Local Production and Access To Medicines in Low-And Middle-Income Countries
Local Production and Access To Medicines in Low-And Middle-Income Countries
This report forms part of the project entitled: Improving access to medicines in developing
countries through technology transfer related to medical products and local production. It is
implemented by the Department of Public Health Innovation and Intellectual Property of the
World Health Organization (WHO/PHI) in partnership with the United Nations Conference on
Trade and Development (UNCTAD) and the International Centre for Trade and Sustainable
Development (ICTSD) with funding from the European Union (EU). The overall objective of the
project is to increase access – especially for the poor in developing and least developed countries
– to medicines, vaccines and diagnostics.
All reports associated with this project are available for free download from the following website:
http://www.who.int/phi/en/
This publication has been produced with the assistance of the European Union. The contents of
this publication are the sole responsibility of the World Health Organization and can in no way be
taken to reflect the views of the European Union.
Local production and access to medicines in low- and middle-income countries : a literature review and
critical analysis.
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List of abbreviations
API active pharmaceutical ingredient
ARV antiretroviral
CQS chloroquine-sensitive
CQT chloroquine tablets
FDI foreign direct investment
FTA free trade agreement
GNI gross national income
GTZ Deutsche Gesellschaft fuer Technische Zusammenarbeit,
HAART Highly active antiretroviral therapy
IPR intellectual property rights
LDC least-developed countries
LMIC low- and middle-income countries
LP local production
MOH ministry of health
NEML national essential medicines list
NGO nongovernmental organization
OECD Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development
OTC over-the-counter
PAHO Pan-American Health Organization
PPP public–private partnership
R&D research and development
SEC Securities and Exchange Commission
TB tuberculosis
UN United Nations
UNCTAD United Nations Conference on Trade and Development
UNDP United Nations Development Programme
UNIDO United Nations Industrial Development Organization
WHO World Health Organization
WHO/PHI World Health Organization Department of Public Health
Innovation and Intellectual Property
WTO World Trade Organization
iv
1. Introduction
1.1 Balancing industrial and health policies
For the pharmaceutical sector, policy-makers around the world continually
struggle to balance health policy objectives (e.g., access to affordable and
essential medicines) with those of industrial policy in the pharmaceutical
sector (e.g., promoting innovation and local research and development (R&D)
activity).1 Tensions particularly arise over pricing and reimbursement. Limited
health care budgets – and competing demands for scarce resources – force
governments to set limits on which medicines to provide or subsidize, for
whom and at what price. What ministries of health and/or health plans view
as necessary to maintain equitable access to medicines, industry may view as
detrimental to R&D and innovation.
1.3 Definitions
1
1. Local subsidiary of, or joint venture with, a multinational pharmaceuti-
cal company selling branded medicines in local and regional markets (i.e.
Glaxo Smith-Kline, Pfizer, etc.);
2. Generic manufacturer producing medicines for the local and global mar-
kets (i.e. Ranbaxy, Cipla, etc.);
3. Generic manufacturer producing medicines for predominantly the local
market; and
4. Locally–owned, small-scale manufacturers serving a portion of the
domestic market (Mercurio 2009).
Some manufacturers cut across more than one of the categories, as branded
medicine companies now operate their own generic companies and successful,
large-scale generic companies are also developing branded medicines. For the
purposes of the current review a jurisdictional definition has been adopted,
rather than one based on ownership. If production occurs within a country to
produce one or more of the materials listed below (see Product component),
this is regarded as ‘local production’. Most foreign direct investment (FDI) in
low-income countries remains in the non-productive sectors. Hence, this form
of multinational corporation subsidiary activity will tend to be minimal in the
case of LMICs.
Product component
The focus of this review is on biomedical products including pharmaceutical
products, vaccines and medical devices, for example. With regard to
pharmaceuticals, primary LP is the manufacture of active pharmaceutical
ingredients (APIs) and intermediates from basic chemical and biological
substances. Secondary LP includes the production of finished dosage forms
from raw materials and excipients (inactive substances). Tertiary LP is limited
to packaging and labelling finished products, or repackaging bulk finished
products. In relation to vaccines and LP, many vaccines are currently derived
from viral particles developed in eggs. Technology is specific for each vaccine
product and may include isolating viral particles, producing vaccine ‘seed’
viruses, bulk manufacture, and assembling polyvalent vaccines. With regard
to medical devices, the product component can be extraordinarily complex
as a medical ’device’ can be anything from a bed to a magnetic resonance
imagery machine.
2
which divides countries according to 2009 gross national income (GNI) per
capita, as follows:
• Low-income: GNI of US$ 995 or less;
• Lower-middle-income: GNI of US$ 996–3945;
• Upper-middle-income: GNI of US$3946–12 195.
According to the World Bank system, all other countries are considered to be
high-income countries (GNI per capita US$ 12 196 or more).
Some Central and Eastern European countries are not classified as LMICs by
the World Bank nor are they considered ‘developing’ by the UN system. Some
are high-income countries, for instance Hungary. Middle-income countries
such as Brazil, India, Mexico South Africa and Taiwan, China have been
called ‘emerging markets’ using other classification systems, however, the
classification based on income is more widely used.
Aggregating LMICs in this way masks differences in the unique social, economic,
political and health characteristics and contexts of countries and their effects
on industrial and health policy. However, for the purpose of this report we
use this approach to separate LMICs from those that are characterized by
more resources, a longer tradition of promoting and evaluating industrial and
health policies, and organizational structures – such as insurance systems –
that facilitate policy.
