s primary industry and accessibility dren from low SEP families. Some limitations of
to larger garden space was more available, it is the current study warrant consideration. Reports of
possible that provision of skills and resources for external supports and barriers particularly, rely on
home-grown produce is a potential avenue for in- participants’ perceptions of their own local environ-
creasing fruit and vegetable consumption among ment, which may differ from objective supports/
low SEP families. barriers. They may also differ across samples, pop-
Previous research has consistently highlighted ulation groups or geographic areas. This limitation
the negative impact advertising has on children’s was most notable given the large proportion of par-
eating, yet our results indicated that although some ticipants residing in rural and provincial areas. It is
children reported an awareness of the negative in- interesting to observe that the majority of children
fluence of food advertising, most children did not identified as resilient to overweight, obesity and
feel negatively influenced by televised food adver- unhealthy eating from the larger study resided in
tisements. There are three plausible explanations rural areas. Although there is no clear evidence that
for this finding. Firstly, many children reported a difference in BMI exists between Australian rural
low access to outlets selling unhealthy food, a likely and urban children [30, 45, 46], the results from the
outcome given the large proportion of rural residen- current study suggest certain factors that may be
cies (e.g. limited fast food outlets, small supermar- protective of unhealthy eating and potentially over-
kets). Therefore, children may not be affected by weight and obesity among rural children from dis-
advertising of foods unavailable to them. Secondly advantaged neighbourhoods.
and unsurprisingly, given the high control over un- Given that the study focused exclusively on
healthy food practices exhibited by mothers when women and mothers, it does not offer any insight
children reported desirability for unhealthy adver- into the role that fathers and other extended family
tised foods, they perceived these foods as pro- members have on their child’s eating. For instance,
hibited by their parents. Thirdly, parents who almost 95% of the sample was married, and al-
restrict access to unhealthy food may also be more though only one child mentioned her father, it is
likely to restrict television viewing time, making possible that fathers are potential sources of influ-
exposure to these advertisements less prominent. ence on children’s healthy eating. A further limita-
It is possible that these factors offer protection tion present in most research that involves
against the negative influence of unhealthy food interviews is that participants may answer in a so-
advertising. cially desirable manner. This limitation is perhaps
Another external support for healthy eating artic- more salient in the current study where participation
ulated in the interviews was school canteens. At in the larger survey had occurred and exposed adult
present Victorian Government only stipulates can- participants to the broad aims and objectives of the
teen ‘guidelines’, which are not consistently imple- research conducted. In the current study, effects of
mented at each government school [43]. Our data social desirability were minimized by conducting
suggest little evidence of canteens serving un- interviews independently for parents and children.
healthy food or acting as a negative influence on In addition, children were not privy to the main
children’s healthy eating. Although it has been pre- aims and objectives of the project. Finally, we only
viously reported that consumption of foods from assessed barriers and supports to healthy eating
Australian canteens contributes a small amount of among children who consumed a relatively healthy
daily food intake for children [44], the suggestion diet rather than to draw comparisons of those who
305
L. K. Williams et al.
consume less adequate diets. There has been much Conflict of interest statement
research that has focussed on predictors of un-
healthy behaviours and by using a qualitative study None declared.
design and restricting our sample in this way, it
enabled us to generate hypotheses from those who
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