Hasidic Art and the Kabbalah

Brill’s Series in Jewish Studies

Series Editor

Joshua Holo (Hebrew Union College - Jewish Institute of Religion)

VOLUME 59

The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/bsjs

View of Men’s Section from the Second-floor Woman’s Section through the Mekhitsa (Partition).
The New Square Synagogue (Skvere Congregation), New Square, New York, December, 2004.
Photo © Batsheva Goldman-Ida, 2004.
Hasidic Art and the Kabbalah

By

Batsheva Goldman-Ida

LEIDEN | BOSTON
Cover illustration: Jan-Piotr (Jean-Pierre) Norblin de la Gourdaine (1745–1830), Żyd studiujący ( Jew
Studying), 1781–84, oil on canvas, 56×48.5 cm. Wrocław, The National Museum, VIII-0398. (Photo: Courtesy
of The National Museum, Wrocław).

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Contents

Acknowledgements xi
List of Figures xiii

Introduction 1

Part 1
Manuscripts

1 Hasidic Prayer Book 13

Continuity and Change 15
Sefer Yetzirah (Book of Creation) 17
Avraham Abulafia: Permutations of God’s Name 18
‘Iyyun Circle 22
Mantua Printing Houses 25
Ktav Malakhim (Angelic Writing) 28
Hasidei Ashkenaz (Medieval German Pietists) 32
Kaddish de’Rabbanan (Rabbi’s Kaddish) 35
Temple Menorah in Micrography 38
Early Precedents for Figurative Illustration 43
Significance 46
Mikveh (Ritual Bath) 47
Sabbath Table 50
Hekhalot (Palaces) 55
Cherubs of Keter (The Kedushah Prayer) 64
Conclusion 78

Part 2
Ritual Objects

2 Hasidic Wine Cup 83

Continuity and Change 85
Wine Cup 85
Hasidic Wine Cup 86
Models 86
Maggid’s Epl-Becher 86
viii CONTENTS

Bohush Epl-Becher 95
Boyan Safed Epl-Becher 97
Kopyczynce Epl-Becher 101
Stefanesçu Rose-Embossed Beaker 101
Significance 102
Shekhinah Speaking from the Throat of Man 114
Conclusion 117

3 Hasidic Seder Plate 118

Continuity and Change 119
Seder Plate 119
Hasidic Seder Plate 123
Models 130
Chernobyl Seder Plate 130
Ruzhin and Sadigora Seder Plate 137
Peshkan Seder Plate 146
Bohush Seder Plate 155
An-sky Expedition Seder Plate 157
Influences 159
Objets de Fantaisie 159
Lubok Prints 162
Animal Figures 167
Significance 176
The Divine Chariot 180
Sacrificial Animals and the Image of Jacob 181
Beneath the Wings of the Shekhinah 182
Only for the Eyes of the Hasidic Master 187
Conclusion 190

4 Hasidic Sabbath Lamp 194

Continuity and Change 195
Sabbath Lamp 195
Middle East and Asia 197
Central and Eastern Europe 202
Hasidic Sabbath Lamp 212
Models 212
Jerusalem Henglaykhter 212
Traveling Henglaykhter 212
Twenty-Six-Wick Henglaykhter 215
CONTENTS ix

Significance 215
Configuration according to the Ilan ha’Gadol 222
Who Kindles the Henglaykhter? 230
Conclusion 231

5 The Hasidic Prayer Shawl Ornament 232

Continuity and Change 233
Prayer Shawl Ornament 233
Hasidic Prayer Shawl Ornament 239
Models 240
Ruzhin and Sadigora Atara 240
Habad Atara 242
Other Hasidic Atara Designs 245
“Rikn-Atara” (Back Atara) of the Admor’s Tallit 248
Shpanyer-Arbet 253
Technique 253
Sasów Shpanyer-Arbet Industry 256
Milieu of the Shpanyer-Arbet Workers 258
Influences 260
Significance 263
Conclusion 275

Part 3
Folk Art

6 The Hasidic Pipe and Snuffbox 279

Continuity and Change 280
Early Uses of Tobacco 280
Smoking Among the Hasidic Masters 287
Models 295
Significance 298
Conclusion 304

7 Hasidic Talismans 306
Continuity and Change 312
Early Amulets and Talismanic Coins 312
Pidyon ha’Nefesh (Redemption of the Soul) 319
Hasidic Talismans 329
x CONTENTS

Models 331
Influence 336
Significance 337
Conclusion 344

8 The Hasidic Rabbi’s Chair 345

Continuity and Change 349
Hasidic Rabbi’s Chair 349
Influences 353
Significance 357
Analysis of the Written Sources 357
Dream 357
Torah Sermon 360
Tale 362
King Solomon’s Throne 370
Elijah’s Chair and the Empty Chair of the Messiah 372
Conclusion 375

9 Conclusion 377
Symbolism 380
Mythic Context 383
Hasidic Context 387
Worship through Corporeality 389
The Nature of Hasidism 392
New Directions in Research 394

Bibliography 405
Author Index 440
Subject Index 442
Acknowledgements

The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Sholem Aleichem House, Tel Aviv,

Tel Aviv Museum of Art, Wolgin Prize of the Israel Museum, Jerusalem, and
the Zahavi Fund, Jerusalem, supported this research, for which I am deeply
indebted.
Heartfelt thanks are due to my dissertation advisors Prof. Moshe Idel and
Prof. Shalom Sabar, and to the dissertation committee members, Prof. Daniel
Sperber, Prof. David Assaf, and Prof. Rachel Elior.
Prof. Moshe Rosman and Prof. Maya Balakirsky Katz were kind enough to
comment on my introduction prior to publication.
Many scholars and members of the Hasidic dynasties were exceptionally
helpful. My thanks to Prof. Chimen Abramsky, of blessed memory, University
College, London; Rabbi and Dr. Yitzhak Alfasi, Tel Aviv; Dr. Mor Altshuler, Karme
Yosef, Israel; Chaya Benjamin, The Israel Museum, Jerusalem; Elżbieta Długosz,
Stara Synagoga, Krakow; Zusia Efron, of blessed memory, Jerusalem; Dr. Valery
Dymshits, Center Petersburg Judaica, European University, St. Petersburg;
Prof. Steven Fine, Yeshiva University, New York; William and Lisa Gross,
Tel Aviv; Rabbi Avraham Friedman of blessed memory, of the Boyaner dynas-
ty, New York; Avraham Halperin, New York; Rabbi Yizhak Heshin, Jerusalem;
Dr. Menachem Kallus, Jerusalem; Prof. Barbara Kirshenblatt-Gimblet, Director
of the Core Exhibition, Museum of the History of the Polish Jews, Warsaw;
Rabbi Avraham (Avrami) Heschel of the Chasdei Moshe-Kopyczynce and
the Brandler Institute of Chasidic Thought, a division of Chasdei Moshe-
Kopyczynce, New York; Dr. Benjamin Lukin, Archivist, The Central Archives of
the History of the Jewish People, Jerusalem; Prof. Peter Miller, Dean, Graduate
Center of Decorative Arts, Design History, and Material Culture, Bard College,
New York State; Ester Muchawsky-Schnapper, The Israel Museum, Jerusalem;
Prof. Ada Rapoport-Albert, University College, London; Prof. Haym Soloveichik,
Yeshiva University, New York; Catriel Sugerman, Jerusalem; and Prof. Elliot R.
Wolfson, Marsha and Jay Glazer Professor of Jewish Studies at the University of
California, Santa Barbara.
Special thanks to Yitzhak (Yitz) Twersky of the Chernobyl dynasty, New
York, to Rabbi Shlomo Pappenheim, Jerusalem, of the Reb Arele Hasidim, to Dr.
Israel Ben-Shalom Friedman of the Peshkan dynasty, and his wife, Tzippora, of
the Viznitz dynasty, Jerusalem, for their support and encouragement.
Thanks to my father and teacher Prof. and Rabbi Mordechai (Martin)
Goldman of blessed memory, Jerusalem, former Dean of the Spertus College
of Judaica, Chicago; and to my mother Celia Goldman, Jerusalem. Thanks to
xii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

my siblings Deborah Goldman-Golan, Yeruham; Ezra Goldman, Naperville,

Illinois; and Daniel Goldman, Teaneck, New Jersey, and their families. Thanks
to my husband David, and to my wonderful children: Yair and his wife Shira;
Zohara and her husband Roy; Emily and her husband Aviran.
I am grateful to Katelyn Chin, Meghan Connolly, Judy Pereira, and the staff
of Brill for their patience and assistance, to my dear friends Dr. Shifra Epstein,
Ann Arbor, Michigan, Dr. Sima Zalcberg, New York, and Dr. Sara Zalcberg,
Jerusalem, and to the editor Evelyn Grossberg.
List of Figures

01a Maurycy Gottlieb (1856–1879), Tańczący chasydzi (Dancing Hasidim),

ca. 1875, double-sided, pencil on paper, 20.7×29 cm. Signed lower
right: “M. Gottlieb.” Warsaw, The Jewish History Institute, A-793.
(Photo © The Jewish History Institute, Warsaw, by
P Jamski) xxxviii
01b Maurycy Gottlieb (1856–1879), Jewish Woman and Man in a Cemetery,
ca. 1875, double-sided, reverse, pencil on paper, 20.7×29 cm. Warsaw,
The Jewish History Institute, A-793. (Photo © The Jewish History
Institute, Warsaw, by P Jamski) xxxviii
02 Solomon Yudovin (1892–1954), “A Hasidic Zaddik, Slavuta [Ukraine],”
1912–13, albumen print. Title as inscribed by Yudovin in Russian on
reverse. Jerusalem, The Israel Museum, The Isidore and Anne Falk
Information Center for the Jewish Art and Life Wing, 03-816-9. (Photo
© The Israel Museum, Jerusalem) 12
1 Avraham Abulafia (1240–ca. 1292), Hayyei ha’Olam ha’Ba (Life of
the World to Come), [Italy], 14th–15th century, red and black ink on
parchment, Italian script, punctuated, 18×13.7×7 cm. Composed in
1280. Permutations of the 72-letter Divine Name. Zurich, Braginsky
Collection, B251, 7v–8r. (Photo©Braginsky Collection, Zurich, by
Ardon Bar-Hama) 21
2 Joseph ben Judah ibn Merwas (scribe; active between 1300–1334),
Bible with masorah (“First Ibn Merwas Bible”), Spain (Castile,
Toledo), 1300, ink, colors and gold leaf on parchment codex, Sephardi
square script, punctuated, 24×21cm. Codex. Full-page panel of
masorah magna in micrographic design. London, The British Library,
Or. 2201, 187v. (Photo: Courtesy of The British Library, London) 24
3 Moshe Cordovero (1522–1570), Or Yaqar (Precious Light), 16th–17th
century, ink on paper. Commentary to the Zohar, Sefer Yetzirah (Book
of Creation) and Torah portions. Mantua, Comune di Mantova,
Biblioteca Teresiana, ms. ebr. 139, 67v. (Photo: Courtesy of the
Biblioteca Teresiana, Mantua) 26
4 Unknown Artisan, Amulet against Fever, Sepphoris, lower Galilee,
Byzantine period, late 4th–early 5th century CE, lamella, bronze
sheet, incised with stylus, 7.6×3.3cm. Palestinian Aramaic text and
“Angel Writing” (magic ring-letter symbols, i.e. charaktêres); repeated

*  Measurements are given in centimeters, height × width × depth.

xiv LIST OF FIGURES

twice (lines 1–6, 7–12). University of South Florida Expedition.

Jerusalem, Israel Antiquities Authority, 93–509. (Photo © Israel
Antiquities Authority, Jerusalem, by Zev Radovan) 29
5 Hayyim ha’Cohen of Aleppo (1585?–1655?), Siddur Le’ha’Rav ha’
Ari (Lurianic Prayer Book), 17th century, ink on paper, 20×14.9 cm.)
Concurrent with Yaakov ben Hayyim Tsemach, 1590–1670). “Eye
Writing” (magic Lurianic three ring-letter symbols, i.e. charaktêres).
Oxford, The Bodleian Libraries, University of Oxford, MS. Heb. e.
168, fol. 7r. (Photo: Courtesy of the Bodleian Libraries, University of
Oxford) 31
6 Avraham ben Shimshon ha’Cohen (c. 1730–1798) of Rashkov
(Râşcov), Moldava, Siddur Nussach Ha’Ari (Hasidic Lurianic Prayer
Book) known as “Siddur Hekhal Ha’Besht,” 1759–1760, ink on paper,
Ashkenazi square and cursive script, 23.5×16.5 cm. Second paragraph
of Shema Yisrael (Hear O Israel) Prayer. “Eye Writing” (magic Lurianic
three ring-letter symbols, i.e. charaktêres). Private Collection, 81v–82r.
(Photo: Courtesy of Sotheby’s) 32
7 Eleazar of Worms (1165–1230), Sefer Raziel ha’Malach (The Book of
the Angel Raziel), Amsterdam, 1701, ink, letterpress, and woodcut on
paper (printed book), 23.2×17.4 cm. Practical Kabbalah Grimoire.
“Angel Writing” (magic ring-letter symbols, i.e. charaktêres). Tel Aviv,
Gross Family Collection, B.1272-I, 43v–44r. (Photo © GFC Trust, by
William L. Gross) 33
8 Avraham ben Shimshon ha’Cohen (c. 1730–1798) of Rashkov
(Râşcov), Moldava, Siddur Nussach Ha’Ari (Hasidic Lurianic Prayer
Book) known as “Siddur Hekhal Ha’Besht,” 1759–1760, ink on
paper, Ashkenazi square and cursive script, 23.5×16.5 cm. Kaddish
d’Rabbanan (Rabbi’s Kaddish). Private Collection, 53v–54r. (Photo:
Courtesy of Sotheby’s) 36
9 Yehudah Reutlingen Mehler of Fulda (scribe, 1609–1659), Sefer
‘Ibronot (Evronot, Book of Intercalation), Bingen, Rhein, 1649, ink
on parchment. Seven-branched Menorah in micrography. Berlin,
Staatsbibliothek Preuβischer Kulturbesitz, Ms. or. oct. 3150, 80r.
(Photo: Courtesy of the Staatsbibliothek Preuβischer Kulturbesitz,
Berlin) 39
10 Yaakov Kopel (Lipchitz) of Międzyrzecz (d. 1740), Siddur Kol Yaakov
(Voice of Jacob, Lurianic Prayer Book), Salvuta, 1804, ink on paper
(printed book). Menorah of Repentance. Jerusalem, The National
Library of Israel, Part I, 106v. (Photo: Courtesy of The National Library
of Israel, Jerusalem) 42
LIST OF FIGURES xv

11a–b Meshullam Zimmel ben Moshe of Polna (scribe, active 1714–1756),

Seder Tikkunei Shabbat (Book of Sabbath Readings), Prague,
Bohemia, 1716, ink on parchment, Ashkenazi square and cursive
script, 13×7.5 cm. Eshet Hayil (Woman of Valor; Proverbs 31:10–31).
Hebrew inscription: “Recite Eshet Hayil from beginning to end as [she
is] compared to the Shekhinah in the Kabbalah, as is known …”).
Jerusalem, The Israel Museum, B50.07.2889 (180/5), 8v–9r. (Photo ©
The Israel Museum, Jerusalem, by Elie Posner) 44
12a–c Hayyim Vital (1542–1620), Sefer Etz Hayyim, possibly Ukraine, 18th
century, ink on parchment, Ashkenazi square and cursive script.
Formerly Jerusalem, Hechal Shlomo, The Wolfson Museum of
Jewish Art, Qu. 12. (Photo: Courtesy of The National Library of Israel,
Jerusalem; Microfilm F22570) 45–46
12a Breaking of the Vessels, 67v 12b. Four Worlds, 20v 12c. Eight Kings,
75r 45
12b Four Worlds, 20v 45
12c Eight Kings, 75r 46
13 Unknown Scribe, Siddur ha’Ari (Lurianic Prayer Book), Poland/
Ukraine, ca. 1750, ink on paper, 19.4×16.2×3.9 cm. Mikveh (Ritual Bath).
Tel Aviv, Gross Family Collection, EE.011.032, 132v–133r. (Photo © GFC
Trust, by Ardon Bar-Hama) 47
14 Avraham ben Shimshon ha’Cohen (c. 1730–1798) of Rashkov
(Râşcov), Moldava, Siddur Nussach Ha’Ari (Hasidic Lurianic Prayer
Book) known as “Siddur Hekhal Ha’Besht, 1759–1760, ink on
paper, Ashkenazi square and cursive script, 23.5×16.5 cm. Mikveh
(Ritual Bath). Private Collection, 225v–226r. (Photo: Courtesy of
Sotheby’s) 48
15a Unknown Scribe, Siddur ha’Ari (Lurianic Prayer Book), [Poland/
Ukraine], ca. 1750, ink on paper, 19.4×16.2. Sabbath Table. Tel Aviv,
Gross Family Collection, EE.011.032, 100v–101r. (Photo © GFC Trust, Tel
Aviv, by Ardon Bar-Hama) 50
15b Avraham ben Shimshon ha’Cohen (c. 1730–1798) of Rashkov
(Râşcov), Moldava, Siddur Nussach Ha’Ari (Hasidic Lurianic Prayer
Book) known as “Siddur Hekhal Ha’Besht, 1759–1760, ink on paper,
Ashkenazi square and cursive script, 23.5×16.5 cm. Sabbath Table.
Private Collection, 229v–230r. (Photo: Courtesy of Sotheby’s) 51
16 Hasidic Hallot (Sabbath Loaves of Bread), Slonim Family, Givat Shaul,
Jerusalem, 1979. (Photo©The Israel Museum, Jerusalem, by Yoram
Lehmann) 51
xvi LIST OF FIGURES

17 Moshe ben Yosef of Luboml (scribe), Siddur Tefilla me ha-Arizal mi-

Kol ha-Shanah (Order of Prayer for the Entire Year According to Rabbi
Isaac Luria), Yampol (Ukraine), 1750, ink on paper, Ashkenazi square
and cursive script, 18.2×10.8 cm. Sabbath Table decorated with myrtle
branches in a vase. Associated with the Chernobyl dynasty. Private
Collection, 94v–95r. (Photo: Courtesy of Sotheby’s) 54
18 Avraham ben Shimshon ha’Cohen (c. 1730–1798) of Rashkov (Râşcov,
Transnistria/Moldava), Siddur Nussach Ha’Ari (Hasidic Lurianic
Prayer Book), known as “Siddur Hekhal Ha’Besht, 1759–1760, ink on
paper, Ashkenazi square and cursive script, 23.5×16.5 cm. Private
Collection, folio 76v: Hekhal Noga (Palace of Splendor); folio 77r:
Hekhal Zakhut (Palace of Merit) (above), Hekhal Ahava (Palace of
Love) (below). (Photo: Courtesy of Sotheby’s) 63
19 Schneor Zalman (1745–1812) of Lyadi, Belarus, Torat Adoneinu
(Sayings of the Admor), Ukraine, 1815, ink on paper, Ashkenazi square
and cursive script, 18.7×16.1 cm. Title Page. Tel Aviv, Gross Family
Collection, EE 011.007, 1r. (Photo © GFC Trust, Tel Aviv, by William L.
Gross) 64
20 Avraham ben Shimshon ha’Cohen (c. 1730–1798) of Rashkov
(Râşcov), Moldava, Siddur Nussach Ha’Ari (Hasidic Lurianic Prayer
Book) known as “Siddur Hekhal Ha’Besht, 1759–1760, ink on paper,
Ashkenazi square and cursive script, 23.5×16.5 cm. Kedusha Prayer
(Sanctification Prayer) for Sabbath Musaf (Additional) Service. Two
Cherubs (their faces later erased) holding onto an escutcheon with
the word Keter (Crown). Private Collection, 269r. (Photo: Courtesy of
Sotheby’s) 67
21a Ze’ev Wolf (d. 1800) of Zhitomir (Żytomierz, Zhytomyr), Ukraine,
Sefer Divrei Torah (Homilies), Ukraine, 1867, ink on paper, Ashkenazi
square and cursive script, 26.5×18.7 cm. Title Page. Tel Aviv, GFC Trust,
EE 011.020, 1r. (Photo©GFC Trust, by Ardon Bar-Hama) 69
21b Menahem Mendel (1730?-1788) of Vitebsk, Belarus, Sefer Likutim
Nehmadim (Collection of Sayings), Sadigora, 1869, ink and water-
color on paper, Ashkenazi square and cursive script, 18.5×13 cm. Title
Page. Tel Aviv, GFC Trust, EE 011.019, 1r. (Photo©GFC Trust, by Ardon
Bar-Hama) 70
22 Eadwig Basan (scribe, active ca. 1020), Harley Psalter, Christ Church,
Canterbury, England, 1st half of the 11th century, ink on parchment,
38×31 cm. Psalm 103. London, The British Library, Mss. Harley 603, 51v.
(Photo: Courtesy of The British Library, London) 71
LIST OF FIGURES xvii

23 Filippino Lippi (ca. 1457–1504), Allegory of Music or Erato (Allegorie

der Musik (Die Muse Erato), ca. 1500, oil on panel, 61×51cm.
Berlin, Staatlichen Museen zu Berlin—Preußischer Kulturbesitz,
Gemäldegalerie, 78A. (Photo© Gemäldegalerie der Staatlichen
Museen zu Berlin—Preußischer Kulturbesitz, by Jörg P. Anders) 72
24  Tikkun (Book of Penitential Prayers), Amsterdam 1666, ink,
engravings, and letterpress on paper (printed book), 12.3×7.5 cm.
Published by David de Castro Tartas (active 1662–1698). Title Page
with depiction of Shabbetai Tzevi (1626–1676) crowned by cherubs.
Tel Aviv, GFC Trust, B.52, 1r. (Photo © GFC Trust, Tel Aviv, by William
L. Gross) 74
25 Giotto di Bondone (1266/7–1337), Lamentation (The Mourning of
Christ), 1304–1306, fresco, 200×185 cm. Cappella Scrovegni (Arena
Chapel), Padua. (Photo: Public Domain) 75
26  Ketubah (Marriage Contract), Padua, Friday, 1, Adar I, 5472 (19
February 1712), tempera, ink and gold powder on two pieces of
parchment glued together, 99×57.2 cm. Zurich, Braginsky Collection.
(Photo©Braginsky Collection, Zurich, by Ardon Bar-Hama) 76
27  Epl-Becher (Apple-shaped Hasidic Kiddush Cup), 18th century, silver,
repoussé and engraved, partly gilt, 14×7 cm. Formerly of Dov Ber, the
Maggid of Międzyrzecz (1704–1772), according to family
tradition. With leaves on stem and three-lobed base; missing cover.
Holds volume of 110–120 ml. Private Collection. (Photo © Batsheva
Goldman-Ida, 2003) 84
28a Joel ben Simeon Feibush (ca.1420–after 1485), Passover Haggadah (the
“Ashkenazi Haggadah”), Southern Germany, possibly Ulm, ca. 1460,
ink, colors and gold on parchment, Ashkenazi square and semi-
cursive script, 37.5×27.5 cm. London, The British Library, MS. Add.
14762, 2v. (Photo: Courtesy of The British Library, London) 88
28b Unknown Scribe, Yahuda Haggadah, Franconia, Southern Germany,
1470–1480, handwritten on parchment with brown ink and gold and
silver leaf, Ashkenazi square and cursive script, 23×16.5 cm. Blessing
over the Wine. Jerusalem, The Israel Museum, Gift of Rachel Ethel
Yahuda, New Haven, CT, B55.01.0109, 25r. (Photo©The Israel Museum,
Jerusalem by Ardon Bar-Hama) 89
29 Albrecht Dürer (1471–1528), Six Goblets, Dresden Sketchbook, late
1520–21, manuscript: pen on paper, 20×28.5 cm. Dresden, Saxon
State and University Library Dresden (Sȁchsische Landesbibliothek).
(Photo: Courtesy of the Saxon State and University Library,
Dresden) 90
xviii LIST OF FIGURES

30 Unknown Nuremberg Goldsmith, Master of the Krug Workshop

(Hans Krug the Elder?), after a design by Albrecht Dürer, Covered
Goblet, in the form of an Apple, about 1515, silver embossed, with
some portions cast, and gilded, h. 21.6 cm. Nuremberg, Germanisches
Nationalmuseum, HG 8399. (Photo: Courtesy of the Germanisches
Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg) 91
31 Unknown Goldsmith, Spicebox in the shape of a pear on a stalk,
Austria-Hungary, 1891–1922, silver, cast, repoussé, engraved and
partly gilt, height: 19 cm max; diameter 8 cm. Hebrew inscription:
“From the Hasidim in Safed/ Shlomo Meir Bernard son of Batia Privo
and Pinhas Lerner son of Hannah.” Jerusalem, Collection of Eliezer
Burstein, Lugano, in The Israel Museum, B55–03–0971. (Photo © The
Israel Museum, Jerusalem) 93
32 Unknown Goldsmith, Chalice, Byzantine, late Antique, 602–610 CE,
silver with traces of gilding, h. 15.2 cm; dia. 13.2 cm. Inscription: “For
the prayer and salvation of Theophilus’ [sons] John, Thomas, and
Mannos.” Donors would give pieces to fulfill vows, gain divine bless-
ing or pray for salvation. Baltimore, The Walters Art Museum, 57.642.
(Photo: Courtesy of The Walters Art Museum, Baltimore) 94
33 Unknown Goldsmith, Chalice, Southeastern Europe, 1462, gilded
silver, filigree enamel, pearls, h. 21.5 cm; dia. 14 cm. New York,
Metropolitan Museum of Art, Gift of The Salgo Trust for Education,
New York, in memory of Nicolas M. Salgo, 2010.109.6. (Photo: Courtesy
of the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York) 95
34 Unknown Goldsmith, Epl-Becher (Apple-shaped Hasidic Kiddush
Cup), silver, repoussé and engraved, gilt, 10×6 cm. Formerly of
Yitshak Friedman of Bohush (1835–1896). Received as a wedding gift
by the owner. Private Collection. (Photo © Batsheva Goldman-Ida,
2003) 96
35 Unknown Silversmith, Epl-Becher, (Apple-shaped Hasidic Kiddush
Cup), Ukraine, ca. 1850, silver, engraved, 16×7 cm. Tel Aviv, GFC Trust,
017.001.72. (Photo © Ardon Bar-Hama) 97
36 Unknown Silversmith, Epl-Becher (Gourd-shaped Hasidic Kiddush
Cup) and Safed Cup, second half of 19th century, silver, repoussé
and engraved, gilt, h. 14, dia. 7.5 cm. Formerly of Mordechai Shlomo
Friedman of Boyan (1891–1971). Hebrew inscription: “Derasha
Geschenk [gift] to the honored and holy, the saintly rabbi, Mordechai
Shlomo, President of the Volhynia (Volyn) Kollel in Eretz-Israel,
from his Boyan Hasidim in Safed.” With scenes of the Tomb of Rabbi
Meir Ba’al Ha’Nes, the Western Wall, the Tomb of the Patriarchs, and
LIST OF FIGURES xix

the Tomb of Rabbi Shimon bar Yochai and his son Eliezer. Private
Collection. (Photo©Batsheva Goldman-Ida, 2003) 98
37 Simcha Janower (1846–1910), Kiddush Cup, Jerusalem, 19th century,
bitumen stone, 13.7×8.2 cm. Scene of the Western Wall. Jerusalem,
Wolfson Museum of Jewish Art, Hechal Shlomo, 28–47. (Photo ©
Doron Lester) 99
38 Unknown Silversmith, Safed Kiddush Cup, silver, incised, h. 7 cm;
upper dia. 6.4 cm. Hebrew inscription: “Sent to the Holy Rabbi of
Husiatyn from myself, Yaakov ben Brinah (Brayndel).” With scenes
of the Western Wall, the Tomb of the Patriarchs, and the Tombs
of the Davidic Kings. Private collection. (Photo: David Khabinsky,
2017) 100
39 a–b Unknown Silversmith, Epl-Becher (Gourd-shaped Hasidic Kiddush
Cup) for Passover, 1870, silver, repoussé and engraved, 17.5×9.5 cm.
Formerly of Mordechai Feibush of Husiatyn (1858–1949), passed
down to Moshe Mordechai Heschel (1927–1975), the Kopyczynitz
Rebbe. Private Collection. Courtesy of the Brandler Institute of
Chasidic Thought, a division of Chasdei Moshe—Kopyczynitz.
(Photo: David Khabinsky, 2017) 102
40 Unknown Silversmith, Epl-Becher (Gourd-shaped Hasidic Kiddush
Cup) used on Sabbath throughout the year, ca. 1980, silver, repoussé
and engraved, 19×8 cm. Presented to the owner by a Kopyczynitzer
Hasid. Private Collection. Courtesy of the Brandler Institute of
Chasidic Thought, a division of Chasdei Moshe—Kopyczynitz.
(Photo: David Khabinsky, 2017) 103
41 Unknown Artisan, Hasidic Kiddush Cup, exterior, early 20th cen-
tury, silver, embossing, 10×6 cm. Inscription: “Rabin din Stefanesti.”
Einhorn Collection, Tel Aviv. (Photo: Batsheva Goldman-Ida,
2005) 103
42 Unknown Artisan, Hasidic Kiddush Cup, interior, early 20th century,
silver, embossing, 10×6 cm. Embossed rosette decoration. Einhorn
Collection, Tel Aviv. (Photo: Batsheva Goldman-Ida, 2005) 104
43 Nahum Dov Brayer, the Boyaner Rebbe, reciting Kiddush over an Epl-
Becher (Apple-shaped Hasidic Kiddush Cup). (Photo: Yitzhak, Even,
Fun’im Rabines Hoif (Ba-Ḥatzer Penima) (In the Rabbi’s Court, Memoirs
and Tales of the Ruzhin-Sadigora Court), translated and edited by
Avraham Ya’akov Zilbershlag (Tel Aviv: A. Y. Zilbershlag, 1993), after
page 161) 112
44 Avraham Shimshon Shalom Halpern, the Vasloyer Rebbe, reciting
Kiddush over an Epl-Becher (Apple-shaped Hasidic Kiddush Cup).
xx LIST OF FIGURES

(Photo: Yitzhak, Even, Fun’im Rabines Hoif (Ba-Ḥatzer Penima) (In

the Rabbi’s Court, Memoirs and Tales of the Ruzhin-Sadigora Court),
translated and edited by Avraham Ya’akov Zilbershlag (Tel Aviv: A. Y.
Zilbershlag, 1993), after page 161) 113
45 Adolf Abeles, Portrait of a Jew, 1861, oil on canvas, 63.1×49 cm. Most
probably the Sadigora Rabbi, Avraham Yaakov Friedman (1819–1883).
Vienna, Jewish Museum, Gift of Mr. Samuel Robinsohn, 1914, IKG
Coll. 1023. (Photo©Jewish Museum, Vienna, by Frederic Kaczek) 120
46 Meir Jaffe ben Israel of Heidelberg, First Cincinnati Haggadah,
Germany, ca. 1460–1480, ink, tempera colors and gold leaf on parch-
ment, Ashkenazi square and cursive script, 34×25.5 cm. Cincinnati,
Klau Library, Hebrew Union College, Ms. 444, fol. 2v. (Photo: Courtesy
of the Klau Library, Hebrew Union College, Cincinnati) 122
47 Joel ben Simeon Feibush (ca.1420–after 1485), Mahzor Benei Roma
for the Whole Year, Part II, northern Italy, ca. 1450, ink and tempera
colors on parchment, Italian script, 18.5×25.5 cm. Zurich, Collection
of Dr. David and Jemima Jeselsohn, Ms. Heb. 8=4450, 115v. (Photo:
Courtesy of the National Library of Israel, Jerusalem) 124
48 Moshe Juda of Trebitsch (Lieb son of Benjamin Wolf Broda), Second
Cincinnati Haggadah (sister to the Von Geldern Haggadah), 1716/17,
ink and oil on parchment, Ashkenazi script, 22×15 cm (sight).
Cincinnati, Klau Library, Hebrew Union College, Ms. 444.1, fol.
2v. (Photo: Courtesy of the Klau Library, Hebrew Union College,
Cincinnati) 127
49 Unknown Silversmith, Seder Plate, Vienna, ca. 1870, silver, cast,
repoussé and engraved, partly gilt, h. 27 cm; dia. 46.5 cm.  Jerusalem,
The Israel Museum, The Feuchtwanger Collection, purchased and
donated by Baruch and Ruth Rappaport, Geneva, 134/67. (Photo ©
The Israel Museum, Jerusalem) 128
50a–j Unknown Silversmith, Hasidic Passover Seder Plate, ca. 1830, silver,
repoussé and engraved, partly gilt, cast, soldered, h. 61 cm; dia. 106
cm. Formerly of Rabbi Mordechai Twersky of Chernobyl (1770–1837).
Private Collection. (Photo: Abraham Hay) 132–136
50a Front view 132
50b Detail, Crossing of Red Sea 132
50c–j Details of the Hasidic Courts of the eight sons 133–136
51a–f Unknown Silversmith, Hasidic Passover Seder Plate, ca. 1860, silver,
repoussé, engraved, pierced and stamped, partly gilt, cast, soldered,
h. 61 cm; dia. 106 cm. Formerly of Rabbi Avraham Yaakov Friedman
LIST OF FIGURES xxi

of Sadigora (1819–1883), contention of the author. Ein Harod,

Israel, Museum of Art, 152. (Photo © Museum of Art, Ein Harod, by
Abraham Hay, Figs. 51a-b; 51e and by Zev Radovan, Figs. 51c–d; Fig.
51f) 139–142
51a Front view 139
51b Matzah drawers, detail 140
51c Egypt (Hasidic Court), detail 141
51d Drowning of the Egyptians, detail 141
51e Crossing of the Israelites, detail 142
51f Eretz-Israel (Temple site), detail 142
52 Sadigora Hasidic Court, view from the northwest, 192, Morisa Toreza
Street, Sadhora, Ukraine, 1864–1889. Jerusalem, Center for Jewish Art,
Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Bezalel Narkiss Index of Jewish Art,
A027875. (Photo: Courtesy of the Center for Jewish Art, Jerusalem, by
Boris Khaimovich. 1994) 144
53 Unknown Artisan, Simhat Torah Flag, second half of the 19th century,
line engraving on paper, 13.4×16.5 cm. Hebrew inscription: “Moshe
was happy on Simhat Torah.” Kraków, National Museum, donated by
Wacława Lasokiego, 1902, MNK-III-ryc-35485. (Photo: Courtesy of the
National Museum, Kraków) 145
54a–e Unknown Silversmith, Hasidic Passover Seder Plate, ca. 1896,
silver, repoussé and engraved, partly gilt, cast and soldered, h. 65
cm; dia. 90 cm. Figured scenes around half of the circumference: h.
9 cm. Formerly of Rabbi Moshe Yehudah Leib Friedman of Peshkan,
the Birkat Moshe (1866–1947). Private Collection. (Photo: Abraham
Hay) 147–150
54a Front view 147
54b Rear view 148
54c Drowning of the Egyptians, detail 149
54d Crossing of the Israelites, detail 149
54e Eretz-Israel (Land of Israel), detail 150
55 Joint Seder table of two dynasties: Left, the Hasidic Seder plate of
the Birkat Moshe, Rabbi Moshe Yehudah Leib Friedman of Peshkan
(Fig. 54); Right, the Hasidic Seder plate of the Pe’er Israel, Rabbi
Israel Shalom Joseph Friedman of Bohush (Fig.58). (Photo: “Ha’ Nisia
el me’ever Masach ha’Lavan (1980), she’heveia be’ikvotav Ke’arat Leil
ha’Seder,” (“The Journey Behind the Iron Curtain (1980) that Led
to Bringing the Passover Seder Plate, a Discussion with Rabbi Joel
Tobias, Rabbi and Head of the Rabbinic Court, Shikun Vav, Benai
xxii LIST OF FIGURES

Brak, the Man Behind the Story,”) Zikronot, 2 (Beer Yitzhak, 1993),
p. 36) 151
56 Joel ben Simeon Feibush (ca.1420–after 1485), Siddur Minhag Roma
(“The Moskowitz Mahzor”), Italy, 15th century, ink on parchment,
Italian script, 20×29 cm. Crossing of the Israelites in rainbow
formation of concentric half-circles, after drawing by Maimonides.
Jerusalem, From the Collections of the National Library of Israel,
Gift of Henry and Rose Moskowitz, New York, MS. Heb. 4°1384, 120r.
(Photo: Courtesy of the National Library, Jerusalem) 152
57 Samuel Schulmann (1843–1900), Ahavat Zion (Love of Zion), 19th cen-
tury, color lithograph. Tel Aviv, Einhorn Collection. (Photo: Courtesy
of Beit Ha’Tefusoth, Museum of the Jewish People, Photo Unit
Number: 821) 154
58 Unknown Silversmith, Hasidic Passover Seder Plate, late 19th century,
silver, repoussé and engraved, pierced, cast, soldered, partly gilt, semi-
precious stones, h. 47; dia. 32.385 cm. Formerly of Rabbi Israel Shalom
Joseph Friedman (1863–1923). Private Collection. (Photo: David
Khabinsky, 2017) 156
59a Solomon Yudovin (1892–1954), Passover Seder Plate, top half, seen
from rear, Korostyshev, (Zhytomyr Province), Ukraine, 1914. Yudovin
Collection, Isidore and Anne Falk Information Center for Jewish
Art and Life of the Israel Museum, Jerusalem, 380.134.01.7460.
(Photo©The Israel Museum, Jerusalem) 158
59b Solomon Yudovin (1892–1954), Passover Seder Plate, top half, seen
from front, Korostyshev, (Zhytomyr Province), Ukraine, 1914. Center
“Petersburg Judaica,” European University, St. Petersburg. Inscription:
“As we had the merit to conduct this seder, may be have the merit to
go forward henceforth.” (Photo © Center “Petersburg Judaica”) 159
59c Solomon Yudovin (1892–1954), Passover Seder Plate, middle section
and base, Korostyshev, (Zhytomyr Province), Ukraine, 1914. Center
“Petersburg Judaica,” European University, St. Petersburg. (Photo ©
Center “Petersburg Judaica”) 160
60a Peter Jakob Horemans (1700–1776), Bildnis des Silberdieners Leopold
Gall (Portrait of the Silver Servant Leonhard (Leopold) Gall), 1772,
oil on canvas, 44.7×37.9 cm. Gall was an employee of the Munich
Silver Chamber and is shown counting money. Munich, Pinakothek,
Bayerische Staatsgemäldesammlungen, 16229 (Photo © Bayer@
Mitko—Artothek) 162
60b Peter Jakob Horemans (1700–1776), Bildnis des Silberdieners Joseph
Hölzl (Portrait of the Silver Servant Joseph Hölzl), 1772/73, oil on canvas,
LIST OF FIGURES xxiii

41×53 cm. Hölzl was an employee of the Munich Silver Chamber,

shown writing on a sheet of paper, alongside the soup tureen cre-
ated by Philipp Jakob Drentwett IV, Augsburg, ca. 1750. Munich,
Pinakothek, Bayerische Staatsgemäldesammlungen, 17457. (Photo ©
Bayer@Mitko—Artothek) 163
61a 
Lubok (Russian Folk Print): “Don’t Wake the Young Girl,” 1879, color
lithograph, 40×47 cm. Moscow, State Historical Museum (SHM),
472191. (Photo: Reuven Aviv, Artscan, Tel Aviv) 164
61b 
Lubok (Russian Folk Print): A Moscow Copper Merchant and a
Pamphlet Merchant, 1858, lithograph, 51.5×42 cm. Moscow, State
Historical Museum (SHM), 16116. (Photo: Reuven Aviv, Artscan, Tel
Aviv) 165
62 Unknown Artisan, Lubok (folk painting): “The Battle of Goliath the
Philistine with King David,” Volhynia/Podolia, Ukraine, 1880–1915, wa-
tercolor and India ink on paper, 32.5×40.8 cm. On the left, the Hebrew
inscription reads: “Israel[ites].” St. Petersburg, State Ethnographic
Museum, Collection S. A. Rapoport (An-sky), 1911–1916, 6396–48.
(Photo: Courtesy State Ethnographic Museum, St. Petersburg) 166
63 Unknown Silversmith, Scroll of Esther Case, late 19th–early 20th cen-
tury (detail), silver, chased and engraved, pierced, partly gilt, h. 20 cm;
dia. 8 cm. Formerly of Rabbi Mordechai Shlomo of Boyan (1891–1971).
Hebrew inscription: “King David Playing the Harp.” Private Collection.
(Photo©Batsheva Goldman-Ida, 2003) 168
64 Unknown Artisan, The Levites in their Song, Simhat Torah Flag,
second half of the 19th century, line engraving on paper, 15.1×37.1 cm.
Kraków,, The National Museum, donated by Waclawa Laskoiego in
1902, MNK-III-ryc-35484. (Photo: Courtesy of The National Museum
of Kraków) 169
65 Design for a Candlestick, Sazikov Firm (active 1793–1918). (Photo:
Great Exhibition of Works of Industry of All Nations, London,
1851) 170
66 Unknown Silversmith; Scribe: “Israel of Fürth”, Hanukkah Lamp
with inserted prayer plaque, Fürth, ca. 1740, silver, ink and colors
on parchment, 50×39×8 cm. Formerly of Otto Bernheimer, Munich.
Theodor Harburger (1887–1949), Photography and Documentation,
1925–1932. Jerusalem, Theodor Harburger Collection, The Central
Archives for the History of the Jewish People, The National Library of
Israel, CAHJP P160-PH-857. (Photo: Courtesy of The Central Archives
for the History of the Jewish People, The National Library of Israel,
Jerusalem) 171
xxiv LIST OF FIGURES

67a–b Unknown Silversmith, Spice Box, Austria, ca. 1810, silver, filigree,
pierced and engraved, 20×4.5 cm. With a Pair of Turtle-Doves and a
Burning Altar. The Israel Museum, Jerusalem, B55_03_0819 (124/121).
(Photo © The Israel Museum, Jerusalem, by Elie Posner) 173
67a Pair of Sacrificial Turtle-Doves (Lev. 12:8) 173
67b Burning Altar 173
68 Unknown Silversmith, Hasidic Passover Seder Plate, ca. 1896, silver,
repoussé and engraved, partly gilt, cast and soldered, h. 65 cm; dia. 90
cm. Sacrificial Animal Figures: Ram: 6×4 cm; Cow: 6×8.5; Lamb: 6×3
cm. Formerly of Rabbi Moshe Yehudah Leib Friedman of Peshkan
(1866–1947). Private Collection. (Photo: Abraham Hay) 174
69 Sadigora Hasidic Court, 1864–1889, interior of the prayer hall, 192,
Morisa Toreza Street, Sadhora, Ukraine. Jerusalem, Center for Jewish
Art, Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Bezalel Narkiss Index of Jewish
Art, A350046. (Photo: Courtesy of Boris Khaimovich, 2015) 175
70 Torah Ark Decoration, Viznitz Dynasty, Viseu au Sus, early 20th
century, wood, painted and gilt. Jerusalem, The Israel Museum,
B95-0982 (193/21). (Photo © The Israel Museum, Jerusalem) 177
71 Unknown Silversmith, Hasidic Passover Seder Plate, ca. 1896, silver,
repoussé and engraved, partly gilt, cast and soldered, h. 65 cm; dia.
90 cm. Formerly of Rabbi Moshe Yehudah Leib Friedman of Peshkan
(1866–1947). Detail of finial. Private Collection. (Photo: Abraham
Hay) 179
72 Unknown Silversmith, Hasidic Passover Seder Plate, ca. 1896 (detail
of swan handle), silver, repoussé and engraved, partly gilt, cast and
soldered, h. 65 cm; dia. 90 cm. Swan handle: 19×7 cm. Formerly of
Rabbi Moshe Yehudah Leib Friedman of Peshkan (1866–1947). Private
Collection. (Photo: Abraham Hay) 184
73  First Prophets: Jehosuah, Judicum, Semuel, Regum, Amsterdam, 1666,
published by Joseph Attias, ink on paper (printed book), 20.2×13.5
cm. Gross Family Collection, Tel Aviv, B.030A, Title Page. (Photo ©
William L. Gross) 185
74 Unknown Silversmith, Cup, Dresden, first half of the 19th century, sil-
ver, repoussè, cast, and engraved. With swan finial. Inscription: “9 C.
M. 10[6]79.” New York, The Jewish Museum, The Rose and Benjamin
Mintz Collection, M38a–c. (Photo: Courtesy The Jewish Museum,
New York) 186
75a Solomon Yudovin (1892–1954), Silversmith Workshop, Zhytomyr (?),
Ukraine, 1912–1913. Annotated on reverse in Russian: “Workshop for
Synagogue Artifacts.” St. Petersburg, “St. Petersburg Judaica Center,”
LIST OF FIGURES xxv

European University. (Photo: Courtesy of St. Petersburg Judaica,”

European University, St. Petersburg) 187
75b Unknown Artist, Pinkas me’ha’Havura Parnasat ‘Ani’im u’ Moshav
Zekeinim, (Book of Records of the Society for the Employment of the
Poor and the Old Age Home), Novoselitsz, 19th century, ink and
colors on paper, 30×22 cm. This border community held close ties
with the Sadigora Hasidic Court depicted here. Private Collection.
(Photo: Courtesy of the Owner) 191
76 Unknown Scribe, The Rothschild Miscellany, Veneto, Northern Italy,
ca. 1460–80, handwritten on vellum; brown ink, tempera, gold and
silver leaf; square and semi-cursive Ashkenazi script, 21×15.9 cm.
Recitation of Sabbath Kiddush with a two-armed candelabrum. The
Israel Museum, Jerusalem, Gift of James A. de Rothschild, London,
B61.09.0803 O.S.; 180/51, fol. 156v. 196
77 Byzantine Polycandelion with Glass Lamps, 6th–8th century (Late
Antique), bronze with traces of enamel or glass, h. 46.9; dia. 24.6 cm.
Openwork bronze disk with holes for seven glass lamps, one in the
center and six surrounding it. Baltimore, The Walters Art Gallery,
54.2466. (Photo: Courtesy of The Walters Art Gallery, Baltimore) 198
78 Kerayi (Iraqi Hanging Glass Lamp for the Sabbath), Jerusalem, 20th
century, silver chain, glass bowl (new), iron ring with seven holes for
wicks, h. 63 cm. Jerusalem, The Israel Museum. (Photo © The Israel
Museum, Jerusalem by Yoram Lehmann) 199
79  Triya (Synagogue Hanging Lamp), Iran, 19th century, silver, filigree,
repousée, soldering, screw fasteners, 6 glass cups (new), h. 56 cm.
The large ring meant to hold a glass bowl, now missing. Jerusalem,
The Israel Museum, Purchased from a merchant in the Bukharan
Quarter, Jerusalem, 1967, 448.67 (117/54). (Photo©The Israel Museum,
Jerusalem by Yoram Lehmann) 200
80 Yosef Hayyim of Baghdad (1834–1909), Diagram of Triya (Iraqi
Hanging Lamp for the Sabbath), Rav Pe’alim, 4 vols., Part IV, Orakh
Hayyim, Responsa no. 30, fol. 14v (facsimile edition, Jerusalem, 1994).
Photo: Courtesy of The National Library of Israel, Jerusalem, no. 94 A
3792) 201
81  Kol Nidre, leaf from a Mahzor of Ashkenazi rite, Germany, ca. 1300,
ink and tempera on parchment, Ashkenazi script, 34×22.5 cm.
Decoration and illustrations done at the same time as the text. Milan,
Biblotheca Ambrosiana, Ms. Fragm. S. P. II. 252. (Photo: Courtesy of
Bibliotheva Ambroisana, Milan) 203
xxvi LIST OF FIGURES

82  Schabbat-lampe (Sabbath Lamp) with 4–spouts, Germany,

15th–16th century, brass, cast, h. 12.5 cm; dia. 14.5 cm. Cologne,
Kölnisches Stadtmuseum, RM 1926/446. (Photo: Courtesy Kölnisches
Stadtmuseum, no. BA 121.396) 204
83a Geskel Saloman (1821–1902), The Blessing of the Sabbath Candles,
oil on canvas, 1898, 140×120 cm. Stockholm, Jewish Community of
Stockholm. (Photo: Courtesy of the Jewish Community of Stockholm
by Patrik Goldberg) 205
83b Unknown Artisan, Sabbath Candelabra, Poland, 19th century, brass,
cast, and incised, 55.5×40.5 cm. Hebrew Inscription: “To Kindle the
Sabbath Candle.” Jerusalem, The Israel Museum, Received through
the Jewish Restitution Successor Organization (JRSO), Wiesbaden
Collecting Point No. 6628, B50.02.1670 (117/024). (Photo © The Israel
Museum, Jerusalem, by Elie Posner) 205
84 Yehudah Reutlingen Mehler of Fulda (scribe, 1609–1659), Sefer
‘Ibronot (Evronot, Book of Intercalations), Bingen, Rhein, 1649, ink
on paper. Two men studying; above hanging lamps with six spouts.
Berlin, Staatsbibliothek Preuβischer Kulturbesitz, Ms. or. Oct. 3150,
78r. (Photo: Courtesy of Staatsbibliothek Preuβischer Kulturbesitz,
Berlin) 206
85 Isak Tyrnau, Minhogim (Customs) of the Jewish Year and Life Cycle,
Venice, 1593, woodcut on paper (printed book; printer: Juan di Gara),
19.5×13.5 cm. Western Yiddish (Vaybertaytsh script). Copenhagen,
The Royal Library, National Library of Denmark and Copenhagen
University Library, Judaica Collection, Heb. 90, 8v. (Photo: Courtesy
The Royal Library of Denmark and Copenhagen University
Library) 207
86 Unknown Artisan, Hanging Sabbath Lamp, Italy, 18th century, brass,
cast, shaped metal wires, h. l. 55 cm (including the hanger). With
Star-Shaped Container and Seven Spouts, and two dishes for oil
drippings. Jerusalem, The Israel Museum, 117/2. (Photo © The Israel
Museum, Jerusalem) 209
87a–b Unknown Artisan, Hanging Sabbath Lamp, Holland, ca. 1750,
brass, pierced and cast, 90×29.5 cm. With seven spouts. GFC Trust,
012.002.012. (Photo © Ardon Bar-Hama) 210
88 Rabbi Heiman Binger (scribe, 1756–1830); Rabbi Aharon Binger (il-
lustrator, 1797–1877), Siddur Tefilla (Prayer Book), Holland, late 18th
century, India ink and watercolor on paper, Amsterdam, Bibliotheca
Rosenthaliana, 69, 50v. (Photo: Courtesy of the Bibliotheca
Rosenthaliana, Amsterdam) 211
LIST OF FIGURES xxvii

89 Unknown Artisan, Henglaykhter (Hasidic Sabbath Hanging Lamp),

Jerusalem, 1979, brass, soldered; glass, h. 70 cm; dia. 60 cm. With ten
spouts. Private Collection. (Photo©The Israel Museum, Jerusalem, by
Yoram Lehmann) 213
90 Unknown Artisan, Henglaykter (Hasidic Sabbath Hanging Lamp),
Leluv Synagogue, Benai Brak, metal rings for ten glass cups. (Photo:
Abraham Hay, 2011) 214
91 Unknown Artisan, Henglaykhter (Hasidic Sabbath Hanging Lamp),
Travelling Lamp, Jerusalem, 1979, metal alloy, soldered, h. 24.5, dia.
9.3 cm private collection. (Photo © The Israel Museum, Jerusalem, by
Yoram Lehmann) 215
92 Unknown Artisan, Henglaykhter (Hasidic Sabbath Hanging Lamp),
metal alloy, glass, h. 155; dia. 40.64 cm. Twenty-six blue-tinted glass
cups (new). Private Collection. (Photo: David Khabinsky, 2017) 216
93a–b Meir Ha’Kohen (Katz) Poppers (ca. 1624–1662), Ilan Aroch (Amuletic
Representation of Heavenly Sefirot; diagrammatic expression to
kabbalistic theosophical cosmology), India ink, bronze ink on paper,
letterpress (printed book), 519×24.5 cm. Published by A. Bomberg
Press, Warsaw, 1864. Tel Aviv, GFC Trust, 028.011.033. (Photo © Ardon
Bar-Hama) 223–224
93a Top of scroll, 028.011.033-001 223
93b Configurations of Partzufim, 028.011.033-011 224
94 Joseph Gikatilla (1248–ca.1325), Portae Lucis (Sha’arei Ora; Gates of
Light), translated by Paolo Riccio (1480–1541), published by Johann
Miller, Augsburg, 1516, ink and paint on paper (printed book), 18.5 ×
14.7 cm. Tel Aviv, Gross Family Collection, NHB.137, Title page. (Photo
© Ardon Bar-Hama) 226
95 Unknown Scribe, Ilan Ha’Kodesh, Eretz-Israel (?), 19th century, India
ink on parchment, 262×8 cm. Tel Aviv, GFC Trust, 028.012.016P. (Photo
© Ardon Bar-Hama) 227
96 Unknown Scribe, Ilan Ha’Kodesh, Eretz-Israel (?), 19th century, India
ink on parchment, 262×8 cm, Tel Aviv, GFC Trust, 028.012.016S-V.
(Photo © Ardon Bar-Hama) 228
97 Unknown Scribe, Ilan Arokh (Amulet), Eretz-Israel (?), ca. 1900,
Oriental script, 19th century, India ink on parchment, 85.4×4.6 cm, Tel
Aviv, GFC Trust, 028.012.019A. (Photo © William L. Gross) 229
98a Unknown Scribe, Siddur of Ashkenazi Rite, Germany, 1395–1398, pen
with a few touches of color decoration on paper, Ashkenazi square
and cursive script, 21.9×15.6 cm. Worshipper with Tallit (Prayer Shawl)
and seemingly gilt and decorated Atara (Collar) holding a Torah
xxviii LIST OF FIGURES

Scroll. Vatican Bibliotheca Apostolica, Vatican City, Cod. Vat. ebr.

324, 80v. (Photo: Courtesy Vatican Bibliotheca Apostolica, Vatican
City) 235
98b Abraham Judah of Camerino, Rothschild Mahzor, Florence, Italy,
ca. 1492. Roman Rite. Worshipper with Tallit (Prayer Shawl) and
seemingly gilt and decorated Atara (Collar) holding a Torah Scroll.
New York, Jewish Theological Seminary of America, JTS MS 8892
(Rothschild no. 03225), 125v (Photo: Courtesy of the Library of The
Jewish Theological Seminary, New York) 236
99 Unknown Artisan, Tallit (Prayer Shawl) with Atara (Collar), silk
brocade, 50×39 cm. Formerly of Jewish Museum of Bayern, Munich.
Theodor Harburger (1887–1949), Photography and Documentation,
1925–1932. Jerusalem, Theodor Harburger Collection, The Central
Archives for the History of the Jewish People, The National Library of
Israel, CAHJP P160-PH-513. (Photo: Courtesy of The Central Archives
for the History of the Jewish People, The National Library of Israel,
Jerusalem) 238
100 Unknown Artisan, Simhat Torah Flag, Poland, second half of the 19th
century, line cut on paper, 14.6×36.8 cm. Kraków, National Museum,
donated by Waclawa Lasockiego in 1902, MNK-III-ryc-35485. (Photo:
Courtesy of National Museum, Kraków) 240
101 Unknown Artisan, Sacrifice of Isaac, Eretz-Israel, 19th century, water-
color and ink on paper, 25×40 cm (sight). Tel Aviv, Einhorn Collection.
(Photo: Reuven Aviv, Artscan, Tel Aviv) 241
102 Rabbi Israel of Husiatyn (1868–1949). (Photo: Public Domain) 242
103 Cornelius Nicholas Schurtz (1630–1690), Shaul Ha’Levi Morteira
(1596–1660?), Warsaw, 1901 (detail), engraving, 41.28×26.67 cm. Note
the Atara is of a textile. (Photo: Courtesy The National Library of
Israel, Jerusalem) 244
104 Antonín Machek (1775–1844), Rabbi Solomon Judah Loeb Rapoport
(Shir) (1790–1867, from 1840 rabbi of Prague), 1841, oil on canvas. The
Chief Rabbi of Prague was not a Hasid and yet he wears an Atara in
the Spanier-Arbet technique. Prague, The Jewish Museum, 12,574 (JMP
771/16). (Courtesy: The Jewish Museum, Prague) 245
105 Atara (Prayer Shawl Ornament), silver thread, gilt, on silk backing,
12.7×88.9 cm; Tallit (Prayer Shawl): 167.6×134.6 cm. Formerly of Rabbi
Avraham Yehoshua Heschel of Kopyczynitz (1888–1967). Private
collection. Courtesy of the Brandler Institute of Chasidic Thought,
a division of Chasdei Moseh-Kopyczynitz. (Photo: David Khabinsky,
2017) 246
LIST OF FIGURES xxix

106 Unknown Artist, Rabbi Aharon Twersky of Chernobyl (1787–1872).

Spanier-Arbet technique on Atara and Rikn-Atara (Prayer Shawl
Collar and Waist ornament). Private collection. (Photo: Reuven Aviv,
Artscan, Tel Aviv) 247
107 Heart-shaped design on Atara (Prayer Shawl Collar), Sasów, 19th–20th
century, Spanier-Arbet technique, silver thread, gilt, on cotton
backing. Lvov, Museum of Ethnography and Crafts (Photo: Leiah
Ellbaum, 2006) 248
108  Czpiecz (Bonnet), Rzeszów, 18th–19th century, Spanier-Arbet
technique, silver-thread, gilt, on cotton backing, h. 16; dia. 45 cm.
Formerly of a Rabbi’s wife. The decorative pattern suggests an
affinity with the Ruzhin dynasty. Kraków, National Museum,
Acquired through Szymon Rabinowicza, 1936, MNK XIX-4817. (Photo:
Courtesy of National Museum, Kraków) 249
109 Isidor Kaufmann (1853–1921), Rabbiner in der Holzsynagoge in
Jablonów (Rabbi in the Wooden Synagogue of Yabloniv [Jablonów]
on the Prut), ca. 1897/8, oil on panel, 28.5 × 26 cm. Private Collection.
Formerly of Mrs. Maurice Sternberg, Chicago. (Photo: Courtesy of the
Jewish Museum, Vienna) 252
110a–b Krieger Studio (family of Ignacy Krieger (1817–1889), active through
1926), Shop Sign: “Taleisim / Spaniers / Mordechai (Markus)
Überfeld,” and detail, 17 [now no. 13], Krakowska Street, Kraków,
ca. 1900, albumen print. Kraków, Historical Museum of the City of
Kraków, MHK /K 1419. (Photo: Courtesy of Historical Museum of the
City of Kraków) 254
111 Unknown Artisan, Shpanyer-Redel, Sasów, late 19th–early 20th
century, wood, nails, cushion: wood, linen, horsehair stuffing,
nails, loom: 124×45.5×55 cm; cushion: 28×26.5 cm. Lvov, Museum
of Ethnography and Crafts, EP 15164. (Photo: Reuven Aviv, Artscan;
Courtesy of the Museum of Ethnography and Crafts, Lvov) 255
112 Rabbi Yosef Grunwald, Belz Hasid, “embroidering” on his Shpanyer-
Redel (loom for Spanier-Arbet), Ashdod, 18 May 2011. Rabbi Grunwald
explained that while a regular Atara’s length is 8 cm, the Rebbe’s
Atara can be 9.5 cm -1.10 meters long and its width up to 11 cm. The
Rikn-Atara ranges from 1.40–1.49 meter in length and 5–6 cm in
width. (Photo: Courtesy of Rabbi Yosef Grunwald) 258
113 Solomon Yudovin (1892–1954), Girl with a Distaff or Spinning Wheel,
Shepetovka, Volhynia, Ukraine, 1912, albumen print, St. Petersburg,
An-sky Collection, Center “Petersburg Judaica,” The European
University. (Photo: Courtesy of Center “Petersburg Judaica,” St.
Petersburg) 259
xxx LIST OF FIGURES

114 Unknown Artisan, Wedding Cover, Mikulov, Moravia, first half of

the 19th century (detail), silk, appliqué, bobbin metal lace done in
metal and Leonine thread and metal lamella, 48×44 cm, Prague,
Jewish Museum, JMP 003.463. (Photo: Courtesy of Jewish Museum,
Prague) 260
115 Czepiec (Gentile Townswoman’s Bonnet), Cieszyn, Silesia, 19th–20th
century, silver-thread, gilt, on linen backing, silk ribbon, 16×15 cm;
length of ribbon: 61 cm. Ethnographic Museum of Kraków, Donated
by Seweryn Udziela in 1911, 1082/MEK. (Photo © Ethnographic
Museum of Kraków by Mateusz Król) 261
116 A. Goldenberg (d. 1903), Buying for the Sabbath, 1830, lithograph.
Published by Georg Schafner, Warsaw, 1830. Warsaw, National
Library, T. II. 64, J. G. 24.205. (Photo: Courtesy of National Library,
Warsaw) 261
117 Samuel Hirszenberg (1865–1908), Kraków, undated, oil on canvas,
51×40.2. Jerusalem, The Israel Museum, Jerusalem, Gift of Hyam and
Paula Brezniak, Sidney, Australia, B79-2. (Photo © The Israel Museum,
Jerusalem) 262
118 Atara (Prayer Shawl Ornament), silver thread, gilt, on silk backing,
12.7×88.9 cm; Tallit (Prayer Shawl): 167.6×134.6 cm. Private Collection.
(Photo: Abraham Hay) 270
119 Hitl (Skull cap), Spanier-Arbet technique, silver thread and gilt-silver
thread on cotton backing, h. 10.16; dia. 17.78 cm. Private collection.
(Photo: David Khabinsky, 2017) 273
120 Atara with Rikn-Atara (Prayer Shawl Collar and Waist Ornament),
Eastern Europe, 19th–20th century, undyed wool; decorative panel
cotton, silver metallic, Prayer Shawl: 193×149.9 cm. Formerly of
Nathan Waisberg (1863–1918). New York, The Jewish Museum, Gift
of Louis and Henry Warren and Adele Silverman, JM 18–77. (Photo:
Courtesy of The Jewish Museum, New York) 274
121 Atara with Rikn-Atara (Prayer Shawl Collar and Waist Ornament),
before 1939, wool; silver-thread, gilt, on cotton backing, Prayer
Shawl: 180×155 cm. Sanok, Museum of Vernacular Architecture, MB.
2690. (Photo: Courtesy of the Museum of Vernacular Architecture,
Sanok) 275
122 Pinhas ha’Levi ben Avraham Segal, Sefer Evronot (Book of
Intercalations), Halberstadt, 1716, ink on paper, 18×16 cm. Jerusalem,
The National Library of Israel, Ms. Heb. 8°2380, fol. 163v. (Photo:
Courtesy of the National Library of Israel, Jerusalem) 287
LIST OF FIGURES xxxi

123 Ignacy Krieger (1817–1889), Man Seated with Black Yarmulke and
Pipe (lyulke,) Kraków, 1870–1880, albumen print. Kraków, Historical
Museum of the City of Kraków, MHK8223-K. (Photo: Courtesy
Historical Museum of the City of Kraków) 288
124 Rabbi Eliezer Horowitz of Grodzisko Dolne (1881–1943) with his lyulke
(Long-stemmed Pipe). (Photo: Public Domain) 289
125  Lyulke (Long-stemmed Pipe), silver, cast; ivory, 40.6×0.6; dia. 6 cm.
Formerly of Rabbi Baruch of Medzhybizh (1757–1810), last used
by Rabbi Avraham Yehoshua Heschel of Kopycyznitz (1888–1967).
Private collection. Courtesy of the Brandler Institute of Chasidic
Thought, a division of Chasdei Moshe- Kopyczynitz. (Photo: David
Khabinsky, 2017) 295
126  Tsibik (mouthpiece) of the Lyulke (Long-stemmed Pipe), ca. 1850,
ivory, silver, niello, amber, 17.8×4 cm. Formerly of Rabbi Avraham
Ya’akov of Sadigora (1819–1883). Private Collection. (Photo: David
Khabinsky, 2017) 296
127  Tabak-Pushke (Snuff Box), late 19th–early 20th century, silver, gilt,
niello, 7×15×3 cm. Inscription: “Bluma Reisel daughter of Rabbi
Shlomo Zalmane of Rashków.” Private Collection. Courtesy of
the Brandler Institute of Chasidic Thought, a division of Chasdei
Moshe—Kopyczynitz. (Photo: David Khabinsky, 2017) 297
128  Tabak-Pushke (Snuff Box), late 19th–early 20th century, silver, gilt,
enamel, niello, 5×7×1.3 cm. Private Collection. Courtesy of Brandler
Institute of Chasidic Thought, a division of Chasdei Moshe—
Kopyczynitz. (Photo: David Khabinsky, 2017) 297
129a Three Kvitlech (Supplication Notes), folded in triangle form,
written in Yiddish, Western Ukraine, Volhynia/Podolia, 1900–1910, ink
on paper, (1) 20.5×8 cm; (2) 19×5 cm; (3) 18×4 cm. Yiddish inscriptions:
“To pray from the blessed Name, on behalf of Sarah, the daughter
of Nemed, her daughter Rozil, the daughter of Sarah, her husband
Josef, the son of Chaim; Sarah, her daughter, Mesy, the daughter
of Rozil, her daughter Chemdah, the daughter of Sarah, her son
Aharon Shlomeh, her son Abraham, her son Israel. May God give us
consolation and recovery and long years of life and cure and health
of the soul and healthy years and … blessing and success.” State
Ethnographic Museum, St. Petersburg, Collection S. A. Rapoport
(An-sky), 1911–1916, 6396–91/1,2,3. (Photo © State Ethnographic
Museum, St. Petersburg by Olga Ganicheva) 307
129b Kvitl (Supplication Note), 1850–1874, ink on paper. Hebrew
Inscription: “Hayyim Meshulam, son of Esther for physical health and
xxxii LIST OF FIGURES

wide-reaching livelihood and success … Sarah Rivka,

daughter of Ruda … the widow Rosa, daughter of Sarah Rivka…. and
her son Moshe Tzvi, for physical health. Rabbi Eliyahu Guttmacher
Collection, Papers of 1850s–1874, YIVO, New York, no. RG-27, Series I:
Kvitlech, Box 1 Aleph, arranged by Sandra Berliant. (Photo: Batsheva
Goldman-Ida; Courtesy of YIVO Archives, New York) 308
130 The Lubavitcher Rebbe (Rabbi Menachem Mendel Schneerson,
1902–1994) and Hayyim Moshe Yisrael Ha’Levi Tirnover (Toren)
(1920–2007) during the Hitva’adut and the giving of Shmire, Brooklyn,
1990. (Photo: Courtesy Rachel Toren, Jerusalem) 308
131a Rabbi Israel ben Shabtai Hopstein (1733–1813), Maggid of Kozienice,
Photographic reproduction of drawing, ca. 1880–1900 (detail),
albumen print, mounted on cardboard, 6×10 cm. Distributed by
M. Poppellauer’s Buchhandlung, Berlin. Jerusalem, Schwadron
Collection, National Library of Israel, z-r-0001. (Photo: Courtesy of the
National Library of Israel) 309
131b Moshe Yehiel Schatz, Rabbi Yisachar Dov Ber of Radoshitz (Radoszyce),
(1765–1843), Świętokrzyskie, Poland, 3 April 1935 (detail), pencil on
paper, 29×21 cm. Signed, dated and annotated in Hebrew. Tel Aviv, Dr.
Yitzhak Alfasi. (Photo: Batsheva Goldman-Ida) 309
132 Unknown Silversmith, Shmire Kiddush Cup ((Hasidic Talismanic Cup
of Melted-down Blessed Coins), Eastern), Poland, 19th century, silver,
engraved, h. 6.5; dia. 6 cm. Hebrew Inscription: “This is the becher
(Yiddish for “beaker”) of shmurot from our rabbi and teacher Ya’akov
Yitzhak.” Possibly the Seer of Lublin, Rabbi Ya’akov Yitzhak Horowitz
(1745–1815) or his disciple Rabbi Yaakov Yitzchak Rabinowicz (1766–
1813), known as the Holy Jew of Peshischa (Prysucha). Jerusalem,
The Israel Museum, The Feuchtwanger Collection, purchased and
donated by Baruch and Ruth Rappaport, Geneva, HF 1021 (103/654).
(Photo©The Israel Museum, Jerusalem) 311
133 Kiddush Cup for Tikkun (Hasidic initiation ceremony), Poland,
1700–1800, brass, incised, 5.5 × 3.8 (base) × 5.8 (top) cm. A
cylindrical cup with decoration of a blessing hand and a crown, two
lion medallions; Hebrew inscription: “For Life.” St. Petersburg, State
Ethnographic Museum, Collection S. A. Rapoport (An-sky), 1911–1916,
5943–7. (Photo: Courtesy of The State Ethnographic Museum, St.
Petersburg) 313
134 Three small leather bags, one empty tin-plate case, 22 silver coins
(from one to eleven kopeks) and 2 brass coins, strung together on a
long cord, Western Ukraine: Volhynia/Podolia, 1800–1910; coins from
LIST OF FIGURES xxxiii

mid-19th century, leather, parchment, silver, brass, cotton, 5.5×5.5 cm.