3
2. Methodology
2.1 Search strategies
Building on the experience of a previous literature review on local production
(Kaplan and Laing, 2004), the search strategy was founded on two main
assumptions:
• Studies showing a robust relationship between ‘local production’ and access
to medicines would be sparse or even non-existent, so capturing different
aspects of the issue as possible was essential.
• Much of the local production-related literature occurs in the grey literature.
Issues related to local production of biomedical products are often cryptically
labelled since ‘local production’ is not a term in common academic use.
Because of its cross-cutting nature, reference to local production may be
found in relation to innovation capacity, science and technology, industrial
and pharmaceutical policy, IPR analysis and health economics.
2.2 Databases
4
AfricaWide Information; PUBMED (including the Health Services sub-category;
CINAHL; EMBASE; Thomson Reuters (formerly ISI); Web of Science; EconLit; CSA
International Bibliography of Social Science; International Network of Rational Use
of Medicines (INRUD); PAIS International; POPLINE (One Source); Google Scholar.
For the Google searches, we also looked for specific countries: Argentina,
Bangladesh, Brazil, Egypt, Ghana, Jordan, Mexico, South Africa and the United
Republic of Tanzania. We reviewed the most relevant articles up to the first
20 search results. The most relevant search result was then searched for all
hyperlinked related articles. We repeated this search twice, once for ‘medicines’
and again for ‘diagnostics’ (see Appendix 1).
For all Google searches that were not specified to a given country, the total
number of initial results was enormous, and active review was limited to
the first 100 references identified. All databases and searches that retrieved
relevant references are listed in Appendix 1.
The nature of evidence that would clearly satisfy this objective is summarized
below, in Table 1.
5
Table 1 Criteria for robust evidence regarding local production and access to
biomedical products in LMICs
Criteria Explanation
Study objective Define the relationship between local production and access
to biomedical products (medicines and/or diagnostics)
Study designs Interrupted time series analysis; and/or
Repeated measures studies; and/or
Controlled or uncontrolled studies before and after local
production.
Study sites LMICs
Public and/or private health care institutions; and/or
Pharmaceutical retail sector; and/or
Public or private biomedical manufacturing sites.
6
3. Results
3.1 A note on the search strategy and results
It cannot be unequivocally stated that the sources identified in the current
review are the only potentially useful and reliable sources of information
on the subject. Although an attempt was made to implement a systematic
search strategy, additional materials could almost certainly be identified
using a free form search. The search strategy employed has not covered the
entire literature on local production, given its cross-cutting nature, but covers
sufficient ground to provide a substantive starting point.
7
generally plateau around 1.0–1.5 billion tablets in blister packaging per
year. Production at most sub-Saharan African formulation sites is far below
that level. For example, it is estimated that a third of the 30–40% cost
disadvantage that a leading Ghanaian manufacturer suffers versus high-
scale Indian manufacturers is attributable to scale.
• Low production quality standards
Because of low production quality standards, local producers may only
be granted market authorization for one or two years, while imported
medicines are generally granted market authorization for four or five years.
As a result, transaction costs for importing wholesale traders are likely to be
much lower than the costs for the local producers.
8
In general, these protectionist policies aid the competitive position of local
producers. As local manufacturers increase their production capabilities, it
is possible that governments will extend this support to new products or
segments of the supply chain (International Finance Corporation, 2011).
Local manufacturers in Shandong and Gansu produced only 62% and 50%,
respectively, of the essential medicines they were licensed to produce. Of a
randomly selected 10% of NEML products, retail pharmacies stocked up to
60% of imported products. Apparently, manufacturer and retail pharmacy
managers based their decisions about medicines production and stocking
on economic considerations, while hospital pharmacy managers cited clinical
need. Many essential medicines are not perceived as profitable because of low
demand, as well as price and mark-up controls. The Chinese pricing authority
strictly controls the price of generic medicines, while allowing higher prices
for branded generics and much higher prices for originator products. To
avoid price controls, manufacturers have shifted registration and marketing
to branded generics. In addition, hospitals and doctors have few incentives
to use relatively inexpensive generic essential medicines. Health facilities
generate greater profits through prescribing of medicines with high mark-ups
that are not subject to price control. The more medicines doctors prescribe,
the higher the income hospitals and doctors receive.
The authors of the study concluded that there were competing interests
between the pharmaceutical industry profit orientation and the government
objective of securing access to affordable essential medicines for the public.
Over the past three decades, provincial and municipal governments have
promoted the pharmaceutical industry as a pillar for economic growth and
job creation without emphasizing its responsibility in helping to secure access
to essential medicines.
If that this apparent disconnect between industrial and health policies exists
elsewhere, no specific, measurable link should be observed between local
production and access to medicines.
9
3.3.1 Other illustrative themes highlighted by the review
As part of the review, three further observations were made:
a. There is extensive business and economics literature covering the
comparative economics and strategic planning of multinational
corporations and domestic firms. There are fewer references with regard to
emerging markets or LMICs, and even less in relation to comparing local
and multinational pharmaceutical corporations.
b. The series of UNCTAD case studies on technology transfer as a useful
resource base; and
c. The relatively sparse, and mostly descriptive literature on the benefits of
local production.
There are two rather distinct areas of economic literature relevant in this
regard. One stems from the theoretical aspects and attempts to explain why
MNCs exist despite their disadvantage relative to local firms due to inferior
knowledge of domestic markets. In addition, economic theories focus on how
MNCs overcome these disadvantages as a result of two major factors: they
possess relatively large amounts of firm-specific proprietary and knowledge-
based assets, as well as generally intangible ones related to production
techniques and processes, marketing networks and/or management ability.