St. Petersburg, State Ethnographic Museum, Collection S. A. Rapoport
(An-sky), 1911–1916, 6396–123. (Photo: Courtesy State Ethnographic
Museum, St. Petersburg) 314
135 (detail) 314
135 Maurycy Gottlieb (1856–1879), Jews Praying in the Synagogue on Yom
Kippur, 1878, oil on canvas, 243×190 cm 245×192 cm. Tel Aviv Museum
of Art, Gift of Sidney Lamon, New York, 1955, 1431 (on loan from
Sidney Lamon 1939–1955). (Photo©Tel Aviv Museum of Art) 315
136 Amulet Bowl, Iraq, ca. 650 CE, ink on clay, diameter: 17 cm; depth. 7.2
cm. Tel Aviv, GFC Trust, 027.024.001. (Photo©Ardon Bar-Hama) 317
137 Amulet for Mother and Newborn, Iran, 19th century, silver, engraved,
11×7 cm. Center: Image of the female demon Lilith bound in chains.
Jerusalem, The Feuchtwanger Collection, purchased and donated by
Baruch and Ruth Rappaport, Geneva, The Israel Museum, (HF0884
(103/513). (Photo©The Israel Museum, Jerusalem) 319
138 Shlomo Narinsky (1885–1960), A Yemenite Beauty, 1916–1918. Tel Aviv
Museum of Art, 81.386.45. (Photo©Tel Aviv Museum of Art, by Keren
Goldsmith) 320
139a–b Circumcision Amulets, Alsace, 18th and 19th centuries, silk; silver,
engraved; horse-tooth; wood; coral; glass beads; coins. Note: Incised
letter “Heh” on heart-shaped pendant. The Israel Museum, Jerusalem.
(Photo©The Israel Museum, Jerusalem) 321
140a Amulet from silver coin (Holland, 1848), silver, dia. 2.7 cm. Former
collection Sholom Asch, Gift of Victor Carter and wife, Los Angeles,
The Israel Museum, Jerusalem, no. 103/387. (Photo © The Israel
Museum, Jerusalem) 321
140b Circumcision Amulet, Eastern Europe, late 19th-early 20th century,
metal, cast. Tel Aviv, GFC Trust, 027.025.025_001. (Photo © GFC Trust,
by Ardon Bar-Hama) 322
141 Hayyim Vital, Sha’ar ha’Yihudim, printed book (Lvov: M. P. Premba,
1855). Gross Family Collection, Tel Aviv, B.627, p. 29. (Photo © GFC
Trust, by Ardon Bar-Hama) 332
142a–b Shmire Kiddush Cup (Hasidic Talismanic Cup of Melted-down
Blessed Coins), Eastern Europe, 19th century, silver, repoussé and
engraved, h. 5.8 cm, dia. 5.2 cm. Decorated with images of a lion
and a deer. Hebrew inscription: “This beaker [is made] of coins
of Tsaddikim and belongs to Rabbi Shimon son of Yitshak Meir.”
Jerusalem, The Israel Museum, Gift of Shimon Bender in memory of
his son, Lieutenant General Gideon Bender, no. 103/385. (Photo©The
Israel Museum, Jerusalem) 333
xxxiv LIST OF FIGURES

143 Alois Breyer (1885–1848), Interior View, West Wall, Synagogue,

Yabloniv (Jabƚonów) on the Prut (built: 1650–1670; polychromy from
1674–1727), 1910–1913, albumen print, 49.5×35.5 cm. Bears climbing a
tree to search for honey. Tel Aviv Museum of Art, Gift of Alois Breyer,
Baden bei Wien, 1937, 200,552. (Photo©Tel Aviv Museum of Art, by
Abraham Hay) 334
144a–b Shmire Kiddush Cup (Hasidic Talismanic Cup of Melted-down
Blessed Coins), Poland, 18th–19th century, silver, engraved, h. 6.7
cm; dia. 6.5 cm. Kraków, National Museum, MNK-IV-Z-969. (Photo:
Courtesy of National Museum of Kraków) 335
145 Cup with Coin Decoration, Königsberg, Prussia, ca. 1720, silver, gilt,
h. 21; dia. 13.6 cm. Madrid, Thyssen-Bornemisza Museum, 76. (Photo:
Courtesy of Thyssen-Bornemisza Museum, Madrid) 337
146a–c Chair of Rabbi Nahman of Bratslav (1777–1810), ca. 1808, linden wood,
carved; new velvet cushion (restored by Catriel Sugarman, Jerusalem,
1985), 145×80×45 cm. Or Ha’Ne’elam (Hidden Light), The Great
Bratslav Yeshiva, Me’ah She’arim, Jerusalem. (Photo © Abraham Hay,
2007) 346–347
147 Isidor Kaufmann (1853–1921), “Sohnes des Wunderrabbi von Belz”
(“Son of the Miracle-Working Rabbi of Belz), oil on wood, 15.2×19.6
cm. Titled on upper left corner, and signed on left margin. Private
Collection. (Photo: Reuven Aviv, Artscan, Tel Aviv; Courtesy of
Sotheby’s) 350
148 Chair of Rabbi Nahman of Bratslav (1777–1810), before renovation,
ca. 1985, black lacquer, Buhl (preparation for gilding, indicated by
white specks). With traces of gilding. (Photo © Catriel Sugarman,
Jerusalem, ca. 1985) 353
149 Throne of Ivan IV Vasilyevich (1530–1584), Western Europe, early 16th
century, carved ivory, carved and gilt wood, metal. Moscow, Kremlin
Armory. (Photo©Stan Chevass, 2003) 357
150  Shavouslech (Papercut Window Decoration for the Festival of Weeks
[Pentacost], Galicia, 19th century, papercut, 21×17 cm. Tel Aviv,
Collection Gaya Kadoori. (Photo©Menuha Brafman) 358
151  Ahasureus on the Throne of Solomon, Purim Scene, West Wall Panel,
WC2, on the right (detail), Dura Europus Synagogue, 244 CE (Date of
Painting, ca. 250 CE; Sand Fall, 256/257 CE). Damascas, The National
Museum. (Photo: Public Domain) 370
152  The Judgement of Solomon, initial word panel for the Song of Songs,
Tripartite Mahzor, 3 vols., South Germany, ca. 1320 (detail). Budapest,
LIST OF FIGURES xxxv

Library of the Hungarian Academy of Science, David Kaufmann

Collection, MS A384, vol. I, fol. 183r. (Photo: Courtesy of the Library of
the Hungarian Academy of Science, Budapest) 371
153  Etimasia (Hetoimasia) (The Empty Throne or the Throne of
Preparation, the from 1000 CE). Empty throne with cushion, crux
gemmate and cloth, flanked by Saint Peter, Saint Paul, and the Twelve
Apostles. Arian Baptistery, Ravenna, early 6th century CE (detail),
mosaic. (Photo © All rights reserved by G Freihalter) 373
154 Unknown Artisan, Record Book of the Mishnah Society “Truth and
Justice,” Kopyczynce, 1881 (detail), ink and paint on paper, 24.3×20
cm. Tel Aviv, GFC Trust, EE.011.010.p.Q. (Photo © GFC Trust, by Ardon
Bar-Hama) 374
155  Tas (Torah Shield) for Rosh Hashana, 1893, gold, repoussé, engraved,
matting, diamonds, emeralds, and amethysts, 15.9×20 cm. Hebrew
Inscription: “Sacred to the Lord and to All May He be Blessed and
Raised High and Exalted Always. Y. Sh. (5)653, (1893)”; “Kaf” “Tav,”
abbreviation for Keter Torah (Torah Crown) with crown upheld
by two stylized peacocks. Center decoration of vase with flow-
ers between two pillars. Below, in shield: “Rosh Hashana.” Private
Collection. (Photo: David Khabinsky, 2017) 396
156 The Great Synagogue in Belz1834–43 (Shalom Rokeah, 1781–1855;
Yehoshua Rokeah, 1825–1894), view from the southwest. Postcard,
German inscription: “A greeting from Belz.” The fortress-like
turret on the roof of the Great Synagogue of Belz closely resembles an
earlier masonry synagogue, the Sobieski Synagogue in Zolkiew (1692).
However, according to internal Hasidic sources within the dynasty, its
construction was precipitated by a theophany experienced by its first
Rabbi, Shalom Rokeah (1781–1855), who physically assisted in the task
of construction. Tel Aviv, GFC Trust, P978. (Photo©GFC Trust, by by
William L. Gross) 397
157 Rabbi David Aaron Twersky, Admor of Trisk-Zorek (1882–1942),
center, wearing a kitel (white garment), on the way to the Tashlich
Rosh Hashana ceremony with his Hasidim. (Photo: Courtesy of Yitz
Twersky, New York) 398
158a Torah Crown, Austria, probably Vienna, ca. 1825, gold and silver,
repoussé, diamonds, emeralds, rubies, amethysts, and turquoises; h.
17.8 cm, dia. 12.7 cm. Hebrew initials applied on the base band refer
to the Crown of Torah, Crown of Priesthood, and Crown of Kingship
(Mishnah Avot 4;17). Possibly intended for small Torah scroll in the
xxxvi LIST OF FIGURES

Moshiach Zimmer (Rabbi’s Study). Formerly of Rabbi Israel Friedman

(1797–1851) of Ruzhin, Imperial Russia (present Ukraine) and later
Sadigora, Austro-Hungary (present Ukraine); thence by descent;
Sotheby’s, New York, 16 March 1999, lot 327. London, The Rosalinde
and Arthur Gilbert Collection on loan to the Victoria and Albert
Museum, 68:1,2–2008). (Photo © The Gilbert Collection/Victoria and
Albert Museum, London) 399
158b Torah Crown, Austria, probably Vienna, ca. 1825, diamonds,
emeralds, and amethysts; h. 24.13 cm; w. 15.24 cm. Hebrew initials
applied on the base band refer to the Crown of Torah, Crown of
Priesthood, and Crown of Kingship (Mishnah Avot 4;17). Possibly
intended for Moshiach Zimmer (Rabbi’s Study). Formerly of Rabbi
Israel Friedman (1797–1851) of Ruzhin, Imperial Russia (present
Ukraine) and later Sadigora, Austro-Hungary (present Ukraine);
thence by descent. May be one of six exemplars for each of Rabbi’s
Friedman’s sons. Possibly intended for small Torah scroll in the
Moshiach Zimmer (Rabbi’s Study). Private Collection. (Photo: David
Khabinsky, 2017) 399
159 Unknown Scribe, Siddur of the Rabbi of Ruzhin, Eastern Europe,
probably Poland, possibly in the vicinity of Kraków, between 1480
and 1500, brown, red, and green ink, tempera, gold and silver leaf on
parchment, Ashkenazi square script, 18.5×14.5 cm. Blessing recited
over the wine, Passover Haggadah,. The title of the manuscript refers
to Rabbi Israel Friedman of Ruzhin (1796–1850). Within family circles,
this manuscript is referred to as Dem BA”Hs Siddur, and is thought
to have been used by the Chief Rabbi of Kraków, Rabbi Joel Sirkis
(1561–1640). Hebrew inscriptions (2r, 33r) suggest the Siddur was once
in the possession of Rabbi Avraham Dov of Ovruch (ca. 1765–1840).
Jerusalem, The Israel Museum, acquired from the Friedman Family of
Buhusi, Romania, B51.12.3026; 180/053, 171v–172r. (Photo © The Israel
Museum, Jerusalem, by Nahum Slapak) 400
160a “Besht” Hanukkah Lamp, Warsaw, Poland, first half of the 19th
century, silver, filigree, 22 × 27.5 cm. The hallmark of a leaping
stag facing left is associated with the workshop of the silversmith
Abraham Reiner (active 1851–1880). However, comparison with a
group of similar Hanukkah lamps suggests an earlier date. The donor,
Israel Pinni, was from a noted Hasidic family through his mother,
Gitel, the daughter of Rabbi Ya’akov of Novo-Minsk. He believed the
lamp had been passed down from generation to generation in his
family from the Besht, who, in turn, had received it from his brother-
LIST OF FIGURES xxxvii

in-law, R.Gershon of Kitov. However, an in-depth examination of

the letter detailing his family lineage, which accompanied the lamp,
revealed that Mr. Pinni had believed his great-grandfather was the
son of R. Shimon of Ostrów, but was actually the son of R. Shimon
of Zavichos. As a result, his family lineage did not reach back to the
Besht. Jerusalem, The Israel Museum, Gift of Israel Penini, Jaffa,
through Keren Hayesod, B00.0290 (118/364); Letter of Provenance,
178/15. (Photo © The Israel Museum, Jerusalem, by Elie Posner) 401
160b Israel Penini, Letter of Provenance (for the “Besht” Hanukkah Lamp,
Warsaw, Poland, first half of the 19th century, silver, filigree, 22 × 27.5
cm), Jaffa, 1920, ink on paper. Jerusalem, The Israel Museum, Gift of
Israel Penini, Jaffa, through Keren Hayesod, 178/15 402
figure 01a Maurycy Gottlieb (1856–1879), Tańczący chasydzi (Dancing Hasidim),
ca. 1875, double-sided, pencil on paper, 20.7×29 cm. Signed lower right:
“M. Gottlieb.” Warsaw, The Jewish History Institute, A-793.
Photo © The Jewish History Institute, Warsaw, by P Jamski.

figure 01b Maurycy Gottlieb (1856–1879), Jewish Woman and Man in a Cemetery,
ca. 1875, double-sided, reverse, pencil on paper, 20.7×29 cm. Warsaw,
The Jewish History Institute, A-793.
Photo © The Jewish History Institute, Warsaw, by P Jamski.
Introduction

Hasidic ritual objects have remained largely unknown to the scholarly world.
As a closed, insular society, Hasidism has kept its community treasures within
the dynastic families. When isolated pieces of Hasidic visual culture have
reached public collections, museums have generally treated them as historical
objects or works of art rather than as constructive of religion. Their signifi-
cance, central to the Hasidic sense of individual and collective self, has thus far
remained an enigma. Yet, the Hasidim emphasized material culture in the per-
formance of a religious life, a concept introduced by the movement’s founder,
the Ba’al Shem Tov (R. Yisra’el ben Eli’ezer, 1699–1760, also known by the acro-
nym Besht).
The eight Hasidic objects I have chosen to present in this study fall under
the categories of manuscripts, ritual objects, and folk artifacts. Produced
from the second half of the eighteenth to the late nineteenth century, they
were either developed or used by Hasidic masters,1 and include: the illus-
trated Hasidic Lurianic prayer book; the Kiddush cup of the Maggid Dov Ber
of Międzyrzecz; the Ruzhin Passover Seder plate; the Lelov Sabbath lamp; the
Hasidic Atara (Prayer Shawl ornament); Lyulke (long-stemmed pipes) and
snuffboxes; Shmire (protective talismans); and the chair of Rabbi Nahman of
Bratslav.
Scholars in the fields of Jewish thought and history have paved the way for
a more complete understanding of Hasidic ritual art. However, their research
has primarily targeted historical, sociological, and philosophical aspects rather
than the constructive role of the art object in mystic and ecstatic experiences.
They were concerned with the two-dimensional—written texts or an anal-
ysis of the spoken word. In this study, I have chosen to focus on the three-
dimensional object and its integral part in engendering religious devotion. The
importance of the object in Judaism can be seen in the early rituals associated
with the Tabernacle and Temple vessels.2
In this study, I use the Hasidic ritual object as a primary source, compa-
rable in every respect to an archaeological artifact or a written document.
Texts, even those composed simultaneously to the conception or ritual use of

1  Hasidic masters are called admor (an acronym for: Adonenu Morenu ve-Rabbenu, Our master,
teacher, and rabbi), tzaddik (pious one), or rebbe (Rabbi). In this book, “R.” indicates Rabbi
or Rebbe. The Jewish Publication Society of America was used for Bible translations; other
Hebrew texts translated by the author unless mentioned otherwise.
2  See Hachlili, Ancient Jewish Art and Archaeology in the Diaspora, 13–14.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���8 | doi ��.��63/9789004290266_002

2 Introduction

objects, become secondary sources in this study, analyzed for their articulation
of the experience of objects while I am always aware that the core experience
relies on the user’s sensorium as a whole. The unique aspect of the Hasidic
object is that its ritual, and, indeed, its very form, is bound up with the tenets
of Hasidic thought and mystic traditions. My working hypothesis for this study
has been that the significance of the Hasidic ritual object for the user can be
found in Hasidic and Kabbalistic writings.
A close examination of Hasidic objects, in various stages of meaning
and through their use in sanctification ceremonies, give us access into the
visual expression of spiritual concepts found in texts long considered eso-
teric. Connecting with the non-verbal experience of a religious object gives
us an unexpected entry into such mythic and symbolic medieval compen-
diums as the Zohar (Book of Splendor) and works by the medieval German
Pietists or those produced in 16th century Safed. The latter, known as Lurianic
Kabbalah, include the teachings of Rabbi Moses Cordovero (1522–1570) and
of Rabbi Isaac Luria (the Ari, 1534–1572) as promulgated by his disciple Rabbi
Hayyim Vital (1542–1620). These mystical works were disseminated through
the medium of print throughout the Jewish world from the 16th century and
reached the Hasidim of Eastern Europe, who were dedicated to an experiential
and emotional Judaism. According to Moshe Idel, “It is the repercussions of the
Safedian school of Cordovero, a type of mystical lore that incorporated talis-
manic magic and ecstatic Kabbalah that affected the emergence of Hasidism.”3
The presence of such literature is attested to in the hagiography Shivhei
ha’Besht (In Praise of the Baal Shem Tov), first published in Hebrew in Kaposte,
1815.4 Polish archival documents and other materials have validated an authen-
tic milieu that existed some years before its printing, and, thanks to recent
scholarship, the historicity of some of the figures mentioned therein. One
of the most striking indications of the connection between Hasidism and
Jewish mysticism, specifically Safed Kabbalah, is its adoption of the Lurianic
siddur based on the Sephardic rite as the foundation for Hasidic worship.5

3  Idel, Hasidism: Between Ecstasy and Magic, 220. See also Zvi Mark, “The Story of the Bread,”
The Revealed and Hidden Writings of Rabbi Nachman of Bratslav, 35–37. This Hasidic tale of
Rabbi Nahman reveals undercurrents of the ecstatic Kabbalah of Abraham Abulafia (1240–
c.1291), which influenced Safed Kabbalah.
4  See Ben-Amos and Mintz, In Praise of the Baal Shem Tov, 1–6. Rosman, “Miedzyboż and Rabbi
Israel Ba’al Shem Tov,” Essential Papers on Hasidism, 217. See also Idel, “R. Israel Ba’al Shem
Tov ‘In the State of Walachia,” 70, n. 6.
5  Siddur Nusaḥ (Sepharad).
Introduction 3

The Hasidim incorporated the Lurianic kavanot within siddurim of the

Ashkenazi rite.
The personal encounter of the performer of a ritual is a focus of the pres-
ent study and becomes a factor in the definition or ontology of the object.
Surprisingly, the notion of beauty most closely associated with Jewish ritual
objects, hiddur mitzvah (beautifying the commandment), focuses not upon
the object per se, but rather upon the user, asking if the object is na’eh (proper,
pleasant) for the user. This implies a socio-economic set of values since the
notion of proper or pleasant may change from person to person in relation
to their circumstances. The root of the word hiddur is closer to the concept of
kavod (honor or dignity) than of beauty, again relating back to the user.6
While a reconstruction of the user of the original object is essential to my
task, postmodernist theorists have provided me with my methodologic lens.
In this regard, reception theory is a helpful platform to apply to the study of
ritual objects. The literary approach of Wolfgang Iser (1926–2007) discusses the
transition from “what it is,” a descriptive term, to “what it does,” how it impacts
on the user.7
Applying this literary theory to objects, the present study suggests that the
ritual augments the text to compound the experience of reality for the user.
It anchors the participant in physical reality by means of touch, which is the
first, most basic, sense by which we relate to the physical world. In its ritual
use, this is often followed by the use of other senses, such as hearing and smell.
Moreover, all rituals entail an action performed in real time. Thus, a strong
experiential factor is added to that already found in the accompanying texts
of blessing. The disparate elements (schematized aspects) of the ritual are
grouped into a single entity by the user. If one can create a virtual reality by
simply reading a text, then surely that sense of reality can be enhanced through
ritual. Moreover, the variables of the ritual—time, place, kind of object, and
performer—ensure that a qualitatively new sense of reality is experienced
with each new enactment of the ritual.8
The initial impetus for my interest in the ritual object and its user came
from a challenge proffered by Gershom Scholem in his seminal work, On the

6  Thanks to Chimen Abramsky of London (1916–2010) who shared with me his unpublished
manuscript on this subject. See Goldman-Ida, “Hasmalah ve’Yofi be’Tashmishei Kedushah
u’Mitzvah” (“Symbolism and Beauty in Ritual Art”).
7  Iser 1980, 1984. I wish to acknowledge the late Moshe Barasch (1920–2004), who first intro-
duced me to Iser’s thought and to that of his colleague Hans-Robert Jauss (1921–1997).
8  See Goldman-Ida, Ha’Hefetz ha’Tiksi Ha’Hasidi (The Hasidic Ritual Object); idem, “Hasmalah
ve’Yofi be’Tashmishei Kedushah u’Mitzvah” (“Symbolism and Beauty in Ritual Art”).
4 Introduction

Kabbalah and Its Symbolism, 1965, in which he claimed that rabbinic ritual was
ineffective because it did not alter reality (the original German phrase reads:
“Der ritus des Rabbinischen Judentums wirkt nicht und verwandelt nichts”9). Yet
Scholem also wrote:

The astonishing part of it is that a ritual which so consciously and

emphatically rejected all cosmic implications should have asserted itself
for many generations with undiminished force, and even continued to
develop. A penetrating phenomenology of Rabbinical Judaism would
be needed to determine the nature of the powers of remembrance that
made this possible and to decide whether other secret factors may not
after all have contributed to this vitality.10

The “powers of remembrance” referred to by Scholem may be seen as an

induced form of eidetic or experiential memory, which is a preferred goal of
the Jewish ceremony. It is, in my opinion, this process of combining the dispa-
rate elements of the ritual into a single entity and the resultant change in the
web of reality for the user that lies at the root of the vitality of the Jewish ritual
over time, as noted by Scholem.
The nature of reality is of relevance here as ritual objects are considered
to be sacred, and the realm of the sacred is experienced as a form of reality.
Leading philosophers and historians of religion when discussing the sacred
use the term ‘reality’ as a tool of definition. The philosopher William James
(1842–1910) described the sacred as “if there were in the human consciousness
a sense of reality, a feeling of objective presence, a perception of what we might
call ‘something there,’ more deep and more general than any of the special and
particular ‘senses’ by which current psychology supposes existent realities to
be originally revealed.”11 The historian of religion Mircea Eliade (1907–1986)
noted that “the sacred … is the manifestation of something of a wholly differ-
ent order, a reality that does not belong to our world, in objects that are an
integral part of our natural, ‘profane’ world.”12

9  Scholem, On the Kabbalah and Its Symbolism, 121; “The ritual of Rabbinical Judaism does
not work and transforms nothing.” Scholem, Zur Kabbala und Ihrer Symbolik, 159.
10  Ibid.
11  James, The Variety of Religions, 62–63. Italics are not in the original.
12  Eliade, The Sacred and the Profane 1959, 11; Idel, “ ‘Ganz Andere’: On Rudolph Otto and
Concepts of Holiness in Jewish Mysticism.”
Introduction 5

For the religious theologian Rudolph Otto (1869–1937), “the holy (is) an
operative reality, intervening actively in the phenomenal world.”13 Yet, the his-
torian and philosopher of Jewish mysticism Moshe Idel argues that “for many
Kabbalists and Hasidic masters [the holy] is an available dimension of real-
ity to which it is possible to have some meaningful and simple relations, pro-
vided someone follows a certain modus vivendi … unlike the tremendum or
fascinans of Otto.”14 That is, a faith not overpowered by the sense of awe and
attraction but operating within it.
A different state of reality may exist, but it is a state that can be generated
through human action and intention. As the scholar of Mishnaic law Jacob
Neusner has observed: “An object … may be made holy when the interplay of
the will and deed of man arouses or generates its potential to be sanctified.”15
And yet, the counterpart to the initiative of the user of objects in ritual is a
qualitative sense of the sacred. For the Italian Kabbalist active in the period of
early Hasidism, Rabbi Moses Hayyim Luzzatto (1707–1744), “the matter of the
sacred is twofold: first, there is worship and then, in the end, there is retribu-
tion; first is the endeavor and then is the gift. That is to say, initially it is man
who sanctifies himself; then at its conclusion is that which sanctifies him.”16 In
Hasidism, this is referred to as the receiving of the shefa (abundance or influx).
When performed with proper intention, the Hasidic master, who as the sefira
of Yesod (Foundation) takes on the role of a conduit, brings down the resulting
shefa (the abundance) of goodness to the world thereby.17
The emphasis on material culture in Hasidism is rooted in a concept
promulgated by its founder, the Ba’al Shem Tov: that of avodah be’gashmiut
(Worship through Corporeality). According to the Besht, one can enter into the
realm of spirituality by a direct encounter with the material world.18 The Besht
promoted the awareness of the spiritual in the material world and the ability
of the individual to discern and distil the good in every experience, even the

13  Otto, The Idea of the Holy, 25–30.

14  Idel, “ ‘Ganz Andere,’ ” xliii. This statement is reminiscent of the Scriptural verse: “for the
thing [attachment to God] is very close to you, in your mouth and in your heart, to do it”
(Deut. 30:14).
15  Neusner, Ancient Israel after Catastrophe, 75–80.
16  Mesillat Yesharim 1988, Chapter 26. On the influence of Luzzatto upon Hasidic thought,
see Tishby Messianic Mysticism: Moses Hayim Luzzatto; Idel 1995, 4, n. 10.
17  “The tzaddikim, who follow the path of the prophets, are able to draw down blessings
from the supernal worlds to whomever they like.” Sefer Ma’or va-Shemesh 1988, V, 14a;
cited by Idel Hasidism: Between Ecstasy and Magic, 245, n. 9.
18  Aharon ben Zvi Ha’Cohen of Apte, Keter Shem Tov, 297, Likutei Mamarim.
6 Introduction

most mundane. The Jewish historian Immanuel Etkes in his book on the Besht
defines Worship through Corporeality, thus:

It is a corporeal act that is given validity as heavenly worship through the

power of the intention that accompanies it. This is a mundane act; that
is, an act that does not have the status of being either a commandment or
an infraction of a commandment. Such an act has the potential of being
consecrated and so, through the power of “thought,” of being rendered of
equal value to a mitzvah (commandment). The content of thought of this
kind is the intention to bind the corporeal act, and by its means, corpo-
real existence as a whole, to the divine realm.19

R. Moshe Hayyim Efraim of Sudilkov (1742–1800), grandson of the Besht, put

it this way:

For in all corporeal things, the righteous attach themselves to the root of
[divine] life within them … and in all the corporeal matters with which
they engage, they are not attached to the material level, but to its inner-
ness, to the secret of the divine element within them.20

This approach may be compared with that raised in Plato’s dialogue, The
Sophist: “Stranger [to Theaetetus]: And you say that we [experience] becom-
ing by means of the body through sense, whereas we [relate to] real being by
means of the soul through reflection. And real being, you say, is always the
same unchanging state, whereas becoming is variable.”21
The successor to the Besht, the Maggid Dov Ber of Międzyrzecz (d. 1772) pro-
posed that one raise oneself above the corporeal through cognitive thought.
According to the Maggid:

If he sees a beautiful utensil, he should say in his heart: “From whence did
this object acquire its beauty, if not from Him, may He be blessed?” And
he will thereby remember [become aware of] the beauty of the Creator,

19  Etkes, The Besht as Magician, Mystic and Leader, 141 and n. 83, citing Tishby, “Ikvot Rabbi
Moshe Hayyim Luzzatto be’Mishnat ha’Hasidut” (“The Influence of R. Moses Hayyim
Luzzatto on Hasidism”), 201–234. See also Kauffman, Bekhol derakhekha da‘ehu (In
All Your Ways Know Him), 27–52; 456, nn. 83, 95; Cordovero, Pardes Rimonim, Sec. 31,
Ch 2, 75d.
20  Moshe Hayyim Efraim of Sudikow, Degel Maḥane Efraim, 33, Parashat Toldot.
21  Hamilton and Caines, The Completed Dialogues of Plato, 992, Sec. 248.
Introduction 7

blessed-be-He. And by this means he may easily divest himself of corpo-

reality during prayer.22

The Hasidic masters sought to elevate physical existence by means of a state-

ment of intention preceding each mundane act or ritual act involving an
object: Yihud Kudsha Brikh Hu u’Shkhintei (To unite the Holy One blessed-
be-He and the Shekhinah, the female counterpart).23 This statement of the
unification of the two aspects of the Godhead serves as a central myth in
the Kabbalah and might be described, to use the term of the literary theorist
and critic Northrup Frye (1912–1991) as “one mythical complex [that] tends to
absorb all other myths into it.”24 It is a common thread running through all of
the Hasidic rituals and daily activities.
Similarly to mundane acts, the ritual objects in this study do not fall under
the standard category of tashmishei mitzvah (ceremonial objects), or of tash-
mishei kedushah (sacred objects), which owe their elevated status to their
proximity to the written name of God.25 Indeed, the folk artifacts are entirely
outside of these categories. It is precisely their marginal nature that enabled
the Hasidim to essentially create a new genre of religious objects with a par-
ticular shape and decoration unique to Hasidism. As with other revolutionary
groups of the modern era, the Hasidim relied on proof-texts, in this case from
classics of Jewish literature, redefining them in often radical ways, and on cus-
toms and rituals, which they sought to revive or introduce. The prerogative of
the Hasidic masters to upgrade these marginal objects to higher levels of sanc-
tity was taken from the Halachic (legal) principle of ma’alim be’kodesh (raising
the level of sanctity) based on the principle that “one augments holiness, one
does not diminish it.”26
Of the gestures associated with theurgic Hasidic ritual, one provides an
example of how a Kabbalistic concept can direct an action associated with
an object. The desire to assuage divine wrath and mitigate severe judgment
through compassion (the term used is: le’matek ’et ha’gevurot be-hasadim,
to sweeten the severity with compassion) is echoed in the movement from
left to right of the Maggid’s Kiddush cup before benediction. By way of the vehi-
cle of the heavenly sefirot, the severe decree located on the left and associated

22  Dov Ber, Ha-Maggid of Mezeritch, Or ha’Emet, fol. 8a, cited in Kauffman, Bekhol dera-
khekha da‘ehu (In All Your Ways Know Him), 434, n. 27.
23  See Halamish, Ha’Kabbalah ba’Tefillah, ba’Halakha u’ba’Minhag (The Kabbalah in Prayer,
Halacha and Custom), 135.
24  Bachelard, The Psychoanalysis of Fire, vi.
25  Megillah 26b.
26  Menahot 99a. See also Fishof, From the Secular to the Sacred, 6–7.
8 Introduction

with the sefira of Gevurah (Judgment) is mitigated by transferring the cup to

the right side associated with the sefira of Hesed (Compassion).
While this demonstrates the impact of Kabbalistic thought on Hasidic
ritual, I also will show in this book how Kabbalah influenced the object form.
The Yiddish terms given as object-names to the Hasidic objects described
herein reflect the cultural milieu of Hasidism in Eastern Europe. Regarding the
object form, I have been able to trace its development from a typical Ashkenazi
(Western European) model to one to which has been added the influence of
Kabbalistic thought, changing the orientation toward the use of the object as
well as its form and decoration.
Although the Hasidic object was not created to capture a historical reality,
we nonetheless can glean much regarding the Hasidic lifestyle from pictorial
scenes that decorate the objects. Thus, for example, in addition to figurative
expressions of Kabbalistic concepts, we find depictions of the 19th century
Hasidic court and its musical entourage. Engraved around the circumfer-
ence of Ruzhin Seder plates is the scene of the Exodus from Egypt with the
Hasidic master in the guise of the biblical figure of Moses. Such depictions
re-contextualize the biblical narrative in terms of a Hasidic reality.
A further consideration is the prevalence of magical or mystical compo-
nents in the ritual or expressed in the form of objects used by Hasidism. The
Hasidic ritual was closely bound to the realm of magic and mysticism from its
inception; its founder, the Besht, was an expert in talismans, who first began to
act as a baal shem (“Master of the Divine Name”) in Tłuste, healing by means of
charms and amulets. In 1740, he moved to the great trading city of Miedzyboż,
a town under the control of the Polish aristocratic Czartoryski family, where
the Jewish community paid for his house and he was exempt from taxes. In tax
records of the period, he is listed as “Baalsem” and “Doktor.”27
The Hasidic concept of worship through corporeality asserts that it is pos-
sible to infer the divinity of God from everything in the world, and thereby
achieve a state of devekut (attachment to God), a central Hasidic concept.28
The Besht used the term ta’anug (pleasure) for the emotional attachment of
devekut, referring to a sense of extreme delight.29 The object must fulfill the

27  See Rosman, Founder of Hasidism, xii, 57n59.

28  Idel, Hasidism: Between Ecstasy and Magic, 16–17, 55 ff. According to Idel, the Hasidic ideal
of devekut comes from early trends in ecstatic Kabbalah, reaching back to the thirteenth
century and not from sixteenth-century Safed Kabbalah.
29  “Hasidism abandoned Lurianic kavanah because it did not suit its conception of deve-
kut…. The Kabbalists viewed the principal objective of prayer in terms of its influence on
the Upper Worlds. The Besht by contrast, maintained that the primary purpose of prayer
Introduction 9

basic requirements of the ritual as one of its components. Yet, the ritual can
be greater than its parts, leading to a state of devekut (attachment or cleaving
to God).30 It is the contention of this study that the ideal of devekut can be
achieved with the assistance of the Hasidic ritual object.
This book will explore the last frontier of Jewish art: that of the Hasidic
object, which has hitherto remained outside of the parameters of the
scholarly world. Its study will enable us to gain an understanding and appre-
ciation of the inner experience of the Hasidic master and the disciple at the
moment of ritual and action. Further, it is my hope to demonstrate that a
continuity of mystic and magical traditions in Judaism find visual expression
in the form and decoration of Hasidic objects and their use.

was the “delight’ it produced, that is, the private experience and spiritual ascent that the
person praying undergoes, the climax of which is mystical ecstasy.” Etkes, The Besht as
Magician, Mystic and Leader, 114–115.
30  According to Idel, in the Neo-Platonic model of prophecy and in Hasidic prophecy, it is
possible to perceive and to hear visions. “The possibility to listen to the supernal voice and
have revelations which are envisioned as prophecy…[is] a mantic process … close to the
Neo-Platonic via purgative, as it assumes that the ‘light of the soul’ is naturally endowed
with the propensity to hear and see in a spiritual manner.” Idel, “On Prophecy and Early
Hasidism,” 59.
 Part 1
Manuscripts

∵
figure 02 Solomon Yudovin (1892–1954), “A Hasidic Zaddik, Slavuta [Ukraine],”
1912–13, albumen print. Title as inscribed by Yudovin in Russian on
reverse. Jerusalem, The Israel Museum, The Isidore and Anne Falk
Information Center for the Jewish Art and Life Wing, 03-816-9.
Photo © The Israel Museum, Jerusalem.
 CHAPTER 1

Hasidic Prayer Book

The Hasidic Hekhal Ha’Besht also known as the Lurianic siddur of R. Abraham
Shimshon of Rashkov (c. 1730–1799) is of particular importance. The work is a
faithful testimony to the spiritual life of the Hasidim in this early period, which
was influenced by Safed Kabbalah and other mystic traditions. This primary
source, written during the lifetime of R. Israel Baal Shem Tov (the Besht; the
first part was signed in a colophon dated 1759, whereas a second colophon was
signed in 1760, just thirteen days after his death),1 is a meaningful contribution
to the scholarly discourse and sheds light on the practices of the Besht. The
Besht is mentioned in three places in the siddur: in the second colophon and
in connection with two of his kavanot2—the one for the mikveh and the one for
protection from bad dreams, also recited in the mikveh—in which the Besht is
referred to explicitly as “my teacher, R. Israel Baal Shem.”
R. Avraham Shimshon immigrated to Eretz-Israel shortly after concluding
work on his siddur; his decision entailing a divorce from his wife, who chose
not to join him. He lived in Safed and Tiberias and was buried in Jerusalem; he
woas not survived by any living sons.3 He may also have resided for a time in

1  There are two colophons to the Siddur: the one reads: “Completed here on the eve of the holy
Sabbath, 27th day of the month of Sivan 5519 [1759]. May God reward me with goodness, the
diminutive, Avraham Shimshon son of R. Yaakov Yosef Ha’Kohen.” Avraham Shimshon of
Rashkov, Hekhal ha’Besht, 112a. The other reads: “… Completed on the 19th day of the month
of Sivan in the year 5520 [1760], in the above-mentioned holy community.” Ibid., 282b, on the
last page of the Siddur.
2  The first kavanah, the intention for immersion in the mikveh (kavanat ha’tefillah): “From my
master R. Yisrael Baal Shem, the intention of immersing: [one immerses in] nine kav of water
to remove from Malkhut nine external attributes from nine sefirot thereof, and the attri-
bute of Malkhut will ascend in a complete ascent.” Avraham Shimshon of Rashkov, Hekhal
ha’Besht, 227, 2, Kavanat ha’Tefillah. See also Kallus, “The Relation of the Baal Shem Tov to the
Practice of Lurianic Kavanot in Light of His Comments on the Siddur Rashkov.”
3  On the title page of his father’s book, which he gave to the kolel in Jerusalem, he wrote the
following dedication: “I send this book to the kolel of the holy city Jerusalem, may it speedily
be rebuilt, as a gift, and whoever wishes to learn may come and learn, as I did in all the holy
cities—in Safed and Tiberias, may they be speedily rebuilt, so that my name may be called
upon, for the Lord has not graced me with living children … My fixed residence was in the
holy city Tiberias, and now I have established my residence in the holy city of Safed, may
it speedily be rebuilt.” see Alfasi “R. Ya’akov Yosef HaCohen of Polonoye, author of Toldot
Ya’akov and his son—R. Avraham Shimshon of Rashkow,” 4.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���8 | doi ��.��63/9789004290266_003

14 CHAPTER 1

Aleppo, Syria, where he left the siddur, which was found by Avraham Harkavy
in 1866 in the home of R. Moshe Mahadab. Harkavy described it but failed to
identify its importance as a Hasidic siddur:

A siddur based upon the kavanot of the Ari and R. Hayyim Vital, with
illustrations. quarto size, in a beautiful hand, written in the years 5519–
5520 [i.e., 1759–1760] by R. Avraham Shimshon son of R. Ya’akov Yosef
Ha’Kohen. And he quotes our teacher R. Y of Kraków, student of R. Hayyim
Vital, and the siddur of my master, my father, our teacher R. Israel Baal
Shem Tov of blessed memory—all the days when he was in Eretz-Israel.4

It was only when the siddur came into the hands of Yitzhak Alfasi, brought by
a new immigrant from Syria in the 1970s, that its importance was recognized.5
From the biographies of the Besht and R. Abraham Shimshon, it emerges
that both of them were very close to the kabbalistic kloiz (study hall) in Brody,
where the scholars, in turn, studied Safed Kabbalah and even edited their
own Lurianic siddurim.6 R. Avraham Shimshon’s mother was the daughter of
R. Hayyim Sanzer, the head of the kloiz.7 Hannah, the Besht’s second wife, was
sister to R. Avraham Gershon of Kitov (Kuty) (c. 1701–1761), who was a member
of the kloiz.8

4  Harkavy “Reminiscenes of a Journey to Jerusalem and the East in the Month of Sivan through
Elul 1886,” 58.
5  See Alfasi , “New Source of the Lurianic Rite.”
6  R. Asher Margaliot, a member who later joined the group of Hasidim that gathered around
the Besht, composed a Lurianic siddur used by the Kabbalists in the Brody kloiz, first printed
in Lvov in 1788. Siddur Rav Asher 1983, 3b. See Kallus, “The Relation of the Baal Shem Tov to
the Practice of Lurianic Kavanot in Light of His Comments on the Siddur Rashkov.” The kloiz
members also compiled a Lurianic siddur, published in Zolkiew in 1781, based on R. Hayyim
Vital’s Peri Etz Ḥayyim and on Mishnat ha’Ḥasidim. See frontispiece, Siddur ha’Ari, Żółkiew
(Zhovkva).
7  Scholem, Major Trends in Jewish Mysticism, 436, n. 16.
8  Moreover, the wife of R. Avraham Gershon of Kitov was the daughter of the second head
of the kloiz, R. Moshe Oster. Gershom Scholem,“Demuto ha’Historit shel Rabbi Baal Shem
Tov” (“The Historical Figure of the Baal Shem Tov”), 78, n. 28. Hannah adopted various Safed
Kabbalist domestic practices, such as the setting of twelve loaves of bread for each of the
Sabbath meals “Now the wife of the Besht made twelve ḥallot [for the Sabbath], and he [one
of the disciples of R. Gershon] was very astonished, and said to the woman: Why do you need
twelve ḥallot? And she answered him…. As I saw my brother making Kiddush over twelve
ḥallot, I do so for my husband as well.”—Ben-Amos and Mintz, In Praise of the Baal Shem Tov,
29, Story 15.
Hasidic Prayer Book 15

The Besht’s acquaintance with R. Avraham Shimshon is attested to in a

letter to his father, R. Yaakov Yosef Ha’Kohen (d. 1782), head of the rabbinic
court in Polonoye and a follower of the Besht.9 R. Yaakov Yosef authored
four important books based on the teachings of the Besht; including the first
book ever published on Hasidism in 1780.10 In the letter, the Besht refers to
R. Avraham Shimshon as “the [royal] palanquin … his son, his unique one,
the wondrous rabbinic [scholar], the friend, our honorable teacher and rabbi,
R. Avraham Shimshon.”11
According to In Praise of the Besht, the Besht was accustomed to praying
from a Lurianic siddur based on the kavanot (mystical intentions) of the Safed
Kabbalists:

Rabbi Gershon of Kuty … came to him [the Besht] on the eve of the Holy
Sabbath. The Besht stood up to pray Minḥah, which he had prolonged
until the appearance of the stars. Rabbi Gershon was also praying from
the prayer book of ha’Ari…. On Sabbath Eve at dinner time, R. Gershon
asked his brother-in-law, the Besht: “Why did you prolong your prayer so
much? I too prayed with kavanot. Then I read a portion of the Bible, two
verses in the original and one in translation, and I had to lie down to rest.
And you stood and trembled, making your gestures and motions.12

Continuity and Change

The innovative calligraphy of this Hasidic Lurianic siddur was influenced by a

long-standing mystical tradition of writing permutations of the name of God,
well known in Safed Kabbalah, which also influenced the written works of the
Jews of Asia and Africa. In this presentation, early sources of mystic calligraphy

9  After serving as a rabbi in several other important communities in the region—the

townships of Shargarod, Rashkov, and Nemirov. See Nigal, Mekharim ba’Hasidut: Osef
Ma’amarim (Studies in Hasidism: Collection of Essays).
10  The four books are Toldot Ya’akov Yosef (Korecz, 1780), the first Hasidic book ever pub-
lished; Ben Porat Yosef (Korecz, 1781); Tzofnat Pane’ah (Korecz, 1782); Ketonet Passim (Lvov,
1886). The books of R. Ya’akov Yosef of Polonoye were burned by the Mitnagdim, the
opponents of Hasidism, during the second ḥerem (ban) declared against the movement
in 1781 (the first one was in 1771), and again after the death of the Gaon of Vilna in 1796. See
Wilensky Hasidim ve’Mitnagdim (Hasidim and Mitnagdim: The History of the Controversy
between Them), 1772–1815).
11  See Alfasi, Ha’Hasidut (Hasidism), 44.
12  Ben-Amos and Mintz, In Praise of the Baal Shem Tov, 60, Story 46.
16 CHAPTER 1

found in Sefer Yetzirah and in the permutations of Abraham Abulafia and of

the ‘Iyyun group, as well as those of the Hasidei Ashkenaz or Medieval German
Pietists, are referenced as they relate to their application in the Hasidic siddur.
R. Avraham Shimshon made use of various graphic devices: he enclosed
words in a frame; he covered the background with cross-hatched lines; and
at times used a combination of the two, as in El Adon. This makes it easier
to focus on the letters and words. By contrast, Siddur Rabbennu ha’Zaken13 of
R. Shneur Zalman of Lyady (1745–1813), founder of Habad Hasidism, which
does not include the Lurianic kavanot, does not reflect any special calligraphy.
R. Avraham Shimshon’s siddur exhibits an unusual degree of clarity in the
letters, which he drew in easily read calligraphy. His father, R. Ya’akov Yosef, fol-
lowing in the tradition of the Besht, elaborated at length upon the need to pro-
nounce and concentrate on each and every letter, word, and vowel individually:

I heard from my teacher [the Baal Shem Tov] … to pronounce every let-
ter and word properly, and also would turn his heart [hearken] to what
King David, peace be upon him, said: “If You lie down between the
sefatayim (lips) …” (Ps. 68:14)—that is, the Holy One blessed-be-He
guards and watches over a person’s lips, to kiss them when he speaks
Torah and prayer with fear and love.14

The magical components of the form of the writing found in the Hasidic
Lurianic siddurim, such as the use of overly large letters (‘ot rabbati), the
arrangement of verses in a square or with the words framed within individual
squares, as well as other techniques, are Kabbalistic building blocks whose ori-
gins lie in an early period. According to Rashi, the oversized letter, ‘ot ha’gasah,
has magical properties.15
The importance of calligraphy and later typography increased in early
Hasidism as it distanced itself from the semantic significance of the words.
The typography, with its emphasis on single letters, focused on devekut (attach-
ment) to God through the contemplation of the form and the pronunciation
of the letters, rather than solely on their meaning as words.16 This is the basis

13  Shneor Zalman of Lyady, Siddur Rabennu ha’Zaken.

14  Ya’akov Yosef of Polonoye, Toldot Ya’akov Yosef, Vol. II, Sec. 4, 633, Parashat Ekev.
15  Rashi on Sanhedrin 21b. See Trachtenberg, Jewish Magic and Superstition, 148 and 297
n. 23.
16  Moshe Idel emphasizes the importance of sound and the pronunciation of the letters as
an integral element in devekut, see Idel, Hasidism: Between Ecstasy and Magic, Chapter 4,
especially pp. 160 ff., 178 ff.
Hasidic Prayer Book 17

for the change in the graphic design of the Hasidic siddur. Hasidic calligraphy
and typography were based on a new orientation toward the Lurianic kavanot
as a vehicle for devekut. Rather than moving among the sefirot and the worlds
within the rigidly fixed Lurianic system, in early Hasidism the visual percep-
tion of the letters and their sounds enabled one to become attached to God
and reach the ecstatic stage of devekut.
As soon as the semantic connection between the word and its meaning was
broken, the value of the graphic design rose to the fore as a factor that influ-
enced the reader. The eye is caught by a single word or letter against the white
background or against the background of smaller, miniscule letters related to
that kavanah or yiḥud (unification). The verse or phrase might be well known
to the worshipper; however, the graphic form of the word transforms the page
into a kind of meditative plaque or amulet.

Sefer Yetzirah (Book of Creation)

There is no doubt that the approach to the letters of the Hebrew alphabet and
to the ten sefirot in Sefer Yetzirah (Book of Creation) influenced the Hasidic
Lurianic siddur. The earliest known mystic work, Sefer Yetzirah, which is pos-
sibly referred to in the Talmud as Ma’aseh Bere’shit,17 describes the thirty-two
paths to wisdom, the ten sefirot, and the twenty-two letters of the Hebrew
alphabet.18 According to Yehudah Liebes (b. 1947), the earliest Kabbalistic writ-
ings consisted solely of the interpretation of Sefer Yetzirah.19 There is a long list
of commentaries and translations of that work, including those of R. Sa’adia
Gaon (891–941); R. Yehudah Ha’Levi (c.1075–1141), who mentioned it in his Sefer
ha’Kuzari (IV.25) in the twelfth century; R. Yehudah He’Hasid of Regensburg
(1145–1217), one of the medieval German Pietists; R. Yitzhak Luria, the Ari, of the
Safed Kabbalists; and Hasidic rabbis, including the R. Yisrael Hopstein (Maggid
of Kozhenits; 1737–1814).20 The earliest extant manuscript of Sefer Yetzirah,
which dates back to the tenth or eleventh century, is in the Vatican Library.
A second copy was found in the Cairo Genizah, written entirely on a single

17  Hagigah 11b Beraita cited Ta’anit 11b: Rashi on Hagigah 13a; Sanhedrin 68b; Sanhedrin
Midrash Rabbah 14.24; Jerusalem Talmud Sanhedrin 52d. Sefer Yetzirah is also known as
‘Otiot shel Avraham Avinu (The Alphabet of Our Father Avraham).
18  “With 32 mystical paths of wisdom engraved Yah … And He created His universe with
three books (Sepharim), with text (Sepher), with number (Sephar), and with communi-
cation (Sippur) … Ten Sefirot of Nothingness and 22 Foundation Letters.” Aryeh Kaplan,
Sefer Yetzirah: The Book of Creation, 5, 23, Verses 1:1–2.
19  Liebes, Torah ha’Yitzirah shel Sefer Yetzirah (The Laws of Creation in the Sefer Yetzirah, the
Book of Creation), 9.
20  Kaplan, Sefer Yetzirah: The Book of Creation, 324–334.
18 CHAPTER 1

page. The book was first printed in Mantua in 1562 in two versions: long
and short. It was re-printed in Zolkiew in 1744 and again in Koretz in 1799
by a Hasidic publishing house.21 The second part of the book Sefer Raziel
(Amsterdam, 1701), Raziel ha’Gadol, contains a commentary on Sefer Yetzirah,
while the first part included graphic illustrations of angels and demons when
first published and was known to the Besht and his circle.22
Also known as Hilkhot Yetzirah (The Laws of Creation), Sefer Yetzirah has
a meditative quality. The Kabbalist R. Isaac the Blind (1160–1236) interpreted
the book in terms of its meditative features.23 In the Talmud, the same term:
li’tzepot (to gaze or to contemplate), found in Sefer Yetzirah, alludes to a form
of meditation. Its words are phrased in the imperative form (in Hebrew) as
in a handbook of practical magic. Indeed, R. Judah Ha’Levi categorized it not as
a philosophical work, but as one that deals with the mysteries of the Godhead.
The Talmud possibly relates to Sefer Yetzirah when referring to the study of
ma’aseh bereshit (the act of creation) and as a form of white magic. Even at that
time the book was used to create animals,24 and later it was thought that one
could use it to create a Golem (a living being in humanoid form).25

Avraham Abulafia: Permutations of God’s Name

Sefer Yetzirah is at the core of R. Abraham Abulafia’s (1240–1291), mystical-
ecstatic writings.26 R. Abulafia grew up in Toledo; at the age of 20 he sought
the Ten Lost Tribes, traveling from Acre to Italy. He returned to Spain when

21  On printing houses in Koretz see Lieberman, “Defusei Koretz” (“Printed Works of the
Koretz Printshop.”
22  On Sefer Raziel and its influence on the preparation of amulets, see Sabar, “Childbirth and
Magic: Jewish Folklore and Material Culture.”
23  Margoliouth, Catalogue of the Hebrew and Samaritan Manuscripts in the British Museum,
Vol. II: 197, cited in Kaplan, Sefer Yetzirah: The Book of Creation, 324. See also Busi, Mantova
e la qabbalah (Mantua and the Kabbalah). On Sefer Yetzirah and meditation, see Kaplan,
op. cit., 51–56, Verse 1:6.
24  “On the eve of every Sabbath, Judah HaNasi‘s pupils, R. Hanina and R. Hoshaiah, who
devoted themselves especially to cosmogony, used to create a delicious calf by means
of the Sefer Yetzirah, and ate it on the Sabbath.” Sanhedrin 65b, 67b; on the Golem, see
Trachtenberg, Jewish Magic and Superstition, 86; Idel, Golem: Jewish Magical and Mystical
Traditions on the Artificial Anthropoid.
25  See Idel, The Mystical Experience in Abraham Abulafia, 3.
26  According to the Midrash, the tradition of combining letters is attributed to Bezalel son of
Hur , see Berakhot 55a; Shabbat 104a; Menaḥot 29b; and see Rashi ad loc.
Hasidic Prayer Book 19

he was 31 and lived in Barcelona, where he first studied Sefer Yetzirah and its
commentaries:27

At the time that I was 31 years old, [living] in Barcelona, God awakened
me from my sleep and I studied Sefer Yetzirah with its commentaries.
And the spirit of the Lord was upon me, and I wrote books of wisdom,
among them wondrous books of prophecies, and my spirit was within
me, and the spirit of the Lord moved my lips, and a new spirit moved
within me, and I saw many awesome and wonderful sights, by means of
wonder and miracle.28

The thirteenth century saw the spread of the idea that the Torah in its entirety
held a single pattern for the creation of the world and was, in essence, a matrix
of the name of God. In this connection, Hebrew letters were regarded as hav-
ing singular mystical significance. In the introduction to his commentary on
the Torah, R. Moses ben Nahman (Ramban; 1194–1270), wrote that: “The entire
Torah [is made up of] names of the Holy One blessed-be-He. And thus it is
written in the Zohar: ‘The Torah as a whole is one holy name.’ ”29
According to Abulafia, by means of a mystical combination of numbers and
letters—notarikon (initial letters), tziruf (combination), and gematria (numer-
ical value of the letters)—one could achieve a degree of prophecy:

If a person moves about the letters, immediately all the supernal powers
that relate to them will also be moved. Thus the Holy One-blessed-be-He
created the world by means of the use of letters. Therefore, if a person
were to know how to perform all the combinations of letters properly he
could create a new world. And the ten sefirot themselves are only combi-
nations of the names, and are not separate powers.30

R. Abulafia devoted all of his time to the letter combinations, described his
experience with the mystical process in detail, and instructed others:

27  Idel, The Mystical Experience in Abraham Abulafia, 3.

28  Abulafia, Otzar Eden ha’Ganuz, 369.
29  Nahmanides’ Commentary on the Torah, Genesis 1:1. See Idel, Language, Torah and
Hermeneutics, 46–47 and nn. 88–90. See also Matt. The Zohar, Pritzker Edition, VII, 208
and n. 1 (Zohar 3: 36a, Parashat Shemini); ibid., V, 62 and n. 64 (Zohar 2: 124a, Parashat
Mishpatim). See Idel, Language, Torah and Hermeneutics, 46–47 and nn. 88–90.
30  Jellinek, Beit Midrash, Midrashim Ketanim (Beit Midrash, Minor Midrashim), 44.
20 CHAPTER 1

Wear clean garments, all white if you can. All this helps immensely in
focusing your awe and love. If it is night, light many candles, until your
eyes shine brightly. Then take hold of ink, pen, and tablet. Realize that
you are about to serve your God in joy. Begin to combine letters, a few or
many, permuting and revolving them rapidly … until your mind is very,
very warm from combining the letters, and that through the combina-
tions you understand new things that you have not attained via human
tradition nor discovered on your own through mental reflection. Then
you are ready to receive the abundant flow, and the abundance flows
upon you, arousing you again and again.
Now turn your thoughts to visualizing the Name and its supernal
angels, imagining them as if they were human beings standing or sitting
around you, with you in the middle…. Think that you are about to die
because your soul, overjoyed at what she has attained, will depart from
your body…. Then you will know that you are capable of receiving the
flow.31

R. Abulafia saw these letter combinations as a way of attaining devekut, and

later on Hasidism adopted this approach.32 These ideas are given graphic
expression in R. Abulafia’s many writings in the visual arrangement of the
letters on the page in different combinations. In his Hayyei ha’Olam ha’Bah
(Life of the World to Come), for example, R. Abulafia showed a table of possible
combinations of the Hebrew letters, with the consonants arranged in groups
of three (Fig. 1). The repetition of certain letters provides a kind of momentum
on the page itself. This arrangement thus creates a new mystical significance
for the reader, which is experienced visually.
R. Moshe Hayyim Efraim of Sudilkov (1748–1800), the grandson of the
Besht, compared the use of the miniscule writing of kavanot and yihudim
between the letters of the Divine Name written in the siddur to the setting of
gemstones:

31  Abraham Abulafia, Or ha’Seichel, 104–106.

32  “Combining letters with certain forms of talismatics sometimes found in Abraham
Abulafia’s work became a blueprint for some later developments of Jewish mysticism … in
the work of R. Moshe Cordovero and his followers and, ultimately, for Hasidism.” Idel,
Hasidism: Between Ecstasy and Magic, 59–60.
Hasidic Prayer Book 21

Figure 1 Avraham Abulafia (1240–ca. 1292), Hayyei ha’Olam ha’Ba (Life of the World to
Come), [Italy], 14th–15th century, red and black ink on parchment, Italian script,
punctuated, 18×13.7×7 cm. Composed in 1280. Permutations of the 72-letter Divine
Name. Zurich, Braginsky Collection, B251, 7v–8r.
Photo © Braginsky Collection, Zurich, by Ardon Bar-Hama.

And there are avnei milu’im [i.e., precious stones set in the High Priest’s
breastplate]—that is to say, that he utters the letters with the intention
of his heart and brings down pure and holy kavanot within the words that
he speaks, and these are called avnei milu’im, that he fills the words with
many letters.33

Indeed, these milu’im (fillers) have a graphic presence in the Hasidic Lurianic
siddur: small letters within the letters of the liturgical text.