Comparison of the product structure of MNCs and that of local firms with the
prevalent national pattern of disease burden – as well as with the pattern of
drug consumption by specific groups of medicines – indicated no significant
difference between the two groups of firms in terms of the products they
produce and market. Significantly, both the MNCs and the large comparable
local drug firms similarly relied more heavily on the production of medicines
that do not provide cures for the major causes of mortality in Turkey. The
authors could not conclude that the presence of local firms in the Turkish
10
pharmaceutical industry had been beneficial, because “ …all the negative
aspects of pharmaceutical production and exchange which the critics have
attributed solely to MNCs have been similarly reproduced by local firms in
the pharmaceutical industry in Turkey.“ Local firms were equally involved in
overpricing activities. It was argued that, due to the existing pricing legislation,
all firms in the industry were motivated to inflate their costs, and hence,
final product prices, The available evidence indicated, however, that MNCs
overpriced to an even higher extent than local firms.
11
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12
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13
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14
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15
Continued from previous page
† . Total number of times the word appeared in the document (total number of times the word
was related to a biomedical product).
Direct benefits
a. Potential cost savings. According to the Vantage Health (SEC) document,
a dedicated ARV–API facility in South Africa would be competitive against
the lowest cost international producers on the basis of improved process
technology, continuous (as opposed to batch) processing, and better
economies of scale. The extent of the cost saving depends on which APIs are
being manufactured and what processing steps are required.
However, the following general comments can be made about this potential
benefit: 1. Most APIs are produced in batch chemical plants that are highly
inefficient from an asset utilization perspective. Such plants are generally
oversized for the required capacity and operate according to long batch
processing cycles. A dedicated facility, which has been explicitly designed
to manufacture only a few APIs, would likely provide a lower cost platform
for ARV–API production. 2. Secondly, the process technology itself has been
considerably improved over the last few years through innovative technology.
Many of the established producers are constrained by old processes and
3 The US Government authority that maintains fair and efficient financial markets and
facilitates capital formation (see http://www.sec.gov/about/whatwedo.shtml)
16
technologies; new entrants have greater flexibility to innovate and select
more efficient process routes.
The United Republic of Tanzania: Mackintosh and Mujinja (2008) surveyed four
rural districts in the United Republic of Tanzania and found that nearly half
(46%) of recorded observations of various tracer medicines were locally made;
the most widely available basic medicines, including paediatric suspensions,
basic antibiotics and antimalarials, and analgesics, were all available and
widely stocked in Tanzanian versions. Only four companies – Shelys, TPI, Keko
and Zenufa – produce antibiotics (simpler ones such as amoxicillin, ampicillin,
chloramphenecol, and not the more advanced ones such as cepholosporins).
The Shelys product range consists mainly of simple antibiotics, cough and cold
preparations, analgesics and antipyretics, sedatives, nutritional supplements
and/or treatments, anthelmintics and antimalarials. TPI has started producing
fixed-dose combinations of three ARVs (Chaudhuri, 2008). Only the injectable
antibiotics, some chronic illness medicines, and one antibiotic were solely
available as imports. First-line combination ARVs were just beginning to be
locally produced and were found in some hospitals. India supplied a larger
proportion (27%) of the items recorded than Kenya, the other major import
source (20%), and India was the sole non-European source of the injectable
antibiotics. There were no significant differences between prices of medicines
from the three main countries of origin, suggesting a competitive pricing
process among the three suppliers with no apparent advantage given to the
Tanzanian products Mackintosh and Mujinja (2008).
17
sub-Saharan African countries. This could diminish the primary contribution
of domestic production to access if the distribution system does not pass
on the savings. This may be less of a risk in the case when medicines bought
by the government are distributed by public networks, but mark-ups are
also added in the public sector and can still add significantly to medicine
prices (Guimier 2004).
• Brazil: Nunn et al. (2007) compared Brazilian prices for locally-produced
generic ARVs to the lowest international prices meeting global
pharmaceutical quality standards. They found that as of 2006, prices for
Brazil’s locally-produced generic medicines were generally much higher
than corresponding global prices, and noted that these prices have risen
in Brazil while declining globally. They estimated the total excess costs of
Brazil’s locally produced generics totalled US$ 110 million from 2001 to
2005.
• India: Chaudhuri et al. (2006) used an econometric model with detailed
product-level data on monthly pharmaceutical prices and sales of
antibiotics in the Indian market (the fluoroquinolone segment of systemic
antibacterials). Their basic theoretical scenarios all involve the withdrawal
of one or more of the locally-produced product groups from the market
because of patent protection. The idea was that had patents for, e.g.,
ciprofloxacin, been recognized in India, all domestic products containing
ciprofloxacin would not be present in the market, leaving only the foreign
ciprofloxacin product group in the market. Using such a model, the authors
simulated prices and market shares and were able to calculate the additional
expenditure that Indian consumers would incur in light of the domestic
product withdrawal(s) and accompanying price and market share changes.
Empirically, the component of the consumer welfare loss attributable
to the withdrawal of locally- produced fluroquinolones turned out to be
significant and was considered an impact on access due to “ …differences
in the marketing and distribution networks, domestic products being more
readily available to Indian consumers than products produced by foreign
subsidiaries.” Nonetheless, the estimated loss of consumer welfare from the
simultaneous withdrawal of all four domestic product groups was more
than two times the sum of the estimated losses from scenarios where only
one domestic product group is withdrawn. In absolute terms, the authors
estimated that in the absence of any price regulation, the prices of foreign
patented products would rise between 100% and 400% if local production
ceased.
• Malaysia: Shafie and Hassali (2008) compared prices of innovator and
generic medicines in Malaysia. Some of the generic medicines were made
locally and some of them were considerably more expensive than imported
counterparts. The authors assumed that retail mark-ups were identical
across products and suggested that the local producers may not be
“efficiently producing affordable medicines” and are passing the high costs
on to the consumer. Figure 1 has been prepared using data from their study.