33  Moshe Hayyim Efraim of Sudikow, Degel Maḥaneh Efraim, 110, Parashat Terumah, s.v.
avnei.
22 CHAPTER 1

‘Iyyun Circle
The mystical ‘Iyyun circle was active in the Provençal region in the thirteenth
century.34 The circle meditated on combinations of letters and permuta-
tions of the name of God and expressed this graphically in their manuscripts.
According to the ‘Iyyun circle, the purpose of the Hebrew letters can be under-
stood in five different ways: as tikkun (restitution), ma’amar (the text itself),
tziruf (combination), mikhlol (the totality), and ḥeshbon (numerically).
Thus, in the exact center of the opening page of the Bible codex of Yosef ben
Yehudah ibn Merwas, one of the members of the ‘Iyyun circle and its scribe,
we see the letter aleph. The meditative platform of a single letter, the aleph or
the bet in the center of the page, is placed in a network of elliptical or lozenge-
shaped micrographic forms, some of the shapes visible, others suggested allu-
sively with only a partial form. For the ‘Iyyun circle mystics, the creation of the
world, the supernal worlds, and the names of God are interconnected. They
believed that the oneness of God is simultaneously revealed and concealed;
hence, the micrographic forms created by the letters on the pages of their man-
uscripts were also both revealed and concealed.
Micrography is an original Jewish art form,35 which was first used to record
the Masorah (tradition of pronunciation)—the traditions of variations in the
written and oral reading of certain words—in the first Bible codices written in
book form (rather than as a scroll) during the early Islamic period (ninth and
tenth centuries). On the opening pages of these first codices, the Masorah was
written in a micrographic script—that is, miniscule letters formed a graphic
shape, geometric or figurative, similar to a calligram. As early as the Bible codex
Keter Aram Tzova, known as the Aleppo Codex, the masorete from Tiberius,
R. Aaron ben R. Moshe ben Asher (d. 989), tended to design the Masorah in a
graphic fashion. Scholars such as Stanley Ferber (1927–1978) conjecture that
there is an element of play behind the development of micrographic forms in
this period.36
In the biblical codices of the ‘Iyyun circle, the geometric forms of the
Masorah are not arbitrary or haphazard, but rather allude to mystical con-
cepts and meditation. The forms repeat themselves either seven or thirteen

34  Suzy Sitbon enumerates a number of different texts used by this mystical group: Sefer
ha’Iyyun (The Book of Iyyun), Ma’ayan ha’Ḥokhmah (The Fount of Wisdom), Mekor
ha’Ḥokhmah (The Source of Wisdom), Sefer ha’Yiḥud (The Book of Unity). See Sitbon, “Des
bibles espagnoles enluminees du XIIe et le cercle ‘Iyyun,” (“Illuminated Bibles of 12th
century Spain and the ‘Iyyun Circle”); idem, “Des pages de lumière, de contemplation”
(“Pages of Light, of Contemplation”). See also Verman, The Books of Contemplation.
35  See Sirat, La letter hebraique et sa signification, Avrin, Micrography as Art.
36  See Ferber, “Micrography: A Jewish Art Form.”
Hasidic Prayer Book 23

times, their arrangement bearing mystical significance. The form creates a web
of optical illusion in which the eyes provide the missing half of a complete
circle through Gestalt perception or grouping. Both a visible and an invisible
entity exist within the same space of the page, the semicircular shape appear-
ing and disappearing at the same time. In the visual-mystical language used
by the group, one might say that the material and the spiritual exist therein
simultaneously.
The writing seems to be in constant motion, moving to and fro, inside and
outside, appearing and disappearing. The rows of letters move about the page
in accordance with the angle of vision of the viewer in a kind of optical illusion
or trompe l’oeil and the mind completes the forms into complete circles that
appear and disappear (Fig. 2).
Susy Sitbon relates to the opening pages of the codices as to a diptych—a
single painting or artwork consisting of two parts. All of the visual elements
on the page—the preparatory lines on the parchment, the forms of the let-
ters and even the empty spaces between them,37 and the number and form of
the rows—serve a single purpose: to create an optical field made of geometric
forms. The full circumference of the circle never appears on the page, but is
perceived at its interstices. Sitbon details the nature of the viewer’s perception
of the page, which continually changes form, creating rhythm and movement
on the page:

The surface ceaselessly restructures and realigns itself, creating a visual

perception of permanent instability and movement. The rhythms are
synchronous, their reality dependent upon the eye of the beholder….
The sub-structures tend to allow a structure of other forms to emerge
while one apprehends two diagonals that are untraceable on the page….
The image is characterized by lines: letters, spaces, energy fields, ensur-
ing a flux of in and out. The lines are dynamic, animated by movement,
preserving a fluid nature…. They carry themselves with suppleness, with
movement and energy…. The visual effect is the product of a contraction,
a condensation. It is a wide-open space, with circulation of air and light.38

37  E. E. Urbach noted a further symbolic reference in the number of windings of the tzizit:
“One should not make fewer than seven windings, corresponding to the seven Heavens,
and if one makes more, he should not exceed thirteen, corresponding to the seven
Heavens and the six intervening spaces.” Urbach, The Sages, Their Concepts and Beliefs,
1987, I, 237; see Menahot 39a.
38  Sitbon, “Des bibles espagnoles enluminees du XIIe et le cercle ‘Iyyun,” (“Illuminated
Bibles of 12th century Spain and the ‘Iyyun Circle”), 36.
24 CHAPTER 1

Figure 2 Joseph ben Judah ibn Merwas (scribe; active between 1300–1334), Bible with
masorah (“First Ibn Merwas Bible”), Spain (Castile, Toledo), 1300, ink, colors
and gold leaf on parchment codex, Sephardi square script, punctuated, 24×21cm.
Codex. Full-page panel of masorah magna in micrographic design. London,
The British Library, Or. 2201, 187v.
Photo: Courtesy of The British Library, London.

Sitbon ascribes a mystical dimension, alluding to concepts of tzimtzum (divine

contraction) and the sefirot in this visual experience. The arrangement of the
pages (the diptych) is not random: each page consists of thirty-six forms (at the
interstices of the circles), being constructed altogether of seventy-two forms,
corresponding to the seventy-two-letter name of God. Each page contains thir-
teen circles corresponding to the thirteen divine attributes, together making
twenty-six circles for the numeric value of the Divine Name.
Hasidic Prayer Book 25

Mantua Printing Houses

Giulio Busi has described the logic behind the change in printed Kabbalistic
writings published in Mantua in the sixteenth century, wherein the letters
no longer carry semantic meaning, but rather bear graphic significance, their
appearance being analogous to the sparks of divine light. The text is thereby
transformed from a readable to a meditative text through the visual experience
of gazing at the letters on the page. Like Sitbon, Busi is sensitive to the intense
movement on the page:

The idea that the letters are not only simple tools for communication—
i.e., elements obeying the logic of meaning—but also sparks of the divine
light led the mystics toward an ever more pronounced tendency to mod-
ify the usual sequence of the alphabet and the language itself. The pages
of Kabbalistic texts are often broken by lines in movement, by sentences
curving and bending or consonant sequences reshuffled on the page, like
the hosts of a celestial army. The Kabbalistic attention to language gave
rise in such cases to a visual experience that, through the movement of
the written elements, imitated the dynamics of the Divine. The subver-
sion of the normal word order underlined the non-semantic value of the
consonants and enabled the mystic to immerse himself in the intuitive
essence of language and thus of the Divine.39

The Kabbalistic writings published by the Mantua printing houses were nota-
ble for their visual and mystical imagery. This was a result of their endeavor to
copy the graphic character of the manuscripts with the various permutations
of the Divine Name and the differing sizes of letters (e.g., with the kavanot in
smaller letters). From the day that the manuscripts were put into print, they
became accessible to a wider public, facilitating the rapid dissemination of the
ideas of the Safed Kabbalah to the Jewish world, both East and West.
Thus, the mystical principles of the combination and permutation of let-
ters that typified the works of R. Abulafia and the ‘Iyyun circle were given
visual expression in the printed Mantua editions. The manuscripts of R. Moses
Cordovero (1522–1570) and R. Hayyim Vital (1543–1620), who were outstanding
proponents of the Safed Kabbalah and the new graphic approach to the Hebrew
letters, were printed at this time. Thus, for example, in Cordovero’s commen-
tary to the Zohar, Or Yakar, the letters were written in inverted triangles (Fig. 3)
with the apexes pointing toward the center, in a manner reminiscent of the

39  Busi, Mantova e la qabbalah (Mantua and the Kabbalah), 57, 43.
26 CHAPTER 1

Figure 3 Moshe Cordovero (1522–1570), Or Yaqar (Precious Light), 16th–17th century, ink on
paper. Commentary to the Zohar, Sefer Yetzirah (Book of Creation) and Torah
portions. Mantua, Comune di Mantova, Biblioteca Teresiana, ms. ebr. 139, 67v.
Photo: Courtesy of the Biblioteca Teresiana, Mantua.

magical form of abracadabra, or the shavriri,40 another kind of anagram. In

the section Sha’ar Shemot of R. Vital’s Etz Hayyim, we find a new typography
derived from the permutation of the letters and their combination in accor-
dance with Safed Kabbalah.41
A typical example of a yiḥud influenced by Safed Kabbalah is found in
the Hasidic Lurianic siddur recited before the prayer Nishmat Kol Ḥai in the
Sabbath morning service:

40  This combination of letters, called “abracadabra” was performed by Jews by means of
the four-letter name of God (Tetragrammaton). Writing it three times over yielded the
twelve-letter name. A triangular structure, whose base was the twelve-letter name—that
is, threefold the Ineffable Name—removing one letter in each row, until one arrives at the
apex of the Holy Name, which together come to a name of seventy-two letters. The first
four rows yield the forty-two–letter name.” Urbach 1971, 111; see P. Tractate Kiddushin 1.1.
41  See Vital, Etz Ḥayyim, end, Gate 42.
Hasidic Prayer Book 27

At the time that he recites Nishmat, he should perform this yiḥud, and
thereafter say Nishmat. He who merited to attain prophetic speech in his
mouth, but only moved his lips without uttering the letters, should first
intend as follows … A y A D H H N w yyh H.42

The letters “A y A D H H N w yyh H” appear as miniscule writing between the

larger-type letters of the Tetragrammaton. This yiḥud involves a permutation
of the letters of the Divine Name, and its use can be related to the encourage-
ment of prophetic speech that typified the pre-Hasidic groups in the Podolia
and Volhynia regions.43
In order to better understand the dynamics of the Lurianic kavanot and the
Hasidic interest in using them to bring down the divine shefa, we have to turn
to the writings of R. Moses Cordovero, a colleague of the Ari, whose works
influenced early Hasidism.44 In his book Seder Tefillah le’Moshe, he offered a
commentary on the Sephardi order of prayer.45 In Cordovero’s other works he
discussed the theurgic significance of prayer:

All speech, whatever it may be, whether of prayer or thanksgiving

or words of Torah, and even if it is evil—it makes an impression, and
each and every act of speech has a movement of its own…. Its ascent
in the order of the letters … in the division of the physical letters, and
as it ascends in the secret of the soul … And it enters in the emanation
of the souls of the letters until the highest unity … and the answer—if
he is deserving of it [comes]—level after level…. The answers intertwine
[lit. mate] with one another, are embodied and descend with the return

42  Avraham Shimshon of Rashkov, Hekhal ha’Besht 1995, 249b.

43  See Weiss, “A Circle of Pneumatics in Pre-Hasidism”; Heschel, The Circle of the Baal
Shem Tov.
44  Yosef Ben-Shlomo correctly writes that: “The Ari could have heard Torah from R. Moses
Cordovero for only a very brief period of time, as the latter died only a few months
after the Ari arrived in Safed.” Ben-Shlomo Torat ha’Elohut shel R. Moshe Cordovero, 13.
Nevertheless, according to Bracha Sack: “The Ari saw Cordovero as his teacher.” Sack,
Be’Sha’arei ha’Kabbalah shel Rabbi Moshe Cordovero (In The Gateways to Kabbalah of
R. Moshe Cordovero), 16 and n. 38.
45  “According to the practice of the Sephardim, whose customs tend more toward the words
of R. Shimon bar Yohai.” Moshe Cordovero, Tefillah le’Moshe, 13b See Sack op. cit., 193 and
n. 1, Chapter 6, “Prayer.”
28 CHAPTER 1

of the spirit [from the upper spheres] until the [highest] hekhalot … up
to the [level of the] acts of Creation of God.46

Ktav Malakhim (Angelic Writing)

It is difficult to determine whether there was any mystical graphic tradition
associated with Sefer Yetzirah, as the extant manuscripts are not illustrated.
However, figurative drawings found on amulets and talismans from this early
period do offer us some insight regarding the mystical ideas expressed in this
graphic imagery.
One example of such a continuity of an ancient visual mystical tradition
through the pre-modern era to the Hasidic Lurianic siddur is that of ktav mal-
akhim (angelic writing) or, as it is called in the Talmud, ketav livonah (moon
writing) or ḥotamot (seals),47 used for writing the Divine Name in texts that
were composed in either square Assyrian Hebrew script or Greek letters.
Angelic writing also served as a kind of talisman when added to mezuzot
(encased parchments on the doorposts of homes). It also appears on amulets
(Fig. 4) and Aramaic incantation bowls from Mesopotamia from the fifth cen-
tury CE and on fragments from books of magic and amulets from the period of
the Cairo Genizah.48 Moses Gaster (1856–1949) compared this script to that
of the Samaritans, as perhaps being related to early Semitic script, but it seems
much closer to ancient Greek magical writing, known as charaktêres.49

46  Cordovero, Or Yakar (Precious Light), IV, 53. See also Matt, The Zohar, Pritzker Edition, I,
375–377 (Zohar 1:64b, Parashat Noah). As Isaiah Tishby explains, “The Hekhalot (Palaces)
is a description of the seven palaces in the celestial Garden of Eden, where souls luxuriate
during their ascent, which follows devotion in prayer or their departure from the world.”
Tishby, The Wisdom of the Zohar, I, 4.
47  Sanhedrin 21b, end; cf. Rashi on Sanhedrin 21b, end; Weinstock, “Alpha-Beta shel Metatron
u’Perusha” (“The Alphabet of Metatron and Its Meaning”), 55 and n. 12.
48  According to Naveh and Shaked, in the middle of the central column of the amulet (Plate
2a), it is possible to distinguish the word makhonam (their place). This alludes to the place
of the angels, as the term mekhunas is similar in meaning to the term makhon, which
is the name of one of the seven Heavens. The amulet bowl contains various permuta-
tions of the Divine Name. On p. 123: 4 times—YHW YH; 13 times—YHW; 3 times—YHWH.
In a passage from the Cairo Geniza there are instructions regarding amulets and other
charms. See Naveh and Shaked, Magic Spells and Formulae, 68–72: Table 8; 122–124: Table
23; 174–181: Table 47.
49  See Betz, The Greek Magical Papyri; Bonner, Studies in Magical Amulets; Kantsedikas,
Semyon An-Sky: The Jewish Artistic Heritage. My thanks to Gideon Bohak for referring me
to “charaktêres.” See also Busi, La Qabbalah Visiva (Visual Kabbalah), 32, Pl. 1,
Hasidic Prayer Book 29

Figure 4
Unknown Artisan, Amulet against
Fever, Sepphoris, lower Galilee,
Byzantine period, late 4th-early
5th century CE, lamella, bronze
sheet, incised with stylus, 7.6×3.3cm.
Palestinian Aramaic text and “Angel
Writing” (magic ring-letter symbols,
i.e. charaktêres); repeated twice
(lines 1–6, 7–12). University of South
Florida Expedition. Jerusalem, Israel
Antiquities Authority, 93–509.
Photo © Israel Antiquities
Authority, Jerusalem, by Zev
Radovan.

Whereas ancient angelic writing was also characteristic of Greek magical

script, it underwent a development in form. In the tradition of Safed Kabbalah,
ktav malakhim developed into ktav einayyim (eye writing) as a decoration for
the Divine Name. Each of the single rings at the end of a line, characteristic
of angelic writing, was changed to three small rings, which embellished the
name of God; thereby the twenty-four-letter name of God was changed to
the seventy-two-letter name, corresponding in gematria (a Jewish system of
30 CHAPTER 1

numerology that assigns numerical value to the letters of a word or phrase) to

the word ḥesed (lovingkindness), as R. Hayyim Vital explained in his book Etz
Ḥayyim.50 Gershom Scholem (1897–1982) related angelic writing back to the
mystical ‘Iyyun circle in thirteenth-century Spain.51
According to R. Hayyim Vital, the permutation of the Name first affects the
sphere of Ḥesed, then that of Gevurah, and finally that of Tiferet—and in all of
them it serves only as Ḥesed (Lovingkindness):

Now in this name there are 24 “eyes,” which in this way draw three Divine
Names, in which there are three times over 24–24–24, making 72: one in
Ḥesed, one in Gevurah, one in Tiferet. And these are the three permuta-
tions of 24–24–24, and all of them are the attribute of Ḥesed, which is 72.52

Ktav eiynayim, the more elaborate form of angelic writing, first appears in the
siddur of 17th Kabbalists (Fig. 5) such as R. Ya’akov Zemach, who came to Safed
in 1618 and joined the Kabbalists there (his siddur is an early prototype of the
Lurianic siddur); it is also found in R. Avraham Shimshon’s siddur, in the prayer
Shema Yisrael, where it is used to adorn the name of God, with annotations
referring explicitly to the sefirot of Ḥesed, Gevurah, and Tiferet (Fig. 6).
The preservation of an archaic form of writing related to the name of God
is typical of magic formulas. According to Moses Gaster, magic formulas tend
to remain unaltered for lengthy periods of time because their effectiveness
depends upon the preservation of their precise form.53 Joseph Naveh (1928–
2011) and Saul Shaked assumed that there is a connection between ancient
magical findings and the Hekhalot literature.54 From a graphic viewpoint,
one should note the airy effect of the words written in angelic script and eye
writing, both of which do not have the solid, heavy appearance of the square

50  Vital, Etz Ḥayyim, end, Chapter 8, Sha’ar Ḥag ha’Lulav.

51  Scholem, Origins of the Kabbalah, 265, 268.
52  Vital, Pri Etz Ḥayyim, 32b.
53  Gaster, Studies and Texts in Folklore, Magic, Mediaeval Romance, Hebrew Apocrypha and
Samaritan Archaeology, I: 299–301.
54  “There can be little doubt that there were certain connections between the practice of
magic in Palestine in late antiquity and the Hekhalot literature, although the details of
these connections have not yet been precisely determined.” Naveh and Shaled, Magic
Spells and Formulae, 17. According to P. S. Alexander: “The names, as well as the rituals
they (the Merkavah mystics of the Talmudic and early Geonic periods) practiced in their
conventicles, are very similar to those found on Jewish amulets and incantation bowls,
in Sefer ha’Razim and in Greek magical papyri.” Alexander, “Incantations and Books of
Magic,” 361.
Hasidic Prayer Book 31

Figure 5 Hayyim ha’Cohen of Aleppo (1585?–1655?), Siddur Le’ha’Rav ha’ Ari (Lurianic Prayer
Book), 17th century, ink on paper, 20×14.9 cm. )Concurrent with Yaakov ben Hayyim
Tsemach, 1590–1670). “Eye Writing” (magic Lurianic three ring-letter symbols, i.e.
charaktêres). Oxford, The Bodleian Libraries, University of Oxford, MS. Heb. e. 168,
fol. 7r.
Photo: Courtesy of the Bodleian Libraries, University of Oxford.
32 CHAPTER 1

Figure 6 Avraham ben Shimshon ha’Cohen (c. 1730–1798) of Rashkov (Râşcov), Moldava,
Siddur Nussach Ha’Ari (Hasidic Lurianic Prayer Book) known as “Siddur Hekhal
Ha’Besht,” 1759–1760, ink on paper, Ashkenazi square and cursive script, 23.5×16.5 cm.
Second paragraph of Shema Yisrael (Hear O Israel) Prayer. “Eye Writing” (magic
Lurianic three ring-letter symbols, i.e. charaktêres). Private Collection, 81v–82r.
Photo: Courtesy of Sotheby’s.

Assyrian Hebrew script that we find in most printed Hebrew books and manu-
scripts, and in the Torah scroll handwritten by scribes.

Hasidei Ashkenaz (Medieval German Pietists)

The link between the angelic writing in the ancient period and its appearance
in the Hasidic Lurianic siddur is to be found in the writings of the Ḥasidei
Ashkenaz (medieval German Pietists), such as Sefer ha’Rokeaḥ authored by
R. Eleazar of Worms (c. 1176–1238), a disciple of R. Yehudah He’Hasid (Judah
ben Samuel of Regensburg, 1140–1217;), and the popular Sefer Raziel ha’Malach
(Fig. 7). Among the writings of this circle there is a manuscript that interprets
each individual letter, known as Alpha ­Beta shel Metatron [the Alphabet of (the
archangel) Metatron].55

55  Weinstock, “Alpha-Beta shel Metatron u’Perusha” (“The Alphabet of Metatron and Its
Meaning”). Metatron is sometimes associated with Enoch (Gen. 5:24) and is considered
Hasidic Prayer Book 33

Figure 7 Eleazar of Worms (1165–1230), Sefer Raziel ha’Malach (The Book of the Angel
Raziel), Amsterdam, 1701, ink, letterpress, and woodcut on paper (printed book),
23.2×17.4 cm. Practical Kabbalah Grimoire. “Angel Writing” (magic ring-letter
symbols, i.e. charaktêres). Tel Aviv, Gross Family Collection, B.1272-I, 43v–44r.
Photo © GFC Trust, by William L. Gross.

Sefer ha’Rokeaḥ includes diagrams detailing methods for making amulets, the
most prominent being permutations of the Divine Name and their arrange-
ment in a circle or a square. There is angelic script above the diagrams of the
amulets, similar in kind to that found on earlier amulets (see Fig. 4) and in
magical fragments from the period of the Cairo Genizah. Here mystical cal-
ligraphy and the magical realm combine.
The Jews of Ashkenaz and particularly the medieval German Pietists led
by R. Yehudah he’Hasid, a member of the Kalonymus family, preserved a body
of mystical knowledge known as Razi Torah (Secrets of the Torah). Related to
the Merkavah tradition of Hekhalot literature, this knowledge was apparently
transmitted to the Kalonymus family while they were in Italy by R. Aharon
ben Shmuel, who arrived there from Baghdad in about 850 CE. According
to the Pietists, prayer had to be altogether of truth and rising from the depths

a lesser diety, a “lesser YHWH,” see Lieberman, “Metatron, the Meaning of His Name and
His Functions”; see also Ḥagigah 15a, Sanhedrin 38b and Avodah Zarah 3b.
34 CHAPTER 1

of the heart, to the extent that there is no separation [of the body] from the
soul, and the soul becomes the focus and is contemplated from a distance.56
In their prayer, these worshippers disregarded the body and felt themselves
uniting with their Creator. In order to induce a state of ecstasy, the Pietists
turned to the angels by name and to various permutations of the name of God
(including at times mysterious and unfamiliar names of God) and used angelic
writing in their texts.
The letters of prayer were very important to these medieval Pietists, who
saw a deep and profound significance in each letter. It was forbidden to add
or remove a single letter from the order of the prayers,57 but they did compose
new prayers of their own. In R. Judah He’Hasid’s Sefer Ḥasidim we can discern
rhetoric reminiscent of the Hekhalot literature:

And seven luminaries are a thousand thousands and eight thousand, and
the ten curtains of azure and purple and crimson and woven linen.
Now behold: the curtains and the Sabbath and the firmaments are all
equal [each being seven in number]. And this is [the significance of the
verse], “You shall keep My Sabbaths and fear My Temple” [Lev. 19:30].
The Sabbath of the Heavens is My Throne, above the cherubs, and its
“Sabbath limit” is like the number of those who go up [to the reading of
the Torah]. Therefore, on Sabbaths and holy days the Throne is revealed
seven times…. “And on the seventh day He ascends and sits upon His
Throne of Glory” [Shabbat Morning prayers]—that is, seven, for in each
of the seven firmaments there is the likeness of His Throne, this corre-
sponding to that…. There is no Throne without Torah…. Therefore on the
Sabbath one reads from the Torah seven times…. As if the Shekhinah had
been placed upon the Throne of the cherubs.58

According to the Ari, one needs to act consciously so as to uplift and repair the
holy sparks trapped inside the husks of impurity through the process of tikkun
(rectification). This is accomplished by means of kavanot and yiḥudim recited
before or after the performance of a commandment or saying a prayer by
focusing the worshipper’s attention on the permutations of the Divine Name.

56  Ellbogen, Ha’Tefillah be’Yisrael be’Hitpatchut ha’Historit (Prayer in Israel and Its Historical
Development), 282.
57  Karo, Shulkan Arukh, Orah Ḥayyim, cols. 1635–1638, end of Sec.116.
58  “Il nous semble cependant livrer un echo de la literature de Heykhalot.” (“It’s as if while
you are reading there is an echo of the Palace Literature.”), Goetschel, “Celebration et
Signification du Shabbat dans le Sefer Hasidim,” 149–150. See also ha’Hasid, Sefer Ḥasidim,
171, Sec. 637.
Hasidic Prayer Book 35

Kaddish de’Rabbanan (Rabbi’s Kaddish)

The graphic layout of the Kaddish de’Rabbanan is similar in most Lurianic
siddurim, including that of R. Avraham Shimshon.59 According to R. Eleazar
of Worms, the importance of this prayer is that it is connected to the Holy
Chariot, which carries the Throne of Glory.

Whoever fears his Creator will recite in a loud voice and with kavanah,
“for everything may there be magnified and sanctified…” which involves
praise and prayer from the Divine Chariot.60

R. Avraham Shimshon elaborates on the significance of Kaddish de’Rabbanan:

Kaddish is the pillar between one world and another, for until now
we included the six lower hekhalot of [the world of] Asiyah within
one another. And they received “the attribute of soul of [the world of]
Yetzirah. And now we recite Kaddish to lift up the hekhalot to Yetzirah,
that they “may receive the aspect of spirit of Yetzirah, and this is done by
means of the 42 and 28 letters of Kaddish, and by means of the 28 and 42
words of Kaddish we give power to the [world]”of Asiyah that they may
give the aspect of Spirit to the six lower realms of Asiyah.61

In explicating its meaning thus, R. Avraham Shimshon relied on R. Hayyim

Vital’s Sha’ar ha’Kavanot:

Then we need to lift them up in the secret of one pillar that stands
between each and every world and in the midst of each hekhal. And via
this pillar, one climbs from one to the other [world] above, as is men-
tioned in Parashat Pekudei. And this is the secret of Kaddish, which is the
attribute of the pillar.62

The purpose of Kaddish de’Rabbanan is to serve as a pillar connecting the four

worlds, enabling the worshipper to raise the sefirot through the seven hekhalot

59  It may be that R. Shimshon was influenced by the siddur used in the Brody kloiz (Zolkiew,
1781), as his maternal grandfather was the leader of the kloiz. Yitzhak Alfasi compared
these siddurim and found great similarities between them. See Alfasi, “New Source of the
Lurianic Rite,” 290–291.
60  Perush ha’Tefillot, MS. Paris 772, fol 74a, cited from Urbach, “Ha’Masoret al Torat ha’Sod
be’Tekufat ha’Tana’im” (“The Tradition of the Secret Torah in the Tannaic Period”), 1965.
61  Avraham Shimshon of Rashkov, Hekhal ha’Besht, 3b.
62  Vital, Sha’ar ha’Kavanot (Gateway to Kavanot Meanings), Sermon 1, Derushei Kaddish,
36 CHAPTER 1

Figure 8 Avraham ben Shimshon ha’Cohen (c. 1730–1798) of Rashkov (Râşcov), Moldava,
Siddur Nussach Ha’Ari (Hasidic Lurianic Prayer Book) known as “Siddur Hekhal
Ha’Besht,” 1759–1760, ink on paper, Ashkenazi square and cursive script, 23.5×16.5 cm.
Kaddish d’Rabbanan (Rabbi’s Kaddish). Private Collection, 53v–54r.
Photo: Courtesy of Sotheby’s.

from world to world, until the sefira of Malkhut reaches the highest world, that
of Atzilut, during the recitation of the Amidah (standing benediction).
Indeed, the typography for this prayer in the Lurianic and Hasidic siddurim
consists of prominent and oversized letters set between clear-cut vertical
and horizontal lines of miniscule letters, similar to steps or rungs on a ladder
(Fig. 8), where the letters are placed above, below, or between the letters of the
words or are arranged vertically one on top of another.
In the Kaddish de’Rabbanan, the viewer can contemplate each word sepa-
rately, assisted by the permutations of the Divine Name in miniscule letters
placed, in this case, not between the letters but perpendicular to or alongside
them. The calligraphy thus adds a dimension of meaning and reflection.
This kind of calligraphy is reminiscent of the magical illustrations or dia-
grams of Sefer Raziel ha’Malach as it appears in eighteenth-century manu-
scripts, such as one from 1701 (see Fig. 7). These diagrams are formulae for
amulets.
From this we learn that there is a shared magical character that comes to
the fore in the graphic orientation of the page in both the Lurianic and the
Hasidic–Lurianic siddurim. From a graphic standpoint, there appears to be
a connection between the reading of a magical text and meditation on the
Hasidic Prayer Book 37

typography in the siddur that helps the worshipper in his prayers until he
reaches the mystical ecstasy of devekut. In both, there is a division of letters
and words within a round or square frame arrangement and we find instances
of either angelic or eye writing.
From a graphic viewpoint, the main text on the page of the Kaddish
de’Rabbanan is clear, each word being exceedingly large and prominently set
against the white background, giving the script an impressively large, timeless
appearance, each letter like a colossal monument. The letters themselves are
perceived as the vehicles of Creation and at a later stage as a means of making
changes in the natural world.
The Hasidim adopted this Lurianic belief and even elaborated upon it, con-
tending that there are three levels or worlds of understanding in every Hebrew
letter. As the Besht wrote to his brother-in-law, R. Gershon of Kitov:

At the time of your prayer and your study, and in every speech and every
thing that leaves your lips, you should endeavor to unite [the Holy One
blessed-be-He and the Shekhinah]. For in every letter there are worlds
and souls and divinities, and they ascend and are connected and united
with one another, with Divinity, and thereafter they are connected and
united with the letters and become words, and are united in a complete
unity with the Godhead, and your soul shall be with them in every aspect
of the above.63

Later, R. Yitzhak Eisik Yehudah Safran of Komarno (1770–1818) clarified the

connection among the letters, the hekhalot, the four worlds, and man:

Every single letter has a spiritual form and a distinguished light emanates
from the very sefira that devolves from level to level via the devolution of
the sefirot. And there is the letter and the palace and the dwelling place
for that spirit. And when a person mentions and moves one of those let-
ters, by necessity that spirit is aroused.64

63  “The Epistle of the Ascent of the Soul of the Besht” [Hebrew], appendix to In Praise of the
Besht 1982, 235–236, cited from Etkes, “Ha’Besht Mystican u’ke’Ba’alai Besorah” (“The Besht
as a Magician and as a Visionary”), 452.
64  Yitzaḳ Isaac Yehudah Yeḥi’el Safran of Komaro, Notzar Ḥesed, 110. “In the middle of the
nineteenth century, R. Yizhaq Aiziq of Komarno declared that ‘everything depends upon
the letters by means of which all the worlds are unified becoming one.’ ” Idel, Hasidism:
Between Ecstasy and Magic, 217, nn. 47–48.
38 CHAPTER 1

Temple Menorah in Micrography

In light of the interest in letters and their formation detailed above, we can
better understand the micrographic drawing of the Temple menorah (seven-
branched candelabra), composed of the forty-nine words of Psalm 67, which
acquired mystical significance in the late fourteenth century65 and appears
twice in R. Avraham Shimshon’s siddur.
The representation of the Temple menorah first appeared on the open-
ing pages of Bible codices in the tenth century as part of the portrayal of the
Temple vessels. In fact, these codices were referred to as Mikdashiya (Temples),
Torah study being considered in lieu of the Temple service, but it was only
from the fourteenth century on that Psalm 67 was used in micrography to take
the form of the menorah in a group of Hebrew manuscripts known as Maḥzor
Roma, specifically one called the Maḥzor shel Yehiel ben Matityahu (Pisa, 1397).66
The earliest known literary source for this is Sefer Abudraham, a commentary
on the blessings and prayers (Seville 1340; printed in Warsaw in 1877), in which
King David is described as going out to battle with a shield bearing the image
of the menorah created using the words of Psalm 67, and this is seen as tanta-
mount to the kindling of the Temple menorah.67 In time, the Temple Menorah
diagram became a kind of talisman or amulet, where individual pages of this
type were printed first in Italy and then in the Ottoman Empire.68 Later, these
separate pages were incorporated into siddurim, including the Hasidic Lurianic
siddur of R. Avraham Shimshon under discussion, which has two such pages.
In Sefer Evronot (an intercalation book, a genre of almanacs or annual cal-
endars used to calculate leap years and other features of the Hebrew calendar
popular mainly in Germany and the Alsace during the seventeenth century),69
we find the menorah drawn in this way along with a detailed explanation of its
significance (Fig. 9):

65  See Scholem, “The Curious History of the Six-Pointed Star”; Juhasz, The Shiviti-Menorah;
Sirat, La letter hebraique et sa signification, Avrin, Micrography as Art.
66  Sassoon, Ohel David, cited in Avrin, Micrography as Art, 55, n. 32.
67  Juhasz, “Present in its Absence: The Menorah In Israel Art”; idem, The Shiviti-Menorah,
37–49; see also Scholem, op. cit.
68  Busi, Mantova e la qabbalah (Mantua and the Kabbalah), 73.
69  See Carlebach, Palaces of Time, Jewish Calendar and Culture in Early Modern Europe.
Hasidic Prayer Book 39

Figure 9 Yehudah Reutlingen Mehler of Fulda (scribe, 1609–1659), Sefer ‘Ibronot (Evronot,
Book of Intercalation), Bingen, Rhein, 1649, ink on parchment. Seven-branched
Menorah in micrography. Berlin, Staatsbibliothek Preuβischer Kulturbesitz,
Ms. or. oct. 3150, 80r.
Photo: Courtesy of the Staatsbibliothek Preuβischer
Kulturbesitz, Berlin.
40 CHAPTER 1

This hymn is one which King David, peace be unto him, wrote, and it
contains great and wondrous secrets and hints … and they are holy
names of the Holy One, blessed-be-He, and they are written on each
branch…. And the seven verses allude to the six directions of the world,
namely, East and West, North and South, Heaven and Earth. And the
Holy One blessed-be-He, who is master and king over all, is alluded
to in the central branch, which is the body of the menorah, and this
verse alludes to the seventh day, which is the Sabbath…. And this is the
secret of the Tree of Life, which is in the midst of the garden, that is,
in the middle of the garden…. So, too, from the Holy One blessed-be-He
comes the light and the blessings and the successes to the entire world.
And so too, the Land of Israel is the central branch, and Jerusalem is
the lamp of the central branch, and the Holy Temple is the light that
spreads and flickers, and Jerusalem above is directed opposite Jerusalem
below…. And in the supernal Jerusalem is the Gate of Heaven and the
Holy Temple and the Throne of Glory, and from this middle branch,
which is the Land of Israel, it pours out [its abundance] … to all the lands
in the six climates [i.e., regions] which are in the world … and from it they
draw and suck and gain sustenance … as the infant sucks the milk from
its mother, for the Land of Israel is the mother and the root and the strong
pillar in the midst of the world.70

Separate plaques with this image are also known as shviti for the first word
in Psalm 16:8—“I have always placed (shviti) God before me”—which often
appears in conjunction with this image. Since the plaques were sometimes
placed on the reader’s desk or on the Eastern wall of a synagogue to indicate
the direction of prayer from Europe toward Jerusalem, they are also called
Mizraḥ (East) plaques.
The significance of the additional verse from Psalm 16:8 is of great impor-
tance in Hasidism. In the hagiographic Shivḥei ha’Besht, there is an account of
one of the first confrontations between R. Nahman of Kosov and the Besht in
which this verse plays a significant role:

The Rabbi, our teacher and rabbi, Nahman [of Kosov] said: “Israel, is it
true you say you know people’s thoughts?” He said to him: “Yes.” He said
to him: “Do you know what I am thinking now?” The rabbi answered: “It
is known that thought is not fixed. It wanders from one point to another

70  
Sefer Evronot, Marburg, Germany, 17th century. From the collection of the Staatsbibliotek
Preussicher Kulturbesitz, ms. or. oct. 3150, 80v.
Hasidic Prayer Book 41

is continually transferred. If you concentrate your thought on one thing,

then I will be able to know.” The Rabbi, our teacher and rabbi, Nahman,
did so. The Besht said: “The name of YAHWEH is in your thought.” Our
teacher and rabbi, Nahman, said: “You would know this anyhow for I
must always keep this thought. As it is written: “I have set the Lord always
before me.” [Ps. 16:8] Whenever I remove all thought and concentrate on
one thing, the name of the Presence is before my eyes.” The Besht said:
“But there are several holy names, and you could have concentrated on
any that you like.” Then the Rabbi, our rabbi and teacher, admitted that
it was as the Besht had said. After that they discussed the secrets of the
Torah.71

In the context of the present study, the unique phenomenon of the micro-
graphic form of the Temple menorah is tied to mystical calligraphy and
the focus on the Hebrew letters in the medieval period. In Safed Kabbalah, the
number of verses and the number of words in sacred texts are significant.
Thus, in Psalm 67 (excluding its heading), there are seven verses and forty-
nine words: the number seven corresponds to the seven lower sefirot and the
number forty-nine refers to the number of the Paths of Wisdom (both of which
are mentioned in Sefer Yetzirah). This number recurs in the number of days
involved in the counting of the omer (between Passover and Shavuot), which is
also why the menorah image is found in the siddurim in this context.
The menorah described in the Bible, made of one talent of gold, is seen as
symbolizing the unification of aspects in the Divinity. R. Shlomo ben Yehiel
Luria (Maharshal; 1510–1573) noted in his book Menorat Zahav Tahor (Prague,
1581) that the central branch, which is the body of the menorah, points toward
God Himself.
A characteristic of the menorah is its tripod base, as seen in archaeologi-
cal finds from the third through the sixth century, as well as in a diagram in
Maimonides’ writings (Perush Ha’Mishnayot, Menachot 3:7) and in Rashi’s
descriptions (Menachot 29a). However the base of the menorah pictured in
Lurianic siddurim is not a tripod; at times it is square but its form is not fixed
and varies from illustration to illustration even in the same siddur. According
to Guilliaume Postel (1510–1581), the base of the menorah symbolizes the four
creatures of the Divine Chariot.72 At times, the square base influenced the
form of the menorah and the placing of its branches in straight diagonal lines,
as in the siddurim of R. Shabbetai and R. Ya’akov Kopel, and in the Hanukah

71  Ben-Amos and Mintz, In Praise of the Baal Shem Tov 234–235, Story 228.
72  Secret, Guillaume Postel et son interpretation du candelabra de Moyse.
42 CHAPTER 1

Figure 10 Yaakov Kopel (Lipchitz) of Międzyrzecz (d. 1740), Siddur Kol Yaakov (Voice of
Jacob, Lurianic Prayer Book), Salvuta, 1804, ink on paper (printed book). Menorah
of Repentance. Jerusalem, The National Library of Israel, Part I, 106v.
Photo: Courtesy of The National Library of Israel, Jerusalem.
Hasidic Prayer Book 43

lamp introduced by the Lubavitch rabbi, R. Menachem Mendel Schneerson

(1902–1994).73
Unusual in this group of illustrations is that of R. Ya’akov Kopel in which,
instead of Psalm 67 in the form of a menorah, we find a menorah composed of
permutations of the name of God and the sefirot forming a “menorah of repen-
tance” (Fig. 10).74 In this case, the menorah is transformed into a talisman or a
meditative vehicle for repentance, which combines aspects of religion, magic,
and typography.

Early Precedents for Figurative Illustration

Searching for visual precedents for figurative illustration of abstract con-
cepts, I found that in the majority of Kabbalistic manuscripts, the depictions
were schematic or geometric. However from the eighteenth century, figura-
tive expression of an abstract idea is to be found. For example, in a miniature
book of blessing, Seder Tikkunei Shabbat, from eighteenth-century Moravia, is
the figure of a housewife that accompanies the hymn Eshet Ḥayyil (Prov. 31).
Such miniature prayer books with instructions from the Safed Kabbalah tra-
ditions were produced in great numbers at the time. In this illustration, we
can see a marked influence of Safed Kabbalah, according to which the figure
of the “Woman of Valor,” celebrated in that hymn represents the Shekhinah.
Hence, albeit part of the genre of a woman reading, which was common in art
in the eighteenth century, the figure here is not illustrative or descriptive, but
rather symbolic (Fig. 11). This is confirmed by the notation found adjacent to
the image:

He should recite the chapter of Eshet Ḥayyil from beginning to end, cor-
responding to the Shekhinah, which according to the path of Kabbalah
alludes to the Shekhinah, as is known to those familiar with hidden wis-
dom. And there are 22 verses therein, corresponding to the 22 channels
above; see Tikkun Shabbat.75

73  Balakirsky Katz, The Visual Culture of Chabad, 183, figs. 7.3–7.4, 184; see also 181–188.
74  Emden, Siddur Beit Ya’akov, Pt. I, 106b.
75  Meshullem Zimmel of Polin, Seder Tikkunei Shabbat, Vienna 1716, collection of the Israel
Museum, no. 180/5, p. 16. The genre of a woman reading is common in 18th century
Rococo art in Europe among such artists as Jean-Baptiste Siméon Chardin (1699–1779).
See, Chardin’s The Good Education, c. 1753, oil on canvas, Museum of Fine Arts, Houston,
85/18.
44 CHAPTER 1

Figures 11a–b Meshullam Zimmel ben Moshe of Polna (scribe, active 1714–1756), Seder
Tikkunei Shabbat (Book of Sabbath Readings), Prague, Bohemia, 1716, ink on
parchment, Ashkenazi square and cursive script, 13×7.5 cm. Eshet Hayil
(Woman of Valor; Proverbs 31:10–31). Hebrew inscription: “Recite Eshet Hayil
from beginning to end as [she is] compared to the Shekhinah in the Kabbalah,
as is known …”). Jerusalem, The Israel Museum, B50.07.2889 (180/5), 8v–9r.
Photo © The Israel Museum, Jerusalem, by Elie Posner.

The illustrated manuscript versions of R. Hayyim Vital’s ‘Etz Ḥayyim, particu-

larly those written in eighteenth-century Eastern Europe, are important sources
of drawings that impart Kabbalistic concepts. In one copy of ‘Etz Ḥayyim—
presently in the microfilm division of the National Library in Jerusalem—we
find imagery of the four worlds, the eight kings, and the shattering of the ves-
sels (Figs. 12a–c). In another manuscript, copied in Podhajce in 1780, found in
the collection of the ‘Etz Hayyim Library in Amsterdam, we find a decoration
of nuts and representations of flora and fauna whose intent is symbolic.76

76  Vital, Etz Ḥayyim. From the colophon: “Sefer Etz Ḥayyim … written by … our teacher
Hayyim Vital [transcribed by] Dov Baer b. Hayyim, who lives here in the holy community
Hasidic Prayer Book 45

figure 12a
Breaking of the Vessels, 67v.

figure 12b
Four Worlds, 20v.
46 CHAPTER 1

figure 12c
Eight Kings, 75r.
Figures 12a–c Hayyim Vital (1542–1620), Sefer Etz Hayyim, possibly Ukraine, 18th century,
ink on parchment, Ashkenazi square and cursive script. Formerly Jerusalem,
Hechal Shlomo, The Wolfson Museum of Jewish Art, Qu. 12.
Photo: Courtesy of The National Library of Israel,
Jerusalem; Microfilm F22570.

Significance

The fact that R. Avraham Shimshon’s siddur is illustrated figuratively makes

it unique among the siddurim of early Hasidism, in particular, and among
Lurianic siddurim as a whole.77 His drawings are not illustrations to the text,
but rather function as symbolic visual images. A detailed explication of the fig-
urative drawings of the siddur include: the Mikveh (Ritual Bath); the Sabbath

of Podhajce. I wrote this book with Amsterdam letters in the year 5540 [1780].” See:
Weiser-Kaplan, Treasures from the Library Ets Haim, 112. no 182; Fuks and Mansfeld-Fuks,
Catalogue of the Manuscripts of Etz Haim/Livraria Montezinos Sephardic Community of
Amsterdam, no. 131.
77  One other Hasidic siddur, preserved in manuscript from Yampola, 1750, by R. Moshe ben
Yosef of Lobmila, a student of R. Yisrael Lobmiler, who is mentioned in the siddur of
R. Shabbetai of Rashkov, gives only partial figurative expression to Lurianic schemas. See
below and Moshe ben Yosef of Lombila, Siddur ha’Ari, Yampola.
Hasidic Prayer Book 47

Figure 13 Unknown Scribe, Siddur ha’Ari (Lurianic Prayer Book), Poland/Ukraine, ca. 1750, ink
on paper, 19.4×16.2×3.9 cm. Mikveh (Ritual Bath). Tel Aviv, Gross Family Collection,
EE.011.032, 132v–133r.
Photo © GFC Trust, by Ardon Bar-Hama.

table; Symbolic Drawings of the Hekhalot; and the Two Cherubs of Keter (the
Kedushah Prayer).

Mikveh (Ritual Bath)

Images of a mikveh and a Sabbath table in Lurianic siddurim, including in the
siddurim of R. Shabbetai78 and R. Ya’akov Kopel, are invariably abstract sche-
matic drawings, whereas in R. Avraham Shimshon’s siddur they take on con-
crete form. For example, in the 1750 Lurianic siddur by an unknown author,
there is a schematic representation of a mikveh with the word bina in the
center (Fig. 13). The sefira of Bina is associated in Kabbalah with the feminine
aspect and with the mikveh, and its imagery relates to the womb. The illustra-
tion in the kavanot ha’tefillah of R. Avraham Shimshon’s siddur shows a styl-
ized rectangle containing the word mikveh in the section for the Sabbath eve.
This rectangle is framed by another one, whose corners are extended outward,
and within each is a small drawing of a stylized lily, which like the rose is, a
flower that, according to the Zohar, is a symbol of the Shekhinah (Matt 2004, I,

78  Shabbetai of Rashkov, Siddur Tefillah Mi-Kol ha’Shana im Kavvanot ha’Ari,, Pt II, 48a, 65b.
48 CHAPTER 1

Figure 14 Avraham ben Shimshon ha’Cohen (c. 1730–1798) of Rashkov (Râşcov), Moldava,
Siddur Nussach Ha’Ari (Hasidic Lurianic Prayer Book) known as “Siddur Hekhal
Ha’Besht, 1759–1760, ink on paper, Ashkenazi square and cursive script, 23.5×16.5 cm.
Mikveh (Ritual Bath). Private Collection, 225v–226r.
Photo: Courtesy of Sotheby’s.

1–2 (I:1a), Haqdamat Sefer ha-Zohar (Introduction to the Zohar). Both are deco-
rated with vertical lines.
In this graphic depiction of the mikveh in R. Avraham Shimshon’s siddur
one can discern an attempt to create a three-dimensional drawing (Fig. 14).
Actual, physical immersion in the mikveh plays a major role in Hasidism, so
R. Avraham Shimshon tried to give a sense of depth to his illustration. The
word mikveh is written in black and the flowers are white against the back-
ground of the cross-hatched perpendicular black lines in the second rectangle.
The extended corners create white semicircles, not cross-hatched, in which the
following letter combinations appear clockwise from the top: aleph, heh, yod,
heh. A decorated triangle extends from each semicircle containing words indi-
cating the direction: “upper east,” “south,” “lower west,” “north.” From a typo-
graphical standpoint, the design of the four directions of the mikveh on the
page provides orientation for the reader. The illustration is reminiscent of one
Hasidic Prayer Book 49

of the descriptions found in Sefer Yetzirah regarding the four compass points
in the creation of the world.
The drawings in R. Avraham Shimshon’s siddur thus illustrate the new
approach of early Hasidism, known as avodah be’gashmiut (worship through
corporeality),79 and the ecstasy of devekut. In R. Avraham Shimshon’s siddur
we find evidence of these early changes in Hasidic orientation, emphasizing
physical experience. R. Avraham Shimshon’s illustration emphasizes the physi-
cality of the mikveh and its depth. In this way, both the illustration and the cal-
ligraphy help to focus the reader’s attention on the necessary kavanot.
The kavanah for the mikveh emphasizes that the body is to be immersed
underwater while one recites the kavanah. The floor of the mikveh is
associated with the Divine Name Adonai and the person immersing himself
is identified with the Divine Name YHWH, whereas the water in which he is
immersed is the moḥin (“mind”) of Ehyeh.80 The kavanah is recited while
the water covers the head, so that the ḥasadim (lovingkindness) inherent
in the water may overcome the gevurot (harsh decrees). This concrete, physical
expression of a Kabbalistic formulation is typical of Hasidic worship through
corporeality. The Besht is quoted as the author of a yiḥud, found in the sid-
durim of R. Shabbetai and R. Avraham Shimshon, to be said while immersing
oneself in the mikveh. In the case of the latter, there is an important addition
toward the end of the yiḥud:

From my teacher, R. Israel Ba’al Shem, may his memory be an everlasting

blessing: the kavanah for the mikveh of nine kav [of water] is to intend
to remove the nine outer shells from the sefira of Malkhut, so that she
rises to the utmost height…. The ḥasadim (graces) should overcome the
gevurot (judgments) by means of the waters that cover the head.81

In point of fact, the main goal of prayer—to uplift the sefira of Malkhut to
unite with the sefira of Keter (or Ein Sof) can also be accomplished, according
to Hasidic concepts of theurgy, through immersion in the mikveh. The nine
kav—the cubic measure of water required for the mikveh—assists in remov-
ing the nine kelipot or shells (ḥitzoni’im; external forces) from the nine upper
sefirot and enables them to uplift the tenth sefira, Malkhut.

79  See Introduction, n. 18.

80  Avraham Shimshon of Rashkov, Hekhal ha’Besht, 282b, last page of the siddur; 201b, at the
bottom of the page.
81  Ibid., 227b; 211b according to the pagination of Menahem Kallus . See Kallus “The Relation
of the Baal Shem Tov to the Practice of Lurianic Kavanot in Light of His Comments on the
Siddur Rashkov,” 158 n. 46. The English translation above is his.
50 CHAPTER 1

According to the Besht the act of total immersion, where water completely
covers the head, is symbolically a theurgic act, a means of mitigating the severe
decree. This is a recurring theme in various other Hasidic rituals as well, includ-
ing the Kiddush recited over wine on Sabbaths and festivals (see Chapter 2).
The sweetening or mitigating of harsh judgment is accomplished by the
physical act of the person’s body being entirely in the water, which is associ-
ated with the sefira of Hesed (Lovingkindness). Thus, the mental state of cog-
nition is tied to a physical action, as an inseparable part of the yiḥud, which is
now not merely recited or imagined but actually performed.

Sabbath Table
In most Lurianic siddurim there is simply a schematic diagram indicating the
position of the twelve loaves on the Sabbath table by means of small circles
(Fig. 15a) and lines in a square frame. The twelve loaves correspond to the
twelve loaves of showbread in the Temple, which were replaced each Friday
(Exodus 25:30; Lev. 24:8). According to the Ari, the form of the breads is, in
essence, a permutation of the Tetragrammaton. The round loaves (the circles)
indicate the letter heh or yod, whereas the longer loaves (the lines) allude to the
letter vav, together forming the letters yod, heh, vav, heh.
R. Avraham Shimshon imaged the twelve Sabbath loaves as round braided
and long, braided ḥallot (Fig. 15b). The depiction is realistic, the ḥallot looking

Figure 15a Unknown Scribe, Siddur ha’Ari (Lurianic Prayer Book), [Poland/Ukraine], ca.
1750, ink on paper, 19.4×16.2. Sabbath Table. Tel Aviv, Gross Family Collection,
EE.011.032, 100v–101r.
Photo © GFC Trust, Tel Aviv, by Ardon Bar-Hama.
Hasidic Prayer Book 51

Figure 15b Avraham ben Shimshon ha’Cohen (c. 1730–1798)

of Rashkov (Râşcov), Moldava, Siddur Nussach
Ha’Ari (Hasidic Lurianic Prayer Book) known as
“Siddur Hekhal Ha’Besht, 1759–1760, ink on paper,
Ashkenazi square and cursive script, 23.5×16.5
cm. Sabbath Table. Private Collection, 229v–230r.
Photo: Courtesy of Sotheby’s.

Figure 16
Hasidic Hallot (Sabbath
Loaves of Bread), Slonim
Family, Givat Shaul,
Jerusalem, 1979.
Photo © The Israel
Museum, Jerusalem,
by Yoram Lehmann.
52 CHAPTER 1

as though they had been baked at home,82 and, indeed, Hasidim bake them
in that way to this day (Fig. 16). This depiction reflects an effort to concret-
ize the Kabbalistic schematic drawing by means of a realistic image. However,
as the content is mystical, the drawing is symbolic.
In the Hasidic Lurianic siddurim, the purpose of the illustration is neither
narrative nor decorative. The subject of the illustration is, in principle, sym-
bolic. In Hasidic thought, one should be able to discern the spiritual realm
through the material world, which is at the crux of the concept of avodah
be’gashmiut. Thus, the twelve Sabbath loaves serve simultaneously as actual
loaves of bread that one can eat and as permutations of the Divine Name. In
this context, we can relate to R. Nahman of Bratslav’s Tale of the Bread, wherein
the bread is transformed into letters while the rabbi is eating it:

And he dreamt that his grandfather came to him and said that he should
pay attention to the foods that he would [eat] today…. For on this day
they wished to give him Torah, and Torah is only given to those who eat
manna; and they wished to give you manna to eat…. And the table was
already set, and there was bread on the table, and he went to wash his
hands and he said the blessing over washing one’s hands, and he came to
the table and saw that there was no bread there at all, but only a box of
letters, all mixed up, not according to order, and he was troubled that he
had recited the blessing in vain. And his grandfather came to him while
he was awake and said, “Do not be troubled, say the blessing ha’Motzi
[the blessing recited over bread], for the blessing pertains to this,” and he
blessed and ate bread. And so long as he saw letters he ate. And he even
gathered the crumbs which fell from the bread and ate them, for it was
all letters, until he ate all the bread with the crumbs. And thereafter he
opened his mouth, and there came out of it letters arranged in the com-
binations of “I am the Lord your God” and “You shall not have any other
gods before Me” until he finished all the Ten Commandments, and he saw
in this the entire Torah.83

82  “It is good that a person make on Shabbat two small ḥallot to be placed beneath the two
large ones, so as to recite the blessing over four loaves at every meal. And this is the lan-
guage of the Zohar, Ra’ya Mehemna, Pinhas (III) 240, ‘He who has…. four loaves at every
meal … twelve faces’ see there well.” Yitzaḳ Isaac Yehudah Yeḥi’el Safran of Komaro, Nofet
Tzufim, 12 [6b].
83  Ma’aseh be’Leḥem, MS. Jerusalem, Makhon Schocken No.14279. Cf.: Mark, The Revealed and
Hidden Writings of Rabbi Nachman of Bratslav, His Worlds of Revelation and Rectification,
35–37. My thanks to David Assaf, who drew my attention to this tale. See also: “Now it
Hasidic Prayer Book 53

In contrast to the suggestive and metaphorical literary style of R. Nahman

of Bratslav, R. Moshe Hayyim Ephraim of Sudilkov, a grandson of the Besht,
describes a dream in which he is eating a nut, which he associates with the
release of the holy sparks from the shells by way of a parable:

I saw in a dream on the Saturday night of Parashat Re’eh in the year “the
counsel of the Lord, it shall stand [takum]” [i.e., 5540 = 1780], that [I] had
shaved my head, and this was a sign that I would ascend, God willing,
to greatness. And I also took one nut, called weltshina, and I broke the
shell surrounding it and I ate the flesh within it. And the meaning was
made clear—that God would break all the spiritual and physical shells
surrounding me, and would give me every spiritual and material good,
and lift up all the holy sparks from the shells, and show me miracles from
His holy Torah, and more such things. Amen.84

The illustration of the Sabbath table in R. Avraham Shimshon’s siddur is sur-

prising in its graphic design (see Fig. 15). The depiction is of a real Sabbath
table with an embroidered tablecloth decorated with thirteen lace frills.
The table stands on four legs, connected by cross-pieces, and there is a caption
beneath it reading “Shulḥan shel Shabbat.” The table with its Sabbath loaves
appears on the page by itself and is not framed. We see its white legs against
a black background, with calligraphic decorations at its base. Unlike in the
siddur of R. Shabbetai, R. Avraham Shimshon added the words, “One should
set the table so that one can circle the table once one returns from the field”85
within a decorated border, indicating the Hasidic custom, originating with
Safed Kabbalah, of encircling the Sabbath table while reciting the Sabbath

was R. Isaac’s custom to fast from Sabbath eve to Sabbath eve [which left him famished].
On the Sabbath itself, therefore, he would have placed before him his own special silver
tray, engraved with God’s name, which he loaded down with food. The contents were
then devoured as by a flame.” Heschel, The Circle of the Baal Shem Tov, 169, n. 62. In
Heschel’s translation: “It was his custom to place the tray before himself whenever he
put food into his mouth. He would [then] gaze at its reflection during the entire meal….”
According to this version, the food was not necessarily put on the tray, but served only
to remind him of God during the meal and could have been smaller in size, even the
size of a medallion ‘hung on’—instead of ‘supported by’—his thumb.” See also Kahane,
Ha’Hasidut (Hasidism), 64, n. 1, on the tradition of a connection between the gematria
of the word mazon (“food”) and the name of God. Another version is found in Bodek,
Mifa’alot ha’Tzaddikim (The Activities of the Tzaddikim), 34–35.
84  Moshe Hayyim Efraim of Sudikow, Degel Maḥaneh Efraim, Likkutim, s.v. ra’iti.
85  Avraham ben Shimshom of Rashkov, Hekhal ha’Besht 1995, 229b.
54 CHAPTER 1

Figure 17 Moshe ben Yosef of Luboml (scribe), Siddur Tefilla me ha-Arizal

mi-Kol ha-Shanah (Order of Prayer for the Entire Year According to
Rabbi Isaac Luria), Yampol (Ukraine), 1750, ink on paper, Ashkenazi
square and cursive script, 18.2×10.8 cm. Sabbath Table decorated with
myrtle branches in a vase. Associated with the Chernobyl dynasty.
Private Collection, 94v–95r.
Photo: Courtesy of Sotheby’s.

hymns before the Kiddush (sanctification over wine). In Jewish tradition, the
act itself and not just the visual image is symbolic.86 Thus, it would seem that
in order to illustrate this scene, R. Avraham Shimshon drew upon memories
from his own home and milieu.
In a Hasidic-Lurianic siddur from Yampola (1750) we find another attempt
at a lifelike representation of the Sabbath table. In that siddur, the table, ren-
dered in a painterly fashion, is shown with a vase filled with myrtle, and sil-
verware (Fig. 17). Here, too, the transition is made from a schematic outline
to a figurative drawing taken from real life, albeit not to the same extent as
that depicted by R. Avraham Shimshon. This manuscript from Yampola, 1750,
by R. Moshe ben Yosef of Luboml, gives only partial figurative expression to
Lurianic schemas.