• The patterned bars show the average price of the listed generic medicines
(US$ per pill) for the Malaysian local producers (MY) and the foreign
counterparts (DE= Germany, CY= Cyprus, IN=India, CA=Canada, IT=Italy).
18
The solid bars are the percentage (x100) difference in price between the
foreign and locally-produced generics. For all but one of these medicines,
at least one foreign generic was somewhat cheaper than the locally-
produced version. In particular for atenolol, loratidine and amoxicillin, the
foreign versions were significantly less expensive than the locally-produced
medicines.
2.50
IT
MY
2.00
CA
1.50
1.00
DE MY
TH
IN MY MY
TH MY MY
CA
0.50 CA DE CY MY
MY CY
TH MY DE
0.00
Glicazide Ticlopidine Glibenclamide Na Diclofenac Enalpril Cetrizine
60mg tab 250mg tab 5mg tab 50mg tab 20mg tab 10mg tab
-0.50
Atenolo Loratidine
50mg tab 10mg tab
Amoxlillin 500mg cap
-1.00
19
Multinational corporation managers have asserted that their pricing
policies in Bangladesh are restricted by parent companies and that they are
bound to import raw materials from sources (i.e., European) that are more
expensive than the sources of local producers (i.e., Asian). In addition, when
asked, managers of the foreign companies stated that the other reasons
for their higher prices were their “exclusive production capabilities and
exclusive marketing policies” as well as “more expensive and exceptional”
promotional campaigns. Five essential medicine products for chronic
conditions (Atenolol 50 mg, Glibenclamide, Amitriptyline, Griseofulvin and
Salbutamol) had exactly the same prices for locally- and foreign-produced.
There may be less of a need for a high per-pill profit when considering
medicines for chronic conditions (Chowdury and Kabir, 2009).
• Viet Nam: Kuanpoth (2007) studied ARV prices in Viet Nam. Locally-produced
ARVs are priced considerably lower than imported ARVs, currently on the
Vietnamese market, they are five to seven times higher than the current
best offer on the international market. This is caused, at least in part, by the
fact that the market for ARVs is very small.
• We note that various authors have asserted that increased local production
can mitigate the inflexibility of supply created by high dependence on
imports. In the United Republic of Tanzania, the government procurement
agency obtains supplies through one large annual tender (Chaudhuri et al.
2010). For unanticipated requirements, there are provisions for emergency
purchases, which presumably can be made rapidly from local producers.
However, floating international tenders and arranging supplies from foreign
manufacturers can take a substantial time. Particularly in public health crises,
this is a bottleneck to ensuring access to medicines. In principle at least,
supplies can be more reliable and secure, although empirical evidence for
this is difficult to obtain.
• The concept of a ‘supply chain’ originated in an industrial context, implying
the management of process of supply to manufacturers. This is now part of
the much wider discussion of supply of medicines to individual consumers/
users/patients (Mackintosh 2010). These concepts exist in countries where
most people struggle to buy medicines In Tanzania,, there appear to be
several competing ‘supply chains’ (Mackintosh 2010): a ‘delivery chain’ of
mostly ARV and tuberculosis (TB) medicines from only international firms
to facilities treating free at point-of-use; the supply chain from local firms
and Indian importers to public/nongovernmental organization (NGO)
facilities for essential out-of-pocket payments; and a private market without
a controlled supply chain, selling both subsidized imports and local and
imported commercial supplies.
• The ARV/TB supply chain is probably the most treatment-based and
equitable, although there is a high international subsidy and it excludes
local suppliers. The private market supply chain is the least equitable as it
20
is payment based, not treatment-based, although the subsidies do reduce
patient exclusion to some extent.
• The supply chain for public/NGO facilities tends to encourage local suppliers,
and could lead to upgrading of local industrial capabilities and employment.
c. Quality standards. According to the United States SEC (2010) document, local
production in South Africa with regular surveillance on quality control issues,
in conjunction with health authorities, “would guarantee quality standards”
without compromising on cost.
• Maponga and Ondari (2003) conducted a pilot study to assess the quality
of antimalarial medicines (chloroquine and sulphadoxine/pyrimethamine)
in seven selected African countries, and to determine whether the quality
of these products was related to the level of the distribution chain at which
the samples were collected. There were failures of 56% (27/48) among
locally made products, compared to 47.2% (17/36) for foreign products for
chloroquine tablet active ingredient content, and 28% (7/25) versus 13%
(3/23) chloroquine-syrup active ingredient content. Further investigation
of this phenomenon will be important since it is easier for national drug
regulatory authorities to act and correct problems that involve domestic
manufacturers. No clear relationship between the quality of products and
the level of the distribution chain was observed. There were failures in
quality of antimalarials regardless of whether the product was taken from a
teaching hospital, district hospital, pharmacy or household. The reasons for
these failures in quality vary: some are due to storage, some to poor quality
of imported medicines and others to poor quality of locally-produced
medicines.
Indeed, there was no apparent difference in quality between locally/
manufactured and imported products and one might infer that locally/
produced and imported antimalarials were of equal quality.
d. Foreign import savings. According to the United States SEC (2010) document,
the average price for the first-line ARVs required to treat HIV/AIDS is US$ 950
to US$ 1100/kg. By 2012, the total annual import bill for the estimated South
African ARV procurement programme will be about ZAR4.9 billion (0.68 US$
billion, at 2007 prices; this figure assumes 1.75 million patients are on ARV
and based on a fully imported API that is locally formulated). Local production
may, to an extent, offset in part this foreign exchange exposure and import
deficit. It is estimated that the cost of importing the relevant raw materials is
about 55% of the API cost (depending on the API) and hence implies a foreign
import saving of at least ZAR2.4 billion (0.33 US$ billion) per annum. The latter
figure excludes any foreign currency earnings through the export of ARV APIs
to other countries.