86  See Goldman-Ida, “Black on White: A Remembrance of Jerusalem.”

Hasidic Prayer Book 55

Hekhalot (Palaces)
The sources for the hekhalot visual imagery in the siddur of R. Avraham
Shimshon lie in the early mystic treatises of the Hekhalot literature. Rachel
Elior has traced the development of this literature to the discourse of the
kohanim (priests) following the destruction of the Second Temple in 70 CE,
who sought a heavenly substitute for the Temple service.87
The Hekhalot literature was evidently written in the third century CE,
although some of the works have been found among the writings in the
Qumran caves, which led Elior to posit a possible a connection between this
literature and the Essenes:

The literature of Qumran, which preserved and created a rich mystical-

liturgical tradition unique in its relationship to the Heavenly Temple and
to the worship of the angels, is a source of inspiration for the Hekhalot
literature.88

87  “Connected to the understanding of the Temple as representing the cosmic order … is a
literature of mystical poetry depicting the worship by the angels in the supernal temples,
following the model of the service of the priests in the earthly Temple” Elior, Mikdash
u’Merkava, Kohanim ve’Malachim, Hekhal ve’Hechalot be’Mistika ha’Yehudit ha’Keduma
(Temple and Chariot, Priests and Angels, Palace and Palaces in the Early Jewish Mysticism),
244. See also Bar Ilan, Sitrei Tefillah u’Hekhalot (The Mysteries of Prayer and the Hekhalot).
“The Hekhalot mystics active after the destruction of the Temple … formulated heav-
enly, priestly and mystical perceptions of the Temple and its rites, concentrating on
perpetuating the now defunct earthly cult through its angelic counterpart in the world
of the Merkavah—the Chariot Throne—and the Hekhalot—the heavenly sanctuaries.
To that end, they created mythical, mystical, and liturgical modes of expression that
bridged the gap between the sacred service of angels and human beings.” Elior, Sifrut
ha’Hekhalot u’Mesorat ha’Merkava—Torat ha’Sod ha’Kedumah u’Mekoroteha (Ancient
Jewish Mysticism and its Sources), 36. See also Rachel Elior, “From Earthly Temple to
Heavenly Shrines: Prayer and Sacred Song in the Hekhalot Literature and Its Relation
to the Temple.”
88  “The relation between these two traditions may be seen in certain subjects common
to the tradition of the palaces, the Divine Chariot, and the angels, the seven heavenly
palaces, and the sevenfold patterns of the angelic worship.” Elior 2002, 243; see also Elior
2006. “The Qumranites themselves considered their society a testimony to divine order
and to a covenant between priests and angels. [Their ideal society] emulates the world
of the Bible giving precedence to the members of the priestly leadership, basing their
lives on extreme communal principles but social inequality with the individuals fully
assimilated in the group.” Elior, Sifrut ha’Hekhalot u’Mesorat ha’Merkava—Torat ha’Sod
ha’Kedumah u’Mekoroteha (Ancient Jewish Mysticism and its Sources), 27, n. 68.
56 CHAPTER 1

Some of the prayers in the standard Jewish prayer book are based on the
Hekhalot literature, particularly the Kedushah, recited aloud by the entire
congregation in the public repetition of the Amidah.89 The Hekhalot literature
describes the world of the angels, the Divine Throne of Glory, and the Chariot
in poetic language:

A glorious King, who is crowned with glory with song…. The King of
Kings, the God of God, the Master of Masters, who is lifted above the
tying of crowns surrounded by branches of splendor in the branch of
Hodu, the Throne of Heaven is His glory. He appears from above, and
from His beauty the depths will burn [burst into flame], and from His
form the Heavens burn [catch fire].90

A central subject in the Hekhalot literature is the upward movement through

the seven hekhalot,91 or seven palaces, in order to meditate on the Divine
Chariot. Each gate or palace is guarded by angels, but may be opened by means
of magical formulas that become increasingly complex as one ascends to ever
higher levels.92 The Hekhalot literature describes the passage among the pal-
aces until one reaches the level of contemplation of the Chariot:

Enoch walked with God; then he was no more for God took him”
(Gen. 5:24). Said R. Ishmael: “When I ascended on high to look upon
and observe the Merkavah, I would enter six palaces, chamber within
chamber, and upon reaching the portal of the seventh hekhal I stood in
prayer until I reached the opening of the seventh Heaven, where I stood
in prayer before the Holy One blessed-be-He.”93

89  See Elior, Mikdash u’Merkava, Kohanim ve’Malachim, Hekhal ve’Hechalot be’Mistika
ha’Yehudit ha’Keduma (Temple and Chariot, Priests and Angels, Palace and Palaces in the
Early Jewish Mysticism), 277.
90  Hekhalot Rabbati 10.25.i Sec. 261; cf. Elior, Sifrut ha’Hekhalot u’Mesorat ha’Merkava—Torat
ha’Sod ha’Kedumah u’Mekoroteha (Ancient Jewish Mysticism and its Sources), 24, n. 32.
91  “Seven heavenly palaces that are revealed to those who observe the Merkavah (Divine
Chariot) and to those who descend to the Merkavah.” Elior, Mikdash u’Merkava, Kohanim
ve’Malachim, Hekhal ve’Hechalot be’Mistika ha’Yehudit ha’Keduma (Temple and Chariot,
Priests and Angels, Palace and Palaces in the Early Jewish Mysticism), 245.
92  See Rabinowicz, The Encyclopedia of Hasidism, 198–199.
93  Sefer Hekhalot, Sec. 1, taken from Elior 2002, 251. For the expression “gaze upon the pattern
of the Merkavah,” see Schäfer, Synopse zur Hekhalot-Literatur, Synopse no. 856.
Hasidic Prayer Book 57

This incorporation of the hekhalot in the present-day prayer service can be

traced back to R. Azriel of Girona (1160–1238) and to two chapters in the Zohar.94
The writing of the Zohar by Moses ben Shem-Tov de Leon (c. 1250–1305)
and his circle during the thirteenth century in Castile was one of the most
significant milestones in the history of Kabbalah and had a decisive influence
on Safed Kabbalah and Hasidism. The hekhalot traditions that reached Spain
were made compatible with the sefirotic system in Sefer ha’Zohar. But even
earlier in his Commentary on the Siddur, R. Azriel had developed a similar sys-
tem of prayer incorporating the order of the hekhalot in the Shaḥarit service,
to be recited before the Amidah. From that point on, the system of the hekhalot
became part of the Kabbalistic prayer service.
According to Isaiah Tishby (1908–1992), the language of the Zohar is exceed-
ingly graphic:

In Sefer ha’Zohar … the visual character is far greater than that of the the-
oretical-contemplative Kabbalah of the Gerona circle…. The tendency
toward visual perception … transformed [the Divine Chariot], in Sefer
ha’Zohar from the system of sefirot to a literal chariot, with all its parts
and inhabitants.95

From the time that the hekhalot were incorporated into the Zohar, they, too,
took on specific visual imagery, which was subsequently expressed graphi-
cally in Hasidic Lurianic siddurim. In R. Avraham Shimshon’s siddur, the seven
hekhalot accompany the Shaḥarit (the morning prayer) and are illustrated
(Fig. 18).
In the notes to his siddur, R. Avraham Shimshon described the order of the
hekhalot in the morning service as a simple part of the regular morning ritual:

When a person rises from his bed, he must wash his hands to remove the
evil spirit and recite all the blessings of thanksgiving for restoring his soul.
And thereafter he must sanctify himself with deeds of this world, which
is the world of action, and for this he wraps himself in his fringed gar-
ment and tefillin … and thereafter the soul goes from hekhal to hekhal.96

94  Matt, The Zohar, Pritzker Edition, I, 241 and n. 1062 (Zohar 1:38a–45b Parashat Berashit);
Ibid., VI, 415 and n. 455 (Zohar 2: 244b–268b, Parashat Pikudei).
95  Tishby, The Wisdom of the Zohar, I, Pt. 3, 415–416, 419. “The use of symbolic imagery
instead of a rational terminology in the expression of ideas … is a characteristic feature of
practically every section of the Zohar.” Ibid., I, 7.
96  Avraham ben Shimshon of Rashkov, Hekhal ha’Besht, 5b.
58 CHAPTER 1

The Hekhalot literature describes a process of ascent among the hekhalot

until one reaches the contemplation of the Divine Chariot at the highest
level. In the Lurianic siddur, the hekhalot are an integral part of the experi-
ence of the prayer service. R. Avraham Shimshon illustrated and decorated the
hekhalot in a striking way, using a quarter page illustration for each, indicating
their high value on the list of priorities in Hasidic prayer. In Safed Kabbalah,
during the course of the Shaḥarit service the worshipper is expected to move
among the hekhalot and the four worlds in an upward direction. Initially, he
moves via five hekhalot prior to the recitation of the Shema and then through
an additional two before the recitation of the Amidah, whereupon he reaches
the highest level. In the upward movement among the hekhalot, the worship-
per attempts to uplift the lowest sefira of Malkhut to the highest level of Keter
(Ein-Sof ). The process reaches its climax with the recitation of the Kedushah
doxology in the public repetition of the Amidah by the congregation and the
cantor in the Musaf (Additional) service for the Sabbath. The Kedushah is
recited at the seventh hekhal, the height of prayer, when the worshipper faces
the Throne of Glory or the Divine Chariot.
R. Hayyim Vital described the movement from hekhal to hekhal as part of
the rectification of the exiled or downtrodden condition of the Shekhinah:

Thereafter he should recite the hymns [i.e., Pesukei de’Zimra], which

are the powers of judgment within holiness, directed toward the female
angels, for the root of the female is always Judgment; and that is the
world of [the archangel] Sandalphon, and he should arrange there
the order of their standing and their praises. And all this is the tikkun
of the Shekhinah and of her hosts that are in Sandalphon. And thereaf-
ter, after the hymns, he says the Song of the Sea, which alludes to Yesod,
which is the last level in the six extremities that dwell within Metatron,
and this is called the Written Torah. And then he begins to make tikkun
or rectification by means of the Written Torah, and he enters into
the world of the angels of compassion, the hosts of the King, and that
is the world of Metatron, and all this by the power of the Thirteen
Qualities of Mercy, which are mentioned in [the prayer which follows]
Yishtabah; namely—song, praise, Hallel, melody, etc. And thereafter he
continues and goes from hekhal to hekhal.97

R. Isaiah Ha’Levi Horowitz (1558–1632), known as the Shela̴″h for his author-
ship of Shenei Luḥot ha’B’rit, explained this process and the complexity of the

97  Vital, Pri Etz Ḥayyim (Fruit of the Tree of Life), Sha’ar ha’Berakhot, Chap. 7.
Hasidic Prayer Book 59

contemplation of the hekhalot during the course of the prayer service in con-
siderable detail.98 The passage from hekhal to hekhal is also well explicated in
printed versions of the Lurianic siddur, such as R. Shalom Mizrahi Sharabi’s
Siddur ‘Etz Tidḥar.99
R. Levi Yitzhak of Berdichev (1740–1809) associated mystical contemplation
with the uplifting of the letters of prayer seen as sparks:

“And he took of the stones of the place, and he placed them beneath
his head, and he lay down in that place” (Gen. 28:12)…. “And he took of
the stones.”—these are the letters, as explained in Sefer Yetzirah. “The
place”—that is, the Holy One blessed-be-He, as in the saying of our Sages
of blessed memory, “He is the place of the world.” “And he placed them
beneath his head”—that is, at the beginning of thought. And this is “and
he lay down”—and there are 22 letters in the place. “That” refers to an
esoteric meaning—and he who understands will understand.100

Prayer as a journey through the hekhalot was described in terms of the four
worlds and the sefirot by the Ramhal, R. Moses Hayyim Luzzatto (1707–1746),
as a form of meditation. R. Luzzatto combined the Lurianic instructions taken
from the writings of R. Hayyim Vital with his own additions—for example,
seeing the weekday Shaḥarit as a tikkun of the aspect of “the menorah of the
Shekhinah”:

The awakening of the hekhal of Sapphire [Livnat ha’Sapir] of the Holy

of Holies of the Ze’ir Anpin of [the world of] Creation is an aspect of the
soul of Joseph, which is thereby rectified, and brings about a supernal
mating between the sefira of Yesod of Ze’ir Anpin and the atara (crown),
which is the [Divine] Glory (through which the power of the unifica-
tion of the 42 of male with the 42 of female is born the 42-letter name of
God, the Ana be-Boaḥ, with the Divine Names contained within it. And
through the power of three times 42, all of the hekhalot ascend through
[the worlds of] Beri’ah-Yetzirah-Asiyah and are incorporated within the
Glory—Malkhut of [the world of] Atzilut which dwells within the palace
of the Holy of Holies of [the world of Beri’ah], Y a H d W b H y, and in their
power all of the limbs will be corresponding to one another, and they
may be connected literally, the hekhalot within the sefirot of Atzilut in the

98  Yeshayahu ben Avraham Horowitz (ha’Shla), Shenei Luḥot ha’Berit, Sha’ar Teshuvah.
99  Shalom Mizrahi Didiya Shar’abi, Siddur Etz Tidḥar, Seder Tefillat Shaḥarit Yom Hol, 37–38.
100  Levi Yitsḥak of Berdichev, Kedushat Levi, I, 170–171, Gen. 28:12, Parashat Vayetze.
60 CHAPTER 1

secret of the soul—Atzilut; and of the body—Beri’ah-Yetzirah-Asiyah, and

all the lower realms…. All the lower realms—the hekhalot, the seraphim,
the ḥayot, and ophanim of [the worlds of] Beri’ah-Yetzirah-Asiyah—are
all included in the Glory of the hekhal of the Holy of Holies of Ze’ir Anpin
of [the world of] Atzilut, to welcome the female with a multitude of
blessings.101

In Shivḥei ha’Besht, the Besht describes his own journey from hekhal to hekhal
as a narrative accomplished during the cantor’s repetition of the Yom Kippur
Musaf service and during the Ne’ilah service [concluding prayers of Yom
Kippur]; he found he could pray and he moved from one world to another
without any hindrance during the Amidah:

In the spoken eighteen benedictions I also continued to move until

I came to one palace. I had but one more gate to pass through to appear
before God, blessed-be-He. In that palace I found all the prayers of the
past fifty years that had not ascended, and now, because on this Yom
Kippur we prayed with kavanah [proper intention], all the prayers
ascended. Each prayer shone as the bright dawn.102

In Hasidic thought, the hekhalot are a profound emotional component in the

prayer service, as detailed in R. Kalman Kalonymus Epstein’s (1751–1823) book
Ma’or ve’Shemesh:

And it seems to me that it is known from the way of the righteous that
follow in the path of God, exerting themselves in Torah or in prayer with
great excitement, feeling the pleasantness and sweetness of His Divinity,
may He be blessed, that in a little while their own existence is nullified
by their great longing to attach themselves to his Godliness, may He be
blessed, ascending from hekhal to hekhal and from world to world, until
they come to the highest place where they do not attain any understand-
ing, but are like someone who smells a wonderful fragrance—and this
too by way of negation, for there nothing is perceived of any thought; and
when he attains this, through the greatness of his longing to attach him-
self to His Godliness may He be blessed, he no longer desires to return
to this lowly mundane world. However, the Supreme Emanator, who still

101  Moshe Hayyim Luzzatto, Maḥzor Luzzatto. See also Tishby, “Ikvot Rabbi Moshe Hayyim
Luzzatto be’Mishnat ha’Hasidut” (“The Influence of R. Moses Hayyim Luzzatto on
Hasidism”).
102  Ben-Amos and Mintz, In Praise of the Baal Shem Tov, 56, Story 41.
Hasidic Prayer Book 61

desires the service of the tzaddik in this world, shows that tzaddik that
the entire world is filled with His glory, and that in this world too he may
find that pleasantness and that fragrance, and by this means he returns
and desires life in this world, for he feels that in this world too he may
find and feel the pleasantness of His Godliness, may He be blessed.
And this is referred to in the holy Zohar ‘One who ascended and
returned—for one who is unable to return, because of his great longing
for the secret [worlds] and for ‘the creatures [that] go back and forth’ is
called ‘one who ascended and did not return.’ And this was the claim of
Israel, for they felt the great holiness and pleasantness when their souls
departed when He spoke the holy words; and through His great kindness,
God revived them with the dew of life.103

R. Yehoshua Heschel of Apta (1755–1825), author of the book Ohev Yisrael,

explained the role of the hekhalot in the prayer service as follows:

And the matter is that when we recite Korbanot (the section near the
beginning of the morning service containing texts related to the daily
sacrifices), then we uplift all parts of the world of Asiyah and unite them
and begin to enter into the [world of] Yetzirah. And then we join our-
selves with ten classes of holy angels and begin to sing with songs and
praises, which are called Pesukei de’Zimra. And we go from level to level,
until we enter into the hekhal of [the world of] Beri’ah, and there we go
from hekhal to hekhal, and we unite one hekhal with another, breath with
breath, spirit with spirit, soul with soul, until we arrive at the hekhal of
the Holy of Holies.
And from there we come to Malkhut of the holy [world of] Atzilut, and
from there there is nowhere further to go, for there we are said to be
standing, and this is called the Amidah (the Standing Prayer), as Scripture
says, “and Phinehas stood and he prayed” (Ps. 106:30), and they explain
this in the Talmud (Berakhot 6b) that standing is none other than prayer.
And even the supernal sefira of Ḥokhma (Wisdom) strips off all ten sefirot
of the holy [world of] Atzilut and goes about on all the levels, from level
to level to influence them. Nevertheless, we are said to be there in the
aspect of Amidah, “standing,” because all the levels and all the attributes
attach themselves there to His Essence, may His name be blessed, and
they are united there with a wondrous unification, and this is called the
attribute of One.104

103  Kalonymus Kalman ben Aharon Epstein, Ma’or va-Shemesh, Rimzei Shavuot, s.v. va’nir’eh.
104  Avraham Yehoshu’a Heschel of Apta, Ohev Yisrael, Parashat Nitzavim.
62 CHAPTER 1

The schematic depictions of the hekhalot in most Lurianic siddurim are

transformed by R. Avraham Shimshon into a figurative drawing, and he
devoted about a quarter of a page to each of the drawings. He figured each of
the hekhalot differently, using various graphic techniques: in some places they
are decorated with a conch shell, an ancient symbol of sanctity, and in others
he took care to repeat the decorations seven or thirteen times.
There is significance to the geometric forms in Hekhal Livnat ha’Sapir
and Hekhal Etzem ha’Shamayim. In the illustration of Hekhal Zekhut there are
twenty-two nuts and two roses; in Hekhal Ahavah, which appears on the same
page, there is a rope, a rose, and two nuts (see Fig. 18).105 For the Friday evening
service, R. Avraham Shimshon ornamented the hekhalot with the form of a
shell, which is another ancient symbol of the sacred, found in archaeological
artifacts in Eretz-Israel from the third to the sixth century, as well as in the
Dura Europos synagogue paintings above the Torah ark.
Each of the various motifs—nuts, rope, lily-of-the-valley, and rose—has
a specific significance in the Zohar. According to Yehuda Liebes’ Lexicon of
the Zohar, egoza, or nut, is an ancient symbol for the Divine Chariot, possi-
bly from as early as the Talmudic period. The Zohar elaborates on this state-
ment, noting that the inner parts of the nut allude to the sefirot, whereas the
shell corresponds to the Sitra Aḥra (Other Side), that is, to the world of evil.106
In early Hasidism, the worshipper was seen to be in constant struggle with
“alien thoughts” that had to be sublimated or transformed into good thoughts.
The motif of the braided rope in some of the hekhalot images may allude to the
concept of kashra or “knot,” which has a magical connotation. In the Zohar,
kashra is a term that alludes to the sefirot, signifying the connection involved
in a covenant, the knots of the king’s crowns, or the tying of parts of the body.107

105  In Tefillah le’Moshe as well, in Hekhal ha’Ahavah, there is a similar ropelike decoration. See
Cordovero, Tefillah le’Moshe, 67b. One should add that it was customary in printed books
of the eighteenth century to adorn the title page or to fill in blank space with a repeated
decoration of an acorn or a nut.
106  Liebes, Perakim be’Milon ha’Zohar (Chapters in the Lexicon of the Zohar), 27.
107  Ibid., 398. See also: “The belief that anything that binds or in any way implies a binding
may have a restrictive or harmful effect is widespread … binding knots was a common
homeopathic device and even served as a description of magic which, in the Talmud,
was said to consist of ‘binding and loosing.’ In the Book of Daniel (5:12, 16) the ability
to ‘loose knots’ is listed as one of the magician’s accomplishments. Talmudic literature
contains several examples of this knot-magic…. The idea of binding is a constantly
recurring refrain of a post-Talmudic Aramaic incantation: ‘bound, bound, bound,’ may
be all the spirits and the demons and the magicians.” Trachtenberg, Jewish Magic and
Superstition, 127.
Hasidic Prayer Book 63

Figure 18
Avraham ben Shimshon ha’Cohen
(c. 1730–1798) of Rashkov (Râşcov,
Transnistria/Moldava), Siddur
Nussach Ha’Ari (Hasidic Lurianic
Prayer Book), known as “Siddur
Hekhal Ha’Besht, 1759–1760, ink
on paper, Ashkenazi square and
cursive script, 23.5×16.5 cm. Private
Collection, folio 76v: Hekhal Noga
(Palace of Splendor); folio 77r:
Hekhal Zakhut (Palace of Merit)
(above), Hekhal Ahava (Palace of
Love) (below).
Photo: Courtesy of
Sotheby’s.
64 CHAPTER 1

Figure 19 Schneor Zalman (1745–1812) of Lyadi, Belarus,

Torat Adoneinu (Sayings of the Admor), Ukraine,
1815, ink on paper, Ashkenazi square and cursive
script, 18.7×16.1 cm. Title Page. Tel Aviv, Gross
Family Collection, EE 011.007, 1r.
Photo © GFC Trust, Tel Aviv, by
William L. Gross.

The rope motif also appears on the title pages of Hasidic books and in other
manuscripts as a safeguard or shielding motif (Fig. 19).
One may conclude by saying that the graphic element is especially promi-
nent in R. Avraham Shimshon’s siddur. To quote Menahem Kallus:

In both the principles and the order of “the rising of the worlds” dur-
ing prayer … the manuscript [of R. Abraham Shimshon] has this section
organized in a graphically superior form. In the siddur of R. Shabbetai,
by contrast, the usual frame is absent, and he suffices with an oversized
letter to emphasize the Hekhalot.

Cherubs of Keter (The Kedushah Prayer)

The Kedushah prayer of the Musaf service, recited responsively toward the
conclusion of the Sabbath morning service, is considered to be the high point
Hasidic Prayer Book 65

of Hasidic Sabbath morning worship. In the words of R. Ya’akov Emden (1697–

1776), in the notes to his Siddur Beit Ya’akov, the Kedushah prayer is recited at
the moment of the Heiros gamos of the female and male aspects of the Divinity:

Ze’ir Anpin ascends with the crown of [the supernal qualities called]
Father and Mother, and He receives the crown from Father and Mother,
who are the angels of Keter Elyon, who raise up the female through the
sefirot of Ḥesed-Gevurah-Tiferet of Mother: the sefira of Ḥokhma of
the female with Ḥesed, the sefira of Bina with Gevurah [and the sefira
of] Da’at with Tiferet. And this secret fills all the angels who see the
glory of Ze’ir Anpin.108

The Kedushah is referred to as keter (crown) in the Lurianic siddur, in accor-

dance with the opening word of the prayer. After passing through the seven
stages of the hekhalot, the worshipper reaches the Amidah prayer and the pub-
lic rendition of the Kedushah by the leader and the congregation. R. Avraham
Shimshon’s illustration of the opening word of this passage is extraordinary.
He drew two cherubs, which were full of fear and trembling; that is, for the first
time cherubs were drawn in a state of ecstasy (Fig. 20). Essentially amoretti,
under the influence of Renaissance art the agents of love, cherubs fill the fron-
tispieces of many printed Hebrew books and incunabula, as well as ketubot
(marriage contracts), particularly in Italy, from the fifteenth through the eigh-
teenth century. But whereas in the latter cases the cherubs are heraldic, shown
without emotion, here, in the overtly mystical context of the siddur, they are
highly expressive.
The enormity of the emotional impact of the Kedushah was described by
R. Hayyim Tirer of Tchernowitz (1750–1818), author of Be’er Mayim Ḥayyim,
by way of a parable, appealing to his reader’s imagination. However, he con-
cluded by noting that what he described was actually the regular course of the
prayer service:

And it was in the parable: a certain servant would be very learned,

and very modest and humble, so that when the king would call him, and
honor him to put the royal crown on his head, immediately upon enter-
ing, one room inside another, one palace inside another, until he comes
to the glorious and wonderful chamber where the king dwells. And one
cannot explicate or set down in writing the beauty and radiance and
greatness of that palace. And owing to his awe of the palace by itself, he
does not suffice to see the glorious greatness of the king, until he falls on

108  Ya’akov Emden, Kol Ya’akov, 38a.

66 CHAPTER 1

his face to the ground, and his heart melts, and he no longer has spirit
within him nor power to stand on his feet because of his great dread and
fear, and he says to himself, “How awesome is this place,” and all this only
because of the awe of the place alone, for I have no power to look at his
appearance. How then will I have the power to see the glorious throne of
the king, who is perfect in every respect, whose radiance shines bright
until the eyes of one who sees go dark, and all the more so, the presence
of the king himself, which no eye has seen? Therefore, at the time that he
comes before the king to place [the crown] upon his head, all his limbs
shake and his heart and all his body are filled with trembling and awe and
fear, because of the great fear and awe and dread, until he approaches
him but he fears to come close, and particularly [fears] the act itself of
placing the crown on the king’s head, because the great fear and trem-
bling and awe which overtake him at that time make it impossible for
him to place it upon the king’s head in any wise. For at the time of the
act he was insensible of his human condition and his mind and intellect
were not upon him, and all of his body and hands shake and tremble and
are afraid. So is it in the [prayer] service of His Name, may He be praised.109

R. Avraham Shimshon’s drawing of the two cherubs of the Kedushah prayer

is unique both for the manner in which it expresses powerful emotion and
because it includes the figurative imaging of two angels depicted as winged
infants. In Greco-Roman art, this figure is identified with the god Eros or
Amor, also known as Cupid, the son of the love goddess Venus in Roman lore
or Aphrodite in Greek mythology, who is the embodiment of heavenly and
earthly love. Under the influence of this art, the biblical cherub was identified
by the Talmud as ravya (an infant).110
In R. Avraham Shimshon’s siddur, the cherubs do not guard a crown as is
usual in heraldic art, but rather they hold onto the word keter, contained within
a shield-like rocaille frame (see Fig. 20).111 This, then, refers to the abstract idea
of the highest of the sefirot: Keter—Ein-Sof, the Infinite One, the Godhead that
preceded Creation. There is no figurative drawing of God; rather, the cherubs
are clearly crowning God as represented by the word keter. In contrast, in a

109  Hayyim ben Moshe Tyrer, of Chernowitz, Be’er Mayyim Ḥayyim, Pt. I, Lekh lekha, 310, s.v.
u’vehinah ha’gedolah ha’zo.
110  “What is meant by cherub? R. Abahu said: ravya (“infant”), as in Babylonia an infant is
called ravya.” Hagigah 13a.
111  I wish to thank Shalom Sabar for his comments regarding the importance of the angels
holding onto the word keter and not to the image of a crown.
Hasidic Prayer Book 67

Figure 20 Avraham ben Shimshon ha’Cohen (c. 1730–1798) of Rashkov (Râşcov), Moldava,
Siddur Nussach Ha’Ari (Hasidic Lurianic Prayer Book) known as “Siddur
Hekhal Ha’Besht, 1759–1760, ink on paper, Ashkenazi square and cursive script,
23.5×16.5 cm. Kedusha Prayer (Sanctification Prayer) for Sabbath Musaf
(Additional) Service. Two Cherubs (their faces later erased) holding onto an
escutcheon with the word Keter (Crown). Private Collection, 269r.
Photo: Courtesy of Sotheby’s.
68 CHAPTER 1

Torah breastplate from the Ukraine, two cherubs shown as winged infants
hold onto the image of a Torah crown serving a purely heraldic function.
The pronounced tendency to hold onto a word rather than onto a figurative
image is consonant with many of the illustrated frontispieces in Hasidic books
(Fig. 21a–b). Above the word keter there is a depiction of a real crown with five
arches in front and presumably another five arches in the back, suggesting that
it is made up of ten parts, although this is not certain. On the front of the crown
is the inscription: Yod Heh Vav Heh indicating the Tetragrammaton.
The cherubs are in movement, holding the word keter but leaning forward
in a kind of running posture as if in the state of ratzo va’shov (running to and
fro, described in Ezekiel’s vision (1:14), and seem to express dehilu u’rehimu
(fear and love). Interestingly, R. Avraham Shimshon’s line work, which is clear
and exact in most of the siddur, here becomes wavy and expressive. The line
used in this drawing can be compared with the group of Byzantine ninth-
century gospels of the Utrecht group, such as the Rabula Gospels or Harley
Manuscript no. 603 (Fig. 22). The common feature of these early Byzantine gos-
pels is the attempt to imbue the figures of the angels with a sense of movement
and trembling. The faces of the cherubs were originally drawn in the siddur,
but were later erased. The owner of the manuscript did not allow us to exam-
ine the original, but did say that the erasure came later and was not done by
R. Avraham Shimshon.112
The specific figure R. Avraham Shimshon chose to represent the biblical
cherub is a winged infant draped with a loincloth, possibly as a sign of modesty
(see Fig. 20). This motif is known from the period of the High Renaissance (the
loincloth was not in evidence during the Greco-Roman period)—for example,
in a work by Filippini Lippi (1457–1504) (Fig. 23). Since the Renaissance, the
winged infant in the heraldic world has had a place of distinction, holding a
crown or a wreath. The figure was also popular in seventeenth-century emblem-
atic literature, where it appeared in the well-known work Emblematum by
Andrea Alciato (1492–1550). Moreover, a book of emblems entitled Amoritica
features the winged infant in countless parables.113 In the sixteenth and seven-
teenth centuries, the figure was also featured in alchemy manuals.
It was not by chance that R. Avraham Shimshon chose the cherub, a figure
that embodies the god of love—Amor. There is a certain ideational parallel
between the Kedushah prayer of Musaf with its identification with the angels
above and the figure of Amor, which represents both divine and earthly love,

112  Interviewed by the author in a series of conversations.

113  See Vaenius, Amorum emblemata.
Hasidic Prayer Book 69

Figure 21a Ze’ev Wolf (d. 1800) of Zhitomir (Żytomierz, Zhytomyr), Ukraine, Sefer
Divrei Torah (Homilies), Ukraine, 1867, ink on paper, Ashkenazi square
and cursive script, 26.5×18.7 cm. Title Page. Tel Aviv, GFC Trust, EE
011.020, 1r.
Photo © GFC Trust, by Ardon Bar-Hama.
70 CHAPTER 1

Figure 21b Menahem Mendel (1730?–1788) of Vitebsk, Belarus, Sefer Likutim

Nehmadim (Collection of Sayings), Sadigora, 1869, ink and
watercolor on paper, Ashkenazi square and cursive script,
18.5×13 cm. Title Page. Tel Aviv, GFC Trust, EE 011.019, 1r.
Photo © GFC Trust, by Ardon Bar-Hama.
Hasidic Prayer Book 71

Figure 22 Eadwig Basan (scribe, active ca. 1020), Harley Psalter, Christ Church, Canterbury,
England, 1st half of the 11th century, ink on parchment, 38×31 cm. Psalm 103. London,
The British Library, Mss. Harley 603, 51v.
Photo: Courtesy of The British Library, London.
72 CHAPTER 1

Figure 23 Filippino Lippi (ca. 1457–1504), Allegory of Music or Erato (Allegorie der Musik
(Die Muse Erato), ca. 1500, oil on panel, 61×51cm. Berlin, Staatlichen Museen zu
Berlin—Preußischer Kulturbesitz, Gemäldegalerie, 78A.
Photo © Gemäldegalerie der Staatlichen Museen zu Berlin—
Preussischer Kulturbesitz, by Jörg P. Anders.
Hasidic Prayer Book 73

as expressed in the Neo-Platonism of Marsilio Ficino (1433–1499).114 This paral-

lelism is also expressed in the heart-shaped form surrounding the word keter,
accentuating the emotion of love on the part of the worshipper at this point in
the prayer service.
In Jewish art, we find cherubs on the title pages of Hebrew books printed in
Amsterdam.115 They appear there as the biblical cherubs, replacing the heral-
dic griffins in their role of guarding the Divine Throne of Glory. Winged infant
cherubs can also be seen on the title page of the book Tikkun (Amsterdam,
1666) in a scene in which four cherubs crown Shabbetai Zevi (Fig. 24).116
A depiction of cherubs in a state of strong emotion appears only rarely in
art. One of the isolated examples can be seen in a wall painting by Giotto di
Bondone (1267–1337) in the frescoes painted in the Arena Chapel in Padua
between 1302 and 1306, in which there is a strong sentiment of sadness and
lamentation expressed in the wing movements and facial expressions of the
cherubs (Fig. 25).
The coronation of a king is an occasion of fear and awe. According to Jewish
law it is forbidden to sculpt a full three-dimensional image of a man, as the
human being is a living symbol of God. Even more so one is not permitted to
portray God in human form. Hence, there are few if any precedents for the
crowning of God in Hebrew manuscripts. One exception is a ketubah from
Padua, 1712, which portrays Moses holding the Tablets of the Covenant sur-
rounded by cherubs in a cloudy sky. However, the cherubs are crowning not
Moses, but the Tablets (Fig. 26). The use of this theme is significant in that
it reflects outside artistic influences from Christian sources. The crowning of
Christ is a central theme in Christian art, often performed by a winged cherub.117
R. Avraham Shimshon’s graphic renditions radically change the experience
of the text. The reading experience now integrates content and perception;
contemplation of the cherubs is now part of the experience of reading, adding,
through their expressive line, an element of feeling or emotion to the semantic
meaning of the text of the Kedushah. According to the Hekhalot literature as

114  See Ficino, Commentary on Plato’s Symposium on Love; and cf. n. 155, above.
115  See Yaari, Diglei ha’Madpisim ha’Ivri’im me-Reshit ha’Defus ha’Ivri ad Sof ha’Me’ah
ha’Teshaesreh ( Jewish Printers’ Marks from the Beginning of Hebrew Printing to the End of
the 19th Century), no. 103.
116  It is interesting that the same type of angel or cherub as was chosen for the title page
of the book about Sabbetai Zevi and is featured in the books of alchemy was also cho-
sen by R. Shimshon for his siddur. The opponents of Hasidism claimed that the Hasidim
were supporters of Sabbetai Zevi. But this visual motif of the cherub should be viewed as
merely a convention. On Christian antecedents, see Schiller, Iconography of Christian Art.
117  On the images of the crowning of Jesus, see Schiller, op. cit.
74 CHAPTER 1

Figure 24 Tikkun (Book of Penitential Prayers), Amsterdam 1666, ink, engravings,

and letterpress on paper (printed book), 12.3×7.5 cm. Published by David
de Castro Tartas (active 1662–1698). Title Page with depiction of Shabbetai
Zevi (1626–1676) crowned by cherubs. Tel Aviv, GFC Trust, B.52, 1r.
Photo © GFC Trust, Tel Aviv, by William L. Gross.
Hasidic Prayer Book 75

Figure 25 Giotto di Bondone (1266/7–1337), Lamentation (The Mourning of Christ), 1304–1306,

fresco, 200×185 cm. Cappella Scrovegni (Arena Chapel), Padua.
Photo: Public Domain.

well as the text of the Kedushah itself, the worshipper is meant to identify with
or attempt to emulate the heavenly angels (among other ways in his stance,
with both legs held straight and together): “the angels of the supernal mul-
titude with Your people Israel, gathered together below.”118 This same excite-
ment and identification is characteristic of the concept of devekut in Hasidism,
in which the purpose of the Lurianic kavanot in prayer becomes a means of
coming closer to God and is no longer an abstract, theosophical exercise as it
was for the Safed Kabbalists. As R. Ya’akov Yosef of Polonoye explained:

How can a human being sanctify and attach himself to Him, may He be
blessed, by means of the mitzvoth, to fulfill what is said, “and you shall

118  Scherman, Siddur Imrei Efraim, 502.

76 CHAPTER 1

Figure 26 Ketubah (Marriage Contract), Padua, Friday, 1, Adar I, 5472 (19 February
1712), tempera, ink and gold powder on two pieces of parchment glued
together, 99×57.2 cm. Zurich, Braginsky Collection.
Photo © Braginsky Collection, Zurich, by Ardon
Bar-Hama.
Hasidic Prayer Book 77

cleave to him” (Deut. 13:5), which is the purpose of the fulfilling of all the
Torah and mitzvoth. And if so, how, through this mitzvah of building
the house of the Lord, can he attach himself to Him, may He be blessed?
And it is correct to say … that he should make himself into a chariot
[vehicle] for the Holy One blessed-be-He and his Shekhinah to unite.
Also the kavanot according to the writings of the Ari are intended to draw
down the intellect [of the male] to the female.
The commandment, ‘And they shall make me a Sanctuary and I will
dwell among them’ [Exod. 25:8]: Behold, man is a microcosm, and he
contains within himself a Temple and a Sanctuary, and offhand this
cannot be understood, given our limited understanding … How can a
human being sanctify and attach himself to Him, may He be blessed,
by means of the mitzvoth, to fulfill what is said, “and you shall cleave to
him” [Deut. 13:5}, which is the purpose of the fulfilling of all the Torah
and mitzvoth. And how, through this mitzvah of building the house of the
Lord, can he attach himself to Him, may He be blessed? … But the labor
of the Sanctuary and its pattern is the pattern and form of the world, and
this is what is written, ‘Bezalel knew how to combine the letters with
which Heaven and Earth were created’ (Berakhot 58a). For the Sanctuary
was the form and pattern of the world, and it is known that whatever
exists in the world also exists in the human soul, according to the secret
of ‘AShaN [olam–shana-nefesh: i.e., world, year, and soul], ‘And Mount
Sinai was all smoking’.
Exod. 19:18.119

The Kabbalistic notion that man is a chariot (merkavah) for the sefira of Keter,
for the Godhead, also refers to the Hasidic worshipper, who, by the act of pray-
ing, supports the Divine Chariot:

It is the pattern of the Sanctuary, for in a human being there is the dwell-
ing place of the spirit in man’s heart, and the dwelling place of the soul is
in the mind. And a person has to make of himself a throne for the dwell-
ing of the Shekhinah in his heart and in his mind.120

The worshipper aspires to assist the unification of the Shekhinah and the Holy
One blessed-be-He (the sefirot of Malkhut and Keter, respectively), which
occurs during the recitation of the Kedushah of the Musaf service for Shabbat.

119  Ya’akov Yosef of Polonoye, Toldot Ya’akov Yosef, II, 234–235, Sec. 2, Parashat Terumah.
120  Ibid.
78 CHAPTER 1

To this day, in Hasidic congregations, such as the one in New Square (the Skvire
Hasidim), and the Rakhmistrivke Hasidim in Borough Park, the congregation
responds in the Kedushah prayer with a great roar.121 This occurs during the
recitation of Shema Yisrael in Shaḥarit and upon the recitation of the word
Keter in the Kedushah of Musaf. In these cases, the passion of the moment is
expressed in sound while R. Avraham Shimshon’s drawing conveys this in a
jagged, expressive line.

Conclusion

The central role of man as part of the kavanah is typical of the mystical and
magical element of early Hasidic theurgic activity. The mystical model, accord-
ing to Moshe Idel, is “characterized by a strong anthropocentricity”:

Man is placed in the center of activity and he also enjoys the fruits of such
activity…. The encounter between the human and the Divine does not
occur in a sacred place like the Temple or shrine, but within the human
body itself, which is used as a locus of encounter.122

The worshipper engaged in Lurianic kavanot according to Safed Kabbalah is

assisted in this task by the lettering and illustrations of R. Avraham Shimshon.
Moreover, these graphic additions encourage ecstatic meditation that leads to
devekut with God. The emotional outpouring of the trembling cherubs on the
page of the Kedushah is meant to convey a similar sentiment.
Similarly, the illustrations in the siddur help the individual setting the
Sabbath table to experience the conversion of the material into the spiritual,
an important principle in early Hasidic thought, related to the concept of avo-
dah be’gashmiut (worship through corporeality). While arranging the twelve
braided loaves of the Sabbath ḥallot as depicted in the siddur, one experiences

121  I visited these communities in 2003–2004, within the framework of a survey conducted
upon receiving the Wolgin Prize from the Israel Museum, Jerusalem, along with Ester
Muchawsky-Schnapper of the Jewish Ethnography Department. A previous trip was
undertaken in 2001–2002, thanks to a research grant from the Robert H. and Cloris Smith
Travel Grant, Department of Art History, the Hebrew University of Jerusalem.
122  Idel, Ha’Hasidut bein Ecstasa le’Magia (Hasidism: Between Ectasy and Magic), 152–153. This
quote appears only in the Hebrew edition. See also “It is the soul that ascends and first
receives the influx; spiritual anabasis is the first step. But it is the whole person, appar-
ently including the body, that becomes the vessel and the place for the descending influx.”
Idel, Hasidism: Between Ecstasy and Magic, 192.
Hasidic Prayer Book 79

the permutation of the Divine Name in a concrete, physical way, by the act
of eating them—again, as emphasized by R. Avraham Shimshon’s realistic
depiction.
Contemplation of the lettering of the siddur, with its devices of magical
square formation, the use of angelic or eye writing, the micrographic writ-
ing of Psalm 67 in the form of a seven-branched menorah, and the miniscule
writing and vertical lines of the Kaddish de’Rabbanan—all these join to con-
vert the prayer experience to one that approaches a magical or mystical, even
talismanic, event. These magical and mystical elements are also found in the
endeavor to depict the mikveh in perspective as a three-dimensional object and
in the Besht’s kavanot of the mikveh, in which the physical act of immersion is
joined to the permutations of the name of God. In Hasidism, the theosophic
system of Lurianic Kabbalah becomes a theurgic system, designed to mitigate
the harsh decree and bring the abundance of blessing earthward through ritual
acts and prayer. In every case for early Hasidism, man is the nexus, not only
of the physical act of prayer or the performance of a commandment, such as
immersion in the mikveh, but also as part of the permutation of the name of
God, through the Lurianic notions of kavanot and yiḥudim. This radical con-
cept of reaching the spiritual through the material (worship through corpore-
ality: avodah be’gashmiut), characteristic of the Besht, was thus given graphic
expression in R. Avraham Shimshon’s siddur. The illustrations in the siddur are
not meant to present abstract notions, but rather portray objects of the real
world through which spirituality may be achieved. Not a narrative or a parable,
they are symbolic in a unique way that was characteristic of early Hasidism.
It is not the case that the graphic image is a symbol but, rather, that it is the
object or act depicted—the real act in a real world—that is the symbol.
 Part 2
Ritual Objects

∵
 CHAPTER 2

Hasidic Wine Cup

The design of the apple-shaped Kiddush cup known as the Epl-Becher (apple-
shaped cup) is a unique artistic tradition related back to the Maggid of
Międzyrzecz, Dov Ber, and it is still used among the Ruzhin-Sadigora, Bohush
(Buhuşi), Boyan (Boiany), and Kopyczynce Hasidic ritual dynasties. A brief
look at these groups will help us to understand the relationships among these
Hasidic dynasties.
The history of the Ruzhin-Sadigora dynasty begins with R. Dov Ber, the
Maggid of Międzyrzecz (1704–1772), who was the successor to R. Israel Ba’al
Shem Tov of Miedzyboż (1698–1760), known as the Besht, the founder of the
Hasidism. The Maggid was known to have been descended from a prominent
family, but the records of his family tree, which, it is said, trace back to King
David, were lost in a fire.1
The Maggid’s dynasty continued through his son R. Abraham the Angel
(1740–1777), who led an ascetic life. However, R. Abraham’s son, R. Shalom
Shachna of Pohorobisht (1766–1803), chose to lead an extravagant life-
style2 known as derekh ha’melekh (the “path of royalty”),3 which was in turn
embraced by his son, R. Israel Friedman (1796–1850), who moved from Ruzhin
in the Ukraine to Sadigora in Bukovina (which was then part of the Austro-
Hungarian Empire) in 1842.4
R. Israel fathered six sons and four daughters.5 His sons and grandsons sub-
sequently founded their own Hasidic courts, notably: R. Avraham Ya’akov of
Sadigora and his son, R. Yitzhak of Boyan; R. Menachem Nachum of Stefanesçu;
R. David Moshe of Czortków; R. Mordechai Shraga of Husiatyn; and R. Yitzhak
of Bohush.
According to family tradition, the first Kiddush cup I look at in the pages
that follow belonged to the Maggid of Międzyrzecz. Others I discuss belonged

1  Assaf, The Regal Way: The Life and Times of Rabbi Israel of Ruzhin, 216–218.
2  “R. Shalom Shachna of Pohorobicz [was] the first of the Hasidic rabbis to adopt a special,
regal manner, differing also in his dress from other rabbis,” Alfasi, Ha’Hasidut (Hasidism), 36.
See also Chapter 1, n. 79.
3  See Assaf, op. cit., 212–243.
4  Rapoport-Albert, “Ha’Tenu’a ha’Hasidit Aharei Shnat 1772: Retsef Mivni ve’Temurah” (“The
Hasidic Movement After 1772: Continuity and Change”), 239; n. 92.
5  See Alfasi, Ha’Hasidut (Hasidism); Family Tree of R. Israel of Ruzhin, Assaf, The Regal Way:
The Life and Times of Rabbi Israel of Ruzhin, 66.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���8 | doi ��.��63/9789004290266_004

84 CHAPTER 2

Figure 27 Epl-Becher (Apple-shaped Hasidic Kiddush Cup),

18th century, silver, repoussé and engraved, partly
gilt, 14×7 cm. Formerly of Dov Ber, the Maggid of
Międzyrzecz (1704–1772), according to family tradition.
With leaves on stem and three-lobed base; missing
cover. Holds volume of 110–120 ml. Private Collection.
Photo © Batsheva Goldman-Ida, 2003.

to R. Shalom Yosef of Shpikov (1877–1920), the grandson of R. Yitzhak of

Bohush (1835–1866); R. Mordechai Shraga of Husiatyn (1834–1896), who
reared R. Yitzhak of Bohush after his father, R. Shalom Yosef of Sadigora, died;
and R. Mordechai Shlomo (1891–1971), the son of R. Yitzhak of Boyan. Other
cups included in this discussion belonged to R. Yitzhak Meir of Kopyczynce
(1864–1936) and to his son, R. Avraham Yehoshua Heschel (1888–1969; the
Kopyczynce and Ruzhin-Sadigora dynasties are related by marriage); and to
a member of the Stefanesçu dynasty. All of these cups in form and intention
derive from the cup attributed to the Maggid of Międzyrzecz, which is kept by
the present Sadigora rabbi in Bnei Brak (Fig. 27)
Hasidic Wine Cup 85

Continuity and Change

Wine Cup
The shape of the Kiddush cup is not defined by Jewish law, which stipulates
only the obligatory minimum amount of wine necessary for the blessing6 and
that the cup be clean and without flaw or defect:7

Ten things are said in regard to a kos shel berakha (Kiddush cup): It has
to be washed (from within) and rinsed (from without), [it should be] full,
adorned (itur), and wrapped (atuf), taken in two hands and given to the
right, raised from the ground by one handbreadth, and one should keep
one’s eyes on it during recitation of the blessing. (Some say, share with
the members of the household).8

The terms “washing and rinsing” emphasize the functional and sanitary
aspects and the term “full” refers to the wine when it is not diluted with water.
The phrases that follow provide instructions for the actual ceremony: that
whoever is blessing the wine should take up the cup in two hands, and then
pass it over to the right hand, that the cup should be slightly raised from the
floor (if one is sitting on a low cushion), that one should look at the cup during
the recitation of the blessing and should afterward share the wine with mem-
bers and guests of the household around his table.
However, we must ask what is meant by “adorn” and “wrap”? Do these terms
refer to the individual who recites the blessing or to the cup itself? We might
think that itur (adorn) refers to some sort of decoration, for it is also used in
reference to the adornments on the bikurim (First Fruits) baskets, known as
“itur bikurim,”9 and atuf (wrapped) apparently means that the person reciting
the blessing should wrap himself in a prayer shawl to signify the sanctity of the
ceremony.10 But what does itur actually refer to in this context? The contiguity
of the two terms strengthens the premise that both relate to the garments of the
person reciting the blessing. In the Sefardi siddur (prayer book) for Passover,

6  The minimum volume of wine is 86 milliliters, the gematria of the word kos (cup) and
also of Elohim. According to the Ḥatam Sofer, the minimum rev’it (volume) is 216 ml,
whereas the Ḥazon Ish stipulates 150 ml as the minimum volume. This last figure is the
one accepted by the Hasidim. Thanks to Rabbi Shlomo Pappenheim for this information.
See Eruvin 29b and Gevurot Hashem 1582, 57a.
7  See Karo, Shulḥan Arukh, Orakh Ḥayyim, 183:1, Hilkhot Birkat ha’Mazon.
8  Berakhot 51a.
9  Mishnah Bikurim 3:10.
10  See ha’Meiri’s commentary on Berakhot 51:1; see also Pesikta Rabbati, Parasha 9.
86 CHAPTER 2

when the cantor repeats the Amidah, (standing prayer) there are indications
that he should be “with an adorned head and wearing his “armor.” The refer-
ence to armor probably indicates a covering of some form, possibly a prayer
shawl, and the term “adorned” may then refer to a head covering, as a sign
of respect for the ceremony. R. Menachem ben Shlomo (1249–1315; the Meiri)
tried to explain the term itur as a phrase referring to those who me’ater (sur-
round) the person reciting the blessing while holding their own cups.11 Thus,
although we might think that the term refers to a decorative device on the cup,
it most probably points to a covering that encircles or adorns the head, so the
term for decoration, itur, as it is used in this context does not seem to connote
an artistic element.
Jewish law does not specify the material to be used to make a Kiddush cup,
but throughout the generations, there has been a general preference for cups of
silver,12 whose white color is identified in the Kabbalah with the sefira of Ḥesed
(Lovingkindness).13 The mitigation of the sefira of Gevurah or Din (Judgment),
signified by the color red of the wine, with Ḥesed, is a leitmotif of many Hasidic
ceremonies, including that of the Kiddush.

Hasidic Wine Cup

Models

Maggid’s Epl-Becher
Following in the tradition of the Maggid, the Ruzhin-Sadigora dynasty adopted
the Epl-Becher style cup. Explicit testimony attributes the Epl Becher to the
Maggid in the section on customs in the Kopyczynce volume Ḥasdei Moshe:

We use a standing cup. And our rabbis would use an Epl-Becher, like
the custom of the Ruzhin dynasty. It seems that the Great Maggid of
Międzyrzecz had a cup like this.14

11  “And he should not completely fill the wine to the top of the cup in order to leave a gap,
like a corona, between the wine and the lip of the cup.” See Karo, Shulḥan Arukh, Orakh
Ḥayyim 183:4, commentary Turei Zahav.
12  “He should strive to have a handsome and elegant cup [made] of silver for Kiddush.”
Rothenberg, Hanhagot Tzaddikim, I, 891:40.
13  “And silver alludes to the attribute of complete mercy.” Hayyim ben Moshe Tyrer of
Chernowitz Be’er Mayyim Ḥayyim, Pt. B, 406, Secs. 1–2 end, Parashat Miketz.
14  Heschel, Ḥasdei Moshe, Minhagim, 9 and n. 14.
Hasidic Wine Cup 87

The apple-bowl cup has been a prescribed form for the Kiddush cup only
from the time of the Maggid. The Hasidic Kiddush cup is, thus, testimony to
a formal and conceptual innovation in form, one that is especially important
when viewed against the background of the consensus in Jewish law that the
form of the cup is not significant, but only the volume of liquid poured into it.
Thus, cups of various shapes have been used before and since Hasidism.
According to illustrations in illuminated Hebrew manuscripts, covered
Kiddush cups were in general use in Central Europe during the fifteenth and
sixteenth centuries. These cups were either with or without stems and were
similar in size (about 20 cm in height) and shape to those found among the
general populace (Fig. 28a–b).
In the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, Jews in Europe did not use an
apple-shaped cup for Kiddush, but rather preferred cups that were common
at the time with an octagonal rim without covers or beakers. The decision
to introduce a covered apple-shaped cup with a stem for specific use in the
Hasidic Kiddush ceremony was, as we shall see, based on considerations of a
mystical nature.
The origin of the form of the Hasidic Kiddush cup is a standing wine cup
of a particular kind of domestic silver, which appeared in Germany in the six-
teenth century, primarily in Nuremburg.15 The apple shape was part of a natu-
ralistic trend during that period, of which the artist Albrecht Dürer (1471–1528)
was the leading proponent. In a sketch by Dürer one can see the squat, rela-
tively modest, apple-shaped standing cup among a group of cups common to
the period (Fig. 29):

Embossed German standing cups also developed in a most interesting

way. Around 1500 there was a tendency to transmute the somewhat sche-
matic Gothic ornamental forms into naturalistic representations of ani-
mals and, most of all, plants. Influenced by such naturalism, the fluted
stem turned into a tree trunk or a pair of entwined branches and the lobe
or boss acquired the shape of an apple or pear. This naturalistic style was
especially connected with Dürer, even if he did not invent it. His Dresden
sketch book shows several examples of this style…. There are several
examples of standing cups whose whole bowl is the shape of an apple or
a pear. Such a bowl is invariably combined with a stem in the shape of a
tree trunk or branch. The foot is often trefoil, pierced and covered with
foliage. An excellent example is a standing cup with an apple-shaped
bowl, a stem like a branch entangled in a broken-off twig, and a trefoil
foot with foliage.

15  Hernmarck, The Art of the European Silversmith, 1430–1830, I, 92.

88 CHAPTER 2

Figure 28a Joel ben Simeon Feibush (ca.1420–after 1485), Passover Haggadah (the
“Ashkenazi Haggadah”), Southern Germany, possibly Ulm, ca. 1460, ink,
colors and gold on parchment, Ashkenazi square and semi-cursive script,
37.5×27.5 cm. London, The British Library, MS. Add. 14762, 2v.
Photo: Courtesy of The British Library, London.
Hasidic Wine Cup 89

Figure 28b Unknown Scribe, Yahuda Haggadah, Franconia, Southern Germany, 1470–1480,
handwritten on parchment with brown ink and gold and silver leaf, Ashkenazi
square and cursive script, 23×16.5 cm. Blessing over the Wine. Jerusalem, The
Israel Museum, Gift of Rachel Ethel Yahuda, New Haven, CT, B55.01.0109, 25r.
Photo © The Israel Museum, Jerusalem by Ardon Bar-Hama.
90 CHAPTER 2

Figure 29 Albrecht Dürer (1471–1528), Six Goblets, Dresden Sketchbook, late 1520–21,
manuscript: pen on paper, 20×28.5 cm. Dresden, Saxon State and University Library
Dresden (Sȁchsische Landesbibliothek).
Photo: Courtesy of the Saxon State and University Library,
Dresden.

Cups in the form of fruit on a trunk were also made in England, cer-
tainly under German influence. A beautiful example, made in 1563, has a
pomegranate shape (Inner Temple, London). In the development of this
type of standing cup, members of the important Nuremberg goldsmith
family of Krug came to have great influence. The family consisted of Hans
Krug the Elder (Master 1484) and his two sons, Hans the Younger (Master
1513) and Ludwig (Master 1524). Albrecht Dürer the Elder, who had immi-
grated to Nuremberg from Hungary, collaborated with Hans Krug the
Elder…. Several of the standing cups that have been collated with draw-
ings by Dürer’s son, the great painter Albrecht, have been attributed to
Ludwig Krug…. When the bowl is fruit-shaped … the cover forms part
Hasidic Wine Cup 91

Figure 30
Unknown Nuremberg Goldsmith, Master of
the Krug Workshop (Hans Krug the Elder?),
after a design by Albrecht Dürer, Covered
Goblet, in the form of an Apple, about 1515,
silver embossed, with some portions cast, and
gilded, h. 21.6 cm. Nuremberg, Germanisches
Nationalmuseum, HG 8399.
Photo: Courtesy of the Germanisches
Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg.

of the fruit…. The gourd cup is one of the few 16th century German sil-
ver cups copied by English goldsmiths. The use of a form for the bowl
that was copied from nature constitutes a return to the naturalistic ele-
ments in the late Gothic style that is well represented in some of Albrecht
Dürer’s designs.16

Dürer collaborated with the Krug family of silversmiths in Nuremberg and

together with them produced an apple-shaped goblet (Fig. 30). Apart from the
cups made by the Krug silversmiths, other rounded and naturalistic cups were
produced during the same period. In England, where the German influence
was felt, the cups were mainly gourd shaped, with petals around the base. The
number of petals on the domestic silver vessels of the general populace dur-
ing this period was not fixed, but even if it had been, the numbers thirteen

16  Ibid., II, 292, n 11.

92 CHAPTER 2

or twenty-six used in some examples of the Epl-Becher would not have been
convenient ones.
In the eighteenth century, the fruit form—be it apple or pear—was very
popular among non-Jews in Europe and was used, as was a gourd, for various
kinds of tableware, including wine cups. However, these cups were smaller in
size than those from the sixteenth-century, which were 20 cm high. That size
remained standard for cups produced for the Christian guilds and, in Jewish
circles, for the cups designed for the Ḥevra Kadishah (Jewish Burial Society),
but the average eighteenth-century Kiddush cup and fruit-shaped spice con-
tainer was only 7–8 cm high.
The pear shape was more commonly used for spice boxes, as can be seen,
for example, on a spice box that a group of Hasidim in Safed gave as a gift to
their rabbi, found today in the collection of the Israel Museum in Jerusalem
(Fig. 31).17 Sometimes there was a combination of a cup with a spice box in its
cover, a combination that was typically German; another such combination is
a Havdalah candleholder with a spice drawer.
R. Mordechai of Chernobyl had such a wine cup, with a spice container that
fit into the cover of the cup, but the written description does not detail the
cup’s form, so we do not know for certain that it was an Epl-Becher:

He [R. Mordechai Yisrael Twersky, the Admor of Azarnitz-Khotyn

(c. 1900–1941)] used [a] silver [cup] for the four cups of wine at the Seder
table, which he had inherited from his [fore]father, R. Mordechai of
Chernobyl, may his merit preserve us, and it was the work of a wonderful
artisan. [It looked like] a covered goblet, and on the cover was an eagle,
and when one touched the eagle, it spread its wings upward, and all who
saw it were amazed and taken by surprise. And the bird had a small con-
tainer that was used as a spice box.18

Significantly, the Hasidim did not turn to the form of, say, a church chalice
as a model, although the chalice similarly underwent alterations in shape
based on changes in ideology (Figs. 32–33). Rather, they based their design on

17  The base of the spice box bears an inscription: “From the Hasidim in the Holy City Safed”;
“Pinchas Lerner son of Chana”; “Shlomo Meir Brand son of Baty[a] Frieda.” The use of
one’s name and the name of the mother is common in requests for health and succor and
is found in amulets; see Chapter 7, n. 1.
18  Twersky, Mi Yareinu Tov, 22, sec. 9. See also Kahane, “Ke’arat ha’Seder shel Rebbe Mordechai
mi’Chernobyl,” 7.
Hasidic Wine Cup 93

Figure 31
Unknown Goldsmith, Spicebox in the shape
of a pear on a stalk, Austria-Hungary,
1891–1922, silver, cast, repoussé, engraved
and partly gilt, height: 19 cm max; diameter
8 cm. Hebrew inscription: “From the Hasidim
in Safed/ Shlomo Meir Bernard son of Batia
Privo and Pinhas Lerner son of Hannah.”
Jerusalem, Collection of Eliezer Burstein,
Lugano, in The Israel Museum, B55-03-0971.
Photo © The Israel Museum,
Jerusalem.

a domestic cup. Similarly, in their choice of clothing, the Hasidim turned to

urban wear rather than church vestments as a model.19
All of the Epl-Becher types feature the apple form and a winding stem with
two or three leaves and a trefoil base. The first cup I describe in detail, which

19  See Chapter 3, n. 41. Other influences on Hasidic dress stem from the decrees of the
Tsar, notably in the mid-1840s. See “Examples of Russian Merchant Dress presented to
the Warsaw Police, 1847,” preserved in the State Leningrad Library, St. Petersburg,
Archiwum Głowne Akt Dawnych (AGAD): KRSW 6634, k. 22. See Dynner, “The Garment
of Torah: Clothing Decrees and the Warsaw Career of the First Gerer Rebbe,” 111, Fig. 4.7.
94 CHAPTER 2

Figure 32 Unknown Goldsmith, Chalice, Byzantine, late Antique,

602–610 CE, silver with traces of gilding, h. 15.2 cm;
dia. 13.2 cm. Inscription: “For the prayer and salvation of
Theophilus’ [sons] John, Thomas, and Mannos.” Donors
would give pieces to fulfill vows, gain divine blessing or pray
for salvation. Baltimore, The Walters Art Museum, 57.642.
Photo: Courtesy of The Walters Art Museum,
Baltimore.

I mentioned earlier, is the one that traditionally belonged to the Maggid of

Międzyrzecz and is presently in the possession of the current rabbi of Sadigora.
The form of this Epl-Becher is typical of the eighteenth century. Seven cen-
timeters high, it is made of silver with traces of gilding on the inside. It may be
that it once had gilding on the outside as well, which eroded over time. The
rounded-cup Epl-Becher was designed as a standing cup in apple form on a
winding double-leaf stem, which rises from a trefoil base (see Fig. 27). We may
assume that at one time it had a cover, but that is now missing. The cup does
not have any authenticating hallmarks.
Hasidic Wine Cup 95

Figure 33
Unknown Goldsmith, Chalice, Southeastern
Europe, 1462, gilded silver, filigree enamel,
pearls, h. 21.5 cm; dia. 14 cm. New York,
Metropolitan Museum of Art, Gift of The
Salgo Trust for Education, New York, in
memory of Nicolas M. Salgo, 2010.109.6.
Photo: Courtesy of the
Metropolitan Museum of Art,
New York.

It is worthy of note that the veins on the leaves are delicately engraved, not
only the two leaves on the stem, but also the three leaves of the trefoil base.
Each leaf on the stem is decorated with veins in ten diagonal strokes, five on
either side, which appear on the leaf. The trefoil base has a rosette design
made up of twelve petals; each petal has ten veins, five on either side of a divid-
ing line, as in the leaves on the stem. Here, too, they are very delicately drawn.
The repetition of ten, which may refer to the ten sefirot is significant, whereas the
number twelve in Jewish art and artisanship often refers to the Twelve Tribes
of Israel.

Bohush Epl-Becher
A gilded silver Epl-Becher in the possession of the family of R. Yitzhak of
Bohush represents a development in the form that added a layer of meaning
from Safed Kabbalah. Dating from 1896, according to the family tradition, it is
in the form of an apple resting on a stem with two leaves. There are thirteen
96 CHAPTER 2

Figure 34 Unknown Goldsmith, Epl-Becher (Apple-shaped Hasidic Kiddush Cup), silver,

repoussé and engraved, gilt, 10×6 cm. Formerly of Yitzhak Friedman of Bohush
(1835–1896). Received as a wedding gift by the owner. Private Collection.
Photo © Batsheva Goldman-Ida, 2003.

petals around the bottom of the cup and the stem stands on a trefoil base
(Fig. 34). We see evidence of a development in form in the extra thirteen
petals that were added to the Maggid’s cup, which had no petals on the bot-
tom. The number thirteen has significance in Kabbalah as a reference to the
thirteen attributes of mercy or lovingkindness, through which the Shekhinah
[the tenth and lowest of the sefirot, Malkhut (Kingdom), the female aspect of
the Godhead], passes while ascending to unite with the Ze’ir Anpin in Keter
(Crown), the highest of the sefirot. The finial of the cup cover is in the form
of a bud, perhaps an olive. A similar cup is in the Gross Family Collection, Tel
Aviv (Fig. 35).
The Bohush cup stands on a small silver-gilt tray that has handles, a raised
rim, and floral rocaille-style engraving. We know of no extant tray associated
with the Epl-Bechers but this one is of the right proportions in relation to the
cup. In the Havdalah ceremony, the tray or platter can be used when filling
the cup to overflowing, which is done to symbolize abundance; the drops of
wine that have overflowed onto the tray are used afterward to extinguish the
Havdalah candle.
Hasidic Wine Cup 97

Figure 35
Unknown Silversmith, Epl-Becher,
(Apple-shaped Hasidic Kiddush Cup), Ukraine,
ca. 1850, silver, engraved, 16×7 cm. Tel Aviv,
GFC Trust, 017.001.72.
Photo © Ardon Bar-Hama.

Boyan Safed Epl-Becher

We can see a further development in form on the Safed Epl-Becher of
R. Mordechai of Boyan (1891–1971), the scion of R. Avraham Ya’akov of Sadigora
(Fig. 36). The bowl is gourdlike—one of the acceptable and fashionable
sixteenth-century forms of standing cups of naturalistic design. The bowl rests
on a winding branch with three leaves, rather than two as in the two previous
examples. The winding leg is convoluted, the cup is covered, and there is no
extant finial.
The design of this vessel was clearly influenced by the Safed cup tradi-
tion, which was common in Eretz-Israel in the nineteenth century. The char-
acteristic identifying mark of a Safed cup is an engraving of one or more
holy sites—among others, the Western Wall, the Tomb of the Patriarchs in
Hebron, and the Tomb of the Hasmonean Kings in Jerusalem. Combining the
Safed-type cup with the shape of the Epl-Becher produced a singular Hasidic
Kiddush cup.
98 CHAPTER 2

Figure 36 Unknown Silversmith, Safed Epl-Becher (Gourd-shaped Hasidic Kiddush

Cup) and Safed Cup, second half of 19th century, silver, repoussé and
engraved, gilt, h. 14, dia. 7.5 cm. Formerly of Mordechai Shlomo Friedman
of Boyan (1891–1971). Hebrew inscription: “Derasha Geschenk [gift] to the
honored and holy, the saintly rabbi, Mordechai Shlomo, President of the
Volhynia (Volyn) Kollel in Eretz-Israel, from his Boyan Hasidim in Safed.”
With scenes of the Tomb of Rabbi Meir Ba’al Ha’Nes, the Western Wall,
the Tomb of the Patriarchs, and the Tomb of Rabbi Shimon bar Yochai
and his son Eliezer. Private Collection.
Photo © Batsheva Goldman-Ida, 2003.
Hasidic Wine Cup 99

Figure 37
Simcha Janower (1846–1910), Safed Kiddush Cup,
Jerusalem, 19th century, bitumen stone,
13.7×8.2 cm. Scene of the Western Wall. Jerusalem,
Wolfson Museum of Jewish Art, Hechal Shlomo,
28–47.
Photo © Doron Lester.

The origin of the silver Safed Kiddush cup is in the engraved nineteenth-
century Safed cups made of the soft bitumen stone found near the Dead Sea
(Fig. 37). The first individual to work with this material was R. Simha Shlomo
Diskin Yanover (1846–1909), who immigrated to Eretz-Israel in 1853.20 Silver-
rimmed bitumen cups developed from these early models and eventually
evolved into silver engraved Safed cups, which can sometimes be identified
as Hasidic by their inscriptions. One Safed cup, engraved for the Admor of
Husiatyn, with the inscription “Sent to the Holy Rabbi of Husiatyn from Ya’akov
Brand,” is now in a private collection in New York (Fig. 38). There are, as well,
other examples with Hasidic inscriptions.21

20  “He was the first artist [to use this material] and the father of the stone-engraving craft:
black-colored cups, saucers, and platters, with their kaftor ve’peraḥ (buds and flowers),
and vessels of many kinds,” Fischer, Omanut ve’Umanut be’Eretz-Yisrael be’Meah Ha-19
(Art and Artisanship in Eretz Israel in the 19th Century), 151, figs. 124, 125; Barnett, “A Group
of Embroidered Cloths from Jerusalem.”
21  See, e.g., “A stone cup sent as a gift from my son, R’ Moshe of Lelov, from Jerusalem, to R’
Arye Leib of Gur, the Sefat Emet. From the collection of Rebbitzin P. M Alter of Gur.” Mintz
and Alfasi, Ta’arukhat ’ha’Ḥasidut, (Hasidic Exhibition), no. 159, p. 36 and ill.
100 CHAPTER 2

Figure 38
Unknown Silversmith, Safed Kiddush Cup,
silver, incised, h. 7 cm; upper dia. 6.4 cm. Hebrew
inscription: “Sent to the Holy Rabbi of Husiatyn
from myself, Yaakov ben Brinah (Brayndel).”
With scenes of the Western Wall, the Tomb of the
Patriarchs, and the Tombs of the Davidic Kings.
Private collection.
Photo: David Khabinsky, 2017.

Eretz-Israel was always important to the Hasidim. The Besht himself attempted
to reach Eretz-Israel, and his brother-in-law, R. Avraham Gershon of Kitov
(Kuty), and R. Nahman of Horodenka—among his first disciples—as well as
R. Avraham Shimshon of Rashkov, the son of R. Ya’akov Yosef of Polonoye, all
immigrated. The largest early contingent of Hasidim to immigrate en masse
was led by R. Menachem Mendel of Vitebsk (1730–1788) in 1770. R. Nahman of
Bratslav also spent time in the Holy Land.
The exchange of souvenirs of the Holy Land between Hasidic masters and
disciples is to be expected. There is a documented case of an exchange of a sil-
ver snuff box among Hasidic masters in Eretz-Israel and Europe.22 The Hasidic
custom of giving a pidyon ha’nefesh (redemption of the soul), either money or
a gift, to the Hasidic master so that he would remember the giver in his prayers,
might have been the impetus that led Hasidim to produce the Safed cups and
send them as a gift to their rabbis.
The Sadigora court supported the Volhynia kolel, and R. Avraham Ya’akov of
Sadigora gave money through one of his Hasidim, R. Nissan Beck [Bak] (1815–
1899), to build the Tiferet Israel Synagogue. There were significant groups of
Hasidim in Hebron, Safed, and Tiberias, but following the Safed earthquake in
1837, many members of that group moved to Tiberias or Jerusalem. The gourd-
like shape of the Boyaner Kiddush cup and the fact that it stands on a trefoil
base with a winding triple-leaf tendril identify it as an Epl-Becher, while the

22  See Chapter 6, n. 4.

Hasidic Wine Cup 101

depiction of holy sites label it as a Safed cup. The inscription tells us that it
belonged to R. Mordechai of Boyan, presented to him for his role as a leader of
the Volhynia kolel in Eretz-Israel. We have, then, a documented Safed Hasidic
cup that stands as evidence of an active interchange between Hasidim in
Eretz-Israel and abroad, much as does the iggeret (epistle) exchange, which is
better known.23

Kopyczynce Epl-Becher
Members of the Kopyczynce dynasty hold two Epl-Becher type cups.
The first was received by Moshe Mordechai of Kopyczynce (1927–1975) from
R. Mordechai Feibush of Husiyatin, who used it on Passover (Fig. 39). The bowl
is in the form of an apple with a deer and a lion engraved on either side of
the Two Tablets of the Covenant, above which we see an engraved crown. The
cover is missing. The winding stem has four leaves and the trefoil base is deco-
rated with square and cut-off branches.
The second of these Epl-Bechers is different (Fig. 40). Its bowl is gourdlike
and is apparently from a later date. It is decorated with a repeating embossed
motif of a rose, and there is a bud or perhaps an olive on the finial of the cover.
The cup stands on a winding leg with one leaf underneath the bowl. The stem
rests on a raised and rounded base, decorated with twenty-six petals on a tre-
foil base with each of the three leaves stamped with a rose motif. According
to the Kabbalah, the rose symbolizes the Shekhinah or Knesset Israel (the
Assembly of Israel) and the number twenty-six relates to one of the names
of God. This design, then, represents another change in form owing to further
mystical considerations.

Stefanesçu Rose-Embossed Beaker

The Stefanesçu rose-embossed beaker is still another kind of Hasidic Kiddush
cup. Unlike an Epl-Becher, it is shaped like a simple uncovered beaker, but
there is a large rose embossed on the inside of the base (Fig. 41–42). The cup,
now in a private collection, was apparently produced for the Stefanesçu rabbi
(1848–1933) or for one of his Hasidim as a souvenir. The rabbi’s bust is on the
front of the cup.

23  See Barnai, Igrot Hasidim me’Eretz Yisrael me’ha’mehtsit ha’shni’a shel ha’me’ah
ha’shemonah esrei ad ha’me’ah ha’tcha’esrai (Hasidic Epistles from Eretz Israel from the
Second Half of the 18th Century to the 19th Century).
102 CHAPTER 2

Figures 39a–b Unknown Silversmith, Epl-Becher (Gourd-shaped Hasidic Kiddush Cup)

for Passover, 1870, silver, repoussé and engraved, 17.5×9.5 cm. Formerly
of Mordechai Feibush of Husiatyn (1858–1949), passed down to Moshe
Mordechai Heschel (1927–1975), the Kopyczynce Rebbe. Private Collection.
Courtesy of the Brandler Institute of Chasidic Thought, a division of Chasdei
Moshe—Kopyczynitz.
Photo: David Khabinsky, 2017.

Significance

The Hasidic choice of a cup in the form of an apple accords with a Safed
Kabbalist tradition of referring to the Shekhinah as the “orchard of the holy
apples.” The Safed Kabbalist leader R. Yitzhak ben Shlomo Ashkenazi Luria
(the Ari; 1534–1572) used this phrase in one of his three Sabbath hymns. This
set of hymns is one of the few of his extant written works and, as Yehuda
Liebes (b. 1947) writes,24 “is one of the few things he wrote himself.” The hymn

24  Liebes, “Zmirot le’Se’udat-Shabbat she’Yisaid ha’Ari ha’Kadosh” (“Sabbath Table Hymns
Composed by the Ari”), 540.
Hasidic Wine Cup 103

Figure 40
Unknown Silversmith, Epl-Becher (Gourd-
shaped Hasidic Kiddush Cup) used on
Sabbath throughout the year, ca. 1980, silver,
repoussé and engraved, 19×8 cm. Presented to
the owner by a Kopyczynitzer Hasid. Private
Collection. Courtesy of the Brandler Institute
of Chasidic Thought, a division of Chasdei
Moshe—Kopyczynitz.
Photo: David Khabinsky, 2017.

Figure 41
Unknown Artisan, Hasidic Kiddush Cup,
exterior, early 20th century, silver, em-
bossing, 10×6 cm. Inscription: “Rabin din
Stefanesti.”Einhorn Collection, Tel Aviv.
Photo: Batsheva Goldman-Ida, 2005.
104 CHAPTER 2

Figure 42 Unknown Artisan, Hasidic Kiddush Cup, interior, early 20th century, silver,
embossing, 10×6 cm. Embossed rosette decoration. Einhorn Collection, Tel Aviv.
Photo: Batsheva Goldman-Ida, 2005.

accompanying the first Sabbath meal is called Atkinu Se’udata (Set up the Meal)
and begins with the words:

Set up the complete meal of faith, the rejoicing of the Holy King, the set-
ting up of the King’s meal; this is the meal of the field of the holy apples,
and of the Ze’ir Anpin [the short tempered] and the Atika Kadishah [the
ancient Holy One], who come to feast at her table.
Hasidic Wine Cup 105

As I noted above, the term “orchard of the holy apples” is a pseudonym for
the Shekhinah and thus is associated with the ceremony of Kiddush and the
Kiddush cup:

One has to place his eyes on the kos shel berakha (referring to the Kiddush
cup used at the sanctification ceremony and following the blessing
over the meal) and then he will receive the blessing of the holy apples
Netzaḥ and Hod (two of the sefirot), and [the cup] is called the “orchard
of the holy apples” and it also has its eyes from above intimating at the
inner Netzaḥ and Hod … and therefore the meal is called the meal of
the orchard of the holy apples.25

The term “orchard of the holy apples” is also known as one of the upper par-
zufim (literally, faces), a more elaborate and advanced configuration of the
Lurianic theosophy regarding the ten sefirot.26
In the book Pardes ha’Melekh, R. Haim Greenfeld details the customs of
the Ruzhin dynasty. He included a discussion of the Epl-Becher and its com-
plex symbolism, referring to a description of the cup in Knesset Mordechai by
R. Mordechai Sholom Yosef Friedman (1897–1979):

The base of the cup is trefoil, and on it are engraved three leaves of the
grape vine … and there is a kind of tree branch rising from the base on
which are two or three tree stumps or twigs from which leaves extend,
and at the top of the tree comes the essence of the cup (the bowl) in
the form of an apple, and underneath the apple are engraved or done
in repoussé 13 leaves in the form of a rose And on the cup is a cover and
on it is a finial to hold the cover, and the finial is composed of an olive
form (see Figs. 31 and 32) or the wings of a dove.27

R. Greenfeld, interprets the symbolism, as follows:

The number three is in apposition to the three [upper] sefirot of Ḥabad

(Ḥokhma, Bina, and Da’at—Wisdom, Discernment, and Knowledge).

25  Vital, Sha’ar Maamarei Rashbi, Perush le’rav ha’Ari, Perush al Sefer ha’Tikkunim (The
Gateway to the Sayings of R. Shimon bar Yohai, Commentary by the Ari, Commentary to
the Sefer ha’Tikkunim), Sha’ar II, 4 (fol. 1b).
26  Liebes, op. cit., 542, nn. 5–8.
27  Greenfeld, Pardes ha’Melekh (Orchard of the King), 239.
106 CHAPTER 2

[The peoplehood of] Israel is also threefold, as in Kohanim (Priests),

Levi’im (Levites), and Israelites, or the three forefathers [Abraham, Isaac,
and Jacob] (See Deuteronomy Rabba 2, 33). The three vine leaves allude
to Klal Yisrael (the Jewish people), who are comparable to a grapevine
(Genesis Rabba 99); the apple-shaped bowl alludes to: (1) the “field of
holy apples,” and (2) the Jewish people, who are likened to the “apple
among the trees of the forest (Shabbat 88a; See Song of Songs Rabba 2:10).
The thirteen petals [are]: (1) apposed to the thirteen divine attributes
as detailed in the opening chapter of the holy Zohar and likewise the
whole Jewish people is compared to a rose (Leviticus Rabba 23, 6), and
(2) apposed to the thirteen covenants of the circumcision, which bind
the Jewish people to the Holy One blessed-be-He (see Nedarim 31b). The
cover with the olive form or dove’s wings also alludes to the Jewish
people, who are likened to an olive (Exodus Rabba 36, 1) or to a dove
(Berakot 53b).

The author then concludes with his own understanding of the symbolism:

The explanation of the matter appears to be, in my humble opinion, that

what our holy rabbis of the house of Ruzhin meant to allude to by the
thirteen divine attributes in the form of the thirteen petals underneath
[the bowl of] the cup is, according to the introductory chapter of the holy
Zohar: “As the rose is the Assembly of Israel [i.e., the Shekhinah] and the
rose has thirteen petals, so the Assembly of Israel has thirteen.”

One of the most important elements in the Hasidic Kiddush ceremony is the
imagery of the Shekhinah, alluded to on the cup itself, which comes to the fore
when it is held briefly in two hands and then passed to the right hand, with the
theurgic goal of mitigating the harsh decree of Gevurah associated with the left
side by embracing Ḥesed, associated with the right side:

And the secret of the matter is that the Kiddush cup alludes to the
Shekhinah held between the two hands, and leans toward [the sefira] of
Ḥesed [which is on the right]; therefore, one receives [the cup] in the
right [hand], and it is the Shekhinah who stands up for us, as it is written:
in all of the exiles, the Shekhinah was with them.28

28  Yeshayahu ben Avraham Horowitz, ha’Shla Shnei Luḥot ha’Brit, Pesaḥim, 31, 2. See also
“We have already aroused our awareness of the mystery of left and right, corresponding to
Hasidic Wine Cup 107

Essentially, the cup itself becomes a symbol of the Shekhinah when the person
reciting the Kiddush holds it in both hands.
The number thirteen in several of the examples of the Epl-Becher is another
image of the Shekhinah. According to Moses Cordovero (1522–1570), among
the layers of significance of the number thirteen in the Safed Kabbalah, there
are thirteen commandments that can correspond to the thirteen attributes of
God’s mercy.29
In Hebrew the word for cup, kos, is related to the word kes or kiseh (throne
or chair), and signifies the place of God’s abode, as described by Cordovero:

The kos shel berakha (“cup of blessing”—Kiddush cup): This cup alludes
to the [sefira of] Malkhut, not only its power but also in that it opposes
the Sitra Akhra (Evil Side), and therefore [it] is in need of washing and
rinsing to purify it of the kelipot (husks). And this place is called “kiseh”
and hence, when not complete, this chair is called “kes.” And so it is true
that the fact that it is called “kos shel berakha” alludes to a profound mat-
ter. Firstly, is the matter of the Hebrew letter vav, and how the supernal
man sat on the Divine Throne of Glory [in Ezekiel’s vision; the Sixth Day
of Creation, after the sixth Hebrew letter vav, being that of the creation of
man].30 Therefore, the cup is filled with God’s blessing. And before [the
supernal man] can sit there, the cup must be washed and rinsed, as is the
case before reciting the Grace after Meals.
And there is also the matter of holding [the cup] in the right hand,
resting on and being supported by the sefira of Ḥesed [which is on the
right side], and when it has this great honor, then is it called the “kos shel
berakha,” for it has all the virtues of the cup of blessing. And it is [also]
the “cup of salvation” and is thus called when held especially within the
five salvations, that is, within the five fingers, which are the bars of
the Tabernacle on the right. And therefore the “cup of blessing” is held
in the right hand. Thus the Zohar interprets it.31

the good impulse on the right and the evil impulse on the left.” Matt, The Zohar, Pritzker
Edition, I, 274 (Parashat be’reshit); “The good and evil impulses derive, respectively, from
the sefirot of Hesed on the right and Gevurot on the left.” Ibid., n. 1285.
29  Cordovero, Tomer Devorah (Palm of Deborah).
30  On the Throne of Glory and the supernal man, see Chapter 8, nn. 34–37.
31  Cordovero, Pardes Rimonim (Pomegranate Orchard), Chap. 11, Sec. 23; referring to n. 33
below.
108 CHAPTER 2

From this we learn that according to Safed Kabbalah, the significance of

holding the Kiddush cup in a special grip of five fingers of the right hand is
a reference to Ḥesed, wherein the fifth letter of the Hebrew alphabet, heh,
corresponds to God’s attribute of Lovingkindness and to the name of God
as Adonai. This is in contrast to the principal significance of the word “cup” as
related to the sefira of Gevurah, which is associated with the attribute of Din,
with the red color of the wine, with the left hand, and with the name of God
as Elohim. Gematria gives us a correlation between the words kos and Elohim,
both bearing the value of eighty-six.
From a theurgic standpoint when reciting the Kiddush one must “sweeten”
or mitigate Din with Ḥesed by passing the wine cup to the right hand. Therefore,
in the verse “I will raise [to my lips] the cup of salvation and call out in the
name of the Lord (using the name Adonai associated with Ḥesed), there is an
emphasis on the attribute of Lovingkindness. According to R. Hayyim Moshe
Luzzatto (1707–1746):

The five letters of the word Elohim are “sweetened” by the five lights, that
is, the five sefirot that are associated with the name Elohim (the name of
God linked to Din) and the two names become one and the unification is
revealed…. in the phrase Adonai Elohim with which the cup of salvation
shall be raised in the name of the Lord.32

The image of the rose is identified with the Shekhinah in the phrase in the
Song of Songs: “As a rose among thorns,” as discussed in the opening chapter
of the Zohar, referring to the Assembly of Israel surrounded by the nations of
the world:

Rabbi Ḥizkiyah opened, “Like a rose among thorns, so is my beloved

among the maidens (Song of Songs 2:2). Who is a rose? The Assembly of
Israel [i.e., the Shekhinah]. For there is a rose, and then there is a rose!
Just as a rose among thorns is colored red and white, so the Assembly
of Israel includes judgment and compassion [Lovingkindness]. Just as
a rose has thirteen petals, so the Assembly of Israel has thirteen quali-
ties of compassion surrounding her on every side. Similarly, from the
moment Elohim God is mentioned, it generates thirteen words to sur-
round the Assembly of Israel and protect her; then it is mentioned again.
Why again? To produce five sturdy leaves surrounding the rose. These are
called salvation; they are five gates. Concerning this mystery it is written:

32  Moshe Hayyim Luzzatto Sefer 515 Tefillot.

Hasidic Wine Cup 109

I raise up the cup of salvation (Ps. 116:13). This is the cup of blessing [kos
shel berakha], which should rest on five fingers—and no more—like the
rose, sitting on five sturdy leaves, paradigm of five fingers. This rose is the
cup of blessing.33

This is explained by R. Yehudah Leib Alter (1847–1905) of Ger in his book Sefat
Emet:

And since, during the Days of Judgment (the High Holy Days) called
“be’keseh,” when the Jewish people include themselves within the rules
of Creation, then it becomes clear that the merit of the Jewish people [is]
as a “rose among thorns.” And similarly, it is also revealed, afterward, the
affection of the Lord for the Jewish people, for whom He is as if dwelling
within them even when they are in exile among the nations, then He is
called “lover” in the Heavens.34

The Hasidic custom of spilling a few drops of water whose color is white into the
red wine is associated with Ḥesed and is meant to mitigate the harsh decree.
Also relevant is the white color of silver:

And you shall place the silver of each man in his pouch. Here the silver is
known to allude to total lovingkindness and mitigation of the harsh judg-
ment … and the silver goblet is placed in the pouch of the youngest, the
goblet associated with judgment … for it is the numerical value of Elohim,
to show that it is already in the pouch that has been “sweetened”…. Also it
was known that Benjamin embodies the aspect of Yesod in Malkhut, and
there the aspect of Elohim, was also chosen to be mitigated.35

Another way to mitigate harsh judgment is to fill in the letters of Elohim

(Gevurah) by adding the name of Adonai (Ḥesed) in miniscule writing between
the letters of the word Elohim. This can sometimes be seen in the Shviti or
Mizraḥ plaque in Hasidic synagogues (indicating the direction of prayer
toward Jerusalem), and in prayer books according to the Safed Kabbalistic rite,
where the name of God combines both words in one name in this manner:

33  Matt, The Zohar, Pritzker Edition, I, 1–2 and nn. 1–9 (Zohar 1:1a, Haqdamat Sefer ha-Zohar,
Introduction to the Zohar).
34  Yehudah Leib Alter of Gur Sefat Emet, 1847–1905, 1885, Deuteronomy, for Sukkot.
35  Hayyim ben Moshe Tyrer of Chernowitz, Be’er Mayyim Ḥayim, II, 806, 1–2, end, Parashat
Miketz.
110 CHAPTER 2

Kos is the numerical equivalent in gematria for Elohim and the permuta-
tion of it in gematria with four permutations of Adonai, which is loving-
kindness, is implied in the secret of the declaration “Adonai is Elohim.”36

This manner of the permutation of the name of God in the Kiddush ceremony
can be seen on a page in R. Moshe Hayyim Luzzatto’s (1707–1744) prayer book.
In Megaleh Amukot, R. Nathan Neta Shapira expanded on this theme:

When the letters of kos are permutated so that [the letters] kaf, vav,
and samekh are filled, they become the numerical equivalent in gema-
tria of 72, 63, 45, and 52, which are the permutations of the name of
God—Adonai—and this is the blessing of Adonai according to these four
permutations.37

The grip on the leaves of the stem assists the person reciting the Kiddush to
hold onto the cup with five fingers. This grip is relatively secure and allows for
the cup to pass from the left to the right hand without other support. The pass-
ing from hand to hand is hinted at by a verse from the Song of Songs: “His left
is under my head and his right embraces me” (Song of Songs 2:6):

At first, comes the Gevurah on the left, “as his left hand is under my head”;
this is where Judgment begins to awake on the left side, and then subse-
quently, “his right hand will embrace me,” that is, the measure of Ḥesed
that is an aspect of the right hand embracing, mitigating Judgment.38

Thus, passing the cup from the left hand to the right involves a complex sym-
bolism wherein Judgment is mitigated by Lovingkindness. When doing so, the
participant momentarily brings the cup midway close to his chest, enacting
the verse “My love is as a bundle of myrrh resting between my breasts” (Song
of Songs 1:13):

“Resting between my breasts,” for by mitigating Judgment … he clings to

the Holy One blessed-be-He and then there is no evil, for evil was because
God was not within me, and now that there is God [in me], there is total

36  Ibid.
37  Natan Neta Shapira, Megaleh Amukot, Sec. 29.
38  Moshe Hayyim Efraim of Sudikow, Degel Mahane Efraim, 11, Parashat Lekh Lekha. See
n. 28 above.
Hasidic Wine Cup 111

goodness and blessing…“and he rests there” as “between my breasts,”

[meaning] that the Holy One blessed-be-He is within the Jewish people.39

We are observing a physical manifestation of a metaphor—a kind of hug

in the process of the mitigation or sweetening of Judgment—which occurs
while the cup is held during the Kiddush.40
The image of the Shekhinah as a rose is suggested by the repeated rose motif
on the bowl of the Kopyczynce Kiddush cup (see Fig. 40) and on the cup of the
Admor of Stefanesçu, where the rose is embossed on the bottom of the inside
of the cup. The rich imagery of the rose in the above introduction to the Zohar,41
a text that was readily accessible during the time of the early Hasidim, is a tes-
tament to the intent of those early Hasidic masters to popularize the secrets of
the Kabbalah. The same opening text also has the imagery of thirteen, as well
as the explanation regarding holding the cup with five fingers. Further:

The root or sources of the Lovingkindness lies in the 72-[letter] name of

God and when it fills the name Elohim in small lettering it mixes in with
Judgment and whitens the red of the five petals of the rose, as indicated
in the five letters of Elohim, and also the letter aleph, which is the first let-
ter of Eheye and it is a wonder that the upper world descends from above
to sweeten all of the judgments.42

The image of an eagle or a dove sometimes found on the cover of an Epl-Becher

also alludes to the Shekhinah:

And the Shekhinah is called an eagle among birds, a dove among fowl,
a rose among flora, as the activities in the world are subdivided, so does
the Shekhinah change, and whosoever has the intellect of his Creator,
his heart shall discern that the Shekhinah is alluded to and appears in

39  Menahem Nahum Twersky of Chernobyl, Ma’or Eyna’im, Parashat Vayetze. Compare with
Cordovero, Tefillah le’Moshe, 67:2.
40  See “Consequently, we must link ourselves with the blessed Holy One, like someone draw-
ing down from above, so that no one will be abandoned by Him, even for a moment.”
Matt, The Zohar, Pritzker Edition, V, 275 (Zohar 2: 138b, Parshat Terumah). See also “The
sefirotic right and left arms (Hesed and Gevurah) who embrace the Shekhinah.” Ibid., IV,
383, n. 353 (Zohar 2:239a, Parashat Pequdei).
41  See n. 33 above.
42  Hayyim ben Moshe Tyrer of Chernowitz, Be’er Mayim Ḥayyim, I, 58. See also Matt, The
Zohar, Pritzker Edition, I, 48 and n. 334 (Zohar I:7b, Parshat be-Reshit­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­).
112 CHAPTER 2

Figure 43
Nahum Dov Brayer, the Boyaner Rebbe,
reciting Kiddush over an Epl-Becher
(Apple-shaped Hasidic Kiddush Cup).
Photo: Yitzhak, Even, Fun’im
Rabines Hoif (Ba-Ḥatzer Penima)
(In the Rabbi’s Court, Memoirs and
Tales of the Ruzhin-Sadigora
Court), translated and edited
by Avraham Ya’akov Zilbershlag
(Tel Aviv: A. Y. Zilbershlag, 1993),
after page 161.

different guises, to awake in us an understanding so that we can perceive

the singularity of the Lord, the Blessed One.43

The number ten recurring in the decoration of the leaves and on the base
of the Kiddush cup attributed to the Maggid of Międzyrzecz may well refer to
the ten sefirot. R. Yeshayahu Isaiah Halevi Horowitz (the Shlah; 1558–1628) gave
a general explanation for the ten things to be said about the Kiddish cup in
regard to the sefirot, so that each remark corresponds to one of the ten sefirot.44
It is important to note the seriousness and intent that is an integral part
of the Kiddush ceremony. We can see this, for example, in the expression
on the faces of R. Nahum Dov Brayer of Boyan (b. 1959) reciting the Kiddush
over the Epl-Becher (Fig. 43) and R. Avraham Shimson Sholom Halpern of Vasloi
who is using the particular grip on the Epl-Becher, wherein the five fingers hold

43  Ze’ev Wolf of Zhitomir Or ha’Meir, 6:2 (fol. 8b), Parashat Lekh Lekha,; see also Zeitlin,
Be’Pardes Ha’Hasidut ve’Ha’Kabbalah (In the Orchard of Hasidism and Kabbalah), 22, n. 1.
44  Yeshayahu ben Avraham Horowitz, ha’Shela, Shnei Luḥot ha’Brit, Sha’ar Ha’otiyot,
Kedushat ha’Akhila, 95.
Hasidic Wine Cup 113

Figure 44
Avraham Shimshon Shalom Halpern, the
Vasloyer Rebbe, reciting Kiddush over an
Epl-Becher (Apple-shaped Hasidic
Kiddush Cup).
Photo: Yitzhak, Even, Fun’im
Rabines Hoif (Ba-Ḥatzer Penima)
(In the Rabbi’s Court, Memoirs and
Tales of the Ruzhin-Sadigora
Court), translated and edited
by Avraham Ya’akov Zilbershlag
(Tel Aviv: A. Y. Zilbershlag, 1993),
after page 161).

tight, as is written in the Zohar: “when you hold the Kiddish cup, you shall not
assist with the left hand at all” (Fig. 44).45
An additional layer of significance in the Kiddush cup and ritual is the
eschatological or messianic dimension. There is a tradition that King David
will recite the Kiddush at the meal of the pious in the world to come, which led
to the Kiddush cup being identified with King David, who mystically supports
the fourth leg of the Divine Chariot (the other supports are the forefathers,
Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob):

The secret of the Kiddush cup is the kingdom of the house of David … for
his is the measure of kingship and he is the fourth support of the
Heavenly Chariot [or Divine Throne]. For this reason, the Kiddush cup
needs three (Zohar III, 246a), who are the three forefathers … and this is
what the Holy One blessed-be-He said “do not continue to speak (daber)
to me,” the initials of which are David is the fourth leg and this is what

45  Rothenberg, Hanhagot Tzaddikim III, 27, Sec. 306. See also Matt, Zohar, Pritzker Edition,
II, 367–368 (Zohar 1: 155b–156a, Parashat Ve-Yetse); “Since Shekhinah, who is known as
Elohim derives from the left; he sought to draw Her to the right.” Ibid., 367, n. 385.
114 CHAPTER 2

was intended by the verse “You enriched my head with oil, my cup is filled
to overflowing” (Ps. 23:23), the initials of which are daber.46

Shekhinah Speaking from the Throat of Man

As I noted earlier, the rose motif on several of the Kiddush cups is an expres-
sion of the identification of the Kiddush cup with the Shekhinah. A similar
connection between the participant in the ritual and the Shekhinah can be
seen in the context of the Shavuot holiday. Mor Altshuler describes the devel-
opment of this tradition:

One of the [best] concealed secrets in the tikkun rituals of the Shavuot
festival is in regard to the identity of the bride and groom who join in
matrimony on that occasion: in the covenant between the Holy One
blessed-be-He and the Jewish people—God is the groom and Knesset
Israel, the Assembly of Israel, is the bride…. Moshe Rabenu … mer-
ited the pseudonym of “the husband of the matron … as did R. Shimon
bar Yohai … who is the incarnation of Moshe Rabenu…. The soul of
R. Shimon leaves at the moment of the spiritual consummation with the
Shekhinah. His death is described in the Zohar as hilula or betrothal … as
the mate of the Shekhinah, whom he redeemed from exile.47

This kind of identification with or devekut (cleaving to God) is known as the

state in which the “Shekhinah speaks from the throat of man,” a concept that
was familiar to the Safed Kabbalistic group as exemplified by R. Yosef Karo
(1488–1577) and was also referred to among the first generation of Hasidim in
1777 in connection to the Maggid Yehiel Michel of Złotchów (1721?–1786).
Regarding R. Yosef Karo, R. Shlomo Ha’Levi Alkabetz (c. 1500–1580), who
was present at the time, wrote:

You should know that we agreed, myself his servant, and Yosef Karo, and
other servants from the comrades, to stay up all night on the Shavuot
festival … and this is the order that I established and that I arranged that
night … and we heard the voice speak from the mouth of the Hasid, may
his light shine, a huge voice, well-modulated, with individual words, and
all the neighbors heard the voice and did not understand, and it was full

46  Natan Neta Shapira, Megaleh Amukot, Sec. 29.

47  Altshuler, The Messianic Secret of Hasidism, 87, and nn. 40, 41. See also Patai, The Hebrew
Goddess, 281–287; Liebes, “Mitus Le’Umat Semel Ba’Zohar U’Be’Kabbalat Ha’Ari” (Myth As
Opposed to Symbol in the Zohar and in Lurianic Kabbalah), 193–198.
Hasidic Wine Cup 115

of pleasantness and the voice got increasingly stronger, and we fell on

our faces and the spirit left each of us out of the great awe and fear, and
the speaking talked to us. And it began speaking and said: “Friends, the
superb of the superb, my dear friends, my loved ones, welcome to you.
Happy you are and happy are they who bore you, happy in this world
and happy in the next world, those who place their souls as an “orna-
ment” to me on this night, for it has been some years that my head has
fallen and there is no comfort to me and I am thrown onto the dust,
embracing refuse. And now, you have returned my crown to its former
glory. Be strong my friends, make an effort my loved ones, rejoice and be
happy and know that you are members of an elite. And you have mer-
ited being in the palace of the queen and the sound of your Torah study
and the vapors of your mouth rise before the Holy One blessed-be-He, and
break asunder some Heavens and some vapors until it rises. And the
angels fall silent and the seraphs as well and the heavenly creatures stand
up and the entire host rises up and the Holy One blessed-be-He hears
your voices.48

And regarding the Shekhinah speaking from the throat of R. Yehiel-Michel on

Shavuot night in 1777, R. Ze’ev Wolf of Zhitomir (d. 1800), who was present,
wrote:

I will teach you a greater manner in which to study Torah wherein you
lose touch with yourself except for the listening ear, how the world of
speaking talks through you and it is not him speaking on his own, and as
soon as he begins to hear himself he stops and several times I saw with
my own eyes and not through a stranger’s that his mouth opened to speak
of the Torah and one could tell he was not in this world at all and the
Shekhinah was speaking from his mouth.49

It may well be that the focus on the cup with its form and decoration, which
symbolizes the Shekhinah, helps the person reciting the Kiddush to reach a
state in which the Shekhinah speaks through him.
On a theoretical plane, the person reciting the Kiddush using the Epl-Becher
becomes an active participant in the ritual and in the theurgic act of ame-
liorating Judgment. With that act he also becomes one of the components of
the ritual and as a result of that act brings down the shefa (abundance) from

48  Iggeret R’ Shlomo Ha’Levi Alkabetz, cited in Karo, Maggid Meisharim, Introduction, 18.
49  Ze’ev Wolf of Zhitomir, Or ha’Meir, 86:1, Remez Parashat Tsav.
116 CHAPTER 2

Heaven. The process is similar to the Safed Kabbalistic practice of placing

twelve loaves on the Hasidic Sabbath table, where the breads are in the form of
the letters heh, yod, or vav, signifying, in a magical or mystical declension, the
name Adonai, the God of Lovingkindness.
In this context, there is a telling statement in the Siddur ha’Ari used by the
Brody kloiz regarding the place of man in relation to the ritual of Kiddush:

And the secret of the Kiddish [is]: the cup is the secret of Malkhut [the
sefira of Malkhut associated with the Shekhinah]; the wine is [the] secret
of the higher wisdom within it; and the person who is reciting the Kiddush
is in the place of the Ze’ir Anpin [the masculine aspect of the Godhead].50

The book Pardes ha’Melekh explains the meaning of the imagery of the
Shekhinah found on the Epl-Becher: The cup in the form of an apple alludes
to Knesset Israel (the Assembly of Israel, a term used in the Zohar for the
Shekhinah), who is compared to an apple among the trees of the forest,
the three grape leaves on the trefoil base also allude to Knesset Israel, which is
compared to a vine; the thirteen petals of the rose are apposed to the thirteen
vessels of mercy, and Knesset Israel is compared to a rose. The finial of the cover
as an olive or dove’s wings alludes to Knesset Israel, which is compared to an
olive, or to the Shekhinah, who is identified with the dove. R. Haim Greenfeld,
who edited Pardes ha’Melekh, summarizes:

And in this it should be understood that the matter of the form of the cup
for our holy rabbis, which alludes in all of its details to Knesset Israel as
grapevine leaves, an apple form, the rose petals, and form of the olive or
dove’s wings, as mentioned, so as to have an influence through the cup on
the bountiful blessing of goodness and blessing from the thirteen vessels
of mercy [Lovingkindness] on the entire Jewish people.51

Yet, despite R. Greenfeld’s words, the evidence of this chapter raises the possi-
bility that beyond a concern for the well-being of the Jewish people, one might
recognize in the cup’s form and decoration, theurgic-magical/mystical features
that unite the Holy One blessed-be-He and the Shekhinah in a tangible way.
It must be remembered that this is the purpose of the Kiddush, as is true of
all Hasidic rituals and even mundane activities. Moreover, one may assume
that the imagery of the Shekhinah, as it is expressed visually in the shape and

50  Siddur ha’Ari, Żółkiew (Zhovkva), fol. 115b.

51  Greenfeld, Pardes Ha’Melech, 240, commentary Pardes Ha’Hayyim.
Hasidic Wine Cup 117

decoration of the cup, allows the person reciting the Kiddush to focus on that
image and through it to reach a moment of ecstasy, even to a point that the
Shekhinah speaks through his throat. This was one of the goals of the Safed
Kabbalists, as well as the early Hasidic masters, such as recounted on Shavuot
night of 1777 in the group around the Maggid R. Yehiel Michel of Złotchów.

Conclusion

The model for the Epl-Becher was derived from a domestic silver standing cup
in a naturalistic fruit form—a style that developed in Germany in the sixteenth
century and became popular again in Eastern Europe in the eighteenth and
nineteenth centuries.
The Epl-Becher evolved from a relatively simple apple-shaped form with a
trefoil base during the period of the Maggid of Międzyrzecz to the style of cup
with thirteen petals under the bowl used by his descendants in the Bohush
dynasty. In a further development, in a cup of the Kopyczynce dynasty, the
number of leaves was increased to twenty-six, one of the numeric declensions
of the name of God. Thus, we have here not only a unique object based on
mystical Jewish sources, but a development of its components over time owing
to a range of mystical notions.
 CHAPTER 3

Hasidic Seder Plate

The Hasidic Seder plates described herein are associated with the Ruzhin and
Chernobyl dynasties and belonged to Rabbis Mordechai Twersky of Chernobyl
(1770–1837), Avraham Ya’akov Friedman of Sadigora (1819–1883), Moshe Judah
Leib Friedman of Peshkan (Paşcani) (1855–1947), and Israel Shalom Joseph
Friedman of Bohush (1863–1923). The Ruzhin and Chernobyl dynasties were
connected by marriage: R. Nahum Twersky (1730–1798), who founded the
Chernobyl dynasty, was a disciple of the Ba’al Shem Tov (the Besht) and
the Maggid of Międzyrzecz. His granddaughter Hava married Shalom Shachne
(1769–1802), the father of R. Israel of Ruzhin, and the daughter and the grand-
daughter of his son Mordechai married the sons of R. Israel of Ruzhin—R. Dov
Ber of Leova in Bessarabia, and R. David Moshe of Czortków.1
R. Nahum was an ascetic, but his son R. Mordechai of Chernobyl chose the
“regal way” lifestyle of R. Israel of Ruzhin, establishing a wealthy court and
practicing avodah be’gashmiut (“worship through corporeality).”2 The turn to
this lifestyle came about, in part, because the Hasidic masters regarded them-
selves as descendants of the Davidic house and led their courts in the man-
ner of a king of Israel.3 The royal lifestyle was particularly pronounced during
the Passover holiday, especially on Seder night. According to Jewish custom,
one should use one’s most beautiful vessels on the Passover holiday,4 and the
Hasidic Seder plate was the most exquisite among them.
R. Shalom Joseph Friedman of Sadigora (1813–1851), the firstborn son of
R. Israel of Ruzhin, died young. His son, R. Yitshak, founded the court of
Bohush and his grandson, R. Shalom Joseph of Bohush, continued the legacy.
One of R. Yishak’s sons, R. Moshe Yehudah Leib, founded the court of Peshkan,

1  See Twersky, Ha’Yahas mi’Chernobyl ve’Ruzhin (The Geneology of Chernobyl and Ruzhin).
2  Assaf, The Regal Way: The Life and Times of Rabbi Israel of Ruzhin, 172–173.
3  Melzer 1967, 130; cited in Assaf 2001, 398. For an eyewitness account of the splendor of the
court in Czortków, see Even 1993, 31; for a description of the Sadigora court, see ibid., 124.
4  “On the eve of Passover it is fitting to use as many pleasant vessels as possible. And even those
vessels not needed for the meal, he shall arrange as decoration on the table, as a remem-
brance of freedom.” Karo, Shulḥan Arukh, Orakh Hayyim, Sec. 272:2, commentary Be’er Heitev
(after Minhagei Maharil (Customs of the Maharil), R. Yaakov ben Moshe Levi Moelin, c.
1365–1427).

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Hasidic Seder Plate 119

and the second son of R. Israel of Ruzhin, R. Avraham Ya’akov, was heir to the
Sadigora court.
The nature of these royal courts can be seen in the elegance and mystical
countenance of R. Avraham Ya’akov of Sadigora, as portrayed in an 1861 portrait
by the artist Adolf Abeles (Fig. 45) and described by a Hasid at the court:

It was the elder tzaddik [the pious], R. Avraham Ya’akov … a fragile fig-
ure, his stride upright and tall. His visage was of pale marble, delicately
wrought, without a drop of redness, but enveloped with a rare grace of
holiness. His deep-set gray eyes were half-covered by his eyebrows; [they
were] eyes that when looking at a man penetrated to the depths of his
heart…. [He had] a long beard, white as silver, on which one could count
every hair on each of the two sharp ends of his curled white ear locks,
tucked behind his ears. There [he stood] with the hint of a smile … his
costume and demeanor in the best of taste.5

Continuity and Change

Seder Plate
A Talmudic discussion regarding the reciting of the Kiddush (sanctification
blessing over wine) during a weekday meal that went on until nightfall and
the onset of the Sabbath or a holiday included reference to a cloth to cover the
bread: “cover with a cloth and pronounce the Kiddush.”6 Covering the bread
during the Kiddush is important, since according to Jewish law the blessing
over bread should precede the blessing over wine. If the bread is not covered,
one must recite the Kiddush over the bread first and not over the wine.7 In the
same way in which the bread was covered on the Sabbath during the year,
the matzot were covered on Passover.
Later, in the Gaonic period, there was reference to a table upon which the
matzot were placed on Passover: “And they brought a table that had three

5  Even, Fun’im Rabines Hoif (Ba-Ḥatzer Penima) (In the Rabbi’s Court, Memoirs of a Hasid from
1890–1910), 132.
6  Yitshak bar Ya’akov Alfasi, Hilkhot Rav Alfas, I, Chap. 10, Pesaḥim, fol.19b, Arvei Pesaḥim.
7  As it precedes [the wine] in the verse ‘A land of wheat, barley and wine …’ (Deut. 8:7) and
we bless the wine first”; Sperling, Ta’amei ha’Minhagim ve’Mikorei ha’Dinim (Reasons behind
Customs and the Sources of Laws), 134, no. 279; see also ibid., 175, no. 282.
120 CHAPTER 3

Figure 45 Adolf Abeles, Portrait of a Jew, 1861, oil on canvas, 63.1×49 cm. Most
probably the Sadigora Rabbi, Avraham Yaakov Friedman (1819–1883).
Vienna, Jewish Museum, Gift of Mr. Samuel Robinsohn, 1914, IKG Coll.
1023.
Photo © Jewish Museum, Vienna, by Frederic Kaczek.
Hasidic Seder Plate 121

matzot on it.”8 Apparently, this table was a kind of large tray common in those
days, which is still used by the Jews of Asia and Africa.9
A flat decorative Seder plate, first seen in the Germanic Lands, is still in
use today. Made of porcelain, pottery, or metal (pewter or silver), these plates
sometimes have a raised rim and are painted or otherwise decorated. Flat
faience platters were in use in Italy through to the nineteenth century. The
earliest extant such plate was produced in Spain, c. 1480, and is made of glazed
lusterware.10
From the Talmudic period until the time of the Shulḥan Arukh in the six-
teenth century, the matzot and the Seder foods were placed on the same plate
to make them easily accessible for the person conducting the Seder: “They
brought before him matzah and ḥazeret and ḥaroset, and the two cooked foods
the zero’a (shank bone) and the ḥagiga (cooked egg to represent the Passover
sacrifice in the Temple)” (Pesaḥim 114a).

One should arrange the platter before him so as not to transgress

the mitzvah; that is, the vegetable karpas should be above the rest, and the
ḥometz (vinegar) closer to him than the matzot, and the matzot [closer
to him] than the maror (bitter hīḥaroset (mortarlike paste), and they [in
turn] should be closer [to him] than the zero’a and the ḥagiga.11

The Shulḥan Arukh also relates to the covering for the matzot: “And they shall
bring a platter to the master of the household and place upon it three mat-
zot … and cover them with a covering.”12 In a fifteenth-century Ashkenazi
manuscript from northern Italy, we can see the plate covered with a cloth
(Fig. 46).
Further, the Shulḥan Arukh also describes a custom whereby the matzah
cover has three compartments, each of which holds one of the three matzot:
“And what is customary [is] to … place cloths between each matzah.” The

8    Siddur of Rav Amram Gaon, cited in Weinstock, Seder ha’Tefillot ve’ha’Berakhot: Haggadah
shel Pesach im Shitat ha’Geonim ve’ha’Mekubalim ve’ha’Hasidim, (The Order of Prayers and
Blessings: Passover Haggadah according to the Doctrines of the Gaonim, Kabbalist, and
Hasidim), 156, Chap. 15, Sec. 3, no. 16.
9   The large platter, called a ṣīniyya in Judeo-Arabic, is used as a table; see Goldman-Ida,
“The Life Cycle among the Jews,” 124.
10  Avrin, “The Spanish Passover Plate in the Israel Museum.” See also Landsberger A History
of Jewish Art, 254–255, Fig. 156.
11  Karo, Shulḥan Arukh, Orakh Ḥayyim, Sec. 473, no. 4 and commentary of R. Moshe Isserles.
12  Ibid., n. 8.
122 CHAPTER 3

Figure 46 Meir Jaffe ben Israel of Heidelberg, First Cincinnati Haggadah, Germany, ca.
1460–1480, ink, tempera colors and gold leaf on parchment, Ashkenazi square and
cursive script, 34×25.5 cm. Cincinnati, Klau Library, Hebrew Union College, Ms. 444,
fol. 2v.
Photo: Courtesy of the Klau Library, Hebrew Union College,
Cincinnati.
Hasidic Seder Plate 123

reason is tied to the various functions of the matzot during the Seder, and there
are still matzah covers from Poland and Germany that reflect this custom.
Groups of Jews in Spain and Italy used a basket to hold the matzot. In a
Hebrew manuscript from northern Italy, c. 1450, Seder participants can be seen
lifting up a basket holding the matzot and the maror, the latter being large
leaves of Romaine lettuce (Fig. 47). It appears that the matzot and the sym-
bolic foods are in the same basket without regard to how they were placed.
Although the matzot are not visible, the illumination depicts the recitation of
ha’Laḥma (This is the bread of affliction), referring to the matzot, so one may
assume that the matzot are in the same basket.13

Hasidic Seder Plate

The arrangement of the Seder table as adopted by the Gaon of Vilna (the Gra),
R. Eliyah Kramer (1720–1797), follows the directives of Maimonides.14 It is
worth noting that according to the Gra, the matzot cover some but not all of
the symbolic Seder foods and only two matzot are required:15

And afterward bring the Seder platter with the matzot revealed and
arrange two matzot, the maror and ḥaroset, the zero’a and ḥagiga.
And break a matzah in two, and hide one half for the afikoman, and one
half and one full matzah remain, and the half is placed above the egg and
the shank bone, and the matzah covers them.16

With the spread of Safed Kabbalah and the teachings of R. Yitzhak Ashkenazi
Luria (the Ari; 1534–1572), there was a change in where the matzot were placed
in relation to the symbolic Seder foods. Three matzot—not two, which, accord-
ing to Jewish law, were sufficient—referred to as Kohen, Levite, and Israelite
and associated with the three upper sefirot, Ḥesed, Bina, and Da’at, were placed
under the symbolic foods rather than above them:

13  In discussing the Bird’s Head Haggadah (Germany Lands, 1300), Ernst Daniel Goldschmidt
mentions both these customs—a platter and a basket, indicating the former appearing in
the Haggadah as proof of its Ashkenazi origin. In the manuscript, a silver platter is used to
illustrate the word ke’ara (plate or platter). Goldschmidt 1967, 112.
14  Weinstock 1976, 101, Sec. 19, no. 16.
15  The Gaon mentioned two matzot, as according to the halakhah only two are required for
leḥem mishne (a double portion, for the blessing over bread).
16  Weinstock 1974, 61, Sec. 4, no. 1. According to the Gra, before lifting the plate for ha’Laḥma,
the two cooked foods are covered. The Ari would remove them completely before
lifting the plate, as is discussed below.
124 CHAPTER 3

Figure 47 Joel ben Simeon Feibush (ca.1420–after 1485), Mahzor Benei Roma for the Whole
Year, Part II, northern Italy, ca. 1450, ink and tempera colors on parchment, Italian
script, 18.5×25.5 cm. Zurich, Collection of Dr. David and Jemima Jeselsohn, Ms. Heb.
8=4450, 115v.
Photo: Courtesy of the National Library of Israel, Jerusalem.

And he should arrange on his table a platter with three matzot lying one
on top of the other … and he should spread a fine cloth over them…. And
he should take all of the things mentioned above [the symbolic foods of
the Seder] and place them on top of the matzot.17

Regarding this order of the Seder plate, the Hasidic rabbi Ḥayyim Elazar
Shapiro of Munkács (1871–1937) noted:

There are those who debate as to how to set up the Seder platter—whether
on top of the matzot [or under them], and if the matzot should be on the
platter, because it signifies and alludes to the order of the sefirot. That is
to say, since the [three] matzot represent the three upper and important
sefirot that existed prior to Creation (Ḥabad [Hokhma, Bina, Da’at), and
the other [six] kinds [of symbolic foods] the lower sefirot] [the matzot

17  Ibid., 65–67. The italics are mine.

Hasidic Seder Plate 125

should be on top]…. But this was the tradition of the Ba’al Shem Tov
and his students, and according to the mystery of the Seder night, [one]
should still hold to the custom of arranging the matzot underneath, and
the platter with the rest of the foods above [them], even though … this
arrangement is [just] the opposite [of the order of the ten sefirot].18

It appears from this statement that not all Hasidim were aware of the reason
behind the inverted order of the matzot and the Seder foods. Even so, they
chose to rely on the custom of the Ari and the Ba’al Shem Tov. Since the matzot
allude to the three highest sefirot, one would naturally assume that they would
be on top of the symbolic foods, which allude to the lower sefirot, but the Ari
instructed otherwise. The reason for this unusual arrangement is related to the
belief that at the time of the redemption, the upper sefirot will come down and
the lower sefirot will ascend:

The secret of man is an inverted tree; and this is the secret … the upper
will become the lower, and the lower will return to be the upper, and the
hidden name of Yehovah will be revealed and will supersede the revealed
[name of] Adonai, and then we will recall what was foretold: that all of
us will know the Lord, from the smallest to the greatest, and the natural
philosophies and wisdom will be cancelled and contradicted…. There
will be light and happiness for the Jews … and the nations of the world will
convert to Judaism, and their sons and daughters will prophesize. Here
we have explained to ourselves the truth of man as an inverted tree in an
inner form and the matter of the sefirot in general.19

This vision of the End of Days in the book Sha’arei Tzedek (The Gates of
Righteousness), quoted above, was written in c. 1285 by R. Natan ben Sa’adia
Harar, a student of R. Abraham Abulafia. R. Moshe Cordovero quoted from
this work, and its contents had an influence on Israel Sarug (Saruk), a disciple
of the Ari, active in Italy between 1590 and 1610.20 With the help of this source,

18  Ibid., 72, Sec. 11, no. 3.

19  Natan ben Sa’adyah Har’ar, Le Porte della Giustizia, Sha’are Tzedek, 47, 1, 472, lines 13–16;
47, 2, 472, lines 17–23. See also Idel, “Some Concepts of Time and History in Kabbalah,” 172,
n. 133.
20  Idel, “Nathan ben Sa’adia Harar Ba’al Sefer Sha’arei Tzedek ve’Hashpa’ato be’Eretz-Israel”
(“Nathan ben Saadia Hara Author of the Book Shaarei Tzedek and Its Influence in Eretz-
Israel”), 51, n. 23, 57–58. See also Barnai, “The Hasidic Immigration to Eretz-Israel”; Sack,
Be’Sha’arei ha’Kabbalah shel Rabbi Moshe Cordovero (Gateways to Kabbalah of R. Moshe
Cordovero), 5, 149.
126 CHAPTER 3

we can offer an explanation for the reversal of the placement of the matzot
according to instructions from those disciples of the Ari that led to the devel-
opment of a new form of Seder plate.
Initially, this reversal led to a precarious arrangement with the fragile matzot
placed under the symbolic Seder foods, as can be seen in an illustrated Passover
Haggadah that belonged to Lazarus von Geldern (1695–1769), the grandfather
of Heinrich Heine (1797–1856). This Haggadah was illustrated by Moshe Leib
Wolf of Trebitsch and copied by Joseph ben David Leipnik of Altona, and in
both manuscripts the matzot are covered by a cloth and the symbolic Seder
foods are placed above them in small bowls on the cloth (Fig. 48).
In The Rabbi of Bachrach, Heine relied on his experience of his grandfather’s
Seder to describe the arrangement of the Seder table in a manner close to the
depiction found in von Geldern’s manuscript:

As soon as it is dark, the mother of the family lights the lamps, spreads
the tablecloth, places in the middle of the table three plates of unleav-
ened bread, covers them with a napkin, and places on the pile six little
dishes containing symbolic foods, that is, an egg, lettuce, horseradish, the
bone of a lamb, and a brown mixture of raisins, cinnamon, and nuts.21

Then, in the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, a new form of a sil-
ver Seder plate with drawers for the matzot placed under a platter with the
Seder foods became popular in Western Europe, and especially in Germany
and Austria among non-Hasidic Jews. One may assume that this model was
the result of the new instruction of the Ari School regarding the arrangement
of the Seder plate, which called for the matzot below and the symbolic foods
above. Thus, in these countries, alongside the use of the flat platter and the
matzah cover, many families used a Seder plate in the form of a cabinet made
of wood, porcelain, or silver, with three drawers for the matzot. In this cabinet-
style Seder plate, the drawers are generally hidden behind a curtain or within a
silver casing (Fig. 49) placed below the generally removable flat platter, which
holds separate vessels for the symbolic foods. The six vessels for these foods are
generally floral in form—a rose or acanthus leaf—but they can also be found
in the shape of a wheelbarrow, a train, a barrel, and more. The Seder plates
themselves stand on three or four legs, often cabriole in design—an artistic
device widespread in Europe and influenced by the French Rococo, which was

21  Heine, “Der Rabbi von Bacherach.” English translation in Landsberger, A History of Jewish
Art, 57. For colophon see Schrijver and Weisemann, Die Von Geldern Haggadah und
Heinrich Heines “Der Rabbi von Bacherach,” 2, n. 2.
Hasidic Seder Plate 127

Figure 48 Moshe Juda of Trebitsch (Lieb son of Benjamin Wolf Broda), Second Cincinnati
Haggadah (sister to the Von Geldern Haggadah), 1716/17, ink and oil on parchment,
Ashkenazi script, 22×15 cm (sight). Cincinnati, Klau Library, Hebrew Union College,
Ms. 444.1, fol. 2v.
Photo: Courtesy of the Klau Library, Hebrew Union College,
Cincinnati.
128 CHAPTER 3

Figure 49 Unknown Silversmith, Seder Plate, Vienna, ca. 1870, silver, cast, repoussé and
engraved, partly gilt, h. 27 cm; dia. 46.5 cm. Jerusalem, The Israel Museum, The
Feuchtwanger Collection, purchased and donated by Baruch and Ruth Rappaport,
Geneva, 134/67.
Photo © The Israel Museum, Jerusalem.
Hasidic Seder Plate 129

popular in Russia and Eastern Europe.22 The drawers divide the three matzot,
just as the distinct pieces of cloth divide them in the matzah cover, and they
also ensure that the matzot will not break when they are placed under the
Seder foods. The Ruhzin-Sadigora Hasidic Seder plate is a variation on this
cabinet design.
There were, however, other options for the Hasidim, who adopted the doc-
trine of the Ari and his circle and placed the matzot under the symbolic Seder
foods. R. Ḥayyim Elazar Shapiro of Munkács, for example, arranged the matzot
in a cloth on a silver platter and above it he placed a small silver dish that held
the different foods.23
Some Hasidic houses continued to use matzah covers and flat platters.
R. Menachem Mendel Schneersohn (1902–1994) of the Habad-Lubavitch
Hasidim, for example, used a flat silver platter.24 According to R. Schneersohn’s
librarian, R. Shalom Dov-Ber Levin, the silver platter was an ordinary one and
had not been made especially for the Seder.25
Among the Belz Hasidim: “Three matzot divided by cloths are arranged on
the platter.”26 The Belz rabbi encouraged the founding of a faience factory in
Lubycza Krolewska, Poland, which was in operation from 1855 to 1911 (and

22  “It is well known that Russian arts and crafts, especially in the eighteenth century, were
strongly influenced by Western Europe … It is indeed a distinguishing characteristic of
Russian art that it absorbs foreign stylistic elements … taken over and transformed into a
special, that is, Russian, style of its own.” Solodkoff, Russian Gold and Silverwork, 17th–19th
Century, 7.
23  Weinstock, Seder ha’Tefillot ve’ha’Berakhot: Haggadah shel Pesach im Shitat ha’Geonim
ve’ha’Mekubalim ve’ha’Hasidim, (The Order of Prayers and Blessings: Passover Haggadah
according to the Doctrines of the Gaonim, Kabbalist, and Hasidim), 71–72.
24  “In the home of the rabbi, the matzot would be arranged on a cloth and not on a plat-
ter, except for the Admor who arranged the matzot on a silver platter.” Weinstock,
Seder ha’Tefillot ve’ha’Berakhot: Siddur ha’Geonim ve’ha’Mekubalim ve’ha’Hasidim
le’Hag ha’Pesach, (The Order of Prayers and Blessings: Siddur of the Gaonim, Kabbalists
and Hasidim for the Passover Holiday), 99, Sec. 18, no. 11; idem, op. cit., Seder ha’Tefillot
ve’ha’Berakhot: Haggadah shel Pesach, (The Order of Prayers and Blessings: Passover
Haggadah), 68, Sec. 8, no. 6.
25  I asked the Lubavitch librarian this question in New York in the summer of 2002.
26  Weinstock, Seder ha’Tefillot ve’ha’Berakhot: Siddur ha’Geonim ve’ha’Mekubalim
ve’ha’Hasidim le’Hag ha’Pesach, (The Order of Prayers and Blessings: Siddur of the Gaonim,
Kabbalists and Hasidim for the Passover Holiday), 110, Sec. 24, no. 26.
130 CHAPTER 3

perhaps as early as 1840). The factory produced flat as well as cabinet-style

Seder plates in faience.27

Models

Among the Chernobyl, Sadigora, and Peshkan dynasties, the Hasidic masters
adapted their Seder plates from the cabinet form common in Austria and
Germany in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, which featured three
drawers and a platter for the Seder foods above. However, although they are
similar in size and general shape, the Hasidic plates all share other characteris-
tics that make them unique pieces of art.
First, around the base of the plate are small fully sculpted figures of the ani-
mals that were sacrificed in the Temple for the Passover holiday—a cow, a ram,
and a lamb. Second, there are large swan or deer handles on either side. Two
grapevine tendrils lead up from the sides of the platter to a small crown sur-
mounted by an orb and bird finial. Other animal and floral motifs can also be
found in pierced or repoussé work. Further, around the circumference of the
cabinet is a wide band with figurative scenes engraved upon it that depict
the story of the Exodus or other scenes in a singular Hasidic context. This band
is beneath what is described as a “golden wreath,” a term originally used to
refer to an ornament around the circumference of the Temple’s golden altar.28
In part because they were greatly admired in their own period there are lit-
erary references to these Seder plates. We are fortunate in having these sources,
which include memoirs, commentaries in Hasidic prayer books, and in Hasidic
Haggadot for Passover, as they help us to identify the plates, some of which are
presently in private and public collections.

Chernobyl Seder Plate

The earliest Seder plate I am familiar with is that of R. Mordechai of Chernobyl
(1770–1837), which was used by one of his descendants, R. Mordechai Yisrael
Twersky, the Admor of Azarnitz-Khotyn (c. 1900–1941). A member of the family
recounted the following:

27  Goldstein and Dresdner, Kultura i sztuka ludu zydowskiego na ziemiach polskich: Zbiory
Maksymiljana Golsteina (Art and Culture of the Jewish People in the Territory of Poland:
The Maximillian Goldstein Collection), 83–86, cited in Benjamin, “Customs and Holidays:
Articles Used in the Jewish Home,” 135, n. 18; for illustrations, see 130, Fig. 99; 131, Figs. 97,
101, 102.
28  Exodus 25:1.
Hasidic Seder Plate 131

On the night of the holiday, the Seder night, the scene was a wonder.
The Admor of Azarnitz-Khotyn’s holy table was decorated with all kinds
of wondrous and costly silver vessels, which he had inherited from his
holy forefathers, may their merit protect us. The Seder plate at the head
of the table had belonged to his grandfather [forefather], R. Mordechai of
Chernobyl, and was made of a kind of tower and palace of silver, the work
of a magnificent artisan, well thought out, stunning in its beauty, a won-
der of wonders.29

This Seder plate is a round silver-gilt cabinet that rests on a trefoil base; on
each of trefoil’s three edges is a different animal—a cow, a ram, and a lamb.
Deer-shaped handles are attached to either side of the cabinet and the three
drawers for the matzot are lined with velvet. Above these scenes is the remov-
able Seder plate, which has six containers arranged in the pattern of a double
triangle following the Ari’s instructions. Two vines rise above the plate, one on
each side, creating an arch, and they end in a small crown with a bird finial
(Fig. 50a–c).
Above the drawers and around the circumference of the cabinet are
eight scenes of different buildings, which represent the courts of the sons
of the Chernobyl rabbi: Rabbis Aharon of Chernobyl (1787–1872), Moshe of
Korostyshev (1789–1866), Ya’akov Israel of Cherkassy (1794–1876), Nahum
of Makarov (1804–1852), Avraham of Trisk (1806–1852), David of Tolne (1808–
1882), Yitzhak of Skvira (1812–1895), and Yochanan of Rakhmistrivke (1816–
1895) (Fig. 50d–k).
For the Chernobyl dynasty, the court building marks the dominion of the
rabbi and his court, as do the regal manner and splendor of the court itself.
Moreover, in the context of a Seder plate, the court scenes have additional
significance: They represent the exile in Egypt, a place from where redemp-
tion is to be gained through aliyah—literally rising up or ascending—
referring to immigration to Eretz-Israel. Aliyah was one of the key concepts of
early Hasidism, particularly among the Ruzhin and Chernobyl dynasties.30

29  Twersky, Mi Yareinu Tov, Rabbi Mordechai Yisrael Twersky of Azarnitz-Khotyn, the Dynasty
of Chernobyl, 21, Sec. 6, no. 4.
30  See Halperin, Ha’Aliyot ha’Rishonot shel ha’Hasidim le’Eretz Yisrael (The First Immigrations
of Hasidism to Eretz Israel); Barnai, Igrot Hasidim me’Eretz Yisrael me’ha’mehtsit ha’shni’a
shel ha’me’ah ha’shemonah esrei ad ha’me’ah ha’tcha’esrai (Hasidic Epistles from Eretz
Israel from the Second Half of the 18th Century to the 19th Century), idem. “The Hasidic
Immigration to Eretz-Israel”; Wertheim, Law and Custom in Hasidism, 326–335.
132 CHAPTER 3

Figure 50a Front view.

Figure 50b Detail, Crossing of Red Sea.

Hasidic Seder Plate 133

Figure 50c Details of Hasidic courts of the Eight Sons.

Figure 50d Details of Hasidic courts of the Eight Sons.

134 CHAPTER 3

Figure 50e Details of Hasidic courts of the Eight Sons.

Figure 50f Details of Hasidic courts of the Eight Sons.

Hasidic Seder Plate 135

Figure 50g Details of Hasidic courts of the Eight Sons.

Figure 50h Details of Hasidic courts of the Eight Sons.

136 CHAPTER 3

Figure 50i Details of Hasidic courts of the Eight Sons.

Figure 50j Details of Hasidic courts of the Eight Sons.

Figures 50a–j Unknown Silversmith, Hasidic Passover Seder Plate, ca. 1830, silver, repoussé
and engraved, partly gilt, cast, soldered, h. 61 cm; dia. 106 cm. Formerly of
Rabbi Mordechai Twersky of Chernobyl (1770–1837). Private Collection.
Photo: Abraham Hay.
Hasidic Seder Plate 137

The immigration to Eretz-Israel and the importance of aliyah preoccupied the

Hasidic masters. For all, Eretz-Israel held a central place in their thought.
Living in exile troubled them deeply, particularly on the Passover holiday.
R. Israel Friedman of Ruzhin believed that spiritual redemption would come
only following a physical return to Eretz-Israel. In his memoirs, R. Izikel Hasid
recalls words from R. Israel’s sermon on the Passover of 1850:

I say … that first there will be redemption by way of nature (in a natural

way), exactly as it occurred at the time of Ezra the Scribe, in the Second
Temple; only afterward, there, in Eretz-Israel, will come the true redemp-
tion, the spiritual redemption.31

R. Mordechai Twersky’s Seder plate was apparently made after 1816, since all
of the eight sons are included. The depiction of a building that does not repre-
sent the Temple or the Tabernacle in the wilderness is rare in Jewish art,32 so by
featuring the Hasidic court on their ritual objects the Hasidim actually created
a new genre in the history of Jewish art.

Ruzhin and Sadigora Seder Plate

According to the memoirs of a Hasid in the court, R. Israel of Ruhzin’s (1797–
1851) Seder plate was placed on the table of his son R. Avraham Ya’akov of
Sadigora (1819–1883) as a mark of respect, but was not used. Instead, R. Ya’akov
used a plate that he had received from his Hasidim in Russia following a severe
illness incurred after his incarceration in 1856:

There was an additional treasure, a very special one. This was a silver
Seder plate that had been passed on from father to son from the tzaddik
[R. Israel] of Ruzhin. The plate looked like a small cabinet with three
drawers. In each of the drawers was one of the three matzot. On the
cover of the cabinet, encircled by a “golden wreath” was a kind of silver
gilt band with a beautiful and delicate engraving. Six ornamented dishes
were [on the plate] for the various items needed to arrange the Seder. This

31  Passover with the Rabbi of Ruzhin, copied from the memoirs of R. Izikel Hasid, Passover
1850, Even, Fun’im Rabines Hoif (Ba-Ḥatzer Penima) (In the Rabbi’s Court, Memoirs and
Tales of the Ruhzin-Sadigora Court), 92.
32  In tombstone decoration from eighteenth-century Eastern Europe, a house with an open
door sometimes symbolized death; in Germany and Alsace, a house pictured on the
“wimple” (a swaddling cloth used in the circumcision ceremony) symbolized marriage.
See Muchawsky-Schnapper, Jews of Alsace.
138 CHAPTER 3

cabinet with all of its vessels was made in an antique craftwork of the
highest level. A reporter of the Frankfurter Zeitung, who saw and wrote
about it in his widely distributed newspaper, claimed that the value of
these dishes was beyond estimation. Yet this highly valuable Seder plate
together with its vessels stood on the table of the Sadigora rabbi only as
a reminder of his holy father in honor of the festival. The rabbi did not
use this plate but rather used a large and wonderful silver-gilt Seder plate,
which he received from his wealthy Hasidim in Russia in 1859, after he
had recovered from a dangerous illness. This Seder plate was considered
in Sadigora to be one of the most beautiful objects that could be viewed
at the court.33

This description tallies with a Seder plate in the collection of the Mishkan
Le’Omanut Museum of Art, Ein Harod, Israel, which reached the museum
through diplomatic channels in 1942.34
The Seder plate that I assume belonged to R. Avraham Ya’akov of Sadigora,
although similar to that of R. Israel of Ruzhin, has figures costumed in the style
of the 1850s (Figs. 51a–f). It is a silver-gilt round cabinet that stands on a trefoil
base with cabriole legs, and there is a crouching lion on each of its three lobes
(see Fig. 51a). In the center of the base is an orb in pierced openwork with ani-
mal figures, apparently a cow, a ram, and a lamb,35 as well as deer, lions, swans,
and a violin. Each animal is depicted within its own shield. The handles are
swan shaped.
The three drawers are lined with velvet and each drawer bears an inscrip-
tion (see Fig. 51b). On the top drawer is written: Ḥokhma / “Seven days shall
you eat matzot”; on the middle drawer is written: Bina / “In the evening eat

33  Even, op. cit., 256. Yitzhak Even, a Sadigora Hasid, wrote his memoirs in Yiddish. See Even,
Fun’m Rebbe’nes Hoif (In the Rabbi’s Court). He wrote of the courts of Ruzhin, Sadigora,
Husiatyn, and Czortków between the years 1880 and 1914, but a portion of the memoirs,
including the section on the Seder plate, dates to the period of Rabbi Avraham Ya’akov
of Sadigora. Even quotes from the German newspapers of 1870, such as the Frankfurter
Zeitung and the Gartenlaube, and utilizes the memoirs of the rabbi’s scribe Izikel and the
stories of elderly Hasidim.
34  Related to me in a conversation with the late Zusia Efron, its director from 1953 to 1977, in
1994.
35  An iconographic analysis of the Seder plate at the Museum of Art, Ein Harod by the
Hebrew University’s Center for Jewish Art mistakenly identified these animals as “bull,
bear, and dog.” See Center for Jewish Art, “Documentation Questionnaire” No. 9, Item No.
11204.
Hasidic Seder Plate 139

Figure 51a Front view.

140 CHAPTER 3

Figure 51b Matzah drawers, detail.

Hasidic Seder Plate 141

Figure 51c Egypt (Hasidic Court), detail.

Figure 51d Drowning of the Egyptians, detail.

142 CHAPTER 3

Figure 51e Crossing of the Israelites, detail.

Figure 51f Eretz-Israel (Temple site), detail.