21
Indirect benefits:
a. Development of further innovation capacity. The need to diversify the
pharmaceutical manufacturing sector, and in particular to stimulate production
of more profitable, high technology products, has been emphasized by many
different countries. Over the past 20 years there has been strong growth within
this sector, to the extent that it now forms a major part of the high technology
activities of many developed countries, alongside telecommunications and
information technologies.
22
production methods as such. Production is at a low level technologically
and has not increased the companies’ technological capabilities in terms of
higher prospects for further upgrading.
The machinery and technology for more efficient production are those
found in small- and medium-sized companies in other developing countries,
primarily India, as there is a huge technology gap between the Ugandan
industry and companies in industrialized countries. The market consists of
relatively poor people in need of basic medicine, and there is no scope for
producing high-value products in Uganda. Likewise, the producers are not
introducing new products into the market, but are replacing imports with
local production. However, the companies do upgrade their products; for
example, by improving packaging materials and product quality.
The notion that Ugandan companies are not introducing ‘new’ products
points to another challenge in this field, namely the definition of innovation.
It is unclear what ‘new’ means in the context of the Ugandan pharmaceutical
industry although one might infer that it means development of a novel
product.
c. Development of human capital. Most of the essential skills for a successful API
manufacturing sector may already be well developed in certain countries (e.g.,
India, Thailand and South Africa) and within academic institutions (organic
chemistry, chemical engineering, mechanical engineering, pharmacology, etc.).
At the same time, it may be that experienced professionals with knowledge
of pharmaceutical manufacturing within an industrial environment are very
limited. The main reason for this gap would be the lack of a local API industry.
India is a major exception. In Hyderabad, India, much of the impressive growth
of the API manufacturing sector can be linked to the initial commitment of Dr
KA Reddy and the establishment of his company ’Dr Reddy's Laboratory’ in
1984. The history of the API industry in Hyderabad is an interesting example of
how an initial activity went on to snowball into a highly developed, populated
and profitable industrial sector.
23
mentioned by the CEO that this was “... a major problem.” The company
would prefer to employ Tanzanian staff, but the competency needed for
pharmaceutical production is simply not available in the country. In total
the company employs 800 people in the United Republic of Tanzania. The
Tanzanian employees are unskilled and work in the packaging area, whereas
the Indian and British staff are skilled.
24
4. Discussion and conclusions
The arguments linking access to medicines with domestic production of
biomedical products in high income countries were not reviewed because
such arguments tend not to be explicitly stated. The linkages are assumed
to exist in the United States and other OECD countries. Such linkages are a
complex function of health care and industrial policy, including insurance,
generic medicine policies, pricing and reimbursement policies. They are based,
at least in part, on the unique characteristics of the pharmaceutical market and
products, and the recognized weaknesses in the way this market functions. It
has been argued that to remedy these defects, the state (i.e., national/local) in
developed countries plays a specific and critical role in establishing controls
and regulatory mechanisms designed to overcome information imbalance,
moral risks and adverse choices, seeking to guarantee quality of – if not access
to –medicines. Innovation in relation to products, services and processes,
fuels economic growth through enhancements in productivity. As some share
of innovation comes from health-related applications, there is an economic
agenda closely tied to innovation in life sciences and health, that is linked to
the ability of producers to rapidly disseminate new technologies.
The pursuit of improved access to medicines often coincides with the pursuit of
industrial policy in the pharmaceutical sector; the latter relates to the support
for the pharmaceutical industry in terms of providing explicit or implicit
incentives to locate within national boundaries and invest in innovation. In
the United Kingdom, for example, industrial policy is explicitly pursued
through supply-side regulation by the Pharmaceutical Pricing Regulation
Scheme, which combines free-pricing subject to profit control and R&D
incentives. In Germany, industrial policy is implicit through free-pricing of
medicines and the implementation of targeted initiatives in certain areas such
as biotechnology by the relevant government agencies. In France, industrial
policy considerations (such as employment, manufacturing value added,
research and exports) are discussed during reimbursement negotiations and
are, therefore, linked to reimbursement decisions. In Spain, the government has
an agreement with industry to attract investment in certain priority research
areas and contributes by channelling funding to these areas. (Kanavos, 2011).
25
Table 4: Literature review: Examples of positive, negative and uncertain benefits
of local production
Potential benefit of local Positive impacts Unclear/negative
production impacts
Potential cost savings Some locally produced Some locally produced
medicines are less medicines are more
expensive than foreign- expensive than foreign-
made counterparts made counterparts
(Bangladesh, India, (Turkey, UNCTAD
UNCTAD study, study, Tanzania, Brazil,
Palestine) Malaysia, Vietnam)
Reliability of supply Literature on medicines Surprising little direct
regulation and quality in evidence one way or the
high-income countries other for this in LMICs
support this as a
positive benefit
Improved quality Literature on medicines Surprising little direct
standards regulation and quality in evidence one way or the
high-income countries other for this in LMICs
support this as a
positive benefit
Foreign import savings Little direct evidence Little direct evidence
from this literature from this literature
search search
Increased local innovation A vast literature on Little clear evidence
capacity ‘knowledge spillovers’ in from sub-Saharan Africa
high-income countries
especially, but also in
South-East Asia
Development of export Indian and South So far, little clear
capacity African companies are evidence from sub-
major exporters of ARVs Saharan Africa
26
timelines. Companies also received time-limited incentives such as working
capital credits, interest subsidies and export incentives, which enabled them
to invest in the necessary upgrades while remaining competitive. India has
a sizeable pool of skilled human resources, a large domestic market, and
capabilities to produce many of the inputs within the country.