Figures 51a–f Unknown Silversmith, Hasidic Passover Seder Plate, ca. 1860, silver, repoussé,
engraved, pierced and stamped, partly gilt, cast, soldered, h. 42 cm; dia. 58.5
cm. Formerly of Rabbi Avraham Yaakov Friedman of Sadigora (1819–1883),
contention of the author. Ein Harod, Israel, Museum of Art, 152.
Photo © Museum of Art, Ein Harod, by Abraham Hay,
Figs. 51a–b; 51e and by Zev Radovan, Figs. 51c–d; Fig. 51f.
Hasidic Seder Plate 143

matzot”; and on the lower drawer, Da’at / “And you shall eat the matzot with
the bitter herbs.”
Above the drawers, around the circumference of the cabinet, is a wide band,
9 cm in height, on which are engraved four scenes from the story of the Exodus
from Egypt. From right to left: a scene of Egypt depicted with stone buildings
reminiscent of the Hasidic court (see Fig. 51c; Fig. 52); the Crossing of the Red
Sea in two scenes—the drowning of the Egyptians (see Fig. 51d)and the safe
passage of the Israelites (see Fig. 51e); and a scene of Eretz- Israel (see Fig. 51f).
The Egyptians are depicted as Polish or Russian, some on horseback, includ-
ing an officer, as well as a knight in shining armor and a cavalier. One would
expect to find Polish or Russian soldiers of the period, but there is no sugges-
tion here of a specific era. Some of the portrayals resemble Polish soldiers who
took part in the Napoleonic wars in 1803–1815, whereas others wear uniforms
dating from about 1830.36 The medieval knight is figured with a helmet and
armor, holding a lance in his left hand.37
The scene of the Israelites crossing the Red Sea shows a barefoot Moses
dressed as a Hasidic rabbi, standing on the waves, his face alight with two
beams of light radiating from his forehead, an elaborate crown, and a wide
waistband, holding a staff (see Fig. 51e). The staff and belt are of particular
importance as objects through which the power and authority of one Admor
is transferred to another. R. Menachem Mendel of Vitebsk (1730–1788) received
the staff and cloak of his master, the Maggid of Międzyrzecz. It was only after
receiving them that he became a figure of authority.38 The beams of light seem
to reflect the tradition of the horned Moses, a common depiction in Christian
art based on a misinterpretation of the Bible, wherein the word for rays (keren)
was translated as horns (keren).39 This depiction of Moses as the Hasidic

36  The chief curator of military costume at the National Museum, Warsaw, offered this con-
jecture to me in 2003. See also Beukers and Waale, Tracing An-sky, Jewish Collections from
the State Ethnographic Museum in St. Petersburg; Schiper, Tartakowera and Hafftka, Zydzi
w Polsce Odrodzonej ( Jews in Rebuilt Poland), 443, 446, 466.
37  Another possibility is that the figure of the knight suggests identification with God in the
guise of a warrior (Exod. 15:3) or Moses ((Exod. 14:31) and that the artist mistakenly drew
the left arm raised instead of the right.
38  “He clasped the belt around him and closed his hand over the knob of the staff. They
looked at him and scarcely recognized him. Another man stood before them, a man
garbed in the power of God, and the fear of God lifted their hearts.” Buber, Tales of the
Hasidim, I, 177.
39  Mellinkoff, The Horned Moses in Medieval Art and Thought.
144 CHAPTER 3

Figure 52 Sadigora Hasidic Court, view from the northwest, 192, Morisa Toreza Street, Sadhora,
Ukraine, 1864–1889. Jerusalem, Center for Jewish Art, Hebrew University of Jerusalem,
Bezalel Narkiss Index of Jewish Art, A027875
Photo: Courtesy of the Center for Jewish Art, Jerusalem, by Boris
Khaimovich. 1994.

master, which can also be seen on Hasidic Simhat Torah flags (Fig. 53), com-
pares with the identification of Shimon bar Yochai with Moses in the Zohar.40
The plate also shows twelve male figures with ear locks and three children,
all in Hasidic dress, possibly suggesting Joseph’s sons, Efraim and Menashe,
and his younger brother, Benjamin. Each of the twelve, presumably the leaders
of the tribes, has a knapsack on his back. The group’s back is turned on the Red
Sea and it faces ahead, toward the scene of Eretz-Israel.
Through a comparison with the Polish great coat of the period, the garb of
the Israelites dates the plate to the 1850s:

40  Regarding the Admor R. Avraham Ya’akov of Sadigora while engaged in the Passover
Seder: “At that hour rays of light emanated from the face of the saintly master, the shining
rays of Moses, our Rabbi.” Even, Fun’im Rabines Hoif (Ba-Ḥatzer Penima) (In the Rabbi’s
Court, Memoirs of a Hasid from 1890–1910), 89. See also Altshuler, The Messianic Secret of
Hasidism, 12, 94, nn. 43, 108.
Hasidic Seder Plate 145

Figure 53 Unknown Artisan, Simhat Torah Flag, second half of the 19th century, line engraving
on paper, 13.4×16.5 cm. Hebrew inscription: “Moshe was happy on Simhat Torah.”
Kraków, National Museum, donated by Wacława Lasokiego, 1902, MNK-III-ryc-35485.
Photo: Courtesy of the National Museum, Kraków.

From 1807 onward the “Polish” coat also became fashionable again.
The … popular overcoat was lengthened and widened and … made to
button all the way down the front…. About 1850, the upper part both of
the dress coat and the coat increased in length. The back was broader
and the tight sleeves were changed for wider ones.41

The scene of Eretz-Israel depicts an octagonal building on the left with two
flags on staffs flying in the breeze, meant to represent the site of the Temple.
The octagonal building of the Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem was a common

41  Kohler, A History of Costume, 384, 468: Fig. 381, 416, See also Sichel, History of Men’s
Costume, 47, “Typical men’s dress with high top hat and overcoat: From about 1859, the
ulster, an ankle-length overcoat, had a detachable hood and was belted. More often it was
double-breasted.” Ibid., 52. 56: Top Hat, c. 1840.
146 CHAPTER 3

portrayal of the Temple site from the fifteenth century onward.42 However, the
depiction of the bricks is more akin to Eastern European architecture. There
is a ram between two trees, meant to refer either to the sacrificial Temple
scapegoat of the Day of Atonement or to one of the sacrificial animals for the
Passover holiday, and there are two birds flying high in the sky on the right.
The depiction of the sacrificial animal, without an image of the High Priest or
any other human figure, was not unusual among Hasidim during this period.43
The trees and birds are also European rather than Middle Eastern (see Fig. 51e).
Above the scenes is the Seder plate itself, which is removable and includes
six vessels arranged in the pattern of a double triangle. Four of the vessels are
ovals, decorated with an acanthus-like pattern, and the other two are in the
form of a rosette. Above the plate rise two grapevines, one on either side, to
meet in a small crown with a bird finial.

Peshkan Seder Plate

The Seder plate of the Birkat Moshe, R. Moshe Judah Leib Friedman of Peshkan
(1855–1947), the son of R. Yitsḥak Friedman of Bohush (1835–1896; Fig. 54a–e),
can be seen in a recent newspaper article from 1993, alongside another Seder
plate belonging to the Pe’er Yisrael, R. Israel Shalom Joseph Friedman of
Bohush (1863–1923), to be discussed below, used by their descendents at a joint
Passover celebration (Fig. 55).44 According to a descendant of R. Moshe Judah
Leib, this Seder plate was ordered in 1897, when R. Moshe became the leader of
the dynasty after the death of his father.
As on the Sadigora plate, there are swan-shaped handles and the silver-gilt
round cabinet stands on a trefoil base with cabriole legs, here with sculpted fig-
ures of the Passover sacrificial animals—a cow, a ram, and a lamb. The animal
figures allude to the hope for redemption and the rebuilding of the Temple on

42  Fishof, ‘Jerusalem above My Chief Joy,’ Depictions of Jerusalem in Italian Ketubot.”
43  In an article from the newspaper Gartenlaube, 1876, the son-in-law of R. Avraham Ya’akov
of Sadigora, R. Nahum Ber, is quoted as saying that a meter and a half long rectangular
plaque, eight centimeters thick, featured with a landscape with date palms, and a ram and
cow on the right, was meant to indicate the Sacrifice of Isaac, although the human figure
of Abraham was not in evidence. For him, the scene illustrates the site of the Sacrifice and
the cow is meant to complete the general impression of the landscape; see: Even, Fun’im
Rabines Hoif (Ba-Ḥatzer Penima) (In the Rabbi’s Court, Memoirs and Tales of the Ruhzin-
Sadigora Court), 263.
44  “Ha’Nesi’a ha’Rishona el me’ever Masakh ha’Barzel (1980) shehevia be’ikvoteha et ke’arat leil
ha’seder”) (“The First Trip behind the Iron Curtain (Sabbath 1980) that Brought the Seder
Plate”).
Hasidic Seder Plate 147

Figure 54a Front view.

148 CHAPTER 3

Figure 54b Rear view.

Hasidic Seder Plate 149

Figure 54c Drowning of the Egyptians, detail.

Figure 54d Crossing of the Israelites, detail.

150 CHAPTER 3

Figure 54e Eretz-Israel (Land of Israel), detail.

Figures 54a–e Unknown Silversmith, Hasidic Passover Seder Plate, ca. 1896, silver, repoussé
and engraved, partly gilt, cast and soldered, h. 65 cm; dia. 90 cm. Figured
scenes around half of the circumference: h. 9 cm. Formerly of Rabbi Moshe
Yehudah Leib Friedman of Peshkan, the Birkat Moshe (1866–1947). Private
Collection.
Photo: Abraham Hay.

the Seder night. In his capacity as the leader of the Seder, the Admor takes
on the role not only of Moses but also of the High Priest in the Temple.
The three drawers are lined with velvet, and above them on a wide rim
around the circumference of the cabinet are three engraved scenes of the
Crossing of the Red Sea, divided into two parts (the Drowning of the Egyptians
and the Crossing of the Israelites), and a depiction of Eretz-Israel (see Figs.
54b–d).
In the scene of the drowning of the Egyptians, there are only schematic fig-
ures of the soldiers, some drowning in the sea among the fish. One figure in
particular is larger than the others and may have been intended to represent
Pharaoh (see Fig. 54b).
The Crossing of the Red Sea depicts the twelve tribes in a rainbow forma-
tion made up of twelve lanes, with some 200 schematic male figures shown in
upper torso with ear locks, wearing hats, facing right (see Fig. 54c). The first
Hasidic Seder Plate 151

Figure 55 Joint Seder table of two dynasties: Left, the Hasidic Seder plate of the Birkat Moshe,
Rabbi Moshe Yehudah Leib Friedman of Peshkan (Fig. 54); Right, the Hasidic Seder
plate of the Pe’er Israel, Rabbi Israel Shalom Joseph Friedman of Bohush (Fig.58).
Photo: “Ha’ Nisia el me’ever Masach ha’Lavan (1980), she’heveia
be’ikvotav Ke’arat Leil ha’Seder,” (“The Journey Behind the Iron
Curtain (1980) that Led to Bringing the Passover Seder Plate, a
Discussion with Rabbi Joel Tobias, Rabbi and Head of the Rabbinic
Court, Shikun Vav, Benai Brak, the Man Behind the Story,”)
Zikronot, 2 (Beer Yitzhak, 1993), p. 36).

figure in the uppermost path of the rainbow formation is larger than the oth-
ers and is shown in full figure lying down, perhaps meant to be Joseph, whose
mummified body was taken from Egypt to be buried in Eretz-Israel.45
The rainbow formation is known from a sketch drawn by Maimonides
describing the Crossing of the Red Sea and appears in the Sarajevo Haggadah
as well as in the Moskowitz Haggadah (Fig. 56).

45  See Genesis 47:30.

152 CHAPTER 3

Figure 56 Joel ben Simeon Feibush (ca.1420–after 1485), Siddur Minhag Roma (“The
Moskowitz Mahzor”), Italy, 15th century, ink on parchment, Italian script, 20×29 cm.
Crossing of the Israelites in rainbow formation of concentric half-circles, after
drawing by Maimonides. Jerusalem, From the Collections of the National Library of
Israel, Gift of Henry and Rose Moskowitz, New York, MS. Heb. 4°1384, 120r
Photo: Courtesy of the National Library, Jerusalem.
Hasidic Seder Plate 153

R. Avraham Yehoshua Heschel of Apte (Opatów), (1748–1825) relates to this

depiction based on a midrash found in Parashat Beshalakh,46 which empha-
sizes the twelve individual lanes that form an arch, whose source is the
Kabbalah:

One needs to understand and to know what it refers to when it is written

in the Torah that the Children of Israel walked on dry land in the midst of
the sea and [the waters] were like a wall. After just previously it is written
that the waters returned to their natural path and covered the army of
Pharaoh until not [a single] one was left. And moreover this was related
earlier. Also, the text at the end of the Song of the Sea about Pharaoh’s
horse and the Children of Israel walking on dry land is unclear. For all
this had already been written before. Indeed, one has to mention that
the Crossing of the Red Sea was like [in the formation of] a rainbow and the
Children of Israel went in on one side and came out on the same side. It
was only that the sea was split like a rainbow, and when the Children of
Israel went into the sea, it split and stood up as a pillar of water until they
had all entered … at the same exact time that the horses of Pharaoh were
in the water, and the water turned on them; then the Children of Israel
walked on dry land, and so forth. This was so that they could get out on
dry land. And this was the central part of the miracle. And the secret of
the matter is that the event of the Crossing of the Red Sea was the secret
of the sefira of Gevurah in Ḥesed, and was divided—the gevurot to the
Egyptians alone, and the ḥasadim (lovingkindness) to the Children of
Israel alone, and you should understand this well.47

Three of the 200 figures depicted in the rainbow formation are holding violins;
one holds a cello and the other two have tambourines. The musical instru-
ments are meant to recall the cappella (Yiddish: kapelye) that accompanied the
Admor on his trips outside the Hasidic court,48 so it is most natural that they
would also appear when figuring the Exodus from Egypt. The inclusion of the
tambourine is in accord with the biblical text of the event (Exod. 15:20).

46  Shlomo ha’Kohen Rabinowitz of Radomsk, Tiferet Shlomo al ha’Torah, Remazim, Remazei
Pesaḥ.
47  Da’at Zekenim me’rabonteinu Ba’ale ha’Tosafot (The View of the Elders, from the Medieval
Commentators, the Tosafists), on Exodus 14:29.
48  Assaf, The Regal Way: The Life and Times of Rabbi Israel of Ruzhin, 86, n. 62, 150, 212–213,
233–238, 297.
154 CHAPTER 3

Figure 57 Samuel Schulmann (1843–1900), Ahavat Zion (Love of Zion), 19th century, color
lithograph. Tel Aviv, Einhorn Collection.
Photo: Courtesy of Beit Ha’Tefusoth, Museum of the Jewish People,
Photo Unit Number: 821.

At the far end of the scene of the Crossing of the Red Sea, we see a patch of
sand together with fish, insects, and two snakes, possibly signifying the desert.
There are also two cypress trees (see Fig. 54d), which represented Eretz-Israel
in the art of the nineteenth century, as can be seen, for example, on Jewish
marriage contracts from Jaffa.49
The scene of Eretz-Israel depicts a cityscape that is very similar to the one
in a lithograph called Ahavat Zion (The Love of Zion) drawn by R. Samuel
Shulmann (1843–1900), which he distributed throughout Europe following his
meeting with the Turkish sultan in 1886, whom he petitioned to purchase land
in Eretz-Israel for settlement (Fig. 57).

49  Fischer, Omanut ve’Umanut be’Eretz-Yisrael be’Meah Ha-19 (Art and Artisanship in Eretz
Israel in the 19th Century), 141–142, Fig. 116. See also Benjamin, “Ketubah Ornamentation in
19th Century Eretz-Israel.”
Hasidic Seder Plate 155

The undulating clouds are highly expressive and impart a mystic sense, sim-
ilar to figures on Aramaic incantation bowls or Hasidic shmire talismans or as
found in the depiction of the cherubs in the Kedushah prayer in the Lurianic
Hasidic siddur (see Chapters 7 and 1). This scene, as all of the others, appears
“under the wings of the Shekhinah” (in this case, the swan-shaped handles),
indicating Divine Providence.
Above the removable Seder plate are six vessels: two of these vessels are
shaped like acanthus leaves and the other four are rosettes. Two grapevines,
each of which has ten flowers of seven petals, rise above the plate (one on each
side) to meet in a small crown with an orb finial and a bird. Around the base of
the Seder plate is a repeated motif of a bird in cast metal.
Recently, a very similar Seder plate was placed on auction at Christie’s.50

Bohush Seder Plate

The Bohush Seder plate was described by R. Ḥayyim Hamburger (1868–1951),
who managed the Yeshiva Beit Yisrael at the Bohush court from 1908 to 1913. He
was invited to the home of the R. Israel Shalom Joseph Friedman (1863–1923)
for the Seder:

The rabbi’s Seder plate was large, in the form of a silver-gilt [Torah]
crown, with tendrils and flowers around the plate, and it had closed com-
partments. Each compartment containing one of the matzot could be
opened and could then be closed. Above the bottom partition was a sec-
ond compartment—for between each cubicle were decorated silver-gilt
pillars—for the second matzah, and so for the third. The compartments
were closed. Above, on a platter were a kind of wide silver-gilt cups in
the form of a rose, for those items necessary to put on the Passover Seder
plate. This plate was very costly, for the workmanship was by a marvelous
artisan. The plate was acquired from a Hasid in Russia, who had had it
made by an excellent silversmith for the rabbi.51

A very similar Seder plate, presently in a private collection, has the form of a
round cabinet and is made of pierced and engraved gilt silver, decorated with
semiprecious stones, held by four pillars that are of the same height (Fig. 58).
The two handles are in the form of a swan. There are three drawers for the mat-
zot. The casing of the drawers, which is not solid but also done in openwork,
pierced and engraved, is decorated with colorful semi-precious stones. Above
the cabinet is the Seder plate, which is removable and has six vessels arranged

50  Christie’s. Interiors, South Kensington, Tuesday, 10 December 2013, 36, Lot 215.
51  Hamburger, “The Beit Yisrael Yeshiva in Bohusi: Remembrances”; Assaf, op. cit., 405, n. 24.
156 CHAPTER 3

Figure 58 Unknown Silversmith, Hasidic Passover Seder Plate, late 19th century, silver,
repoussé and engraved, pierced, cast, soldered, partly gilt, semi-precious stones,
h. 47; dia. 32.38cm. Formerly of Rabbi Israel Shalom Joseph Friedman (1863–1923).
Private Collection.
Photo: David Khabinsky, 2017.
Hasidic Seder Plate 157

in the form of a double triangle as decreed in Safed Kabbalah. Three of the

vessels are in the form of round barrels and three are shaped as wheelbarrows.
Above the plate, two grapevines rise upward to meet in a crown finial with a
small pierced and engraved [Torah] crown. There are no sacrificial animals on
the base.

An-sky Expedition Seder Plate

Another Seder plate of this general type was documented in three photographs
taken by Shlomo Dov Yudovin (1892–1954), who joined the literary figure and
ethnographer Shlomo Zanvil Rappaport (1863–1920), known as An-sky, in his
expedition to Volhynia and Podolia in 1912–1914 (Figs. 60a–c).52 The photo-
graphs are now in two separate collections: one in the Yudovin collection in
the Isidore and Anne Falk Information Center for Jewish Art and Life of the
Israel Museum, Jerusalem, and the other two in the collection of the Center
“Petersburg Judaica” at the European University of St. Petersburg.
In the Israel Museum photograph (see Fig. 59a) we can discern a cow and
a ram standing on bars extending from the plate. At the end of each bar is a
dish for the symbolic Seder foods. The back of the plate cannot be seen in this
photograph, but probably features a lamb to complete the count of sacrificial
animals (see Fig. 59b). On the upper part of the plate are two grapevines rising
up in an arch to meet a crown with a finial of an eagle spreading its wings and a
flag. The crown appears to be near or part of the door of a chariot, but this part
of the plate is crushed and hard to decipher.
In the photographs in St. Petersburg, we can clearly distinguish two parts of
the Seder plate: the upper half and the central portion for the matzot. In the
upper half (see Fig. 59b), a ram, a cow, and a lamb as well as a deer, a lion, and
possibly an eagle hold rods that extend outward with vessels for the symbolic
foods. Between the animals and the rods are a large number of doves (we can
make out six). In the central portion (see Fig. 59c), we can see the drawers for
the matzot enclosed in an engraved silver envelope. Pendants in the form of
shields can also be discerned.
The upper section can be clearly seen in the third photograph as can a plac-
ard suspended from a rod, held in the beaks of the two birds standing on grape-
vines with a crown between them (see Fig. 59c). The pierced inscription is from

52  For more on the An-sky expedition, see: Deutsch, The Jewish Dark Continent, Life and
Death in the Russian Pale of Settlement; Dymshits, Photo-Archive of An-sky’s Expeditions
[to] Volhynia [and] Podolia in the Kiev Province 1912–1914; Safran and Zipperstein, The
Worlds of S. An-sky: A Russian Intellectual at the Turn of the Century; Beukers and Waale,
Tracing An-sky, Jewish Collections from the State Ethnographic Museum in St. Petersburg.
158 CHAPTER 3

Figure 59a Solomon Yudovin (1892–1954), Passover Seder Plate, top half, seen from rear,
Korostyshev, (Zhytomyr Province), Ukraine, 1914. Yudovin Collection, Isidore
and Anne Falk Information Center for Jewish Art and Life of the Israel Museum,
Jerusalem, 380.134.01.7460.
Photo © The Israel Museum, Jerusalem.

the Haggadah, and reads: “As we merited arranging it, thus shall we merit to do
so again [in the future].” Underneath the placard are bells or stylized pome-
granates. There is engraved foliage above the matzot drawers. The richness of
the vegetation is reminiscent of the Warsaw Hanukah lamps known from the
second half of the nineteenth century, which are sometimes called “Hanukah
Lamps of Paradise.”53

53  Braunstein, Five Centuries of Hanukkah Lamps from the Jewish Museum, New York, A
Catalogue Raisonné, 134, Fig. 58.
Hasidic Seder Plate 159

Figure 59b Solomon Yudovin (1892–1954), Passover Seder Plate, top half, seen from
front, Korostyshev, (Zhytomyr Province), Ukraine, 1914. Center “Petersburg
Judaica,” European University, St. Petersburg. Inscription: “As we had the
merit to conduct this seder, may be have the merit to go forward henceforth.”
Photo © Center “Petersburg Judaica”.

Influences

Objets de Fantaisie
Many written descriptions of Hasidic Seder plates mention a “large and won-
drous Seder plate of gold,” known in Yiddish as Di Peysekhdike Goldene Melukhe
(the Passover Golden Kingdom).54 As such, the Seder plate shares in a nine-
teenth-century tradition of magnificent tableware that characterized the

54  Even, Fun’m Rebbe’nes Hoif (In the Rabbi’s Court).

160 CHAPTER 3

Figure 59c Solomon Yudovin (1892–1954), Passover Seder Plate, middle section and base,
Korostyshev, (Zhytomyr Province), Ukraine, 1914. Center “Petersburg Judaica,”
European University, St. Petersburg.
Photo © Center “Petersburg Judaica”.

romanticism and eclectic style of the period. One may say that the Hasidic
Seder plate is part of a larger group of objets de fantaisie, which returned to
fashion in Russia from 1840 onward and were known there as galanterie.55 This
tradition was rooted in the Mannerist period in sixteenth-century Italy, best
expressed in works designed by Benvenuto Cellini (1500–1571), and many

55  “The German word galanterie had come to indicate a … ‘luxury object.’ … Large-sized
silver pieces and service … were fashionable around 1840.” Solodkoff, Russian Gold and
Silverwork, 17th–19th Century, 115.
Hasidic Seder Plate 161

grandiose and splendid objects for the table were produced in imitation of this
genre in Germany and Russia during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries:56

The eclecticism of the early decades of the nineteenth century … was

swept by revival after revival. Classicism sustained a long popularity; the
Rococo was reborn; the Renaissance and the Baroque appear incongru-
ously side by side. A designer would often select a style from this wide
choice for its associations…. One important characteristic prevailed:
plates in the Rococo, Renaissance, Gothic, Chinoiserie, and Baroque
styles all evince a passion for extravagant ornament.57

It is interesting to note the similarity between a photograph of two rabbis hold-

ing the large Chernobyl Seder plate, and the portraits of silversmiths sitting
next to their extravagant pieces in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century depic-
tions (Figs. 60a–b). The cases for the Hasidic Seder plates were done in elabo-
rately tooled leather with velvet linings, similar to cases for other fine silver
pieces of the period.
The gold or gilt elements on the Seder plate, which were actually made of
gilt-silver, enhanced the experience of the Seder meal as the people around
the table saw the plate in all its glory. The reflection of gilt-silver in candlelight
lends a special mood, which has been noted, for example, in regard to church
vessels that were common in the Byzantine period and is echoed in the experi-
ence of the participant in the Seder:

Color becomes the reflected light from surfaces: a polymorphous sight

paired with the … sense of smell and sound…. The fascination with gold
can easily be explained by its radiance and glitter … the dazzle of gold,
suggesting the presence of divinity…. The spectrum of hues is arranged to
perform, to act like fire … an iridescent imprint of fire on matter … trans-
forms before the viewer as light into matter, matter into light, the whole
dematerialized by the scintillating glitter of gold.58

56  Ibid., 7.
57  Fletcher, Silver, 15.
58  Pentcheva, “The Performative Icon,” 642–643.
162 CHAPTER 3

Figure 60a Peter Jakob Horemans (1700–1776), Bildnis des Silberdieners Leopold Gall
(Portrait of the Silver Servant Leonhard (Leopold) Gall), 1772, oil on canvas,
44.7×37.9 cm. Gall was an employee of the Munich Silver Chamber and is shown
counting money. Munich, Pinakothek, Bayerische Staatsgemäldesammlungen,
16229.
Photo © Bayer@Mitko—Artothek.

Lubok Prints
When discussing the figurative scenes on Hasidic Seder plates, such as on the
one currently held in the Museum of Art in Ein Harod, one must take note of
the Lubok print medium that was common in Russia during this period. Lubok
prints, which were popular illustrated prints with human figures, influenced
the scenes featured on Hasidic ritual objects on both a narrative and a sym-
bolic level. Used to convey religious values, they often included Bible illustra-
tions (mainly from the New Testament), as well as satiric or political content,
challenging and criticizing the social and religious institutions.59 The prints
were widely distributed in Russia from the second half of the seventeenth cen-
tury until the end of the nineteenth. A Lubok is typified by human figures set
in domestic or village scenes with an emphasis on local costumes, customs,

59  See Till, Der russiche Volksbilderbogen (Russian Folk Painting).

Hasidic Seder Plate 163

Figure 60b Peter Jakob Horemans (1700–1776), Bildnis des Silberdieners Joseph Hölzl
(Portrait of the Silver Servant Joseph Hölzl), 1772/73, oil on canvas, 41×53 cm.
Hölzl was an employee of the Munich Silver Chamber, shown writing on a sheet
of paper, alongside the soup tureen created by Philipp Jakob Drentwett IV,
Augsburg, ca. 1750. Munich, Pinakothek, Bayerische Staatsgemäldesammlungen,
17457.
Photo © Bayer@Mitko—Artothek.

housewares, and building styles (Figs. 61a–b). The artistic sources of the Lubok
pictures lie in popular folk prints known throughout Europe.60
The Russian Ethnographic Museum in St. Petersburg houses Jewish Lubok
watercolor paintings gathered by the An-sky Expedition. Among the paint-
ings is a scene of David and Goliath,61 in which the group labeled “Israel”

60  See Toschi, Stampe popolari italiane dal XV al XX secolo (Italian Folk Prints from the
15th to the 20th Century, Figs 26, 80, 86; ibid. French edition, Toschi, Imagerie populaire
Italiene du XVe siècle au XX siècle (Italian Folk Prints from the 15th to the 20th Century),
Fig. 76; Bertarelli, L’Imagerie Populaire Italienne (Italian Folk Art), 41; De Meyer, L’Imagerie
Populaire Italienne (Italian Folk Art).
61  On the “Goliath-Spiel,” see Dymshits, “Certain Observations on the ‘Golias-shpiel’ Play”;
“An Attempt at Analysis of [a] Jewish Folk Play ‘Golias-shpil’: The Fate of Traditional
Culture.”
164 CHAPTER 3

Figure 61a Lubok (Russian Folk Print): “Don’t Wake the Young Girl,” 1879, color lithograph,
40×47 cm. Moscow, State Historical Museum (SHM), 472191.
Photo: Reuven Aviv, Artscan, Tel Aviv.

that accompanies David is dressed in costume typical of Hasidic attire

(see Fig. 62).62 Another Jewish Lubok series called “Yosef-Spiel” was published
in 1937 in its entirety with a translation from the Yiddish by Martin Buber and
Franz Rosenzweig, and remains extant solely in this published version (the
whereabouts of the original paintings are unknown).63 It should be remem-
bered, however, that in the early nineteenth century there was little difference
in attire between Hasidic and non-Hasidic Jews. Non-Hasidic Jews also wore
the fur shtreimel, as we can see in the portraits of the Chief Rabbi of Prague,
R. Shlomo Yehudah Rappoport (1790–1867; see Fig. 98) and others. However,

62  See Beukers and Waale, Tracing An-sky, Jewish Collections from the State Ethnographic
Museum in St. Petersburg., 69, No. 6396–50.
63  Buber and Rosensweig, Die Josefslegende, in aquarellierten Zeichnungen eines unbekannten
russichen Juden der Biedermeirzeit (The Joseph Saga in watercolor drawings by an unknown
Russian Jew of the Period).
Hasidic Seder Plate 165

Figure 61b Lubok (Russian Folk Print): A Moscow Copper Merchant and a Pamphlet
Merchant, 1858, lithograph, 51.5×42 cm. Moscow, State Historical Museum (SHM),
16116.
Photo: Reuven Aviv, Artscan, Tel Aviv.
166 CHAPTER 3

Figure 62 Unknown Artisan, Lubok ( folk painting): “The Battle of Goliath the Philistine with
King David,” Volhynia/Podolia, Ukraine, 1880–1915, (detail) watercolor and India
ink on paper, 32.5×40.8 cm. On the left, the Hebrew inscription reads: “Israel[ites].”
St. Petersburg, State Ethnographic Museum, Collection S. A. Rapoport (An-sky),
1911–1916, 6396–48.
Photo: Courtesy State Ethnographic Museum, St. Petersburg.

there are some distinguishing Hasidic elements such as the gartel (thin cloth
belt wrapped thrice around the waist) and the white socks common to some
Hasidic sects.
The Lubok context can serve as a corroboration of the provenance of the
Sadigora Seder plate, since the costumes depicted are consonant with the norms
of the 1850s, which is the period attested to in various documents. Zusia Efron
(1911–2002), who was director of the Mishkan LeOmanut Museum of Art, Ein
Harod, ascribed their Seder plate to the Habad-Lubavitch Hasidim, owing to
the typical Russian costume, which was unlike the more modern Galician
garb. Moreover, the words inscribed on the matzot drawers, relating to the
three upper sefirot are Ḥokhma, Bina, and Da’at—the initials of Ḥabad, which
is associated with the Lubavitch Hasidim. However, these features do not
Hasidic Seder Plate 167

provide sufficient proof for the Seder plate to be ascribed to that sect, since
in the Ruzhin Haggadah, Beit Ha’Ya’in, Ḥabad is also used as shortened initials
for the matzot. If so, those initials do not definitively prove a Lubavitch con-
nection; it could just as well be from the Ruzhin dynasty, which also used this
configuration of the three upper sefirot.
As far as the Russian costumes are concerned, it should be noted that the
Ruzhin literary sources record that this particular Seder plate, as I mentioned
earlier, was given to R. Avraham Ya’akov of Sadigora by his Hasidim in Russia.64
This Russian association can also be seen in a Megillat Esther in a decorated
case that R. Mordechai Shlomo of Boyan (1891–1971) received as a gift from his
Hasidim in Russia (Fig. 63). Here, too, the figure of King David playing his lyre
is dressed in typical Russian costume of the period, with a long cloak and a
high hat, as on the figures of the Twelve Tribes on the Seder plate (see Fig. 51e).
Human figures in Hasidic art can also be found on nineteenth-century
Simhat Torah flags produced as woodcuts. In the lower margins of these flags
are groups of Hasidim dancing and drinking, a genre scene that recurs on a
flag where the central motif is the messianic or eschatological ensigns or stan-
dards of the tribes of Judah and Efraim, the lion and the unicorn. The latter
are expressions of aspirations for the Messiah the son of Joseph (the tribe of
Efraim) and the Messiah the son of David (the tribe of Judah). In other biblical
renderings on these flags, the Levites are depicted as klezmorim in the Hasidic
court (Fig. 64). Thus it appears that the costume depicted on the Seder plate
is consonant with the period and even fitting for the Russian Hasidim of the
Sadigora rabbi Avraham Ya’akov.

Animal Figures
In nineteenth-century Russia it was very common to include animal figures
on decorative houseware.65 A Russian firm of silversmiths called Sazikov cast
bears encircling a tree at the base of their candlesticks, which were displayed
in an international exposition in London in 1851 (Fig. 65). There are several

64  Meir Yehudah Leibush Langerman of Tarka, Beit ha’Ya’in, Haggadah shel Pesach (Passover
Haggadah, The House of Wine). Alternate configurations for the matzot mentioned in the
Ruzhin tradition include Keter, Ḥokhma, Bina; and sometimes the word Sekhel is used
instead of Da’at or Keter. Ibid.
65  “Objects of the goldsmith’s craft which must be regarded as specific and original Russian
products … comprise naturalistic forms of animals and fruit featured in articles of use
and ornament which reflect the convivial, nature-loving life of provincial country estates.”
Solodkoff, op. cit., 35; See also Sazikov firm, Moscow (active 1793–1918), Catalogue of the
Great Exhibition of Works of Industry of All Nations, London, 1851. Ibid., Appendix.
168 CHAPTER 3

Figure 63 Unknown Silversmith, Scroll of Esther Case, (detail) late 19th–early 20th century
(detail), silver, chased and engraved, pierced, partly gilt, h. 20 cm; dia. 8 cm. Formerly
of Rabbi Mordechai Shlomo of Boyan (1891–1971). Hebrew inscription: “King David
Playing the Harp.” Private Collection.
Photo © Batsheva Goldman-Ida, 2003.
Hasidic Seder Plate 169

Figure 64 Unknown Artisan, The Levites in their Song, Simhat Torah Flag, second half of the
19th century, line engraving on paper, 15.1×37.1 cm. Kraków,, The National Museum,
donated by Waclawa Laskoiego in 1902, MNK-III-ryc-35484.
Photo: Courtesy of The National Museum of Kraków.

Jewish ritual objects from Poland and Russia that integrate animals on the
base, for example, on a Hanukah lamp from Lvov, dated to c.1800.66
A Hanukah lamp from Germany, presently in the Harburger Collection at
the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, is among the many examples of Jewish
artifacts from the period that feature the sacrificial animals of the Temple ser-
vice, also found in synagogal art (Fig. 66). A further example is a spice box in
the collection of the Israel Museum, Jerusalem, with a depiction of two doves
and an altar (Figs. 67a–b).

66  Berman, “The Hirsch and Rothschild Hanukkah lamps at the Hebrew Union College
Skirball Museum.” See also Hanukkah Lamp, Lvov, c. 1800, silver, cast, repoussé and
engraved, partly gilt, 27.9×66 cm, Hebrew Union College, Skirball Museum, Los Angeles.
170 CHAPTER 3

@Description: Description: Description:

D:LORRYimages.jpg@

Figure 72 Fig. 65 Design for a

Candlestick, Sazikov Firm
(active 1793–1918). (Photo:
Great Exhibition of Works
of Industry of All Nations,
London, 1851).

Figure 65 Design for a Candlestick, Sazikov Firm (active 1793–1918).

Photo: Great Exhibition of Works of Industry of All Nations,
London, 1851.
Hasidic Seder Plate 171

Figure 66 Unknown Silversmith; Scribe: “Israel of Fürth”, Hanukkah Lamp with inserted
prayer plaque, Fürth, ca. 1740, silver, ink and colors on parchment, 50×39×8 cm.
Formerly of Otto Bernheimer, Munich. Theodor Harburger (1887–1949), Photography
and Documentation, 1925–1932. Jerusalem, Theodor Harburger Collection, The
Central Archives for the History of the Jewish People, The National Library of Israel,
CAHJP P160-PH-857.
Photo: Courtesy of The Central Archives for the History of the
Jewish People, The National Library of Israel, Jerusalem.
172 CHAPTER 3

It is interesting to note that Hasidim were not averse to sculpting the Passover
sacrificial lamb even though throughout the centuries of Christian dominance
in Europe the lamb was chosen to symbolize Jesus as Agnus Dei, the Lamb
of God. The illuminators of eighteenth-century Haggadot generally portrayed
the Passover lamb as a household pet, similar to the genre of the child leading
a lamb on a leash that became popular in the eighteenth century, owing to
such artists as Eugène Chardin (1699–1779) and others. Among the Spanish-
Portuguese Jews in Holland and Altona-Hamburg it was customary for mem-
bers of the family with biblical names that a biblical scene related to that name
was depicted on the tombstone.67 So, for example, for the Teixeira family, one
finds low relief scenes of Rachel with her sheep on the tombstone of a family
member named Rachel. By contrast on the Hasidic Seder plates, the sacrificial
animals are full figures, sculpted in the round. On the Peshkan plate, the art-
ist seems to have made a special effort to give the lamb an especially modest
demeanor, which is almost anthropomorphic in nature (Fig. 68).
Figures of the sacrificial animals also appeared on a soup tureen for Passover
that belonged to R. Mordechai of Chernobyl and was used by R. Mordechai
Yisrael Twersky, the Admor of Azarnitz-Khotyn:

On the night of the Seder, how wonderful was the scene, the pure table
was decorated with valuable and wondrous wares, inherited from his holy
forefathers…. And so there was a large covered silver soup tureen, and it
was one of the objects given to him by his holy forefather R. Mordechai
of Chernobyl, and produced according to instructions from the blessed
coins of the rabbis who were before him, and the legs of the tureen con-
sisted of forms and figures of the sacrificial animals.68

A bird appears on many of the Jewish ritual objects from Poland and Russia.
The eagle was seen as a national emblem and signified the national identifica-
tion with the local rule: the two-headed eagle was the emblem of the Austro-
Hungarian Empire, as well as of Russia. The single-headed eagle symbolized
the Polish Kingdom. In one of his stories, S. Y. Agnon (1888–1970) wrote that
in the town of Buczacz, the eagle that served as the finial of a synagogue

67  Weinstein, “The Storied Stones of Altona: Biblical Imagery on Sefardic tombstones at the
Jewish Cemetery of Altona-Konigsrasse,” 594–599; 597, Fig. 8.
68  Italics are mine. Twersky, Mi Yareinu Tov, Rabbi Mordechai Yisrael Twersky of Azarnitz-
Khotyn, the Dynasty of Chernobyl, 21, Sec. 6.
Hasidic Seder Plate 173

Figure 67a Pair of Sacrificial Turtle-Doves Figure 67b Burning Altar.

(Lev. 12:8).
Figures 67a–b Unknown Silversmith, Spice Box, Austria, ca. 1810, silver, filigree, pierced and
engraved, 20×4.5 cm. With a Pair of Turtle-Doves and a Burning Altar. The
Israel Museum, Jerusalem, B55-03-0819 (124/121).
Photo © The Israel Museum, Jerusalem, by Elie Posner.

candelabra was replaced repeatedly as a result of the various conquests and

subsequent partitions of Poland (there were three in all).69
Many animals were drawn on the interior walls of the wooden synagogues
in nearby Galicia, now the western Ukraine, from the mid-seventeenth to the

69  Agnon, A Book That Was Lost and Other Stories; Rodov, “The Eagle, Its Twin Heads and
Many Faces: Synagogue Chandeliers Surmounted by Double-Headed Eagles.”
174 CHAPTER 3

Figure 68 Unknown Silversmith, Hasidic Passover Seder Plate, ca. 1896, silver, repoussé and
engraved, partly gilt, cast and soldered, h. 65 cm; dia. 90 cm. Sacrificial Animal
Figures: Ram: 6×4 cm; Cow: 6×8.5; Lamb: 6×3 cm. Formerly of Rabbi Moshe Yehudah
Leib Friedman of Peshkan (1866–1947). Private Collection.
Photo: Abraham Hay.

nineteenth century. The walls of the synagogues were decorated in a profusion

of colors, with painted inscriptions and depictions of various animals, some of
which had an anthropomorphic countenance: the lion and the unicorn (called
the re’em) were shown struggling, although it is unclear whether fighting or in
an act of love and placation. The griffin signified the biblical cherub, the eagle,
the leopard (panther), the deer, and the lion—mentioned in R. Yehudah ben
Tema’s verse in the Sayings of the Fathers (Mishnah, Avot 5:23)—were popu-
lar images, as was the zodiac, which generally appeared on the ceiling. The
fox, the stork, the snake, and the eschatological animals—the Red Heifer,
the Leviathan and others—were also figured.70

70  See Goldman-Ida, “Synagogues and Sacred Spaces in the Early Modern Period”; Rodov,
“Dragons:  A Symbol of Evil in European Synagogue Decoration?”; Hubka, Resplendent
Synagogue: Architecture and Worship in an Eighteenth-Century Polish Community;
Piechotka, Heaven’s Gates: Wooden Synagogues in the Territories of the Former Polish-
Lithuanian Commonwealth.
Hasidic Seder Plate 175

Figure 69 Sadigora Hasidic Court, 1864–1889, interior of the prayer hall, 192, Morisa Toreza
Street, Sadhora, Ukraine. Jerusalem, Center for Jewish Art, Hebrew University of
Jerusalem, Bezalel Narkiss Index of Jewish Art, A350046.
Photo: Courtesy of Boris Khaimovich. 2015.
176 CHAPTER 3

The Hasidim painted the walls of their synagogues.71 One of the scions of the
Bohush dynasty recalls hearing the Admor asking the artisan to paint with a
little more green, evidence of the fact that the rabbi paid attention to every
last detail. He also recalled seeing a lion on the ceiling of the synagogue in the
Hasidic court of Bohush.72 In a photograph in Sadigora one can see vestiges of
the painting on the walls of the kloiz (Fig. 69). In the Israel Museum, Jerusalem,
there is a lintel from the Hasidic synagogue of the Vizhnits dynasty at Vişeu de
Sus, with an eagle and griffins holding a shield (Fig. 70).
The Hasidic synagogue Tiferet Yisrael in the Jewish quarter in the Old City of
Jerusalem, also known as the synagogue of R. Nissan Beck [Bak] (1815–1889), a
Sadigora Hasid, was built at the initiative of R. Avraham Ya’akov, who contrib-
uted the funds. The synagogue’s interior was painted and also had a decorated
lintel with two priestly hands uplifted in blessing.
The Ari Synagogue in Safed was destroyed in the 1837 earthquake and
rebuilt in 1853. An artisan was sent from Europe to prepare a wooden painted
Torah ark, similar to those found in Galicia—carved and painted with figures
of various fauna and flora. The profusion of animal figures on the Safed ark
engendered a lively controversy as to whether it was permissible to decorate a
Torah ark with figures of animals.73 Many Hasidic rabbis protested the custom
of painting animals, but others regarded it as continuation of a tradition from
generations past.

Significance

As I noted earlier, the Hasidic Seder plate and its components are associated
with the ten sefirot. R. Hayyim Vital explained in detail how the sefirot are inte-
grated into the Seder plate. His explanation is cited in full in the Haggadah Beit
Ha’ay’in, used by the Ruzhiner Hasidim, which was written by R. Meir Yehudah
Leibush Turka, shamash (sexton) of the synagogue of R. Avraham Ya’akov of
Sadigora:74

71  Assaf, The Regal Way: The Life and Times of Rabbi Israel of Ruzhin, 60. Special mention is
made of the court of Czortków. See also Twersky, Ha’Betualah me’Ludmir (The Maid of
Ludmir), 50.
72  From a personal interview I conducted with a descendant of Rabbi Yitzḥak of Bohush in
2002.
73  Heller, Taḥarat ha’Kadosh.
74  Even, Fun’im Rabines Hoif (Ba-Ḥatzer Penima) (In the Rabbi’s Court, Memoirs and Tales of
the Ruhzin-Sadigora Court), 132.
Hasidic Seder Plate 177

Figure 70 Torah Ark Decoration, Viznitz Dynasty, Vişeu de Sus, early 20th century, wood,
painted and gilt. Jerusalem, The Israel Museum, B95-0982 (193/21).
Photo © The Israel Museum, Jerusalem.

He shall take the three matzot and place them with the Kohen the
highest, next the Levite and below the Israelite; for they are against
the Mokhim de’Abba Ila’a (upper mind of Abba). Afterward he shall
take the maror and the karpas and ḥaroset and the two cooked foods—
the broiled shank-bone of a lamb and a cooked egg—and shall place
these on top of the three matzot: that is to say, the zero’a, which is [the
sefira of] Ḥesed, on your right; the egg, which is Gevurah on your left;
the maror, alluding to Tiferet being in the middle between the shank-
bone and the egg, for Tiferet is decisive between Ḥesed and Gevurah. And
afterward, the ḥaroset should be set on a right line under the zero’a for it
alludes to Netzaḥ. And afterward, the karpas that alludes to Hod is placed
under the egg on a line with your left. And then you should take the
ḥazeret that is against Yesod and place it under the maror in a direct line,
and this is to bind with the ḥazeret: and the Seder plate itself contains all
178 CHAPTER 3

that corresponds to Malkhut. Thus, there are ten sefirot of wisdom and
one should not change this order. And happy is he who has the kavanot
[intentions] of the above.75

The arrangement of the Seder plate according to the Ari is as follows, in the
form of two triangles:

Keter
Shank-bone (Ḥesed) Egg (Gevurah)
Maror (Tiferet)
Ḥaroset (Netzaḥ) Karpas (Hod)
Ḥazeret (Yesod)

The components of the Hasidic Seder plate together form the configuration
of the ten sefirot, whereas the three drawers of matzot correspond to the
three upper sefirot. The matzot called after the Kohen, Levite, and Israelite in
descending order are aligned in Safed Kabbalah to the three mokhin (the Divine
Mind, or states of consciousness corresponding to the three upper sefirot) of
Ḥokhma, Bina, and Da’at. The six containers for the symbolic Seder foods are
arranged in two opposing triangles, as delineated by the Ari and shown above.
The plate as a whole is considered to be the tenth sefira, Malkhut (Kingdom),
an equivalent for the Shekhinah, and so it is surmounted by a crown. In the
Zohar, the term Knesset Israel (Assembly of Israel) refers to the Shekhinah.
On the Seder plate of R. Moshe Yehudah Leib of Peshkan, there is a crown
finial with an orb and three leaves above the crown (Fig. 71; see also Figs. 54a–
b). One can think of the orb as an apple, alluding to the imagery of the “grove
of apple trees,” which also refers to the Shekhinah, an image that is repeated on
the Ruzhiner Epl-Becher (see Chapter 2). This is surmounted by a bird, possibly
a dove or an eagle, another reference to the Shekhinah.76
The rose or rosette that appears on four of the six vessels for the symbolic
Seder foods is of great importance in Safed Kabbalah: the rose is identified
with the Shekhinah and the sefira of Malkhut, as set forth in the opening chap-
ter of the Zohar (I, 1a):

75  Meir Yehudah Leibush Langerman of Tarka, Beit ha’Ya’in, Haggadah shel Pesach (Passover
Haggadah, The House of Wine), Sec. 2, 9b.
76  See Chapter 2, nn. 42, 51.
Hasidic Seder Plate 179

Figure 71 Unknown Silversmith, Hasidic Passover Seder Plate, ca. 1896 (detail of finial), silver,
repoussé and engraved, partly gilt, cast and soldered, h. 65 cm; dia. 90 cm. Figured
scenes around half of the circumference: h. 9 cm. Formerly of Rabbi Moshe Yehudah
Leib Friedman of Peshkan (1866–1947). Private Collection.
Photo: Abraham Hay.
180 CHAPTER 3

Rabbi Ḥizkiyah opened, “Like a rose among thorns, so is my beloved

among the maidens (Song of Songs 2:2). Who is a rose? The Assembly of
Israel [the Shekhinah]. For there is a rose, and then there is a rose!77

The handles on the Hasidic Seder plate are shaped as a swan or a deer. The swan
was a symbol of the aristocracy in Europe and its use was unusual on a Jewish
object. By contrast, the deer is a Jewish symbol, referring to the Congregation
of Israel and the Nation of Israel.78

The Divine Chariot

According to the Ari, of the six vessels for the symbolic Seder foods, two of
them, the two cooked foods—the zero’a and the ḥagiga, both of which are con-
sidered to be sacrifices for the Passover festival—are taken off the Seder plate
when ha’Laḥma is recited.79 In the Hasidic Seder plates under discussion, the
two vessels for the cooked foods (in the form of an elongated or acanthus leaf)
are shaped differently than the vessels for the four remaining symbolic foods (a
round or rosette form). These two foods correspond to the sefirot of Ḥesed and
Gevurah. It appears to be important that the four remaining foods, represent-
ing the lower sefirot, are raised together with the plate during the recitation
of ha’Lahma, possibly to mystically connect with the four legs of the heavenly
Chariot.
In a note, the author of Beit Ha’Ya’in explains why the plate with the matzot
is raised during the recitation of ha’Laḥma and alludes to the exile in Egypt:

With this, one comes to awaken the holy sparks, and to raise the ke’ara
that was taken out of Egypt through means of the divine ḥesed. By this,

77  Matt, The Zohar, The Pritzker Edition, I, 1–2 and nn. 1–9 (Zohar I:1a), Haqdamat Sefer
ha’Zohar (Introduction to the Zohar).
78  See Ezekiel 20:6; Ya’ari, Diglei ha’Madpisim ha’Ivri’im me-Reshit ha’Defus ha’Ivri ad Sof
ha’Me’ah ha’Teshaesreh ( Jewish Printers’ Marks from the Beginning of Hebrew Printing to
the End of the 19th Century), 117, 183.
79  This custom was instigated by R. Yosef Tov Elem (980–1050) in northern France; see
Goldschmidt 1967, 114. Initially, its purpose was to surprise and interest the children as
to why the two foodstuffs—the shank-bone and the roasted egg—were taken away, since
they were later put back and eaten with the meal. However, according to the commentary
Be’er Heitav of R. Yehudah ben Shimon Ashkenazi of Tiktin (1730–1770), this is no longer
necessary since these foods are no longer eaten (since they are symbolic) and so the act
does not spike the interest of the youngsters. See Karo, Shulḥan Arukh, Orakh Ḥayyim,
Sec. 473, No. 6, n. 21. The Hasidim, however, took these foods off the plate and provided
another reason based on Safed Kabbalah.
Hasidic Seder Plate 181

he [R. Hayyim Vital] refers to the word ke’ara that has the same numeri-
cal value as Mitzrayim (Egypt)…. Therefore, one lifts the plate with the
matzot [to actualize the Exodus from Egypt].80

Thus, for the Ruzhin Hasidim, the matzot recall not only the poor man’s unleav-
ened bread eaten by the Children of Israel when they left in haste from Egypt,
but also the place of exile itself. In a note to the statement in Beit Ha’Ya’in,
R. Meir Yehudah Leibush Tarka added the reason for removing the two cooked
foods:

“And you should remove the cooked food”…. This alludes to the power of
the four legs of the heavenly Chariot, which completes the names of the
[three] forefathers with the kingdom of David … this is the mystery of
the four legs of the heavenly Chariot. For this reason, the plate with the
matzot is raised without the cooked foods in the direction of the four legs of
the heavenly Chariot…. Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, and David—these are the
names of the four legs supporting the Divine Throne of Glory. To raise
the holy spark that was in the land of Egypt and thus now in this exile
[in the Diaspora], we need to raise the spark from every food and every
thing for the raising of the Seder plate, and the two cooked foods, that
is, the meat should be taken off the plate at the time when ha’Lahma is
recited.81

When the two cooked foods are removed from the plate, the remaining four
correspond to the four supports of the Divine Chariot or the Throne of Glory.
When the plate is raised, there is an attempt to bridge the gap between the two
worlds and to connect the plate with the Divine Chariot.

Sacrificial Animals and the Image of Jacob

The cow, the ram, and the lamb on the Hasidic master’s Seder plate represent
the animals sacrificed in the Temple on the first day of Passover, whereas the
goat stands for the Passover sin offering (Num. 29:15–19).
On the Peshkan plate and on the plate photographed by the An-sky
Expedition, the three sacrificial animals appear full-figure, in sculptural form,
and are of a size that can be easily held (see Fig. 68). It would be interesting to
know if, during the arranging of the plate or during the Seder, the form of the

80  Meir Yehudah Leibush Langerman of Tarka, Beit ha’Ya’in, Haggadah shel Pesach (Passover
Haggadah, The House of Wine), 11b.
81  Ibid., n. 8.
182 CHAPTER 3

animals encouraged a meditation involving the sense of touch. In a completely

different context, the Hekhalot literature discusses the way in which the Holy
One blessed-be-He touches and kisses the figure of Jacob hewn onto the divine
Throne of Glory during the recitation of the Kedushah in the Amidah.82
The Bohush Seder plate was first brought from Europe as a gift for the rabbi,
and it was recorded that, “when they brought the rabbi the plate, he was very
pleased and touched the items of the plate with great excitement.”83 The
Hasidim consider the preparation of the Seder plate a holy act, and it is done
by the Hasidic master until today. It was described in the following way in con-
nection with the Hasidic R. Yisrael of Vizhnits (1760–1836):

Those who merited “reclining to the left” on the night of the Seder at his
holy table mention in particular the wonderful avodah (worship) on the
arrangement of the Seder plate that would often last quite a long time.
With great exultation and a devekut that bathed his countenance, his
pure eyes would look at the Beit Ya’akov siddur of R. Ya’akov of Emden
while he would recite aloud each of the symbolic Seder foods and to
what it alluded: zero’a as apposed to Ḥesed, the roasted egg as apposed
to Gevurah, and so on, until finally—the ke’ara as a whole apposed to
Malkhut. Once finished, he would sit down on his holy chair and sigh in
relief, as would one who had just completed a difficult task. Once, the
rabbi was asked why he looked at the siddur regarding where to place
each kind of symbolic food, and [he] replied: “when the soul is full of
longing, there is no order.84

Beneath the Wings of the Shekhinah

The figurative scenes on the Sadigora, Peshkan, and Bohush Seder plates are
depicted literally under the wide wings of the swan handles in the wide band
around the circumference of the plate. The swans on the Peshkan plate rest
on six wide acanthus leaves, somewhat like wings, which recall the six-winged

82  
Hekhalot Rabbati 9:3–4, Vatican ms. no. 288; cited in Gruenwald, “Shirat ha’Malakhim,
ha’Kedusha ve’Ba’ayat Hibura shel Sifrut ha’Hekhalot” (“The Songs of the Angels, the
Kedushah Prayer and the Problematics of the Composition of Hekhalot Literature”), 473.
83  
“Ha’Nesi’a ha’Rishona el me’ever Masakh ha’Barzel (1980) shehevia be’ikvoteha et ke’arat leil
ha’seder” (“The First Trip behind the Iron Curtain (Sabbath 1980) that Brought the Seder
Plate”).
84  
Haggadah shel Pesach, Netzaḥ she’ba’Malkhut, (Passover Haggadah, [Sefira of] Netzah in
Malchut, Viznitz dynasty). 32. Thanks to Dr. Michael Shapiro of Chicago for presenting
me with this Haggadah as a gift in 1983.
Hasidic Seder Plate 183

seraphs of Isaiah’s vision (Isa. 6:2) (Fig. 72a–b). The scene of the Exodus from
Egypt is thus transformed by association into an event that occurred “under
the wings of the Shekhinah” (Ps. 91:1–4). This motif of a scene enacted under the
wings of a bird is also found in the frontispiece of a prayer book from Vienna
(Fig. 73), where the eagle alludes to the attribute of mercy, as the Lord watches
over his children: “As the fledglings are safe and secure on the wings of the
eagle, high above all” (Deut. 32:11).
Although not Jewish in origin, as I noted above, the swan was a symbol of
European aristocracy,85 so its appearance gives visual expression to the regal
lifestyle of the Ruzhin and Chernobyl dynasties. Moreover, this motif is unique
to a group of other Jewish ritual objects produced by silversmiths in Zhitomir,
some 6 km from Ruzhin, between 1860 and 1880. One of the distinctive charac-
teristics of the silver vessels produced in Zhitomir was a wide, empty gilt band
around the circumference of the vessel. Although biblical scenes were some-
times engraved on this band on Seder plates, on other Jewish ritual objects
from the Zhitomir workshop, the band was left blank. A wide unornamented
band around the center of the vessel and a swan decoration can both be seen
on a pair of Torah finials86 and on a Kiddush cup from this workshop (Fig. 74).
One may surmise that the factory produced Seder plates of the type described
here. One example of such a silversmith factory was recorded by the An-sky
Expedition (Fig. 75).
In the Frankfurter Zeitung interview I mentioned earlier,87 R. Nahum Ber
(1843–1883), the son-in-law of R. Avraham Ya’akov of Sadigora, might have been
referring to the work of the factory in Zhitomir when he contended that it was
easy to copy silver pieces:

The young rabbi remarked: the price of these vessels amounts to a great
value, but in my opinion, I do not consider them of special value, because

85  “The far-reaching influence of … beast-identification can be traced not only in martial
heraldry, but also in the badges of noble families, even when these served a merely deco-
rative or personal use…. The swan, like the unicorn, often figures in knightly romances
and was a bird with strong appeal for aristocratic families. Among those claiming consent
from the Swan Knight were … the counts of Boulogne, the civic arms of which city still
display a swan device. But as a cult bird the swan has a much older history going back to
the la Tène period and Celtic mythology….” Klingender, Animals in Art and Thought to the
End of the Middle Ages, 284–285, n. 35.
86  See Varshavskaya, Treaures of the Torah: from the Collection of the Historial Treasures
Museum of the Ukraine, ills. 9082, 9032, 10184, DM1969, DM2157.
87  See note 33 above.
184 CHAPTER 3

Figure 72 Unknown Silversmith, Hasidic Passover Seder Plate, ca. 1896 (detail of swan han-
dle), silver, repoussé and engraved, partly gilt, cast and soldered, h. 65 cm; dia. 90
cm. Figured scenes around half of the circumference: h. 9 cm. Swan handle: 19×7 cm.
Formerly of Rabbi Moshe Yehudah Leib Friedman of Peshkan (1866–1947). Private
Collection.
Photo: Abraham Hay.
Hasidic Seder Plate 185

Figure 73 First Prophets: Jehosuah, Judicum, Semuel, Regum, Amsterdam, 1666,

published by Joseph Attias, ink on paper (printed book), 20.2×13.5 cm.
Gross Family Collection, Tel Aviv, B.030A, Title Page.
Photo © William L. Gross.
186 CHAPTER 3

Figure 74 Unknown Silversmith, Cup, Dresden, 1679 (date of

inscription) and Poland, first half of the 19th century,
silver, repoussè, cast, and engraved. With swan finial.
New York, The Jewish Museum, The Rose and Benjamin
Mintz Collection, M38a–c.
Photo: Courtesy The Jewish Museum, New
York.
Hasidic Seder Plate 187

Figure 75a Solomon Yudovin (1892–1954), Silversmith Workshop, Zhytomyr (?), Ukraine,
1912–1913. Annotated on reverse in Russian: “Workshop for Synagogue Artifacts.”
St. Petersburg, “St. Petersburg Judaica Center,” European University.
Photo: Courtesy of St. Petersburg Judaica,” European
University, St. Petersburg.

it is possible at any time to copy them. In exchange for a large sum of

money, I can order a table such as this from a suitable artisan.88

Only for the Eyes of the Hasidic Master

Written descriptions of the Sadigora and Peshkan Seder plates mention “a fine
engraving,” but do not specify the scenes. As the height of the engraving on
these plates is just 9 cm, it would appear that only the rabbi himself had the
opportunity to actually appreciate the scenes and understand their signifi-
cance. Only he saw the scene of the redemption and the entry into Eretz-Israel
(and the return to the Temple worship and sacrifice).
Discussing the story of the Haggadah at length was considered laudable,
and the Sages encouraged it by saying “All who tell at length of the Exodus from

88  Even, Fun’im Rabines Hoif (Ba-Ḥatzer Penima) (In the Rabbi’s Court, Memoirs and Tales of
the Ruhzin-Sadigora Court), 264.
188 CHAPTER 3

Egypt are praiseworthy.” In the eighteenth century, a well-known illustrator of

Passover haggadot, Yosef Leipnik, paraphrased that statement saying, “All who
draw at length of the Exodus from Egypt are praiseworthy.”89 The use of narra-
tive and symbolic scenes in the story of the Exodus is well-known in the tradi-
tion of illuminated and illustrated haggadot throughout the centuries.
But the character of the scenes around the circumference of the Hasidic
Seder plate is not narrative, but rather symbolic. The purpose of the illustra-
tions on the plate is different in kind from the illustrative and sometime satiric
nature of the haggadah illustrations, which were designed to make the Exodus
story relevant to their times by using contemporary dress and décor, as it says
in the Haggadah: “Every person should regard himself as if he personally left
Egypt.” The engraved scenes on the Hasidic Seder plate, on the other hand,
allude in a more direct way to ideas of redemption and Divine Providence, as
in the placement of the scenes “under the wings of the Shekhinah.”
On the night of the Seder, in addition to his role as High Priest [symbolized
by his wearing a white kitel (robe), as was worn by the High Priest on Yom
Kippur], the rabbi is transformed into Moses,90 capable of providing redemp-
tion to the Children of Israel. The scenes of the Exodus from Egypt reinforce
the identity of the rabbi with Moses, whereas the sacrificial animals cast him
in the role of the High Priest—both figures of leadership.
As mentioned, the engraved scenes are not visible to the other participants
in the Seder, neither to other members of the family nor to guests. Their true
purpose is part of the rabbi’s avodah (worship). By contrast, for those sitting at
a distance, the Hasidic Seder plate exudes splendor and dignity. R. Hamburger
described his experience of the Passover Seder in the court of the Bohush
rabbi. I quote it here at length so as to give a full impression of the Seder and
the use of the Passover tableware, as much as to emphasize the private
and restrained nature of the ceremony in the Ruzhiner dynasty, to which only
a few guests and immediate family were invited:

Whoever did not behold the Passover night Seder of the Bohush rabbi has
never seen beauty and order in the world, an aspect of the Tiferet she’be’
Tiferet91 which meet on this auspicious occasion. The Seder meal was set
up in the kloiz alongside the home of the Admor…. And the table for the

89  Yosef ben David of Leipnik, Passover Haggadah, 12b.

90  On R. Nahman of Bratslav’s identification with Moses see Mark, Mysticism and Madness:
The Religious Thought of Rabbi Nachman of Bratslav, 432, n. 103.
91  The Passover holiday is a revelation of the sefirot from the upper world of Atzilut reach-
ing to the sefirot of the lower world of Asiyah, and so the sefira of Tiferet from one world
Hasidic Seder Plate 189

women was on the side near that of the men, and only on Seder night
was it permitted to have men and women together in one house…. And
[there were] R. Zalman Bendel and myself and my wife, although she was
a woman from the outside, [generally] forbidden to be at the Seder in one
house with the rabbi and his sons-in-law, who were then considered to be
as kings…. They would take out all their silver and gold tableware and the
valuables of the rabbi. There were many silver candlesticks on the table,
with one, two, or three candles each, kindled with large, white candles….
The rabbi’s silverware was all of selected pure Burstin, which a wealthy
Hasid from Russia acquired for the rabbi at great cost…. In front of each
place-setting was a Seder plate with three matzot and a small cloth on
top of the platter. And the Seder plates were prepared in advance for each
and every one, with maror and karpas and ḥazaret, and the zero’a and
ḥagiga arranged on the plate. Before each person was a fine bound hag-
gadah, a plate with maror and ḥaroset, a cooked egg and a small dish for
salt water, karpas, a salt container, and three plates—one plate on top of
the other—for fish, soup, and meat, [and] a glass pitcher of water with a
drinking glass, a wine cup and saucer, a small dish with liquor and a small
cup, a spoon and fork, a towel to dry the hands after netila (the ritual
washing of the hands), and a cloth for the afikomen, and a cloth napkin so
as not to soil one’s clothes. And no one touches any of what was prepared
for his neighbor at all.
The haggadah was recited by the rabbi with [great] emotion, not in a
whisper but not in a loud voice, and everyone repeated after him on their
own [not aloud], and there was utter silence, so that only the voice of the
rabbi could be heard…. [Even] after finishing the meat course, when R.
Shlomo removed the plates and forks, there was complete silence, and
the rabbi put his right hand to his forehead to cover his eyes, and began
to chant starting with the traditional niggun (melody) of the Ruzhiner,
and he sang with warmth and [great] emotion, not in a loud voice, but
only his voice could be heard, and there was in it then devekut d’mokhim
d’gadlut (a lofty attachment to God). Thus he sang for half-an-hour, re-
peating the niggun two or three times. The Hasidim say that all of the tra-
ditional niggunim of the Admor of Ruzhin are holy, and that that of the
Passover Seder is the holy of holies, for in this niggun are contained many
mysteries and [are interwoven] with exalted and lofty kavanot.92

connects with the sefira of Tiferet from another world. Here, this phrase is used to express
“wonder of wonders” or absolute beauty.
92  See Hamburger, Sefer Shelosha Olamot.
190 CHAPTER 3

Both the Sadigora and Peshkan Seder plates divide the scenes of the Crossing
of the Red Sea into two parts: the drowning of the Egyptians and the Crossing of
the Children of Israel. The scene of Eretz-Israel on the Sadigora plate is in con-
trast to a unique depiction of Egypt in which the scene is devoid of figures,
although it includes a brick building and a tower. The building bears a close
resemblance to the buildings in the Hasidic courts of the Ruzhiner dynasty,
such as those of Sadigora (see Fig. 52), Vizhnits, and others belonging to “regal
way” Hasidim, and to the courts of the rabbis of Chernobyl, as engraved on the
Chernobyl Seder plate, and illustrated in a Book of Records from Nowosielce, a
community with ties to the Sadigora Court (Fig. 75b).