27
4.1 Methods employed in the literature are insufficient to prove a robust relationship
between LP and access
Table 5 lists the references cited in the text (as well as some others not cited) and the type of study
upon which the paper was based.
Haakonsson Uganda
Veira Brazil
deOliveira Brazil
Semin Turkey
Orwa Kenya
Kisa Turkey
Flynn Brazil
Dinarvand Iran
Kuanpoth Thailand
Chaudhuri India
28
Table 6 lists the references (as in Table 5) but with a different focus. Keeping in mind the presumed
benefits of local production as it relates to access to medicines,2 those aspects of ‘access’ that are the
major focus of these papers are summarized. We note the preponderance of papers directed to IPRs.
India, % LP and
Thailand, imported Guennif,
X
Brazil medicines Ramani
inThailand
India, Brazil,
X (Brazil only) X Hara
Cuba
Uganda Haakonsson
LAC X Hara
Tunisia X Yacoub
Brazil X-MOH
Veira
spending
Kenya Quality of
Orwa
medicine
India Chaudhuri
X X
et al.
United
Losse and
Republic of X Overview
Schneider
Tanzania
United
Chaudhuri
Republic of Overview
et al.
Tanzania
Continues…
2 E.g., (a) lower prices (and greater affordability); (b) greater availability through the presence of local branded generics; (c) local
adaptation of pharmaceutical products by local firms (through incremental innovation efforts of local firms); (d) new forms
of innovative medicines and medical products developed by local firms that may, or may not be, tailored more or less to the
population(s); (e) greater availability through better distribution networks of local firms (as in the case of some LMICs where local
firms are indeed able to penetrate rural markets better).
29
Continued from previous page
Thailand X Kuanpoth
Bangladesh Chaudhury
X X
and Kabir
United
Mhamba and
Republic of Overview
Mbirigenda
Tanzania
Perhaps the best we can do at the present time is to draw inferences about the links between LP and
access to medicines.
There are certain other countries, such as Iran and Bangladesh (where domestic manufacturers
dominate the Bangladesh pharmaceutical industry with local companies enjoying an 80% market
share (Chowdury and Kabir, 2009) where there is also a very strong inference that LP has improved
access to medicines. This information does not take into account geographic heterogeneity of
access, however, and this could be extremely important. We should be able to find ways of robustly
monitoring and evaluating the link between LP and access to biomedical products.
4.2 Factors limiting understanding of the link between LP and access to medicines
Notwithstanding some national policies in LMICs that support local production, for the most part
‘access to medicines’ is not a precondition for a local factory to be built. The business and industry
pressures to create a local producer will usually overshadow health policy concerns. Also, the links
between LP and access to medicines have not been explored because it is harder to make access
to medicines a particular concern for individual firms, and at the collective level, accountability is
hard to enforce. There are likely to be some observable links between LP and access to medicines,
and the absence of evidence is not evidence of absence.
30
Box 1. Quality Chemicals Ltd. in Uganda: One point of view
31
threatening temporarily to break Roche’s patent on an AIDS medicine in 2001,
for example, until the company reduced its price (Galvao, 2002).
Were these declines between 1999 and 2001 due to domestic production of
off-patent ARVs, despite an increase in the number of patients? This is not
categorically provable, but there is a very strong inference that this is the case.
Since 2005, there has been a major increase in expenditure on ARVs. In part,
this was due to the emergence of viral resistance, which requires treatment
with expensive second- or third-line products. These are patent protected.
Imported ARVs now account for a substantial fraction of total Brazilian ARV
expenditure (do Lago and Costa, 2009). Nunn et al. (2007) found that prices
for Brazil’s locally-produced, generic ARVs are generally much higher than
corresponding global prices, and noted that these prices have risen in Brazil
while declining globally. They estimated the excess costs of Brazil’s locally-
produced generics to be US$110 million from 2001 to 2005.
32
“public goods”. However, the market position of transnational companies in
ARV production is being strengthened.
LP and access to medicines in India: Weak links between industrial and health policies
Since India’s independence more than 60 years ago, the government’s two major
objectives have been to: (i) ensure availability of reasonably priced high-quality
medicines; and (ii) promote the growth and development of a strong domestic
pharmaceutical industry. Indian pharmaceutical companies are major exporters
not only to other LMICs, but also to high-income markets. Indian companies
contribute to the affordability of medicines in the U.S. Are Indian companies
contributing to the affordability of medicines in India? For a host of complex but
well documented reasons, India has been able to develop its industry but has
difficulty in ensuring availability of medicines (Chaudhuri, 2007).
Government policy has been a key ingredient of its industrial success. Where
India differs from other countries is that currently the large firms dominating
the industry are not multinational companies but local producers. A distinctive
feature of the pharmaceutical industry in India has been the close collaboration
between the government laboratories and the private sector (Chaudhuri,
2007). Almost all the top pharmaceutical companies in India – for example,
Cipla, Ranbaxy, Lupin, Nicholas Piramal. Wockhardt, Unichem, Torrent, Cadila,
Neuland, Sun Pharmaceuticals and Orchid – have used the services of the
Indian governmental laboratories (Chaudhuri, 2007). The model that the
Indian companies have adopted is to develop new molecules and license
out the molecules to multinational companies at early stages of clinical
development. As a result the Indian companies are effectively not targeting
neglected diseases, but diseases which interest multinational companies
(Chaudhuri, 2005). Locally-produced medicines are available, however, for
many other diseases that afflict Indian people. What has been a problem has
been distributing the medicines to those who need them and ensuring that
these are of proper quality. In this regard, there are two main issues:
1. Paradoxically, while multiple sellers for even new medicines have driven
down prices to a low level compared to the prices of the patent holders
abroad, the result has not been a competitive retail medicines market in
India, where substantial price differentials exist. With trimethoprim com-
binations, for example, there are 53 sellers, but the largest controls 46%
of the market and the top four firms control 76.8% of the market (Chaud-
huri, 2005). These firms have the market power to set the prices at levels
higher than other local firms.