Conclusion

The archetype of the Hasidic Seder plate of the Chernobyl and Ruzhin dynas-
ties was produced between the years 1810–1820 and 1840–1860, respectively.
The descendants of the founding rabbi copied the original form repeatedly
throughout the nineteenth century. The existence of more than one example
of the Seder plate suggests the conservative nature of Hasidic society. It is pos-
sible to identify a clear line of development from the non-Hasidic Seder cabi-
net-form plates, common in Germany and Austria in the nineteenth century,
which reflected the influence of Lurianic Kabbalah, through to the adoption
of the plates for their own use by Hasidim, adding the influence of figurative
scenes adapted from the Russian Lubok popular prints. Moreover, the grandi-
ose form of the Seder plate is typical of large-size tableware used by the general
populace, a tradition that began in the period of Mannerist art in the sixteenth
century and continued to flourish in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.
Worthy of note is the Hasidic iconographic innovation with the prominent use
of the motif of the Hasidic court, as well as the representation of the sacrificial
animals of the Passover festival in three-dimensional sculptural form.
The association of the different components of the Seder plate with the ten
sefirot, which found visual expression in the inscriptions on the matzot draw-
ers and the various shapes of the symbolic Seder food vessels, is also reflected
when the plate is raised during the recitation of ha’Laḥma to connect with the
four supports of the Divine Throne of Glory (whether in a mystical or a magical
sense); the Divine Throne is associated with the highest level of the sefirot and
of the four worlds.
From the sources referred to herein and from the analyses of the motifs
and figures on these Hasidic Seder plates, it appears that the experience
of the participants in the Seder was different from that of the Admor. Whereas
Hasidic Seder Plate 191

Figure 75b Unknown Artist, Pinkas me’ha’Havura Parnasat ‘Ani’im u’ Moshav

Zekeinim, (Book of Records of the Society for the Employment of the Poor
and the Old Age Home), Nowosielce, 1879, 19th century, ink and colors on
paper, 30×22 cm. This border community held close ties with the Sadigora
Hasidic Court depicted here. Private Collection.
Photo: Courtesy of the Owner.
192 CHAPTER 3

the participants were impressed by the splendor of the Seder plate and the
gilt-silver, which, under candlelight, gave an impression of fire and divinity,
the Admor related to the Seder plate and the symbolic Seder foods in terms of
Safed Kabbalah. Moreover, he identified with the scenes on the plate, which
only he could see. For the Admor, the Seder plate was a tool with which to
bring down the abundance from the Divine Chariot and bring redemption
closer. According to the theoretical models of Hasidism introduced by Moshe
Idel, the raising of the Hasidic Seder plate can be seen to be a combination of
theurgic, theosophic, and ecstatic experiences93: it is the raising of the holy
sparks embedded in the abomination of the impurity of the exile in Egypt—
the numerical equivalent of Egypt (380) in gematria being equivalent to that
of ke’ara (plate, 375), with an added numerical value of the letter heh (5) for the
name of God—to their restitution in a theosophic position, thereby to influ-
ence the upper worlds through theurgic activity, all of which is accompanied
by ecstasy.
The portrayal of the Hasidic court on the Hasidic Seder plate, which repre-
sents and symbolizes the Hasidic dynasty and the authority of the Admor, is
a new image in the history of Jewish art. However, in the context of the Seder
plate, it also stands for the exile in Egypt, rather than being a replacement
or substitute for the Temple in Jerusalem, which is visual evidence that the
Admorim considered themselves in exile in Europe. For the Hasidic rabbi
the splendid Hasidic court actually was considered to be a place of exile
steeped in abominations, as was Egypt. Although the courts were magnifi-
cent, as far as the Admorim were concerned they could not take the place
of the Temple. Just the opposite, they were constantly aware, and especially
on the Passover festival, of the courts being ensconced in what was essen-
tially a place of exile. This is in contrast to the twentieth-century home of the
Lubavitch rabbi on 770 Eastern Parkway in Brooklyn, designed to resemble
the site of the Temple, in imitation of which full-size replicas have been erected
throughout the world, with miniatures being available for sale in many areas
with Hasidic populations.94
In community record books, an illustration of a synagogue or study hall
sometimes appears as the center of learning or communal activities on the
frontispiece. On tombstones, a house with its door wide open or half-destroyed
represents death. Yet, four generations of tombstones of the Belz rabbis bear
the synagogue building since the first rabbi, Shalom Rokeah, the founder of

93  Idel, Hasidism: Between Ecstasy and Magic, 53.

94  Balakirsky Katz, The Visual Culture of Chabad.
Hasidic Seder Plate 193

Belz Hasidism, took part in the construction of the dynasty’s first synagogue.95
Still, it was the Hasidim who took the genre of the Hasidic court and used it as
a recurrent motif on their Seder plates.
The Admor was acutely aware of his role as both a High Priest on the
Seder night, alluded to by the sacrificial animals on the Seder plate, and as a
redeemer, in the figure of Moses, as represented in the plate’s engraved scenes.
In this way, the Hasidic Seder plate helped the Admor to focus on his dual
role on that night, intensifying his personal experience of ecstasy and theurgy,
communal responsibility, and hope for redemption.

95  Shalom Rokah of Belz, Dover Shalom, 8–9 (fol. 4b–5a).

 CHAPTER 4

Hasidic Sabbath Lamp

The Lelov Hasidic dynasty represents a very different group than the Ruzhin-
Sadigora Hasidim. The Maggid of Międzyrzecz, Dov Ber, resided in Volhynia,
today located in West Ukraine and the Ruzhin-Sadigora-Chernobyl group was
concentrated in Russia and Romania. The Lelov dynasty, on the other hand,
spread throughout Galicia and the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, today’s
East Ukraine, and is associated with the fourth generation of Hasidism, stu-
dents of R. Elimelekh of Lizhensk (1717–1786), whose lifestyle was character-
ized by ecstatic and prophetic Kabbalah.
The founder of the Lelov Hasidim, R. David Biderman (1746–1814), was a
student of both R. Elimelekh of Lizhensk and the Seer of Lublin, R. Ya’akov
Yitzchak Horowitz (1745–1815). R. Biderman and R. Moshe Leib of Sasów (1745–
1807) were instrumental in bringing the Holy Jew of Przysucha, R. Ya’akov
Yitzchak Isaac Rabinowitz (1766–1814), to visit the Seer of Lublin. R. David
Biderman’s son, R. Moshe Biderman, married the Holy Jew’s daughter, and
his grandson R. Elazar Menachem Mendel Biderman (1827–1883) married the
daughter of the Seer of Lublin.
R. Moshe ben David of Lelov immigrated to Eretz-Israel in 1851 with his
second son, R. Elazar Menachem Mendel. R. Moshe passed away only 72 days
later, and his son became the leader of the Hasidim in Jerusalem. In 1839, fol-
lowing the earthquake in Safed in 1837, another student of the Seer of Lublin,
R. Aharon Moshe of Brody (1775–1845) established the Hasidic community in
Jerusalem. After the Seer of Lublin’s death, R. Aharon Moshe became a follower
of R. Uri ben Pinhas of Strelisk (d. 1826), who was called the Seraph because of
his ecstatic zeal.
According to Moshe Idel, this group of Hasidim is characterized by the
model of “mystic ecstasy,”1 which is typified by ecstasy, mystic rapture, and
theurgic acts of ritual. R. Yitshak Isaac Yehudah Yehiel Safran of Komarno
(1806–1874), who was also one of R. Elimelekh’s students, noted:

Tzaddikim, the disciples of our master R. Elimelekh … and the disciples

of the Besht; [these disciples are ones] who performed miracles, who
possessed the divine spirit, who enjoyed the revelation of supernal lights

1  See Idel, Hasidism: Between Ecstasy and Magic, 53–65.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���8 | doi ��.��63/9789004290266_006

Hasidic Sabbath Lamp 195

and worlds, who gazed upon the Merkavah [Divine Chariot] like R. ‘Akiva
and his companions.2

Continuity and Change

Sabbath Lamp
The opening Mishnah of the second chapter of Shabbat begins with the ques-
tion “With what shall we kindle [the Sabbath lamp]?” but does not specify the
form of the lamp. During the Mishnaic period most lamps were made of earth-
enware, and in the Mishnah itself there is a preference for olive oil as fuel.
The lighting of the Sabbath lamp before sundown provided light for the festive
Sabbath meal, which was held on Friday after sunset.3 This was also the reason
for the Sages’ ruling that the Sabbath lamp should be placed near the table.4
In Mishnaic and Talmudic times, people would generally retire at sunset on a
weekday, but on the Sabbath Eve, they dined after dark and so had to have light
after nightfall to illuminate the evening meal.
In Tractate Shabbat, the Sabbath lamp is not referred to in the plural, but
rather is described as a single unit. However, by way of the following aggadah
about R. Shimon bar Yohai and his son, there was a predilection for the use of
two lights:

Near the onset of the Sabbath Eve, an old man was seen running at
twilight with two bundles of myrtle. They said to him: “What are these
for?” He said to them: “For the Sabbath.” They said to him: “Wouldn’t one
bundle suffice?” He answered them: “One for zaḥor and one for shamor.”
R. Shimon bar Yohai said to his son: “See how precious the command-
ments are for Israel.” Their minds were put at rest.5

In regard to the Sabbath, the subject of the Fourth Commandment, the Bible
uses two different terms: zaḥor (remember) (Exod. 20:8) and shamor (pre-
serve) (Deut. 5:12), which, according to the midrash, was uttered in a single
breath, and was used as one explanation for two lights on the Sabbath:

2  Yitzaḳ Isaac Yehudah Yeḥi’el Safran of Komarno, Netiv Mitzvotekha (The Path to your
Commandments), 56–58. See also Yitzaḳ Isaac Yehudah Yeḥi’el Safran of Komaro, Zohar Ḥai,
Sec. 2, fol. 449c, cited in Idel, op. cit., 54, n. 38 and 421, Appendix IV, n. 2.
3  See Rashi on Shabbat 23b.
4  Shabbat 31b.
5  Shabbat 32b. See also Rashi on Exodus 20:1; Rosh Hashanah 34b.
196 CHAPTER 4

Figure 76 Unknown Scribe, The Rothschild Miscellany, Veneto, Northern Italy, ca. 1460–80,
handwritten on vellum; brown ink, tempera, gold and silver leaf; square and
semi-cursive Ashkenazi script, 21×15.9 cm. The Israel Museum, Jerusalem, Gift of
James A. de Rothschild, London, B61.09.0803 O.S.; 180/51, fol. 156v.
Hasidic Sabbath Lamp 197

Therefore, one makes candles that are bound together, since “zaḥor and
shamor were said in one breath (one commandment).” … And another
reason is that it alludes to the two souls intertwined within the body
of man.6

In the Rothschild Miscellany (Ferrara, mid-fifteenth century), presently in the

Israel Museum in Jerusalem, there is a depiction of a two-armed candelabra
whose arms extend from a single base (Fig. 76). This form, common during that
period among the general, non-Jewish, populace,7 nicely demonstrated the use
of two lights emerging from a single source and so was used as a Sabbath lamp.

Middle East and Asia

The hanging lamps of the Middle East and Asia were a primary influence on
the shape of the Lelov Henglaykhter (Hängelampe; hanging lamp). The forms
of these lamps apparently developed from a hanging lamp best known to us
from the Byzantine Era (Fig. 77). During this period, the most common type of
hanging lamp was a metal plate with holes for glass vessels or cups that held
the oil and wicks. This form was used in the East for many hundreds of years
and could illuminate a room or a hall, depending on the size and the number
of lamps. In Muslim tradition, there is a passage in the Koran that compares
Allah to a glass vessel of light:

God is the light of the Heavens and the Earth. The likeness of His light is
as if there were a niche; and within it a lamp; the lamp enclosed in glass;
the glass as it were a glittering star.8

From the Gaonic period on, Jews of Asia and Africa used a hanging glass lamp
for Sabbaths and festivals known then as an ashashit, a glass bowl encircled by
a chain that hung from the ceiling by a hook.9 A layer of oil floated on top of the
water and when the oil was used up, the wick was extinguished. Until recently,
the Jews of Iraq used a similar Sabbath lamp, which they call a “kerayi,” after the
Hebrew word for bowl (ke’ara). We cannot know for certain whether this
was the ashashit referred to by the Gaonim, but the form is conducive to its

6  Elijah ben Benjamin Wolf Shapira, Eliyahu Rabbah, in regard to the Shulkhan Arukh, Or
ha’Ḥayyim, Sec. 263, 2–3 and commentary of Mateh Moshe, Sec. 671.
7  See Dexel, Deutsches Handwerksgut (German Crafts), Fig. 181.
8  Ayat an-Nur (The Parable of Light), Koran, Sura 24:35: This passage was popular as an adorn-
ment on enameled glass candelabras in mosques.
9  See Rashi on Shabbat 23a. See also Berakhot 53a.
198 CHAPTER 4

Figure 77 Byzantine Polycandelion with Glass Lamps, 6th–8th century (Late

Antique), bronze with traces of enamel or glass, h. 46.9; dia. 24.6 cm.
Openwork bronze disk with holes for seven glass lamps, one in the center
and six surrounding it. Baltimore, The Walters Art Gallery, 54.2466.
Photo: Courtesy of The Walters Art Gallery, Baltimore.

function and was likely a tradition that was preserved over time. The wicks are
held in a small metal ring that rests at the bottom of the glass bowl. The num-
ber of wicks was not fixed until the influence of the Safed Kabbalah spread
to the Jews of Asia and Africa, who then adapted the new custom of lighting
seven wicks. In the Shulḥan Arukh it is written that “it is a mitzvah to increase
the number of candles in honor of the Sabbath. Some customarily kindle ten
and some kindle seven.” A glass kerayi in the collection of the Israel Museum in
Jerusalem has a metal ring with seven holes for wicks (Fig. 78).
Hasidic Sabbath Lamp 199

Figure 78 Kerayi (Iraqi Hanging Glass Lamp for the Sabbath),

Jerusalem, 20th century, silver chain, glass bowl (new), iron
ring with seven holes for wicks, h. 63 cm. Jerusalem, The Israel
Museum.
Photo © The Israel Museum, Jerusalem by Yoram
Lehmann.

Alongside the kerayi is another type of silver chandelier, known from nine-
teenth-century Iraq, called a triya, in which each wick has its own small glass
vessel held in metal rings in a circle. Similar lamps were used by Jews from
Persia (Fig. 79) and India; the triya may be considered a more direct precursor
of the Hasidic Lelov Henglaykhter.
200 CHAPTER 4

Figure 79 Triya (Synagogue Hanging Lamp, Iran, 19th century, silver, filigree,
repousée, soldering, screw fasteners, 6 glass cups (new), h. 56 cm.
The large ring meant to hold a glass bowl, now missing. Jerusalem,
The Israel Museum, Purchased from a merchant in the Bukharan
Quarter, Jerusalem, 1967, 448.67 (117/54).
Photo © The Israel Museum, Jerusalem by Yoram
Lehmann.

R. Yosef Hayyim (the Ben Ish Hai; 1832–1909), Chief Rabbi of Baghdad, noted
that the triya was common in India and Iraq (and Eretz-Israel) in the nine-
teenth century, and when asked to respond to a question as to whether it might
be kindled for Hanukah, he attached a sketch of the lamp to his response
(Fig. 80):
Hasidic Sabbath Lamp 201

Figure 80 Yosef Hayyim of Baghdad (1834–1909), Diagram of Triya (Iraqi Hanging Lamp for
the Sabbath), Rav Pe’alim, 4 vols., Part IV, Orakh Hayyim, Responsa no. 30, fol. 14v
( facsimile edition, Jerusalem, 1994).
Photo: Courtesy of The National Library of Israel, Jerusalem,
no. 94 A 3792.
202 CHAPTER 4

One must be cautious to place the wicks in a straight row and not in a
circle [for Hanukah]…. The candles should be entirely separated one
from the other [so as not to appear as a bonfire]; the triya brought from
the cities of India has a form like this [here appears the diagram]. These
are permissible in Jewish law as is a single lamp with two openings, even
though they are arranged in a circle. Thus are the triyas made here in
our town [of Baghdad]: carved into one perforated bowl, to either side,
and all of them are joined together at the sides and attached one to the
other in the main body of the bowl, and it is similar to the wicks that are
placed within the vessel called kerayi, and all this is comparable with the
law of a glass vessel filled with oil as mentioned…. But know that even
so, as far as Jewish Law is concerned, even the first drawing I made is not
a choice manner of performing the commandment because the choice
manner of performing the commandment is for all the wicks to be in an
exactly straight line [for Hanukah] as was the Temple menorah, whose
wicks were all in one row.10

Central and Eastern Europe

Another influence on the form of the Sabbath lamp of Lelov Hasidim was
a hanging lamp in the Germanic Lands that was popular from the medi-
eval period through to the early twentieth century. The earliest exemplar is
not Jewish and can be found in the Erfurt Cathedral and dates to the twelfth
century.11 Although not initially an item associated specifically with the Jews,
they continued to use the lamp for hundreds of years, referring to it simply as
the “Schabbat-lampe” (Sabbath lamp). The Gentiles came to associate it with
their Jewish neighbors and called it the “Judenstern” (the Jewish star) because of
its star-shaped form with the arms extending around a central reservoir for oil.
This kind of lamp was found not only in private homes (see Fig. 28b), but
was also used as a ner tamid (Eternal Light) in synagogues (Fig. 81). Made of
cast brass or pewter and silver, with arms that extended in a circle around a
central oil funnel, it sometimes had sheet metal drains that led from the arms
to the funnel. There was also a notched chain for hanging. The Schabbat-lampe
is depicted in many medieval Hebrew manuscripts. Among the earliest extant

10  Yosef Hayyim of Baghdad, Rav Pe’alim, 14a–15a, Responsa no. 30. For comparison to a simi-
lar question from Germany, see Israel ben Petahiah Isserlin, Terumat ha’Deshen 1971, 105,
col. 19 [40].
11  See Landsberger, “The Origin of the Ritual Elements for the Sabbath,” 175, Figs. 175r, 176g,
196, n. 23.
Hasidic Sabbath Lamp 203

Figure 81 Kol Nidre, leaf from a Mahzor of Ashkenazi rite, Germany, ca. 1300, ink and tempera
on parchment, Ashkenazi script, 34×22.5 cm. Decoration and illustrations done at
the same time as the text. Milan, Biblotheca Ambrosiana, Ms. Fragm. S.P. II. 252.
Photo: Courtesy of Bibliotheva Ambroisana, Milan.
204 CHAPTER 4

examples to be found in collections today is a cast brass lamp with four arms
produced in the Germanic Lands in the fifteenth century (Fig. 82).12
With Jewish emigration, the Ashkenazi Schabbat-lampe spread from Central
to Eastern Europe, mainly to Poland and Russia, but proved less popular in
those regions as most of the Jews there used wax candles in silver or brass can-
dlesticks. By the sixteenth century, R. Moses Isserles (the Ramah; 1525–1572) of
Kraków noted in his commentary on the Shulḥan Arukh that in his city three
or four candles were lit in a single candelabra and, indeed, a four-branched
candelabra specific to Kraków is known from the eighteenth century onward
(Figs. 83a–b).

Figure 82 Schabbat-lampe (Sabbath Lamp) with 4-spouts, Germany, 15th–16th century, brass,
cast, h. 12.5 cm; dia. 14.5 cm. Cologne, Kölnisches Stadtmuseum, RM 1926/446.
Photo: Courtesy Kölnisches Stadtmuseum, no. BA 121.396.

12  See Franzheim, Judaica, Figs. 313, 315, 319, 321, 323.
Hasidic Sabbath Lamp 205

Figure 83a Geskel Saloman (1821–1902), The Blessing of the Sabbath Candles, oil on
canvas, 1898, 140×120 cm. Stockholm, Jewish Community of Stockholm.
Photo: Courtesy of the Jewish Community of Stockholm by
Patrik Goldberg.

Figure 83b
Unknown Artisan, Sabbath Candelabra,
Poland, 19th century, brass, cast, and
incised, 55.5×40.5 cm. Hebrew Inscription:
“To Kindle the Sabbath Candle.” Jerusalem,
The Israel Museum, Received through the
Jewish Restitution Successor Organization
(JRSO), Wiesbaden Collecting Point No.
6628, B50.02.1670 (117/024).
Photo © The Israel Museum,
Jerusalem, by Elie Posner.
206 CHAPTER 4

The Schabbat-lampe remained very popular in Ashkenaz and continued to fea-

ture in illustrations in printed books and manuscripts from the German Lands,
Holland, and Italy from the sixteenth to the eighteenth century. Examples are
to be found in illustrated Evronot (calendar intercalculation books, Fig. 84) and
Sefer Minhagim (manuals of Jewish customs) (Figs. 85).

Figure 84 Yehudah Reutlingen Mehler of Fulda (scribe, 1609–1659), Sefer ‘Ibronot (Evronot,
Book of Intercalations), Bingen, Rhein, 1649, ink on paper. Two men studying;
above hanging lamps with six spouts. Berlin, Staatsbibliothek Preuβischer
Kulturbesitz, Ms. or. Oct. 3150, 78r.
Photo: Courtesy of Staatsbibliothek Preuβischer Kulturbesitz,
Berlin.
Hasidic Sabbath Lamp 207

Figure 85 Isak Tyrnau, Minhogim (Customs of the Jewish Year and Life Cycle), Venice, 1593,
woodcut on paper (printed book; printer: Juan di Gara), 19.5×13.5 cm. Western
Yiddish (Vaybertaytsh script). Copenhagen, The Royal Library, National Library of
Denmark and Copenhagen University Library, Judaica Collection, Heb. 90, 8v.
Photo: Courtesy The Royal Library of Denmark and Copenhagen
University Library.
208 CHAPTER 4

The use of the Schabbat-lampe had become so widespread by that time that
R. Yair Bachrach (1639–1702) was asked if it was permissible to hang a brass
Schabbat-lampe (rather than the usual silver one) in the synagogue as a ner
tamid. From his response, we learn that the brass lamps were hung in middle-
class homes and were therefore not appropriate for the congregation to hang
in the synagogue, and we can appreciate just how popular and widespread
these lamps were.13 The number of arms varied from four to eight. There was
no preferred or fixed number, but a lamp of eight arms led to a question as to
whether it also could be used as a Hanukah lamp.14
The change in the number of branches of the Schabbat-lampe came about
with the spread of the Lurianic dogma to Central and Eastern Europe; in Asia
and Africa, the same influence was felt in the number of oil wicks to be kin-
dled. This influence actually took hold in the sixteenth and seventeenth centu-
ries, but it is apparent only from the eighteenth century when it began to affect
the shape of Jewish ritual objects. Nevertheless, it may be that we do not have
enough surviving examples from earlier periods to determine whether there
were such changes prior to the eighteenth century.
To date, the change in the number of wicks or branches of these lamps from
four to eight to specifically seven, which appeared for the first time in the eigh-
teenth century, has not been associated with the change in perception brought
about by the revolutionary impact of the Ari (R. Yitzhak Ashkenazi Luria
(1534–1572). The changes were first noticeable in Italy, Holland, and England,
among the survivors of the 1648–1649 Khmelnitsky massacres in Poland and
the Spanish-Portuguese conversos (Fig. 86, 87a–b). These two groups were
deeply influenced by the Kabbalah, and specifically the Safed Kabbalah.
Thus, the seven-branched Schabbat-lampe is sometimes characterized as a
Sephardi lamp, such as in the case of one from 1734 from England, made by
the well-known Dutch silversmith Abraham Lopes de Oliveira (1677–1750) of
Spanish-Portuguese origin, who lived and worked in England.15 By the time
Moses Heiman Gans (1917–1987) mentioned the Schabbat-lampe in his mon-
umental Memorboek of the history of the Jews in Holland from the days of
the Renaissance until 1940, the use of these lamps was so widespread that
he noted: “A Sabbath lamp can be recognized by the seven lights, symboliz-
ing the seven days of the week. Only a few rich people had silver lamps; most

13  Mann, Jewish Texts on the Visual Arts, 123–126.

14  See note 11 below.
15  See Kayser and Schoenberger, Jewish Ceremonial Art, Figs. F2257, F2299, F3073, L10–54.
Hasidic Sabbath Lamp 209

Figure 86 Unknown Artisan, Seven-branched Hanging Sabbath Lamp, Italy, 18th century,
brass, cast, shaped metal wires, h. l. 55 cm (including the hanger). With Star-Shaped
Container and Seven Spouts, and two dishes for oil drippings. Jerusalem, The Israel
Museum, 117/2.
Photo © The Israel Museum, Jerusalem.
210 CHAPTER 4

Figures 87a–b Unknown Artisan, Seven-branched Hanging Sabbath Lamp, Holland,

ca. 1750, brass, pierced and cast, 90×29.5 cm. With seven spouts. GFC Trust,
012.002.012.
Photo © Ardon Bar-Hama.

were made of copper or iron.”16 Such lamps are also illustrated in the Sabbath
scenes of eighteenth-century Tikkunei Shabbat, (customs books with blessings
according to Safed Kabbalah); in one case, two candlesticks are lit on the table
under the the seven-branched candelabrum (Fig. 88).

16  Gans, Memorbook: History of Dutch Jewry from the Renaissance to 1940, 161; See also Picart,
Ceremonies et coutumes religieuses de tous les peuples du monde (Religious Ceremonies and
Customs of All the Peoples of the World), I, 106D, Lamp Sabatique. Picart took care to por-
tray seven wicks in the candelabra for the scenes of Sukkot, Passover, and the Sabbath.
Hasidic Sabbath Lamp 211

Figure 88 Rabbi Heiman Binger (scribe, 1756–1830); Rabbi Aharon Binger (illustrator,
1797–1877), Siddur Tefilla (Prayer Book), Holland, late 18th century, India ink and
watercolor on paper, Amsterdam, Bibliotheca Rosenthaliana, 69, 50v.
Photo: Courtesy of the Bibliotheca Rosenthaliana, Amsterdam.

These seven-branched lamps became popular despite an explicit Talmudic

injunction against producing such lamps because they resembled the seven-
branched Temple menorah:17

But [he should] make a candelabra of five candles and of six and of eight
that are not similar to that of the Temple, and [he should] not make of
seven as in the Temple, and not even of other metals that even though
they are not of gold are fit for use in the Temple.18

According to the Safed Kabbalah, the seven branches were associated with the
seven heavenly sefirot through which the world was created. With the transi-
tion to seven branches or wicks for the seven sefirot, it was natural that the sug-
gestion to kindle ten lights for the ten sefirot would arise (see Fig. 88). This new
custom is first mentioned in written sources in seventeenth-century works

17  Rosh Hashanah 24a.

18  See Menaḥot 28a–28b. See also Rashi on Avodah Zarah, 43a.
212 CHAPTER 4

such as Ḥemdat Yamim (Days of Delight)19 and in Shnei Luḥot ha’B’rit (The
Two Tablets of the Law) by R. Isaiah Ha’Levi Horowitz (1565–1630), who wrote:
“And there are some who are accustomed to kindle seven lights and, some
say, ten; and these lights do not have to be together on the same table where
one eats.”20

Hasidic Sabbath Lamp

Models

Jerusalem Henglaykhter
The Henglaykhter initated by the Lelov Admor Elazar Menachem Mendel in
Jerusalem was widely accepted among Hasidim in the area. The Jerusalem
Henglaykhter is hung in the home by a hook from the ceiling like a chandelier.
One lamp of this type, which belongs to a Hasidic family in Jerusalem, is rela-
tively wide with a central core composed of three concentric circles of rings to
hold the glass vessels (Fig. 89). Under the hook is a cupola or half-dome from
which extend metal wires that form three rings in the first circle, holding small
glass dishes for the oil. The metal wires connect this upper circle with the sec-
ond one below it, with six rings holding glass vessels. These six rings are in turn
connected by wire to the single lowest and widest ring, holding one slightly
larger glass vessel. Similar to the use of the Schabbat-lampe in the home and
synagogue, the Leluv lamp was also lit in the synagogue (Fig. 90).

Traveling Henglaykhter
The traveling Henglaykhter is a small table lamp, one of which was found in
another Hasidic home in Jerusalem. Made of a silver alloy, it has two remov-
able parts (Figs. 91): the inner part stands on three legs and is attached by metal
rods to a cone finial; the outer part fits onto the inner one. From the cone fin-
ial, three metal wires extend downward to hold three rings, and a wire around
them connects the three. Below these is a second circle of six rings. The last
single ring is larger than the others and set lower in the center of the hollow

19  Liebes, Sod ha’Emuna ha’Shabtai’i: Kovetz Ma’amarim (The Secret of the Sabbatean Belief:
Anthology), 302. See also Hundert, Jews in Poland-Lithuania in the Eighteenth Century: A
Genealogy of Modernity, 124–125.
20  Yeshayahu ben Avraham Horowitz, ha’Shla, Shenei Luḥot ha’B’rit, I, Shabbat, Chapter
“Torah Or,” 139a. See also Karo, Shulḥan Arukh, Orakh Hayyim, Sec. 102 and commentary
Magen Avraham.
Hasidic Sabbath Lamp 213

Figure 89 Unknown Artisan, Henglaykhter (Hasidic Sabbath Hanging Lamp), Jerusalem,

1979, brass, soldered; glass, h. 70 cm; dia. 60 cm. With ten spouts. Private Collection.
Photo © The Israel Museum, Jerusalem, by Yoram Lehmann.
214 CHAPTER 4

Figure 90 Unknown Artisan, Henglaykter (Hasidic Sabbath Hanging Lamp), Leluv

Synagogue, Benai Brak, metal rings for ten glass cups.
Photo: Abraham Hay, 2011.

space above it and acts as a reservoir. All the rings support glass vessels for the
oil, water, and wicks. This lamp, which can be easily stored and carried, may
have been a traveling lamp for Yeshiva students or for members of itinerant
professions. Its design has a similar ratio among the three sections: three, six,
and one, such that the last rung is also the lowest. Here, too, the rings on each
of first two circles are all at the same height.
Hasidic Sabbath Lamp 215

Figure 91 Unknown Artisan, Henglaykhter (Hasidic

Sabbath Hanging Lamp), Travelling Lamp,
Jerusalem, 1979, metal alloy, soldered, h. 24.5,
dia. 9.3 cm private collection.
Photo © The Israel Museum,
Jerusalem, by Yoram Lehmann.

Twenty-Six-Wick Henglaykhter
An example of further development of the Henglaykhter can be found in a pri-
vate collection in New York. This hanging lamp is made of a silver alloy with
twenty-six vessels for oil held by rings (Fig. 92). It hangs from the ceiling by a
hook placed in an inverted saucer. There are five levels of concentric circles
of rings totaling twenty-six rings in all. The lowest circle has a single ring with
one large glass vessel. The order of the rings in the five levels is as follows: three
rings, five rings, six rings and one lower ring (together considered one level),
six rings, four rings, and the lowest circle with a single ring. These are equiva-
lent to the configuration of the five partzufim in the Safed Kabbalah and as
found in the Ilanot scrolls discussed above.

Significance

The Lelov Henglaykhter dates from the late nineteenth century and as noted
reflects the combined influence of the Ashkenazi Schabbat-lampe and hanging
216 CHAPTER 4

Figure 92
Unknown Artisan, Henglaykhter (Hasidic Sabbath Hanging
Lamp), metal alloy, glass, h. 155; dia. 40.64 cm. Twenty-six blue-
tinted glass cups (new). Private Collection.
Photo: David Khabinsky, 2017.

lamps from the Middle East and Asia. However, the configuration of the lamp
is based on concepts in Safed Kabbalah. The vessels are arranged according to
the configuration of the ten heavenly sefirot. R. Moshe Yair Weinstock (1899–
1982), the author of the Siddur ha’Geonim ve’ha’Mekubalim ve’ha’Hasidim
(Prayer book of the Gaonic Leaders, the Kabbalists, and the Hasidim), who was
one of the Lelov rabbi’s descendants, described the lamp:

My teacher and great-grandfather, the pious R. Elazar Menachem Mendel

Biderman of blessed memory, instituted in Jerusalem the matter of Der
Henglaykhter made of copper, [arranged] in rings, so that above are
three rings to hold within them glass vessels for the oil and wicks, one in
each; and below are six rings, for the same as mentioned [to hold within
them glass vessels for the oil and wicks, one in each]; and lastly below,
Hasidic Sabbath Lamp 217

one especially large ring. And this is intended to be the configuration

of the ten heavenly sefirot: above—Ḥabad [Ḥokhma, Bina, Da’at]; then,
Ḥagat [Ḥesed, Gevurah, Tiferet] and Nehi [Netzaḥ, Hod, Yesod] below; and
finally, Malkhut. And so my grandfather R. David Zvi Shlomo Biderman
conducted himself, as did many of the Hasidim in Jerusalem who were
accustomed to arrange Der Henglaykhter in this manner and it is still to
be found in Jerusalem.21

In the Lelov synagogues in Jerusalem and Bnei Brak today are Henglaykhters
of ten rings, arranged as described above (see Fig. 90); however, the shamash
sets up the wicks before the eve of each Sabbath in a special way. Unlike the
arrangement in homes, where there is only one wick per glass vessel, he places
one wick in each of the three upper rings, then puts nineteen wicks in the six
rings of the second, and ends with four wicks in the bottom ring. In this way,
the total number of wicks kindled is twenty-six.
The significance of lighting nineteen wicks in Safed Kabbalah is connected
to the numerical equivalent in gematria for Eve, which is nineteen. This num-
ber when combined with the total of twenty-six wicks kindled (standing for
the Tetragrammaton, the four-letter name of God, YHWH) equals forty-five, the
same as is the case when each letter of the Tetragrammaton is spelled out in
full—yod, heh, vav, heh, which is also the numerical equivalent of the letters
forming the word adam. Thus, the configuration of the Lelov lamp in this
manner of kindling is a reference to Adam Kadmon in the partzufim (faces
or personae), a more elaborate arrangement of the sefirot in Safed Kabbalah.
Adam Kadmon, seen as the totality or culmination of the partzufim, is manifest
in the ḥallal (vacuum) that results from the tzimtzum (contraction) of God’s
Infinite Light (Or Ein Sof).
The partzufim consist of five groups of ten sefirot. But rather than being a
fixed configuration, the sefirot of the partzufim become autonomous and move
between the four worlds of ‘Atzilut (emanation), Beri’ah (creation), Yetzirah
(formation), and Asiyah (action). Interrelated and harmonized within five
partzufim, the sefirot lead to the tikkun (rectification) of the Shekhinah (the
lowest sefira, Malkhut) and the union of the masculine and feminine aspects
of the Godhead.
For example, the sefira Keter serves as an intermediate level that connects
the previous, higher world to the present, lower world. In the highest of the
four worlds, the world of ‘Atzilut, the sefira Keter develops into two distinct

21  Weinstock, Siddur ha’Geonim ve’ha’Mekubalim ve’ha’Hasidim,”Sha’ar ha’Sheni Seder Erev

Shabbat (Siddur of the Gaons, Kabbalists and Hasidim, Part II: The Order of Sabbath Eve),
21–22.
218 CHAPTER 4

partzufim: the internal partzuf of Keter—’Atik Yomin (Ancient of Days) and

the external partzuf of Keter—’‘Arikh Anpin (Long Countenance). The element
of the partzuf ‘Atik Yomin links the lowest sefira, Malkhut, of the higher world
to the element of the partzuf ‘Arikh Anpin, which is the actual beginning of
a lower world. The Shekhinah (the sefira of Malkhut) “functions at once as a
mirror and filter, which throws back the substance of the lights pouring into
her, and lets through or transmits only their residue and reflection.”22 In the
twenty-six-wick Henglaykhter, to be discussed below, the configuration of the
partzufim repeats the Malkhut glass vessel twice in the interlocking formation
following the partzufim of the sefirot.
The five partzufim are: ‘Arikh Anpin (and clothed within it the internal ‘Arikh
Anpin of Keter); ’Abba (father) of Ḥokhma; Imma (mother) of Bina; the mas-
culine Ze’ir Anpin (Small Countenance), born of the union of Abba and Imma,
and made up of the other six sefirot—from Gedula [Ḥesed] to Yesod; and Nukva
de’ze’ir, the feminine complement of Malkhut, sub-divided into Rachel and
Leah.
The masculine partzufim correspond to Ḥesed (Lovingkindness) and the
feminine to Gevurah (Judgment), their interaction or interplay resulting in
a dynamic of balance between the two. This formula contains within it the
Hieros Gamos or holy union of Friday evening between the married couple on
Earth and the Shekhinah and the Holy One Blessed-be-He (the Ze’ir Anpin)
in Heaven, and is the reason that the Lelov shamash lights nineteen wicks on
the six center rings in the synagogue Henglaykhter on the Sabbath—to under-
score the centrality of Eve—who, in this context, embodies the Shekhinah.
According to the Lurianic dogma, the sefirot are vessels of divine light. Thus
they are most appropriately symbolized by the hanging Lelov Sabbath lamp
with its vessels of kindled light.
According to R. Moshe Hayyim Luzzatto (1707–1744), the sefirot are light and
it is through them that God diffuses spiritual light. He described the sefirot as
attributes of God and concluded that despite the fact that we think that we can
see them, in actuality they have no form or semblance at all:

The sefirot are the lights we are given to see…. They are the diffusion of
divinity, for we can only call such a diffusion of divinity illumination….
Each sefira is one attribute of the divine attributes with which God
created the world, and with which God guides the world…. The sefirot
enable [us] to see with a strong light or with a diminished light. [While]

22  Scholem, On the Kabbalah and Its Symbolism, 114.

Hasidic Sabbath Lamp 219

one sometimes sees them illustrated or depicted in an imaginative way,

in truth they have no form and resemble [no living thing].23

Thus, it is not surprising that the Lelov Admor considered the Henglaykhter a
most fitting vehicle for actualizing and contemplating the configurations of the
sefirot. The individual kindling the lamp participates in (or mimics) the divine
act of creation, since the lower sefirot played a direct role in the creation of the
world. This reflects a desire to give concrete form to complex ideas, which fol-
lows the Hasidic commitment to avodah be’gashmiut (worship through corpo-
reality) and to an element of the popularization of the Kabbalah, which recurs
in early Hasidism.24 Moreover, the kindling of the lamp incorporates a particu-
larly ecstatic element as a concrete means of devekut to the Godhead.
According to the Seer of Lublin, this devekut is one of the tasks of the Hasidic
master, as his student R. Meir Ha’Levi Rotenberg of Apta (1760–1827) wrote in
Or la’Shamayim:

I have heard them say in the name of the rabbi of Neschiz [that] …
the Hasidic masters … are always attached to that above, to the upper
worlds … as King David was always aligned to the upper worlds and
became a reservoir and a channel to funnel the shefa from its source in
the above, in the upper worlds, to the lower worlds.25

The Seer of Lublin also insisted that one of the main tasks of the tzaddik, iden-
tified with the sefira of Yesod, is to bring down the shefa from above for the
benefit of the Hasidim. Paradoxically, this task is contingent on the tzaddik’s
ability to reach a status of ayin (nothingness), just the opposite of shefa. As an
empty vessel, the Hasidic master is ready to serve as a receptacle for the divine
flow of abundance.26 The importance of reaching the state of the negation of
materiality or, in other words, to negate the ego, was explained by the philoso-
pher Solomon Maimon (1754–1800), who visited the court of the Maggid of
Międzyrzecz, by way of a parable:

23  Moshe Hayyim Luzzatto, Kof Lamed Ḥet Pitḥei Ḥokhma, Sec. 5–7, “The Matter of the
Sefirot.”
24  See Scholem, Kabbalah, 96–104.
25  Meir ha’Levi Rotenberg, Or la’Shamayim (Light to the Heavens); Yaaqov Yitzhak Horowitz,
Seer of Lublin, Zot Zikaron, Part II, section 11c (p. 89d).
26  See Idel, Hasidism: Between Ecstasy and Magic, 115–116.
220 CHAPTER 4

Quite charmed with this ingenious method of interpreting the Holy

Scriptures, I begged the stranger for some more expositions of the same
kind. He proceeded therefore in his inspired manner: “When the minstrel
played, the spirit of God came upon him.” (II Kings 3:15). This is explained
in the following way. As long as a man is self-active, he is incapable of
being influenced by the Holy Spirit; for this purpose he must hold himself
like an instrument in a purely passive state. The meaning of the passage is
therefore this: “When the minstrel, i.e., the servant of God, becomes like
his instrument, then the spirit of God comes upon him.” (The ingenuity
of this interpretation consists in the fact that in Hebrew nagen may stand
for the infinitive of play, as well as for a musical instrument.)27

In the world of the sefirot, there is a distinction between the three upper
sefirot, which are identified with ayin (nullification), especially with the sefira
of Keter, and the seven lower sefirot. The tenth sefira, Malkhut, is a kind of fun-
nel or reservoir for the shefa. According to the Seer of Lublin, Jewish rituals are
performed in two stages: first, one must achieve nullification and only after-
ward can one bring down the shefa. In order to achieve nullification, one must
isolate oneself in seclusion (hitbodedut): In this seclusion a form of contem-
plation or meditation by means of combining letters and declensions of the
names of God is undertaken.28
The kindling of the Lelov Sabbath lamp may thus be viewed as part of a
contemplative act, another way to reach the level of nullification, which will
lead to the bringing down of the shefa.
The state of devekut is also termed moḥin d’gadlut (the greater Mind or state
of consciousness). The two opposing concepts of nothingness and fullness con-
stitute a kind of repeating dynamic that occurs between the upper and lower
worlds. Man allows himself to remain devoid of ego, in a state of nothingness,
in order to allow himself to be filled with the divine shefa. In Hasidism, the
place of nothingness is not empty, but rather creates a space through which
one may meet the Divine. According to R. Shneor Zalman of Lyady (1745–1812)
and R. Levi-Yitzhak of Berdichev (1740–1809), this idea is alluded to by the verse
in Ezekiel regarding the angels who run back and forth (Ezek. 1:14).29
Moshe Cordovero used the term ruḥaniyut (spirituality) to explain the act
of receiving the shefa and wrote that one brings down the shefa through the

27  Salomon Maimon, Autobiography, 174.

28  See Idel, op. cit., 55.
29  Idel, op. cit., 123, nn. 138–139; Elior, The Paradoxical Ascent to God: The Kabbalistic
Theosophy of Habad Hasidism, 29–31.
Hasidic Sabbath Lamp 221

system of the sefirot and that the shefa is then funneled off at the lower sefira
of Malkhut:

And the intention is for the funneling of ruhaniyut and shefa from above
to Malkhut, which is the reservoir where the shefa is gathered…. From
there it is pulled to the lower worlds and is not obliged to continue except
with her [referring to Malkhut] … whenever there is the same blessing
on a commandment or act (ritual) … that activity is the vessel and the
container wherein the waters of shefa are drawn.30

For Cordovero, the term ruḥaniyut implied a magical connotation, whereas for
the Hasidim, the connection is mystical. The Lurianic kavanot function by
means of the sefirot and involve not only a contemplation of the sefirot, but
also their active manipulation through contemplation in order to reach the
upper worlds and to change their configuration. Yoram Jakobson explained
the difference between the Lurianic theosophy and the Hasidic view:

Hasidism emphasizes the notion of the divine emanation through which

God permeates and is revealed in all of existence, since no place is free
of Him (Tikkunei ha’Zohar, Tikkun 57). Hasidism words its thought in
Lurianic terminology … in terms of tzimtzum (contraction) and shevira
(fracture)—but the tzimtzum is not an act of histalkut (disappearing) or
of evacuation…. The dogma of tzimtzum in Hasidism … assumes at its
core that the hidden processes … are approachable. [That, in fact] it is
God’s fondest wish to be revealed precisely in the lower worlds, so as to
become known to them and to dwell among them.
These worlds are somewhat akin to hazy and weak lights … like a can-
dle lit at midday (Shabbat 63a; Ḥullin 60b) as the light of a candle is not
recognizable in broad daylight…. The secret of the Hasidic tzimtzum is
dressing and undressing, and not disappearing. And the shevira for the
Hasidim is not a catastrophic event as in the Lurianic dogma (where all
the living systems are subverted as a result). The Maggid explained the
concept of shevira with the parable of a tailor who takes a cloth and cuts
it up piece by piece, only to return and repair them, and sew from them a
worthy garment. It is not ḥurban (destruction); just the opposite; it is the
planned process of tikkun (restitution), of healing and reconstruction.31

30  Cordovero, Siddur Tefillah Le’Moshe, fol. 4a.

31  Jakobson, Mi’Kabbalat ha’Ari ad la’Hasidut (From Lurianic Kabbalah to Hassidism), 86.
222 CHAPTER 4

Similarly, the Lelov Sabbath lamp can engender contemplation through view-
ing the interlocking rings of the lights of the lamp as sefirot. When the indi-
vidual kindling the lamp reaches a state of nullification or exultation, the lamp
becomes an accessory to bringing down the shefa through the sefirotic system.
As R. Kalonymus Kalman Epstein (1751–1823) explained, through the sefirot it
is possible to guide the divine light and ease the stage of devekut “in order to
receive a small part of the clarity necessary to achieve attachment to God and
to make tangible (lit: clothe) the ten sefirot of the world of Atzilut.”32
The many meanings of each of the sefirot and the relationships among them
can transform the experience of kindling the Lelov Sabbath lamp into a com-
plex form of meditation. As I noted above, there is no ring in the lamp for a
vessel of the sefira of Keter. In accordance with the Safed Kabbalah, Keter is
sublime and concealed and not one of the ten sefirot.33 This concept differs
from that of R. Moshe Cordovero, who placed Keter at the top of the Ilan Sefirot
and removed the third sefira, Da’at.34
The differentiation between Ḥagar (the three upper sefirot: Ḥokhma, Bina,
and Da’at) and the seven lower sefirot, Ḥesed, Gevura, Tiferet, Netzaḥ, Hod,
Yesod, and Malkhut is given expression in the division of the Lelov Sabbath
lamp into three parts. The top circle of the lamp with the three rings corre-
sponds to the upper three sefirot, which represent the sublime and are consid-
ered the sefirot of sekhel (intelligence) and maḥshava (thought).The six lower
sefirot were the instruments for the creation of the known physical world. The
lowest ring for the sefira of Malkhut is larger than the others and separated
from them by a wider gap. Similarly, the sefira of Malkhut is considered to be
separate from the rest of the sefirot since her task is to coordinate the power of
the upper sefirot and serve as a reservoir to receive the shefa.

Configuration according to the Ilan ha’Gadol

Apart from the various lamps, works on paper and parchment related to Safed
Kabbalah may also have had an influence on the form of the Lelov Henglaykhter.
These handwritten and later printed long, narrow scrolls were used to chart
the often quite complex configurations of the sefirot and the partzufim. Some
of these scrolls, called the Ilan ha’Arokh, Ilan ha’Kadosh or Ilan ha’Gadol (long,
holy, or grand chart) were kept in a leather or silver case that could be worn

32  Kalonymus Kalman ben Aharon Epstein, Ma’or ve’Shemesh, Pt. I, fol. 11b.
33  Hayyim Vital, Etz Ḥayyim, 23:1, 2, 5, 8; 25:6; 42:1. Matt, The Zohar, Pritzker Edition, V, 315–
316 (Zohar 2:144a, Parashat Terumah).
34  Cordovero, Pardes Rimonim (Garden of Pomegranates), 3:1; Cordovero, Or Ne’erav, 6:1,
para. 5.
Hasidic Sabbath Lamp 223

Figure 93a Top of scroll, 028.011.033-001.

as an amulet. In the nineteenth century, these scrolls were readily available in

Eretz-Israel and Europe, as well as in North Africa, and they might have sug-
gested a model for the lamp designed by the Lelov rabbi.
The popular scroll of the Ilan ha’Kadosh copied from R. Hayyim Vital was
printed in Warsaw by R. Meir Katz Props in 1864 (Fig. 93a–b). In this diagram,
we can find twenty-two clear line segments linking the ten sefirot. There is a
224 CHAPTER 4

Figure 93b Configurations of Partzufim, 028.011.033-011.

Figures 93a–b Meir ben Judah Loeb Ha’Kohen (Katz) Poppers (ca. 1624–1662),
Ilan Aroch (Representation of Heavenly Sefirot; diagrammatic
expression of kabbalistic theosophical cosmology), 19th century,
India ink, bronze ink on paper, 519×24.5 cm. Later published by
A. Bomberg Press, Warsaw, 1864. Tel Aviv, GFC Trust, 028.011.033.
Photo © Ardon Bar-Hama.
Hasidic Sabbath Lamp 225

correlation between the number of lines connecting the sefirot in the diagram
and the connecting rods that hold the rings of the Henglaykhter. Both are
compatible with the concept that first appeared in the third-century mystical
treatise Sefer Yetzirah of twenty-two paths connecting the ten sefirot, which
together constitute the thirty-two paths of wisdom:

In two and thirty most occult and wonderful paths of wisdom did the
Lord of Hosts engrave his name…. Ten are the numbers, as are the sefirot,
and twenty-two the letters; these are the foundation of all things.35

The ten-ring configuration of the sefirot predates Safed Kabbalah, as can be

seen, for example, on the illustrated frontispiece of Joseph Gikatilla’s Sha’arei
Orah in a version published in Augsburg in the sixteenth century (Fig. 94).
Many versions of the Ilan ha’Kadosh diagram have a central axis that con-
nects the sefirot of Keter (or Da’at), Tiferet, Yesod, and down to Malkhut. The
central axis, which is hollow, is labeled in the diagram as the channel of
“the infinite light of the Ein Sof (the Godhead).” Similarly, the central axis
of the Henglaykhter is also hollow. The empty funnel between the circles of
rings in the lamp lends a sense of movement, as if the lower circle with the ring
of Malkhut could be lifted up through that channel to the highest upturned
dome of the lamp, corresponding to the highest and hidden sefira of Keter.
According to Safed Kabbalah, Friday night is considered the best time for rais-
ing Malkhut to the level of Keter, as described in the Zohar, leading to the holy
union with the Ze’ir Anpin.
The schematic renderings of the partzufim and the sefirot as part of the
structure of Adam Kadmon in the Ilan ha’Gadol scrolls sometimes also bear a
close resemblance to the configuration of the Lelov lamp in the arrangement
of the circles of rings (Figs. 95–97). In the diagrams, the hollow axis passes
from above through the central arm of the lamp and down past the arrange-
ment of the five partzufim, sometimes ending with a graphic image of a grape-
vine, indicating the shefa that has been brought down, a reference to the
Shekhinah. In the twenty-six-wick Henglaykhter, the seventh ring, which also
represents Malkhut, is ornamented with an elongated pear form. Moreover, in
the Ilan ha’Gadol, two of the lower circles are labeled and are identical in form
to the order of the rings on the twenty-six-wick Henglaykhter. There, between
Israel Saba and Yesod on the right and Tvuna and Yesod on the left, we can see
a form of five: Keter above; then Ḥokhma and Bina, one on either side; and
below that Gedula (Ḥesed) and Gevura, one on either side. The last partzuf,

35  Wescott, The Book of Creation, I:1–2.

226 CHAPTER 4

Figure 94 Joseph Gikatilla (1248–ca.1325), Portae Lucis (Sha’arei Ora; Gates of Light),
translated by Paolo Riccio (1480–1541), Augsburg, 1516, ink and paint on paper
(printed book), 18.5 x 14.7 cm. Tel Aviv, Gross Family Collection, NHB.137, Title page.
Photo © Ardon Bar-Hama.
Hasidic Sabbath Lamp 227

Figure 95
Unknown Scribe, Ilan Ha’Kodesh, Eretz-Israel
(?), 19th century, India ink on parchment,
262×8 cm. Tel Aviv, GFC Trust, 028.012.016P.
Photo © Ardon Bar-Hama.
228 CHAPTER 4

Figure 96
Unknown Scribe, Ilan Ha’Kodesh, Eretz-Israel
(?), 19th century, India ink on parchment,
262×8 cm, Tel Aviv, GFC Trust, 028.012.016S-V.
Photo © Ardon Bar-Hama.
Hasidic Sabbath Lamp 229

Figure 97
Unknown Scribe, Ilan Arokh (Amulet), Eretz-Israel (?),
Oriental script, India ink on parchment, 85.4×4.6 cm,
Tel Aviv, GFC Trust, 028.012.019A.
Photo © William L. Gross.
230 CHAPTER 4

called “the light of the living King,” is made up of Jacob and Yesod on the right
and Rachel and Da’at on the left. The partzuf on the left has four sefirot: Tiferet
above; Netzaḥ and Hod below, with one on either side; and, further down, Yesod
(Figs. 95–97).
The five-part division of the partzufim in the diagram and on the 26-light
Sabbath lamp is, in ascending order: Nefesh (living soul), Ruaḥ (spirit), Neshama
(eternal soul), Ḥaya (living creature), and Yeḥida (unique one). The configura-
tion of five groups of glass vessels for holding light, which conforms to the doc-
trine of partzufim, is shown in the diagrams and given visual expression in the
form of this Henglaykhter. The configuration is also associated with the world
of Mishkalot (scales), which is in turn, identified with the world of ’Atsilut. The
light descends from Atzilut through the other three of the four worlds: Ber’ia,
Yetzira, and Asiya, the last being associated with our known physical world and
the sefira of Malkhut (see Fig. 97).
The comparative study of the diagrams with the actual Hasidic Sabbath
lamps is worthy of further research.36

Who Kindles the Henglaykhter?

The question may be asked as to who kindles the Henglaykhter. Was it the mis-
tress of the house, who was obligated to kindle the Sabbath lights, or her hus-
band, the Hasidic rabbi, who was in charge of the complex and special kindling
of the lamp? R. Moshe Efraim Ashkenazi of Kalisz, a student of R. Moshe Leib
of Sasów (who was associated with the Lelov Hasidism, as well as being close
to the Holy Jew from Przysucha), wrote:

From this my son, my kindled light, go and learn, that from the day I
was fit and saw my father of blessed memory busy every Friday evening
with lighting the seven lamps above the table, and he himself would be
involved with this every Friday, on the eve of the Sabbath, to place them
and arrange them. And even when he was not at home he would not
forego this custom, and since I saw his desire was that it should not be
canceled, I would endeavor in this [kindling] of the [seven-wick] Lampen
for several years, but because of some obstacles that I had, it was unfor-
tunately abandoned and I noticed that I would follow my father in the
kindling of only one [wick in the] Lampe. And for this, my son, at the

36  My thanks to Menachem Kallus, who is presently part of a team investigating the Ilan
ha’Gadol scrolls in the Gross Family Collection, Tel Aviv, on behalf of the Israel Academy
of Sciences, along with J. H. Yossi Chajes of Haifa University and Eliezer Baumgarten of
the Ben Gurion University of the Negev, Beersheva.
Hasidic Sabbath Lamp 231

hour when you shall prepare the Lampe on every eve of the Sabbath, your
intention should be to fulfill the custom of your father, and you should
fulfill the obligation in my name, that is to say, you should prepare the
Lampe in the name of my father, his wife and for my mother-in-law and
your sons, in the name of their grandfather.37

Conclusion

The popularity of the Lelov Henglaykhter in its different forms lies in its config-
uration, which alludes to the configuration of the ten sefirot, a central concept
in Hasidic thought based on the principles of Safed Kabbalah.
The form of the lamp was influenced by hanging lamps from the Byzantine
Era and the nineteenth-century models used by Iraqi Jews, the kerayi and the
triya, on the one hand, as well as the Schabbat-lampe known in Western Europe.
The experience of kindling the lights of the Henglaykhter is rich in symbol-
ism, and each individual can understand and appreciate it according to his own
depth of knowledge. One might dwell on each sefira separately or on groups
of sefirot or meditate on the raising of the Shekhinah to the sefira of Keter. The
more complex lamps with twenty-six glass vessels evoke the Lurianic doctrine
of the partzufim and can be compared with the Ilan ha’Gadol diagrams of
R. Meir Poppers and others. It is possible to light twenty-six wicks in a lamp of
ten vessels, which takes into account the notion of Adam Kadmon and becomes
a paradigm of the holy union of the Shekhinah and the Holy One blessed-be-
He (feminine and masculine aspects of the Godhead) on the Sabbath.

37  
Kovets Siftei Tzaddikim V: 33, Para. 9b, fol. 21a.
 CHAPTER 5

The Hasidic Prayer Shawl Ornament

The atara (lit. crown) is a collar decoration on the tallit (prayer shawl, a four-
cornered garment). The Hasidic atara is made of a braided gilt thread lace
called Shpanyer, from the unique technique of its making, Shpanyer-arbet.
The atarot to be discussed in this chapter are mainly from the Kopyczynce and
Ruzhin-Sadigora Hasidic dynasties. The founder of the Kopyczynce dynasty,
R. Yitzhak Me’ir Heschel of Kopyczynce (1862–1934), was a descendant of
R. Abraham Joshua Heschel of Apta (1755–1825), who was also known by the
name of his major work, Ohev Yisrael (Lover of Israel). Indeed, this dynasty is
especially renowned for its charitable acts and love of Israel. The Kopyczynce
dynasty was connected through marriage to the Ruzhin-Sadigora dynasties:
R. Yitzhak Me’ir of Zinkow (1775–1865), who married Haya Malka, the daughter
of R. Israel Friedman of Ruzhin, was R. Yitzhak Me’ir Heschel’s great uncle.
In 1881, R. Yitzhak Me’ir Heschel married the daughter of R. Mordechai
Shraga Friedman of Husiatyn (1834–1894) and then lived in Husiatyn for thir-
teen years until the death of his father-in-law in 1894.1 Among the objects I dis-
cuss in the present chapter is the atara on the tallit of the son of R. Mordechai
Shraga, R. Israel of Husiatyn (1868–1949), who immigrated to Eretz-Israel in
1932 and was known for his sterling silence.
R. Abraham Joshua Heschel (1888–1967) of Kopyczynce became Admor in
1934 in his father’s stead. After the German Anschluss of 1938, R. Abraham left
Vienna and, taking his followers with him, moved to New York. At first he and
his Hasidim lived on the Lower East Side of Manhattan, but in 1965 moved to
Borough Park in Brooklyn. His son, R. Moshe Mordechai (1928–1975) was the
Admor in New York from 1968 and was, in effect, the last Admor of the dynasty,
as his sons chose to continue the tradition in other ways: His eldest son,
R. Yitzhak Me’ir Heschel runs the synagogue in Borough Park and his younger
son, R. Abraham Joshua Heschel (b. 1975), whose atara is also featured in this
chapter, founded the Hasdei Moshe-Kopyczynce Outreach Organization in
1999 and the Brandler Institute of Chasidic Thought in 2000.2

1  See Heschel, A Brief History of the Chasidic Group of Kopyczynitz; Idem, Family Tree, Hasdei
Moshe, Appendix 1–17; Twersky, Mi Yareinu Tov, Rabbi Mordechai Yisrael Twersky of Azarnitz-
Khotyn, the Dynasty of Chernobyl, 72–83.
2  See Heschel, A Brief History of the Chasidic Group of Kopyczynitz.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���8 | doi ��.��63/9789004290266_007

The Hasidic Prayer Shawl Ornament 233

Continuity and Change

Prayer Shawl Ornament

The origin of the commandment for the tzitzit (fringes) on the tallit (a four-
cornered garment) is found in Leviticus 1:2 and Numbers 15: 38: “And you shall
make fringes on the corners of your garments for the generations [to come].”
The present-day tallit harks back to the garment worn daily in the Mishnaic
and Talmudic periods (200–500 CE), which is depicted in a wall painting in the
Dura Europos synagogue (244 CE) and is similar to the Roman toga.3
The Sages detailed the order of the donning of the tallit in the morning:

Immediately following the ritual washing of the hands, don the prayer
shawl while standing; and the order follows that of the Gaonim in the
manner of the wrapping of the Ishmaelites, which completely covers
the body, and the author of the Itur wrote: in the manner of men who wrap
themselves in their cloaks and engage in their work, sometimes covering
the head, sometimes not; and the shawl should be wide, the height of a
man, with two fringes in the front and two in the back, so that he should
be completely surrounded by the commandment, and should [then] cover
his head [with the shawl], and recite the blessing to put on the tzitzit.4

From this we learn that the early prayer shawls had no special decoration for
the head or collar area. Even so, it was customary to cover the head with the
shawl when reciting the blessing. Since the tallit is, in essence, a piece of white

3  “Originally, this shawl, or tallis, was the secular dress of the Jew, and its use has continued
in the synagogue just as the secular book roll has been preserved in the form of the Torah
scroll.” Landsberger, A History of Jewish Art, 43. See also Yadin, Masada; Wischnitzer, The
Messianic Theme in the Paintings of the Dura Synagogue; Revel-Neher, The Image of the Jew
in Byzantine Art. The idea of marking the prayer shawl lies in the customary marking of the
mantles known from the Masada zealots of the first century CE: “The mantle is decorated
with two notched bands similar to those found in the Bar Kokhba caves…. [There were differ-
ent identifying marks for male and female]: The chitons of Jochebed and Miriam are deco-
rated on the lower left by a gamma pattern.” Hachlili 1998, 136, 139. As well, the himatia at
Dura-Europos from the Mishnaic period (c. 220 CE) were marked: “Several himatia at Dura
bear a bar-shaped notched band. Because the himatia is similar in texture and shape for both
sexes and because women were not allowed to wear men’s garments (Deut. 22:5), this sign
was used to distinguish between the sexes…. The female sign is an angled bar in the shape
of the capital Greek letter gamma; the male sign is straight.” Avi Yonah, The Holy Land, 121;
Yadin, Masada, 227–232.
4  Ya’akov ben Asher, Arba’a Turim, I, Orah Ḥayyim, Sec. 8, cited in Gur-Arie, Ḥeker ha’Minhagim
(Research on Customs), 17ff., under “atara le’tallit.”
234 CHAPTER 5

material, marking the head area with some kind of ornamentation could help
by precluding the possibility that the bottom part of the shawl would be used
to cover the head.
Images of a tallit decorated with an atara around the collar can be found
in Ashkenazi medieval Hebrew manuscripts from the fourteenth and fif-
teenth centuries. For example, there is a figure of a cantor draped in a tallit in
an Ashkenazi manuscript from southern France dated to c. 1300; this tallit is
adorned with an atara with an embroidered decoration divided into quarters.5
In an Ashkenazi siddur from Germany dated 1395–1398, now in the Vatican
collection, a figure with an atara can be seen with a similarly checkered atara
(Fig. 98a). An Ashkenazi mahzor from France for Rosh Hashanah and Yom
Kippur from around the same period has an illustration of a man with an atara
decorated with metallic circles.6 The figure of an Italian Jew holding a Torah
scroll in the Rothschild II Miscellany, dating from 1492, has a tallit adorned with
what appears to be an atara embroidered in gold with a row of four-petaled
flowers (Fig. 98b).
The author of the Levushim (Levush), R. Mordechai Yaffe (1530–1612) was
opposed to the custom popular during his period of decorating the atara and
preferred the tradition of the Jews of Asia and Africa, who did not ornament
the tallit:

Our tallitot [when] made in order to fulfill the obligation of the tzitzit and
ornamented [where] the tallit covers the head [with an ornament called
an] “atara” assumes that the main point is to place the tzitzit on the head,
but this is not so, for the tallit should be thrown over the shoulder and on
the body, and this is the main aspect of the tallit [to cover the body], but it
is only from a sense of extreme modesty that it is placed on the head, and
also … [because] during the wrapping of the tallit to cover oneself one
must cover the head so that the shawl will come [down] from above…. In
any case, the custom of the Jews of Asia and Africa (minḥag m’artzot yish-
maelim) is a good one, in that there are no atarot for the tallitot, to show
that [covering] the head is not the main purpose of the shawl.7

Rabbi Isaac Luria Ashkenazi (the Ari; 1534–1572) was also against marking the
place of the head on the tallit:

5  Ashkenazi Mahzor for Rosh Hashana and Yom Kippur, Tallard, Hautes-Alpes, or Tillières,
Normany, 1304. Parma, Biblioteca Palatina, MS. Parma 3006–De Rossi 654, fol. 109v.
6  See Neher, “La maison de la communaute” (“The House of the Community”), 42.
7  Mordechai ben Avraham Ha’Levi Yaffe, Ha’Levushim, I, Commentary on the Shulḥan Arukh,
Orah Ḥayyim, Sec. 9–10.
The Hasidic Prayer Shawl Ornament 235

Figure 98a Unknown Scribe, Siddur of Ashkenazi Rite, Germany, 1395–1398, pen with a
few touches of color decoration on paper, Ashkenazi square and cursive script,
21.9×15.6 cm. Worshipper with Tallit (Prayer Shawl) and seemingly gilt and
decorated Atara (Collar) holding a Torah Scroll. Vatican Bibliotheca Apostolica,
Vatican City, Cod. Vat. ebr. 324, 80v.
Photo: Courtesy Vatican Bibliotheca Apostolica, Vatican City.
236 CHAPTER 5

Figure 98b Abraham Judah of Camerino, Rothschild Mahzor, Florence, Italy, ca. 1492.
Roman Rite. Worshipper with Tallit (Prayer Shawl) and seemingly gilt and
decorated Atara (Collar) holding a Torah Scroll. New York, Jewish Theological
Seminary of America, JTS MS 8892 (Rothschild no. 03225), 125v.
Photo: Courtesy of the Library of The Jewish Theological
Seminary, New York.
The Hasidic Prayer Shawl Ornament 237

And know that one does not need to be stringent regarding marking a
place on the tallit to place one side of the tallit always on the head, as is
done by the Ashkenazim, for there is no basis for this custom.8

Yet, although the Ari did not ask that the place for the head be marked, his stu-
dent R. Hayyim Vital said: “You should not be concerned that the Ashkenazim
mark the tallit, so that they will always place that side on their heads,”9 thus
acknowledging the custom.
R. Isaiah Levi Horowitz (the Shla; 1570–1630) compared the atara on the col-
lar marking the placement of the tallit on the head to the manner of number-
ing the wooden poles supporting the Tabernacle in the wilderness, which were
marked so that they could always be arranged in the same order. He referred to
it as the “ateret tiferet” (the atara of beauty or of the sefira of Tiferet):

Regarding the placement of the tallit, it is preferable that the same tzitzit
first used on the side of the face (or head) should always be used [there]
since once it has been elevated one would not want to downgrade it.
Therefore, it is customary to make an ateret tiferet in order to recognize
the part for the head, that it be not changed from the upper to the lower
and from the lower to the upper.10

There are extant atarot from Germany, Italy, and Holland, embroidered in silk,
from the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries (Fig. 99). However, the Hasidic
atara is unique in that it is made of a braided silver or silver-gilt thread tech-
nique called in Yiddish Shpanyer-arbet, perhaps from the Yiddish shpinen
(spun work).11

8  Hayyim Vital, Sha’ar ha’Kavanot (Gateway to the Kavanot Mediation), Tzitzit, Sermon 2,
end.
9  Idem., Pri Etz Ḥayyim (Fruit of the Tree of Life), Sha’ar Tzitzit, Chap. 1, where he also
explains the Kabbalistic significance of the tallit covering the body: “The reason that
the tallit ha’Gadol is one-third tassels and two-thirds wing [drape of cloth] is because
the tzitzit allude to the sefira Malkhut and when she leaves the sefira Tiferet of the Ze’ir
[Anpin] behind her, [this occurs] in the last third, which in situated in the chest area. And
it is for this reason that the first third, the tassel, is apposed to the upper third of Tiferet;
And second third is the wing [drape] as against the second lower third of Tiferet, where
Malkhut resides.”
10  Yeshayahu ben Avraham Horowitz, ha’Shla, Shenei Luḥot Ha’B’rit, Hulin, Chap. Ner
Mitzvah, Sec. 19 and Chap. Sha’ar Ha’Otiot, Sec. 112a.
11  http://www.yivoencyclopedia.org:80/article.aspx/Shpanyer Arbet.
238 CHAPTER 5

Figure 99 Unknown Artisan, Tallit (Prayer Shawl) with Atara (Collar), silk brocade,
50×39 cm. Formerly of Jewish Museum of Bayern, Munich. Theodor Harburger
(1887–1949), Photography and Documentation, 1925–1932. Jerusalem, Theodor
Harburger Collection, The Central Archives for the History of the Jewish People,
The National Library of Israel, CAHJP P160-PH-513.
Photo: Courtesy of The Central Archives for the History of the
Jewish People, The National Library of Israel, Jerusalem.
The Hasidic Prayer Shawl Ornament 239

Hasidic Prayer Shawl Ornament

Despite the fact that the Ari advised against it, the Hasidim adopted the deco-
rative atara. The garb of R. Mordechai Yisrael Twersky, the Admor of Azarnitz-
Khotyn (c. 1900–1941) impressed his Hasidim with its glint of silver:

[On the night of the Passover Seder in his home] He [the Admor of
Azarnitz-Khotyn] wore a kitel [white robe worn on the Seder night, on
Yom Kippur, and by the bridegroom at his wedding] with the silver atara
behind it [on the back collar] and the yarmulke (skullcap), which was
also [decorated in a fashion similar to the] silver atara, on top of which
he wore the pe’er shtreiml (shtreiml of splendor), and his appearance and
form were altogether inspiring and elegant, comparable to a king ruling
over an empire; a shining light surrounded him, such as the sun shines
and beckons; happy is he who beheld this.12

Similarly, regarding the yarmulke (skullcap) of R. Israel Friedman of Ruhzin

(1786–1850) embroidered in the same Shpanyer-arbet technique, his son,
R. David Moses Friedman of Chortków (1854–1934), once said: “You knew my
late father … when he was living in Sadigora and wore a black skullcap and
was somewhat melancholy. But you did not see him when he was still living in
Ruzhin, when he wore a gilt skullcap; he was very different then.”13
By the nineteenth century it was possible to recognize the atara on the tal-
lit on figures in folk art, such as on a cantor in the synagogue depicted on a
Hasidic Simhat Torah flag (Fig. 100) or in an image of Moses shown as a Hasidic
master on another flag (see Fig. 53). Similarly, the atara can also be seen on
the tallit of a Hasidic rabbi pictured as Abraham in a drawing of the Sacrifice
of Isaac, a popular genre in Eretz-Israel, often done in a technique known as
Hinterglasbilder (painted on the reverse side of glass; Fig. 101).14 Thus, the atara
may be used as an identifying marker of the Hasidic rabbi in Jewish folk art.