33
In India, given the absence of product patent protection for most of the
most essential medicines, the entire industry might be considered an
entirely generic market, yet the larger firms use brand names to create
product differentiation. Like the multinational companies, the Indian
generic companies target marketing at doctors to prescribe their brands
and directly at consumers for non-prescription purchases, spending
substantial amounts on sales promotion. Brands of reputed companies sell
at substantially higher prices because the products are considered reliable.
2. Most Indian states do not have a proper medicine procurement and dis-
tribution system. In India thousands of brands are available in the market.
But the vast majority of these are considered to be therapeutically irra-
tional, resulting in tremendous wasteful expenditure. A weak medicine
control administration is considered the major reason for such a problem.
Panel data, also called longitudinal data or cross-sectional time series data, are
data where multiple cases (e.g., several local and multinational producers) are
observed at two or more time points/periods. This should include nationally
representative samples of local producers and multinational subsidiaries, or a
sample of pharmacies and clinics etc., each surveyed repeatedly over multiple
years.
There are two kinds of information in panel data: the cross-sectional information
reflected in the differences between subjects (i.e., differences between local
producers and multinational companies, between public and private sectors
etc. at one point in time) and the time-series information reflected in the
changes within subjects over time (changes in ARV production over time from
a local producer etc.).
34
they are found to be statistically significant. Another approach is to model the
activity in question (e.g. production of medicine, price levels of the produced
medicine, extent of local innovation in local producers and multinational
companies, availability of medicine produced by each firm etc.) directly as a
function of related variables (e.g. size of firm, age of firm, kind of medicine)
and a set of dummy variables identifying firms belonging to the group(s) of
interest. The significance of the differences in dependent variable among
groups, after controlling for differences in the other relevant independent
variables, is then revealed.
Unfortunately, there may be very poor access to firm- and/or plant-level data.
In short, rigorous comparisons require models that allow relevant control
variables and their effects to be identified and isolated before comparisons
are made. Small sample size and lack of data on relevant variables often make
such modelling impossible.
The primary drawback of this time series methodology is that a lack of good
quality data may make it impossible to separate the various factors that
may be influencing performance. For example, if a region dominated by
local producers is observed with a time series showing lower prices than an
adjacent ’control’ region dominated by multinational producers, lower prices
may reflect differences in capital and technology intensity, and prices may
be more comparable if differences in capital intensity could be controlled for.
In many cases, comparisons of multinational companies and local firms are
further complicated by the fact that countries may have severe policy biases
that favour state-owned enterprise.
35
comes from existing archives: collections of data gathered routinely across time for
administrative purposes.
36
Appendix 1: Search terms
Database(s) Search term key words for Number of initial hits
database(s)
Lexis Nexis Local, production, pharmaceutical, 997
medicine diagnostic
Google/Google Scholar Local, innovation, pharmaceutical, >1000
medicine, diagnostic, access
Google 54
Peter Singer Abdallah Daar ethics,
local production pharmaceutical,
medicine, diagnostic
AfricaWide Information Local production pharmaceutical,
CINAHL medicine diagnostic
OECD Local production 68
Health services subset of Local production 4
PUBMED
POPLINE medicine / pharmac* / diagnostic & 21
production / manufacture
ECONLIT 32
medicine / pharmac* / diagnostic &
ECONLIT 1127
production / manufacture
Comparative AND (foreign OR
multinational) AND (domestic OR
local) AND performance OR price AND
“pharmaceutical”
CSA Local production pharmaceutical 13
medicine diagnostic
ISI Web of Knowledge 429
Local production pharmaceutical
CSA 818
medicine diagnostic
38
Comparative AND (foreign OR
multinational) AND (domestic OR
local) AND performance OR price
Same as immediately above AND
“pharmaceutical”
BioOne Abstracts and (local or domestic or national) and 12
Indexes AB=production
12
PAIS International and AB=(pharmaceutic* or medicine
8
or diagnostic)
Worldwide Political
Science Abstracts local or domestic or national) and
AB=production
and AB=(pharmaceutic* or medicine
or diagnostic)
International AB=(local or national or domestic) and 22
Bibliography of the AB=production
Social Sciences
and KW=(medicine or pharmaceu*)
Continues…
AB= abstract; KW= key words
37
Continued from previous page
Database Search term key words for database(s) Number of initial hits
Google Scholar 1. Specific country AND pharmaceutical
country-specific
AND with the exact phrase: “production”
AND with at least one of these words:
“local domestic national regional
diagnostic”
2. Specific country AND diagnostic
AND with the exact phrase: “production”
AND with at least one of the words:
“local domestic national regional
pharmaceutical”
38
PUBMED search terms
1. (domestic[All Fields] AND ("economics"[MeSH Terms] OR "economics"[All Fields] OR
"production"[All Fields])) AND ("pharmacy"[MeSH Terms] OR "pharmacy"[All Fields]
OR "pharmaceutical"[All Fields] OR "dosage forms"[MeSH Terms] OR ("dosage"[All
Fields] AND "forms"[All Fields]) OR "dosage forms"[All Fields])
2. "medicine industry"[Mesh] AND "medicine"[Mesh]
3. (Medicine[ti] OR Pharmaceutical[ti] OR Diagnostic[ti] OR "Medicines, Essential/sup-
ply and distribution"[MAJR]) OR "Medicines, Essential/economics"[MeSH Terms])
AND (Production[tiab] OR Manufacture[tiab]) AND (Local[tiab] OR regional[tiab] OR
national[tiab] OR domestic[tiab]) NOT (("cells"[MeSH Terms] OR "cells"[All Fields]
OR "cell"[All Fields]) NOT clinical[All Fields])
4. Limits – Humans
5. Developing Countries
"Developing Countries"[Mesh] OR Africa[Mesh] or "Africa South of the Sahara"[Mesh]
or Asia[Mesh] or "South America" [Mesh] or "Central America"[Mesh] OR Africa[tiab]
or Asia[tiab] or "South America"[tiab] or "Latin America"[tiab] or "Central
America"[tiab]
39
Afghanistan[tiab] or Bangladesh[tiab] or Benin[tiab] or "Burkina Faso"[tiab] or
Burundi[tiab] or Cambodia[tiab] or "Central African Republic"[tiab] or Chad[tiab]
or Comoros[tiab] or "Democratic Republic of the Congo"[tiab] or "Cote d'Ivoire"
[tiab] or Eritrea[tiab] or Ethiopia[tiab] or Gambia[tiab] or Ghana[tiab] or
Guinea[tiab] or Guinea-Bissau[tiab] or Haiti[tiab] or India[tiab] or Kenya[tiab] or
Korea[tiab] or Kyrgyzstan[tiab] or Laos[tiab] or Liberia[tiab] or Madagascar[tiab]
or Malawi[tiab] or Mali[tiab] or Mauritania[tiab] or Melanesia[tiab] or
Mongolia[tiab] or Mozambique[tiab] or Myanmar[tiab] or Nepal[tiab] or
Niger[tiab] or Nigeria[tiab] or Pakistan[tiab] or "Papua New Guinea"[tiab]
or Rwanda[tiab] or Senegal[tiab] or "Sierra Leone" [tiab] or Somalia[tiab] or
Sudan[tiab] or Tajikistan[tiab] or Tanzania[tiab] or East Timor[tiab] or Togo[tiab] or
Uganda[tiab] or Uzbekistan[tiab] or Vietnam[tiab] or Yemen[tiab] or Zambia[tiab]
or Zimbabwe[tiab] or Burma[tiab] or Congo[tiab] or Kyrgyz[tiab] or Lao[tiab] or
"North Korea"[tiab] or "Solomon Islands"[tiab] or "Sao Tome"[tiab] or Timor[tiab]
or "Viet Nam"[tiab]
lmic[tiab] or lmics[tiab]
40
POPLINE
Developing Countries:
Developing countries / Afghanistan / Bangladesh / Benin / Burkina Faso /
Burundi / Cambodia / Central African Republic / Chad / Comoros / Democratic
Republic of the Congo / Cote d'Ivoire / Eritrea / Ethiopia / Gambia / Ghana
/ Guinea / Guinea-Bissau / Haiti / India / Kenya / Korea / Kyrgyzstan / Laos
/ Liberia / Madagascar / Malawi / Mali / Mauritania / Melanesia / Mongolia
/ Mozambique / Myanmar / Nepal / Niger / Nigeria / Pakistan / Papua New
Guinea / Rwanda / Senegal / Sierra Leone / Somalia / Sudan / Tajikistan
/ Tanzania / East Timor / Togo / Uganda / Uzbekistan / Vietnam / Yemen /
Zambia / Zimbabwe / Burma / Congo / Kyrgyz / Lao / North Korea / Solomon
Islands / Sao Tome / Timor / Viet Nam / Albania / Algeria / Angola / Armenia
/ Azerbaijan / Belarus / Bhutan / Bolivia / Bosnia and Herzegovina / Bosnia /
Cameroon / China / Colombia / Congo / Cuba / Djibouti / Dominican Republic
/ Ecuador / Egypt / El Salvador / Fiji / Georgia Republic / Guam / Guatemala /
Guyana / Honduras / Indian Ocean Islands / Indonesia / Iran / Iraq / Jamaica
/ Jordan / Lesotho / Macedonia / Marshall Islands / Micronesia / Middle East
/ Moldova / Morocco / Namibia / Nicaragua / Paraguay / Peru / Philippines /
Samoa / Sri Lanka / Suriname / Swaziland / Syria / Thailand / Tonga / Tunisia
/ Turkmenistan / Ukraine / Vanuatu / Cape Verde / Gaza / Georgia / Kiribati /
Macedonia / Maldives / Palestine / Syrian Arab Republic / West Bank / American
Samoa / Argentina / Belize / Botswana / Brazil / Bulgaria / Chile / Comoros
/ Costa Rica / Croatia / Dominica / Equatorial Guinea / Gabon / Grenada /
Hungary / Kazakhstan / Latvia / Lebanon / Libya / Libia / Libyan / Lithuania
/ Malaysia / Mauritius / Mexico / Micronesia / Montenegro / Oman / Palau /
Panama / Poland / Romania / Russia / Seychelles / Slovakia / South Africa /
Saint Kitts and Nevis / Saint Lucia / Saint Vincent and the Grenadines / Turkey
/ Uruguay / Venezuela / Yugoslavia / Mayotte / Northern Mariana Islands /
Russian Federation / Samoa / Serbia / Slovak Republic / St Kitts and Nevis / St
Lucia / St Vincent and the Grenadines
41
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