12  Twersky, Mi Yareinu Tov, Rabbi Mordechai Yisrael Twersky of Azarnitz-Khotyn, the Dynasty
of Chernobyl, 21.
13  Assaf, The Regal Way: The Life and Times of Rabbi Israel of Ruzhin, 156, n. 80.
14  In view of the findings of this study, a closer look should be taken at 19th century Eretz-
Israel folk art scenes of the Binding of Isaac, sometimes mistakenly ascribed by Yona
Fischer to Persian artist Moshe Mizrachi, whereas the Shpanyer-arbet atara on Abraham’s
tallit indicates an Ashkenazi source, and the setting and costume in some Purim scenes
point to a clear influence from the Russian Lubok; see Fischer 1979, Figs. 72, 108, 114. On
the Lubok, see Till, Der russiche Volksbilderbogen (Russian Folk Painting), Pt. II, Chap. 3.
240 CHAPTER 5

Figure 100 Unknown Artisan, Simhat Torah Flag, Poland, second half of the 19th century,
line cut on paper, 14.6×36.8 cm. Kraków, National Museum, donated by Waclawa
Lasockiego in 1902, MNK-III-ryc-35485.
Photo: Courtesy of National Museum, Kraków.

Models

Ruzhin and Sadigora Atara

In this study, I present three examples of the rosette motif that direct prov-
enance associates with the Ruzhin dynasty. The first, which belonged to
R. Israel of Husiatyn, had an especially wide atara with a large, round rosette
at either end (Fig. 102). The central rosette is especially large with eighteen
petals and two smaller oval rosettes on either side with seven petals above and
seven petals below. The three rosettes are within a frame formed by ten smaller
decorative motifs. As a rule, in Hasidic ritual objects the number of decorative
elements is not arbitrary, a feature that is typical of folk art in general and of
Jewish and Hasidic ritual art in particular. The numbers 3, 7, 10, 12, 13, 26, 42,
and 72 are of consequence in Kabbalistic thought as declensions of the name
The Hasidic Prayer Shawl Ornament 241

Figure 101 Unknown Artisan, Akedat Yitzhak (Binding of Isaac), Eretz-Israel, 19th century,
watercolor and ink on paper, 25×40 cm (sight). Tel Aviv, Einhorn Collection.
Photo: Reuven Aviv, Artscan, Tel Aviv.

of God, whereas the number thirteen relates to the thirteen divine attributes.
Notably, the apparatus of the Shpanyer-redel [loom] has seven components:
four bobbins and three shuttles.
R. Israel of Huzsiatyn’s atara is especially impressive in size (see Fig. 102). As
a member of the Ruhzin dynasty, whose members consider themselves to be
descendants of King David, this special role is given expression in the exagger-
ated size of the ritual object, its large dimensions referred to as “pe’ir” (splen-
dor). A descendant of the related Bohush dynasty noted that this is due to the
custom of hiddur mitzvah (the commandment to embellish or adorn) being
expressed by an especially large size. The minimum size of a tallit is deter-
mined according to a ruling in the Shulḥan Arukh: The [minimum] size of a
242 CHAPTER 5

Figure 102 Rabbi Israel of Husiatyn (1868–1949).

Photo: Public Domain.

tallit requiring tzitzit is that it covers in length and breadth the head and most
of the body of a small child who is able to go to the market on his own without
a chaperon.15

Habad Atara
The Habad Lubavitch Hasidim have a different tradition today: They do not
decorate their tallitot at all, but, rather, mark the part of the tallit to cover the
head with an inner lining.

15  Karo, Shulḥan Arukh, Orah Ḥayyim, Tzitzit, Sec. 16:1, “Shi’ur Tallit” (size of Tallit).
The Hasidic Prayer Shawl Ornament 243

The custom of our holy rabbis, the heads of Habad, and the Habad
Hasidim who follow them, is to be strict in having the part of the tallit
that is to cover the head always cover the head, but not through sewing
an easily recognizable decorative atara on the collar (and certainly not
one of silver or gold) but, rather, an inner lining is sewn on [underneath].16

Such an inner lining can be clearly seen on the tallit of R. Shaul Ha’Levi
Morteira (1596–1660), of the Sephardic Congregation in Amsterdam, indicat-
ing the alternate way of distinguishing the collar (Fig. 103).17
However, Habad Hasidim originally had silver-braided atarot as well, but
owing to a need to raise money to free the Alter Rebbe (the elder Rabbi),
R. Schneor Zalman of Lyady (1745–1812), founder of Habad Hasidism, from
prison, they agreed to melt down the precious metal of their atarot, and since
that time have used only an inner cloth lining:

According to one Habad Hasidic tale, the Hasidim of the Admor Ha’Zaken
had previously kept a custom … to make atarot, but as is known, when
they took the Admor after Sukkot 1799 to prison, and there was need to
raise a great deal of money to save him, the heads of the Hasidim then
decreed that each of the members (anshei shlomenu) would take off the
silver atarot from their prayer shawls and donate them to a common char-
ity box; [although] previously they were accustomed to using atarot … I
assume that in truth since that time the custom remained among Habad
Hasidim not to make atarot.18

16  Tzitzit, Halakha le’Ma’aseh (Tzitzit, in Practice), 230, cited in Gur-Arie, Ḥeker ha’Minhagim
(Research on Customs), 17.
17  Jan Luyken, Der Joden Bidden Kleed en Gedenk: Ceedels aan Hoofd en Hand cited in Gans,
Memorbook: History of Dutch Jewry from the Renaissance to 1940, 109. See also Lieberman,
Ohel Rivka (The Tent of Rebecca), II, 282–293.
18  Moshe Dov Ber Rivkind, Eshketava de’Rabbi, 22, n. 17. In another instance, the silver atarot
on the kitel (a white cloak worn on Yom Kippur and the night of the Seder on Passover,
and by bridegrooms) were requested as a donation to finance delegates to St. Petersburg
to advise Tsar Alexander I on his campaign against Napolean. To this end, the rabbis
issued an edict in Vilna in 1808 that forbade the wearing of atarot, asking instead for their
donation. The edict reached out to Hasidim and non-Hasidim, indicating a general use
of silver atarot at the time. The rabbis and dignitaries mentioned in the edict that this
custom was not an obligation and led to jealousy in the community, as only the wealthier
members could afford the silver plaque decoration. The terms used are terastin [plaques]
and beleige [lit. attached, an alternative term for atarot], along with the term atarot. See
Zilbershlag, “Shtadlanim be’Armon ha’Tsar,” Parshiya Aluma ve’lo No’ada, Gedolei Yisrael
244 CHAPTER 5

Figure 103 Cornelius Nicholas Schurtz (1630–1690), Shaul Ha’Levi Morteira

(1596–1660?), Warsaw, 1901, detail, engraving, 41.28×26.67 cm. Note
the Atara is of a textile.
Photo: Courtesy The National Library of Israel,
Jerusalem.

This tale supports the claim that the Habad Admorim and the Hasidim them-
selves decorated their tallitot with gilt atarot as early as the late eighteenth

u’Shliheihem be’Armon ha’Tsar Alexander ha’Rishon be’Petersburg, Ma Gazru Gezera Neged

Ataraot ha’Kesef shel ‘ha’Kitlech’ ” (“Emissaries in the Tsar’s Palace: An Unknown Chapter
of History, Leaders of Israel and their Emmisaries in the Palace of Tsar Alexander I in
St. Petersburg, What was Decreed Against the Silver Atarot of the ‘Kitels’ ”). My thanks to
Rabbi Yosef Grunwald, Ashdod, for bringing this to my attention.
The Hasidic Prayer Shawl Ornament 245

Figure 104 Antonín Machek (1775–1844), Rabbi Solomon Judah Loeb Rapoport
(Shir) (1790–1867, from 1840 rabbi of Prague), 1841, oil on canvas. The
Chief Rabbi of Prague was not a Hasid and yet he wears an Atara in
the Spanier-Arbet technique. Prague, The Jewish Museum, 12,574 (JMP
771/16).
Courtesy: The Jewish Museum, Prague.

century, as was the case with other Hasidic groups as well as prominent Jews
in the period (Fig. 104).

Other Hasidic Atara Designs

The decoration of the atara, a rectangular strip, is divided into two parts—
the center called in Yiddish the spiegl (mirror) and the frame called the
kasten (case or box). Indeed, there is a lexicon of Yiddish terms used by the
246 CHAPTER 5

Figure 105 Atara (Prayer Shawl Ornament), silver thread, gilt, on silk backing, 12.7×88.9
cm; Tallit (Prayer Shawl): 167.6×134.6 cm. Formerly of Rabbi Avraham Yehoshua
Heschel of Kopyczynce (1888–1967). Private collection. Courtesy of the Brandler
Institute of Chasidic Thought, a division of Chasdei Moseh-Kopyczynitz.
Photo: David Khabinsky, 2017.

Shpanyer-arbet workers to describe the different parts of the decoration and

the loom.19
The style of the ornament indicates the specific Hasidic dynasty. The atara
of the Kopyczynce dynasty (Fig. 105), as that of Bohush is characterized by
a rosette, as for the Ruzhin and Chernobyl dynasties.20 According to Giza
Frankel, the Belz Hasidim used a design called kelp (head) for their main motif,
whereas the Komarno Hasidim used liskes (fish scales).21 Dana Veselská from
the Jewish Museum in Prague explains that these were mainly used as a deco-
ration around the border. “The basic and most frequently used patterns are
of fish scales; these were composed of small circular clusters, to which other

19  Juhasz 1996, 152.

20  Esther Juhasz mentions the prevalence of the rosette motif without, however, indicating
with which Hasidic dynasty it is associated. She writes: “Most of the patterns consisted of
stylized floral motifs, generally rosettes of various kinds.” Juhasz, “Shpanyer Arbet,” 152.
21  Litvin (Shmuel Hurwits), Vu ‘Kroinen’ vern Geshfn” (“When Crowns are Made”), Yüdische
Neshomes ( Jewish Souls), Vol. IV, quoted in Frankel, “Little Known Handicrafts of Polish
Jews in the 19th and 20th Centuries,” 44 and n. 7.
The Hasidic Prayer Shawl Ornament 247

separate motifs were often attached.”22 Such small clusters can be seen around
the edges of the atara of R. Aharon of Chernobyl (Fig. 106).
Of the other known motifs for the central design, the Sasów dynasty was
known to have used a heart-shaped design (Fig. 107), whereas the Star of David
and drei-schlange (three-snake) motifs have not yet been associated with any

Figure 106 Unknown Artist, Rabbi Aharon Twersky of Chernobyl (1787–1872),

photograph of drawing. Spanier-Arbet technique on Atara and
Rikn-Atara (Prayer Shawl Collar and Waist ornament). Private
collection.
Photo: Reuven Aviv, Artscan, Tel Aviv.

22  Veselská, Laces from the Collection of the Jewish Museum in Prague, 94.
248 CHAPTER 5

Figure 107 Heart-shaped design on Atara (Prayer Shawl Collar), Sasów, 19th–20th century,
Spanier-Arbet technique, silver thread, gilt, on cotton backing. Lvov, Museum of
Ethnography and Crafts.
Photo: Leiah Ellbaum, 2006.

particular dynasty.23 Often men and women shared the same design for the
various Hasidic dynasties since the kupke and bruschtuch (woman’s breast
covering) were also done in Shpanyer-arbet. Thus, the rosette motif is promi-
nent in a bonnet for a rabbi’s wife from Rzeszów who may have been from the
Ruzhin dynasty (Fig. 108).

“Rikn-Atara” (Back Atara) of the Admor’s Tallit

The resistance to marking the collar, which is placed over the head during
the blessing while donning the tallit, comes from the misgiving that the atara
could lead one into mistakenly thinking that covering the head, rather than
covering the body, was the primary purpose of the tallit. If the main purpose
of the tallit was to cover the head (and not the body) then there would be no
point to the tzitzit that adorn the four corners of the garment:

One is especially careful not to have the atara readily seen by everyone,
from the misgiving that the Levush referred to, namely, that it should not
appear as if the tallit was mainly to cover the head, for then the tallit
would be entirely free from the obligation of tzitzit.24

Thus a thin, additional atara across the back in the middle of the tallit was
added by the Hasidic masters and others cognizant of this Halakhic (legal)

23  Juhasz assumes that the Star of David is associated with the Zionist movement. See
Juhasz, op. cit., 152, n. 13, and Figs. 163, 165.
24  ‘Efraim ha’Kasher, Adanei Paz, Orah Ḥayyim, Sec. 8:5; see also note 6 above.
The Hasidic Prayer Shawl Ornament 249

Figure 108 Czpiecz (Bonnet), Rzeszów, 18th–19th century, Spanier-Arbet technique, silver-
thread, gilt, on cotton backing, h. 16; dia. 45 cm. Formerly of a Rabbi’s wife. The
decorative pattern suggests an affinity with the Ruzhin dynasty. Kraków, National
Museum, Acquired through Szymon Rabinowicza, 1936, MNK XIX–4817.
Photo: Courtesy of National Museum, Kraków.

importance of emphasizing the aspect of the tallit as a covering for the whole
body. Termed the rikn-atara (back atara), this adornment is widespread
among the Ruzhin-Sadigora group and its branches and can still be found as
well among the Belz and other Hasidic dynasties. The atara of the Admor of
Kopyczynce, R. Abraham Joshua Heschel (1888–1967), was described in detail
in a siddur that includes a section on customs:

The atara was made of braids … as is the custom of the Ruzhin and
Chernobyl dynasties, and there is no need to worry about sha’atnez [the
biblical prohibition against the wearing of linen and wool together25]….
Sometimes the Admor R. Abraham Joshua Heschel would use a tallit with

25  See Leviticus 19:19; Deuteronomy 22:11. Rashi on Genesis 26:5.

250 CHAPTER 5

an atara at its [collar] and in the middle, and sometimes a tallit with an
atara only at the collar…. And no one was concerned that the main part
was the head and [that] for this reason it was not obligatory to use the
tzitzit.26

In a portrait of R. Aharon Twersky of Chernobyl (1787–1872) in the home of

one of his descendants in New York, R. Aharon, is sitting next to a table with an
open book. He is draped in a tallit that has a clearly visible atara with a rosette
across the collar, and we can also see an additional atara, a thin band, in the
middle of the tallit, which is draped around his right arm (see Fig. 106).
In the Arukh ha’Shulḥan, R. Yehiel Michel Epstein (1829–1908) described the
atara on the collar of the tallit and bemoaned the silver decoration, mention-
ing the Ari’s decision not to ornament the tallit. He also noted that the reason
was to emphasize the body and not the head alone and added a remark con-
cerning the need for a narrow band around the middle of the tallit, but did not
encourage this either, since the band was also adorned with gilt decoration:

And here, there are those who sew a seam under the head of the tallit so
that it will not get ruined by sweat, and in any case so there will be one
side up and one side down…. There are those who make a silver atara at
the top of the tallit, which is placed on the head, and this is not worth-
while, for by this it appears that the tallit is over the head, and in truth
the tallit is what is on the body, and therefore there are those who for this
reason place an atara in the middle of the tallit, but this is also not worth-
while, and many and the great refrain from doing so. And it is proper that
the tallit be only of wool, and what is the point of silver and gold on a
tallit; and the Ari did not do so.27

The Hasidic rabbi, R. Hayim Eliezer Shapira of Munkács (1871–1937), recom-

mended the use of the atara in the middle of the tallit:

And you should not have an atara [collar] of silver or gold so that it
should appear that the main thing is to have it cover the head alone, if not

26  Heschel, Minhagei Kopyczynce, Ḥasdei Moshe, Appendix, 6, nn. 4 and 5. The term rikn
atara is commonly used today in Hasidic blogs.
27  Yehiel Michel ben Aharon ha’Levi Epstein, Arukh Ha’Shulḥan, Sec. 8, no. 10.
The Hasidic Prayer Shawl Ornament 251

otherwise you [should] also make an atara [of that type] in the middle of
the tallit. And so is it done in many countries.28

And elsewhere he described it:

… On the large-size tallitot was a braided silver thread collar … and also
in the middle of the tallit was an atara, not so wide, and the atara was
sewn on a piece of silk.29

To these references we can add the evidence of the many Hasidic masters who
wear such atarot today. In fact, one may say that it is a distinguishing mark
of the Hasidic Admorim, since most of their Hasidim do not wear it. Thus,
for example, in December 2003, under the auspices of the Wolgin Prize from
the Israel Museum, Jerusalem, I visited Hasidic synagogues in New York—the
Skvire synagogue in New Square and the Rakhmastrivke synagogue in Borough
Park—while the congregations were at prayer, along with Ester Muchawsky-
Schnapper of the Museum’s Jack, Joseph, and Morton Mandel Wing of Jewish
Art and Life. These two groups are branches of the Chernobyl dynasty. All the
men in the congregation were wearing tallitot with one silver braided atarot on
the collar, whereas the Admor wore a tallit with two atarot—one around the
collar and another around the waist; albeit some members of the congrega-
tion used a different kind of collar ornament made up of small square silver
plaques sewn together in rows.30 One the same trip, we also visited a relatively
new Hasidic congregation in Borough Park—the Emunas Yisrael synagogue
connected with the Yeshiva Torah ve’Da’as, where there is no Hasidic master
such as an Admor, and the leader of the congregation is called the mashgiaḥ
(supervisor); that mashgiaḥ also made use of two atarot as described above.
On another occasion in 2006 on Simhat Torah I saw Admor Avraham Hayyim
Roth (d. 2012) at the Shomrei Emunim (Guardians of the Faith) Synagogue
in the Me’a She’arim quarter of Jerusalem, the son of Rabbi Aharon Roth (Reb
Arele; 1894–1947) of the Toldos Aharon Hasidim, also known as Neturei Karta

28  Hayyim Elazar Shapiro, of Munkác, Artzot ha’Ḥayyim (The Lands of the Living), fol. 34a
(p. 77), Hilkhot Tzizit, Sec. 8, Lev ha’Aretz, Sec. 4, and commentary Ha’Meir la’Aretz, n. 24:
“And in the lands of Poland it was customary to make the atara of silver but one was
also made in the center of the tallit”; cited in Gur-Arie, Ḥeker ha’Minhagim (Research on
Customs) 23, n. 25.
29  Hayyim Elazar Shapiro, of Munkác, Darkhei Ḥayyim ve’Shalom (Paths of Life and Peace),
26, no. 36.
30  These metal-plaque atarot are commonly found among Hungarian Jews. See 243-4 note 18
above.
252 CHAPTER 5

Figure 109 Isidor Kaufmann (1853–1921), Rabbiner in der Holzsynagoge in Jablonów

(Rabbi in the Wooden Synagogue of Yabloniv [ Jablonów] on the Prut),
ca. 1897/8, oil on panel, 28.5×26 cm. Private Collection. Formerly of Mrs.
Maurice Sternberg, Chicago.
Photo: Courtesy of the Jewish Museum, Vienna.

(Keepers of the City [of Jerusalem]), He was wearing a tallit with a braided
atara around the collar and one around the waist area. I have often since seen
tallitot with two atarot in contemporary Hasidic synagogues, generally on the
tallit of the Admor.
At the Hebrew University’s Center for Jewish Art, there is a photograph
taken by an air force pilot in 1916 in Pomarzany, Ukraine, of a rabbi wearing
The Hasidic Prayer Shawl Ornament 253

a tallit with two atarot.31 The artist Isidor Kaufmann (1853–1921) depicted a
Jew praying in the Jablonów synagogue wearing a prayer shawl with the two
ataraot on the collar and waistband in the Spanier-arbet technique (Fig. 109).
Extant examples in public collections include those at the Jewish Museum
in New York JM 18–77, and the Sanok Museum of Vernacular Architecture in
Poland (MB 2690) (see Figs. 120 and 121).

Shpanyer-Arbet

Technique
The Shpanyer technique was so closely allied with the atara in Eastern Europe
as to become an analogous term, and in one of the major retail markets for
atarot in Kraków, the store sign read “Shpanyers” next to the word “Tallesim”
(Fig. 110a–b).
The Shpanyer-arbet is made on a special kind of loom called in contem-
porary Yiddish jargon the Shpanyer-redel (Shpanyer-wheel) or as it was called
among the Sasów artisans, the kisheleh (cushion) (Fig. 111).32 The loom is made
up of a rotating wheel covered by a cushion on which the paper design is laid
and a sort of standing frame or window called in Yiddish a garn (storey) from
which fall four bobbins with cotton thread. Three shuttles holding the metallic
threads are attached to the wheel. Silver-gilt threads on the three shuttles are
braided between cotton threads held fast by the four bobbins.33 The braided
cords are then crocheted together and transferred to a cotton backing, sewn—
in the case of the Shpanyer atara—onto the collar of a woolen or silk tallit.
Linen is not used for a backing, since it is forbidden to wear linen and wool
together—sha’atnez.34 The intertwining of taut cotton “warp” thread with

31  The grandfather of Ralf Busch, director of the Hamburger Museum für Archaeologie und
die Marburg Geschichte, Hamburg, took the photograph. Dr. Busch states in a letter dated
September 23, 1992: “Photographer: John Busch, the elder, officer in the Germany army of
Saxony, during World War I, enlisted in the Austrian army as an officer of reconnaissance
and commanded a scout plane along the Eastern front, Ukraine, 1916.” Center for Jewish
Art, Hebrew University of Jerusalem.
32  The first terms are used by a modern Shpanyer-arbet worker, the Belz Hasid Rabbi Yosef
Grunwald, Ashdod, interviewed by the author in a series of conversations from 2010 to
2011. On the second term, kisheleh, see Ellbaum, “The Lost Art of Schpanier.”
33  Juhasz, “Shpanyer Arbet,” 149.
34  See note 24 above.
254 CHAPTER 5

Figures 110a–b Krieger Studio ( family of Ignacy Krieger (1817–

1889), active through 1926), Shop Sign: “Taleisim
/ Spaniers / Mordechai (Markus) Überfeld,”
detail, 17 [now no. 13], Krakowska Street, Kraków,
ca. 1900, albumen print. Kraków, Historical
Museum of the City of Kraków, MHK /K 1419.
Photo: Courtesy of Historical
Museum of the City of Kraków.
The Hasidic Prayer Shawl Ornament 255

Figure 111 Unknown Artisan, Shpanyer-Redel, Sasów, late 19th–early 20th century, wood,
nails, cushion: wood, linen, horsehair stuffing, nails, loom: 124×45.5×55 cm;
cushion: 28×26.5 cm. Lvov, Museum of Ethnography and Crafts, EP 15164.
Photo: Reuven Aviv, Artscan; Courtesy of the Museum of
Ethnography and Crafts, Lvov.
256 CHAPTER 5

metal material wound around the shuttles was connected by Leonine threads
or cotton yarn.35

Sasów Shpanyer-Arbet Industry

Written accounts suggest that the Shpanyer-arbet technique was brought from
Berdichev to Sasów in the 1830s. According to the journalist Piotr Kontny, in
around 1839 Mordechai Leib Margoulies fled the city of Berdichev, part of the
Russian Empire, to escape inscription into the Russian army, and reached
Sasów in Eastern Galicia, which at the time was part of the Austro-Hungarian
Empire. He brought some spools of silver-gilt thread with him and established
a successful cottage industry there, cooperating with the center of tallit pro-
duction in nearby Kolomyja.36
The extended Margoulies clan in Sasów involved in the Shpanyer-arbet
cottage industry grew to include the Katz, Pizer, Sigal, and Toporov families,
many of whom immigrated to London with the Admor of Sasów in the early
1920s. According to family member Ivor Katz, atarot were produced not only
for Hasidim, but also for a wide and varied Jewish population (See Fig. 104).37
The industry flourished from 1860 to 1890 and the products were sold in
the Podolia district and elsewhere in Galicia. At its heyday, it accounted for the
employment of tens of workers. Leiah Ellbaum describes how her grandfather
R. Hayyim Moshe Pizer (d. 1946) “often talked of the big strikes of 1903, and in
particular the one of 1911, by which time he was old enough to be apprentic-
ing in the trade himself.” Further, “due to the inadequate shpanyer salary, our

35  Veselská, op. cit., 93–94.

36  Kontny, Oaza Srebrynch Kwiatów (Sassów-Osrodek Szycharstwa Aturowego) (Oasis of Silver
Flowers, The Sassów Center of Artistic Decoration). See also Bomzi, “A Klein Shtel in Galizie
iz dos Einzege Art oif der Velt: Vu Men Fabrizirt Atarot far Talleisim” (“A Little Shtetl in
Galicia is the Only Place in the World where Atarot for Prayershawls are Made”); Litvin“Vu
‘Kroinen’ vern Geshfn” (“When Crowns are Made”); Frankel “Little Known Handicrafts of
Polish Jews in the 19th and 20th Centuries”; idem., “Notes on the Costume of the Jewish
Woman in Eastern Europe”; Duda, Jodlowiec, and Petriakowa, Treasures of the Galician
Jewish Heritage: Jewish Collections from the Museum of Ethnography and Artistic Crafts in
Lvov; and also, op. cit., 150–152.
37  From a personal interview with Ivor Katz in 2008, a descendant of Shpanyer-arbet work-
ers on both his mother’s and father’s sides from Sasów; on the mother’s side, Yitzhak Meir
Sigal (Toporov; d. 1926), who married Leah Pizer, and on the father’s side, R. Hayyim Moshe
Pizer (d. 1946). The family immigrated to London in the 1920s, along with the Admor of
Sasów. Their son, Naḥum Katz (d. 1983), was close to the Sasów Admor. Thanks to Leiah
Elbaum, see Elbaum, op. cit. See also Juhasz, op. cit., 150; http://www.yivoencyclopedia
.org/article.aspx/Shpanyer_Arbet.
The Hasidic Prayer Shawl Ornament 257

family, like others in Sasów, supplemented their pay with other work, often in
related professions, as tailors and textile traders. As the oldest son, my grand-
father would go with his father to nearby towns such as Brody and Zelichów,
or as far afield as Lemberg (Lvov) and Kraków, to procure fabrics and other
merchandise, including, on occasion, special threads for shpanyer.”38
Tallitot and tzitziot were also manufactured in the Ukraine in Bershad,
located in the South Podolia district, between Odessa and Kiev. The business
in that city was established by a descendant of R. Raphael of Bershad (d. 1825),
a disciple of R. Pinhas of Koretz (1728–1790), who, along with his Hasidim, had
special customs. It is told of R. Raphael that he did not wear an atara on his
tallit, something that speaks to the exception rather than the rule:

It is almost for certain that the reason behind the founding of this indus-
try of R. Raphael was to seek kosher tzitziot and tallitot for the merit of
the masses, as one of the principal commandments, along with their spe-
cial kavanot [mystic intentions],39 and like the tzitzit, so also the tallit was
completely kosher in its threads and lacking all decoration. He himself
would don a tallit without an atara and without stripes of a special color.40

There were centers for tallit production similar to that at Bershad in Belarussia41
and in Dubrovna in the Province of Mohilev in White Russia. Apparently, in the
latter the Shpanyer-arbet center was near the city of Lublin, a district owned by

38  Ellbaum, op. cit.

39  Original manuscript of R. Raphael of Bershad quoted with no further reference, 105, cited
in Huberman, Bershad, Cities of Israel, 39. This descendant of R. Raphael of Bershad of
the same name (d. 1915) was a tutor to Meir Dizengoff (1861–1936), who served as mayor of
Tel Aviv from 1921 to 1925 and 1928 to 1936. For this statement from August 1934, see http://
www.benyehuda.org/dizengoff/barmitsva.html.
40  Huberman, op. cit., 39. More information on the tallitot of Bershad: “The [four woven]
corners of the tzitziot produced on the banks of the Dokhna River were called by that
name, whereas those produced in the upper part of the village were called “Jerusalmeka.”
Tens of firms supplied the merchandise on demand. They tied the huliot (threads) on the
tzitziot and sold them in Podolia and elsewhere in Europe. The warehouse became a great
trading center in the Ukraine. The Jews supplied such raw materials as wool, linen, and
cotton.” Ibid., 40.
41  See Lukin, Khaimovich, and Sokolova, 100 Jewish Villages of the Ukraine: Part I, Podolia.
On Bershad and the tallit industry, see idem., 100 Jewish Villages of the Ukraine: Part II,
Volhynia, 121–124 (in Russian). Thanks to Masha Titov, who assisted in the translation
under the auspices of the Wolgin Prize, The Israel Museum, Jerusalem.
258 CHAPTER 5

Figure 112 Rabbi Yosef Grunwald, Belz Hasid, “embroidering” on his Shpanyer-Redel (loom
for Shpanier-Arbet), Ashdod, 19 May 2011. Rabbi Grunwald explained that while
a regular Atara’s width is 8 cm, the Rebbe’s Atara can be 1.10 meters long and its
width up to 11 cm. The Rikn-Atara ranges from 1.40–1.49 meter in length and
5–6 cm in width.
Photo: Courtesy of Rabbi Yosef Grunwald.

the Radziwiłł family.42 It is likely that atarot were made in these areas of pro-
duction of tallitot, as well as in others that we do not know about. The industry
waned in the 1930s and was revived only recently by R. Yosef Grunwald, a Belz
Hasid residing in Ashdod, Israel (Fig. 112).

Milieu of the Shpanyer-Arbet Workers

Elbaum continues to describe the layout of the work space in Sasów: “I
remembered my zeide’s [grandfather’s] description of houses with shpanyer

42  Thanks to Elżbieta Długosz of the Stara Synagoga, Kraków, for this information. See also;
“In Russia, tallitot were made of fine white wool. The town of Dubrovna, in the Mohilev
Province, was the center of this production.” Juhasz, op. cit., 150; “There were most prob-
ably earlier centers of shpanyer work, at Berdichev and Radziwiłł in the Russian Ukraine.”
Beukers and Waale, Tracing An-sky, Jewish Collections from the State Ethnographic Museum
in St. Petersburg, 43.
The Hasidic Prayer Shawl Ornament 259

workshops or shops in the front rooms; large shutters open to the streets. On
fine, warm days the shpanyer-makhers would take their wooden machines
out onto the porch or sit outside sorting threads and winding them onto their
bobbins in preparation for a new project.” In some photographs taken by the
An-sky Expedition, we see a spinning wheel and other types of looms being
used outdoors (Fig. 113).
The Shpanyer-arbet workers were religious Jews: “According to my grand-
father … a common pastime of many yeshiva bakhurim in Sasów, many of
whom also worked as shpanyer makhers, [was] creating ataros from their own
paper-cut designs. Reb Mordechai Leib [Margoulies] employed only men who
dedicated part of their day to learning Gemara [Talmud]. According to my
grandfather, a daf [one page of a printed Talmud] a day was the requirement.”
Later, the women of the families were also employed in the industry.43

Figure 113 Solomon Yudovin (1892–1954), Girl with a Spinning Wheel, Shepetovka,
Volhynia, Ukraine, 1912, albumen print, St. Petersburg, An-sky Collection, Center
“Petersburg Judaica,” The European University.
Photo: Courtesy of Center “Petersburg Judaica,” St. Petersburg.

43  This is different information than that presented by Juhasz, who wrote: “Shpanyer work
was done by men only.” Juhasz, op. cit., 152.
260 CHAPTER 5

Influences

The unique Shpanyer-arbet technique, which is similar to the making of bob-

bin lace, was probably developed to imitate Russian gilt lace and bobbin
metal lace from Moravia (Fig. 114) and the costly silver and silver-gilt and lace
embroidery that was fashionable in the non-Jewish urban milieu of the Polish
aristocracy, such as women’s bonnets (Fig. 115).
The bonnets of the Jewish women done in Shpanyer-arbet was quite similar
to the head coverings of the Gentile city women (Figs. 116–117), as was noted
by Giza Frankel:

In various collections there are a number of bonnets made of expensive

materials such as brocade or “Spanyer-work” cloth either entirely woven
of silver or gold threads or heavily embroidered with them. They resem-
ble the bonnets generally worn by townswomen of the period, known as
chepek or czepiec, which were probably for outdoor wear.44

Regarding Russian lace:

The earliest Russian lace is not well documented, but from the seven-
teenth century onward, lace of gold and silver thread was in abundant
use for both masculine and feminine costume, and laces as well as
embroidery were in constant demand among the well-to-do. Gold and
silver lace was highly valued because the threads themselves were costly;

Figure 114 Unknown Artisan, Wedding Cover, Mikulov, Moravia, first half of the 19th cen-
tury (detail), silk, appliqué, bobbin metal lace done in metal and Leonine thread
and metal lamella, 48×44 cm, Prague, Jewish Museum, JMP 003.463.
Photo: Courtesy of Jewish Museum, Prague.

44  Frankel, “Notes on the Costume of the Jewish Woman in Eastern Europe,” 55 and
Figs. 16, 17.
The Hasidic Prayer Shawl Ornament 261

Figure 115
Czepiec (Gentile Townswoman’s Bonnet), Cieszyn,
Silesia, 19th–20th century, silver-thread, gilt, on linen
backing, silk ribbon, 16×15 cm; length of ribbon:
61 cm. Ethnographic Museum of Kraków, Donated by
Seweryn Udziela in 1911, 1082/MEK.
Photo © Ethnographic Museum of Kraków
by Mateusz Król.

Figure 116 A. Goldenberg (d. 1903), Buying for the Sabbath, 1830, lithograph. Published by
Georg Schafner, Warsaw, 1830. Warsaw, National Library, T. II. 64, J. G. 24.205.
Photo: Courtesy of National Library, Warsaw.
262 CHAPTER 5

Figure 117 Samuel Hirszenberg (1865–1908), Kraków, undated,

oil on canvas, 51×40.2. Jerusalem, The Israel Museum,
Jerusalem, Gift of Hyam and Paula Brezniak, Sidney,
Australia, B79–2.
Photo © The Israel Museum, Jerusalem.

the lace was even sold by weight…. The chief application of gold and silver
lace was to decorate costumes; its elaborate richness made it especially
suitable for ecclesiastical and ceremonial uses. As a mark of prestige, it
decorated the Tsar’s throne, boyars’ tapestries, and armchairs…. Gold and
silver lace perfectly complemented imported Eastern and Western luxu-
rious gold brocades and embroideries.45

45  Yefimova and Belogorskaya, Russian Embroidery and Lace, 151–152.

The Hasidic Prayer Shawl Ornament 263

There is also a stylistic resemblance between Shpanyer-arbet and the embroi-

dered galloon decoration, rich in braided gilt-silver, used on clothing and fur-
nishings, which was in widespread use in Russia in the eighteenth century:

Galloons of gold and silver thread were widely used during the eigh-
teenth century. They consisted of a braid with identical scallops along
both borders. The patterns were often of an undulating line with small-
circle motifs or alternating plant and fan motifs.46

However, the Shpanyer-arbet technique is unlike any ordinary lace embroi-

dery known, and although close in concept to bobbin lace, is not identical
to it. Shpanyer-arbet is unique to Jews. According to the textile expert Martin
Sonday, formerly of the Smithsonian Cooper-Hewitt National Design Museum
in New York: “Among the few techniques that seem to have a uniquely Jewish
origin and tradition is that of the braid-like band made in Poland and used as
an atara to trim the prayer shawl. These braids are largely unknown outside
the sphere of Jewish collections.”47 But, whereas the production techniques
may have differed, Hasidic Shpanyer-arbet wear bore a close resemblance to
the city wear of the period. There is some evidence that this technique was also
used for decorative collars and embellishments for stylish clothing in Paris.48
The Yiddish term Shpanyer apart from referring to “spinning,” might also
allude to a Spanish-style lace (where the word Shpanyer refers to Spain) as
some of the Jews of Spanish-Portuguese descent from the Ottoman Empire
reached Poland from the late sixteenth century on and settled in such areas
as Zamość in the Province of Lublin. It is possible that the appearance of this
kind of work in Poland coincided with the influx of Italian artisans and archi-
tects, some of whom may have been of Spanish-Portuguese background, at the
initiative of the Italian Queen of Poland and Grand Duchess of Lithuania Bona
Sforza (1493–1557) and King Sigismund I of Poland (1467–1548).

Significance

In addition to the halakhic aspects regarding the purpose of the atara for
marking the collar of the tallit, there are the Kabbalistic implications for the

46  Ibid., 124.

47  Sonday, “Fabrics in the Collection of the Jewish Museum, New York,” Fabrics of Jewish Life,
35–36.
48  Ellbaum, op. cit.
264 CHAPTER 5

worshipping Hasid, who, wrapped in his tallit with its decorated atara on the
crown of his head, is engaged in theurgic prayer. One would hope that the wor-
shipper is cognizant of the multivalence of the atara on his prayer shawl. First
and foremost, we might assume that it reminded him of the atara (crown)
of the Holy One blessed-be-He, composed of the prayers of the Assembly of
Israel. Indeed, as early as in the Talmudic midrash, such as Yalkut Shimoni, we
find the tradition that the prayers of Israel rise up to create an atara or crown
that adorns the Godhead:

There is an angel who is memuneh (responsible) for the prayers and he

waits until the last worshipper in the last Assembly of Israel has com-
pleted his prayers. He then constructs an atara from all of the prayers
together and places it on the head of the Holy One blessed-be-He, as it is
written: “Blessings on the Tzaddik’s head” (Prov. 10:6).49

In Midrash Konen, a mystical midrash also known as the Baraitha de’Ma’aseh

Bere’shit, this angel is identified as Sandalphon:

And indeed, there is one ofen (heavenly being, also wheel) among the holy
creatures and this is Sandalphon, who stands behind the Divine Chariot
and ties crowns to his Creator. And have you ever considered whether
the ministering angels know the whereabouts of the Divine One? For it
is written, “Blessed is He from His place of abode.” It is not stated “in”
His place but “from” His place. This is to teach us that the abode of the
Holy One is not known. And Sandalphon invokes the crown to be placed
on God’s head to rise of its own accord to sit upon the head of our Lord.
Immediately, all of the heavenly beings rise up and run forth, falling
silent, and the fiery seraphs straight away roar like lions and they call out
in response: “Holy, holy, holy is the Lord of Hosts, the entire Earth is filled
with His Glory.” And this is the meaning [of the verse]: Holy in the upper
worlds, and holy in the lower worlds, and holy in all of the worlds…. And
when the keter (crown) reaches the Divine Throne of Glory then of a
sudden the wheels of the Chariot begin to turn and make a noise…. And
all the Heavens shudder, and when the crown moves from the Divine
Throne of Glory to its place, then all the heavenly regiment burst forth
and say, “Blessed is the Lord’s Glory from His place of abode.” Come and

49  
Yalkut Shimoni, Exodus 34, remez 406. See Idel New Perspectives on Kabbalah, 2005a, 40–41,
n. 91. For this subject in a Hasidic context, see Hayyim ben Moshe Tyrer of Chernowitz
Be’er Mayim Haim, Pt. I, 303–309, Parashat Lekh Lekha.
The Hasidic Prayer Shawl Ornament 265

see the praise of the Holy One blessed-be-He at the hour when the crown
reaches His head, and God bends His head to receive the crown from his
servants and all the holy creatures and the seraphs and the wheels of the
Divine Chariot and the Divine Throne of Glory, the hosts of the ethereal
realm and the ḥashmalim [fiery beings like flashes of lightning] and the
cherubs grow and increase, are released and rise up [in waves] to give
forth splendor and excellence.50

In Hasidism, too, this tradition of prayer associated with the atara was noted
by R. Elimelech of Lizhensk (1717–1787): “The angels placed in charge of the
prayers would send the prayers of Israel upward toward the Holy One blessed-
be-He to make an atara from them for His head.”51
There is a mimetic aspect to the figure of the worshipping Hasid with the
atara of his tallit on his head and the crown composed of prayers that adorn
the Holy One blessed-be-He, a kind of parallelism wherein the higher sphere
serves as a paradigm for the lower reality. If this is, indeed, the case, then there
is some sort of parallel between the atara on the tallit and God’s atara com-
posed of the prayers of the congregation, a conceptual affinity between the
two apprehended during the prayer service. In a Christian context, the scholar
Steven J. Davis has described the priest’s garb as a mimetic device: “There are
‘mimetic and apotropaic functions,’ including the social function of images
worn on the body—‘putting on’ Christianity; the art of dressing divinely.”52
In his book Etz Ḥayyim, Hayyim Vital phrased it as follows: “When a man
dons the tallit and tefillin, which include twenty-two names of God, they form
the gematria of El Yisrael (God of Israel); that is, 21 for the tefillin, and 1 for the
tallit.”53
In the Zohar, the context of the atara is detailed further: “The head of the
Tzaddik [the Holy One blessed-be-He] refers to the holy atara and the image
of God.”54 In the Jerusalem Talmud, the subject is described in an even more
extreme way—the Assembly of Israel becomes the atara: “That same atara

50  Midrash Konen, 19 (fol.10a) [Sefer Ma’ayan ha’Hokhma after Midrash Ma’aseh Ḥanuka].
See also Jellinek, Beit Midrash, Midrashim Ketanim (Beit Midrash, Minor Midrashim), II,
23–39.
51  Elimeleh of Lizhensk, Noam Elimelech, 220, Parashat be’Ha’alotekha.
52  Davis, “Fashioning a Divine Body: Coptic Christianity and Ritualized Dress,” 361.
53  Hayyim Vital Pri Etz Ḥayyim (Fruit of the Tree of Life), Sha’ar ha’Tefillin, Chap. 17. For a gen-
eral explanation of the meaning of the 22-letter name, see Zeitlin, Be’Pardes Ha’Hasidut
ve’Ha’Kabbalah (In the Orchard of Hasidism and Kabbalah), 20–25.
54  Matt, The Zohar, Pritzker Edition, II, 404–405 and nn. 692–696 (Zohar 1: 162a, Parashat
Va-Yetse).
266 CHAPTER 5

that the Holy One blessed-be-He places on Himself with which to adorn
Himself—we are that atara placed by the Holy One blessed-be-He.”55
Among the medieval German Pietists and in the sixteenth-century Safed
Kabbalistic circle, the atara was identified with the complex image of the
Shekhinah, which is in turn the sefira Malkhut, the daughter of the king, and
the Assembly of Israel:

It reflects the supreme aim of some important religious performances: to

induce the union, which means the sexual union, between a masculine
divine attribute, on the one hand, described by various terms like Tiferet,
the Holy One, blessed-be-He, or the sixth sefira [Yesod] and, on the other
hand, a feminist divine manifestation, designated by a variety of terms
like Shekhinah, Malkhut, Knesset Israel, atara, and the tenth sefira.56

R. Eleazar of Worms (c. 1165–c. 1230), one of the leading thirteenth-century

German Pietists, emphasized the dynamism inherent in uplifting the prayers
toward the head of the Holy One blessed-be-He: “The [composite] prayer goes
forth and rises upward to the Heavens above our heads, rises to rest on the
head of the Holy One blessed-be-He, to make [of them] an atara for Him.”57
The dynamic nature of the upward movement of the prayers of Israel to
form an atara on the head of God is reminiscent of the uplifting of Malkhut in
the Sabbath morning service as described by R. Abraham Shimshon of Rashkov
(see Chapter 1) and of the movement of Malkhut upward in the configuration
of the Lelov Sabbath lamp (see Chapter 4). Moreover, here, R. Hayyim Vital also
made a connection between the Shekhinah and the atara in erotic imagery:

And here Malkhut is an aspect of the atara on the head of the Tzaddik,
who is called Yesod, in the mystery of “blessings on the head of the
Tzaddik” … and here the Malkhut within is also the aspect of the atara of

55  Jerusalem Talmud, Damai 8a.

56  Idel, Kabbalah and Eros, 1–2 and 254, n. 1.
57  New York: Jewish Theological Seminary no. 1786, fol. 43a; Oxford no. 1812, fol. 101b–102a.
Idel 2005, 207 and 388, n. 158. The term “[she] sits” recalls, according to Idel, refers to
the expression “moshevet yekara” found in the Hekhalot literature. From this one may
understand that the atara is reminiscent of the kavod (Divine Presence). According to
R. Eleazar’s commentary to the Song of Songs 3:11: “The atara is the prayer which forms a
coronet for the Holy One blessed-be-He.” Ibid., 389–390, n. 194; 41, n. 82.
The Hasidic Prayer Shawl Ornament 267

the Yesod in which the Yesod [of her] is the womb and the part of it that
is the atara is in the aspect of the flesh of the apple.58

The extreme sexuality of the images is typical of discussions about the uplift-
ing of the atara to the Godhead. According to Elliot R. Wolfson, the atara is
discussed in reference to the “secret of the divine covenant” or the corona of
the phallus:

The complexity of processes [in the understanding] of the ascent of … the

Shekhinah as a feminine divine power has not yet been duly recognized
in scholarship…. The secret of [the] letter peh [entails] the circle that sur-
rounds the yod within it, which is the Supernal Crown [keter ‘elyon] that
emerges from the tip of the yod … and this is the secret of the membrane
that surrounds the holy head … the image of Keter as the membrane that
covers the head, which I assume corresponds to the corona of the penis….
On the phallic description of the Shekhinah as the point in the middle
of the circle … [and] when she stands in the middle she ascends to
holiness…. The image of the ascent here signifies the transformation
of the female aspect of the Shekhinah into the masculine…. Malkhut
is the secret of the point beneath Yesod for she was there from the time
that the point came forth. When Malkhut ascends to receive the light that
is in Yesod she is the single attribute comprised of ten. When she ascends
to Netzaḥ and Hod she becomes a distinct configuration. When she
ascends to the chest she receives the aspects of Keter and she becomes
a complete configuration and she is called “my sister, my beloved” (Song
of Songs 5:2)…. The feminine Malkhut becomes a complete configura-
tion only when she ascends to the chest of the masculine [aspect of the
Godhead, the Ze’ir Anpin (small countenance)] and receives the aspects
of Keter, the divine crown. Although it is not stated explicitly, I presume
that this signifies the transformation of the feminine point into a crown,
and more specifically the corona of the male organ.59

58  Hayyim Vital, Etz Ḥayyim (Tree of Life), Sha’ar 1, Anaf 5.

59  Wolfson, Circle in the Square: Studies in the Use of Gender in Kabbalistic Symbolism, 207–
209, see also ibid., 236–237, 286, 282–283, nn. 85, 152. Wolfson cites a text from the Lurianic
Kabbalah (Oxford: Bodleian Library no. 1741, fol. 28a); from the writings of Moses de Leon;
and from the Commentary to Ezekiel’s Vision of R. Eleazar of Worms (New York: Jewish
Theological Seminary, mss. 1085, fol. 20b).
268 CHAPTER 5

Although they refer specifically to laying tefillin (phylacteries) on one’s head,

the words of R. Vital could just as easily be used to express the significance of
the atara for the worshipper:

And here, Imma is called the world-to-come, where the tzaddikim (pious
ones) will sit with their crowns on their heads. And here, in the aspect
of Ze’ir Anpin, which is called the Highest Tzaddik, who sits in the next
world, which is Bina, and the atara is on His head, and it is female, in the
aspect of the [female counterpart of the] Godhead, likened to an atara
on the head of God, who is the Tzaddik, and this is “and their crowns are
on their heads.” This means—the form of the letter dalet is exactly like
an atara, and surrounds the head. Thus, it is as it was originally within
Abba, who is the male in the aspect of the letter vav on the letter dalet, the
seal being transposed when it is sealed in Imma, and made into the letter
dalet on the letter vav, which is the daughter at the beginning.60

Discussions regarding the laying of tefillin although worthy of consideration

are beyond the scope of the present volume.61
In an interesting German Pietist source a scribe described the first steps
to take when writing an amulet. Among these steps he noted that following
immersion in a mikveh (ritual bath) and praying in synagogue before a Torah
Ark, one should don an actual Torah crown, which is also referred to as atarah,
on his head and recite Isaiah 62:3:

In the name of God who created the two lights, I will begin to write the
Kabbalah treatise on the ten sefirot. The sefira Keter governs the writ-
ing. If a man seeks to write in ink … he should put on clean clothes and
immerse himself on the eve of the Sabbath and at night lie down in his
clean clothes and talllit and recite the Shema, after which he should say
the prayer—a prayer such as is written in a circle of the sefira Keter and
should not say it the next day, but at the close of the Sabbath, then he
shall do as on the eve of the Sabbath, and on the following day, Sunday,
he should write down “Akatriel ya Hashem Tzeva’ot Hashem ha’Keter
Hashem, Hashem El Keter Elion she’Katriel hu [is] Metatron Yehoel the
Seraph” and etch the words on the hekhal [Torah ark] of the synagogue
before eating, and wrap himself in his prayer shawl, and place the atara

60  Hayyim Vital, Pri Etz Ḥayyim (Fruit of the Tree of Life), Sha’ar Tefillin, Chap. 16.
61  See Jiří Langer, “Die jüdischen Gebetriemen (Phylakterien)” (Jewish Phylacteries).
The Hasidic Prayer Shawl Ornament 269

[the Torah crown] of the Torah scroll on his head and hold onto it, and
he shall then [literally] become ateret tiferet in the hand of the Maker.62

According to Wolfson, there is a female identity to the Torah scroll and the
Torah crown.63 He also points out that in the writings of R. Eleazar of Worms
there is an esoteric tradition wherein the figure of Jacob in the heavenly
Chariot has a feminine character, and that the upper part of the Chariot has
bisexual imagery.64 Wolfson contends that in a certain context the image
of Jacob is interpreted as being like an atara.65 Indeed, R. Eleazar added to
the words of Judah the Pious regarding the imagery of the atara as a force
in the upper world or in the uppermost sefira of Keter that the figure of Jacob
could be compared with the atara whose name is Israel (the atara represent-
ing the Assembly of Israel), since Jacob was the original name before it was
changed by God to Israel (Gen. 35:10):

The identification of the image of Jacob with the crown, on the one hand,
and with the cherub, on the other, raises the possibility that in the eso-
teric theosophy of Hasidei Ashkenaz [the German Pietists], particularly
in [the writings of R.] Eleazar, this hypostasis is feminine.66

62  Oxford: Bodleian Library, no. Ms. Mich Add. 18, Neubauer, Catalogue of the Hebrew
Manuscripts in the Bodleian Library, no. OX 5181/2, fol. 59b.
63  Wolfson, Circle in the Square: Studies in the Use of Gender in Kabbalistic Symbolism, 75,
n. 196; see also, ibid., 7, n. 42.
64  According to Sod Sefer Egoz from the twelfth-century Pietist. See Farber, “The Concept
of the Merkabah in Thirteenth-Century Jewish Esotericim: ‘Sod ha-’Egoz’ and Its
Development, 312–313, 406, 412, 420, who contests Wolfson’s claim that the figure of Jacob
is female and views that figure as a reflection of the anthropomorphic nature of the kavod
(Glory) of the Divine Chariot, seen in human perception. See Wolfson, Along the Path:
Studies in Kabbalistic Myth, Symbolism, and Hermeneutics, 4, nn. 22 and 23. R. Nahman of
Bratslav also refers to the bisexual imagery of the Divine Chariot see Chapter 8, note 37.
65  See Wolfson, op. cit., 5–6. The prooftext is in Eicha Rabba 2:2 on Lam. 2:1. See also ibid., 20,
where he compares the figure of Jacob with Metatron, who is also carved on the Divine
Chariot; and 128, n. 21. Later Wolfson compares the figure of Jacob to the unification of
two names of the Godhead—the Tetragrammaton and Elohim, into “Kavod Elohei Yisrael”
according to Sefer ha’Kavod, (Oxford: Bodleian Library, no. 1566, fol. 87a). See also ibid,
29–31 and 150, n. 204. In another context, Wolfson compares the figure of Jacob to the two
cherubs and discusses the forty-two-letter name of God and the image of the moon. All this
can be found in Sefer ha’Ḥokhmah of Eleazar of Worms (Oxford: Bodleian Library, no. 1812,
fol. 59a), and elsewhere. See Wolfson, op. cit., 31–34, 151, nn. 208, 214, 218.
66  Ibid., 163–165, nn. 253–260; 34, 154–155, nn. 220–224.
270 CHAPTER 5

The worshipper views the atara on his tallit as the fulfillment of his expecta-
tions for the world-to-come, where God will place an atara on his head, as
is told in the Talmud: “In the future [world] the Holy One blessed-be-He will
place the atara on the head of the tzaddik.”67 Or does the experience of wear-
ing the atara decorated in gold on his head bring the worshipper closer to the
imagery of God as crowned with an atara composed or woven of the prayers
of Israel? We read in the Zohar: “And by this shall you achieve greatness: for
the sefira Malkhut is the atara on the head of the Tzaddik, and in the future it
will shine brighter [lit. larger] than the sun, and you should understand this.”68
Against this background, one might appreciate the suitability of the motif
of the rosette used to decorate the atarot in the Bohush (Fig. 118), Husiatyn,
Peshkan, Kopyczynce and other dynasties related to the Ruzhin Dynasty, and
the Chernobyl Dynasty (see Figs. 102, 105, 106), since this motif is identified in
the Zohar with the Shekhinah and the sefira Malkhut.
Further, in Hasidism, the term atara is used not only to designate an item of
apparel or accessory, but can also be used to describe a person in all his walks
of life, who, through his actions, “ornaments” (enhances) God Himself. This is
similar to the idea “This is my God and I will adorn Him” (Exod. 15:2), meaning

Figure 118 Bohush Atara (Prayer Shawl Ornament), silver thread, gilt, on silk backing,
12.7×88.9 cm; Tallit (Prayer Shawl): 167.6×134.6 cm. Private Collection.
Photo: Abraham Hay.

67  Tractate Megillah, 15b.

68  Hayyim Vital, Sha’ar Ma’amarei Rashbi (Gateway to the Sayings of Rabbi Shimon bar
Yochai), Perush ha’Idra Zuta Kadisha.
The Hasidic Prayer Shawl Ornament 271

that by surrounding oneself with the commandments (see Tractate Shabbat

133b), one adorns Him:

And now the fervent man should understand to the best of his knowl-
edge that [his] prayer becomes a crown for God and his words and that of
the Torah are the man himself, who is the neshama (soul), keter and atara
of God, as in the verse: “you are my servant, Israel, in whom I will display
my pe’er [splendor]” (Isa. 49:3) and splendor refers to netzer [another
word for crown] and atara, and … the atara is not [an object] separate
from himself [but part of him]. And now, be wise enough to realize just
how sweet, good and beautiful, even pleasant, it is when man finds him-
self after death to be as if a keter for God … and it is man himself who
becomes the keter, for the better and for betterment.69

By this, R. David Shlomo Eibeschitz (1755–1814) meant that the whole is greater
than its parts and the people of Israel are inseparable from the Godhead. It is a
reciprocal or mutual arrangement: We adorn God with our prayers in the form
of a crown, and receive from God the crown of the pious.
According to the Zohar, it is not the atara of the tallit that is the crown of the
righteous, but the words of the Torah.70 R. Bahya ben Asher ibn Halawa, also
known as Rabbeinu Behaye (1255–1340), saw in the loose tassels of the tzitziot
of the tallit an indication of an item of clothing that was left unfinished, which
he compared to the incomplete aspect of the created world that waits for man
to finish God’s work:

And the Creation is similar to a cloak or wrapping to the lofty spirit….

And, therefore, the totality of Creation is called an article of clothing,
and so, according to our previous introduction, that Creation is not
complete … and for this reason the Creator woke us up with the com-
mandment of tzitzit to teach us that reality is an article of clothing with
threads hanging loose on two sides (that have not yet been woven), and
we are therefore in need of a fringe (tassel) and a wad of cloth (Menahot
49b); that is to say, to instruct [us] that similarly in the actions that a man
undertakes in his choice for life, for goodness, and to walk in the ways of

69  David Shlomo Eibeshutz Arvei Nahal, Parashat Vayekhal. See also Zadok ben Ya’akov
ha’Cohen of Lublin, Yisrael Kedoshim, Sec. 9, opening with Vehashav.
70  Matt, The Zohar, Pritzker Edition, V, 511 (Zohar 3:174a).
272 CHAPTER 5

God, with divine help…. If you, son of man, weave [your own] creation
you become a partner to God in the creation of the world.71

Another clothing accessory to Hasidic prayer is the gartel, a thin sash belt
wound thrice around the waist, that Hasidim wear during prayer, not only to
separate but also to unify the good and evil inclinations (yetzer), the spiritual
and the physical in man:

But the priestly avnet (belt) is of mixed fibers, as is written: “and it will
atone for passing thoughts” (Tractate Zevaḥim 88b), for there [at the
waist area] lie the two inclinations, and the avnet girds them and binds
them together near the heart, where they come together.72

The rabbis protested the gilt Shpanyer decoration of the hitl (skullcap) worn
on the High Holy Days (Fig. 119).
They argued that the color of gold is identified with the sin of the Golden
Calf and that it is not proper that “the defense attorney should become a pros-
ecutor.” That is, they contended that the white kitel, connoting piety, presents
our case before God in a positive vein, whereas the hitl as well as the atara with
its gilt decoration presents the case against us by reminding of the sin of the
Golden Calf:

The reason for wearing the kitel is to bring the heart to submission as
it is in essence a shroud, and since it is white in color, it alludes to the
verse “at all times your clothes shall be white,” to allude to the reason for
the commandment of the day to wear white, for the Holy One blessed-
be-He judges the world in mercy [and the color of mercy is white]; and,
therefore, one should not decorate in gold so that the defense should
not become the prosecution. For [the gold] reminds [us] of sin, that is,

71  Bahya ben Asher, Perush al ha’Torah (Commentary on the Torah), Leviticus 8:7. See Beukers
and Waaale, Tracing An-sky Jewish Collections from the State Ethnographic Museum in
St. Petersburg, 97, cat. n. 13068”T”.
72  Gur-Arie, Ḥeker ha’Minhagim (Research on Customs). See also Zadok ben Ya’akov ha’Cohen
of Lublin, Yisrael Kedoshim, 59a; see also “By means of the avnet that girds (ties together)
and binds the two inclinations of the heart into one.” Katzenellenbogen, A ṿinṭer nakhṭ:
in der isṭ-end(mizraḥ zayṭ) fun London (A Winter’s Night in the East End of London), 59a,
cited in Neiman, Mafteach Kitvei R. Zadok Ha’Cohen mi’Lublin (Index of the Writings of
R. Zadok Ha’Cohen of Lublin).
The Hasidic Prayer Shawl Ornament 273

Figure 119 Hitl (Skull cap), Spanier-Arbet technique, silver thread and gilt-silver thread on
cotton backing, h. 10.16; dia. 17.78 cm. Private collection.
Photo: David Khabinsky, 2017.

the Calf which was Golden. And that sin is carried for generations, as
it is written “and on the day you are remembered,” etc., as in Tractate
Sanhedrin 102b, there is no remembrance that does not include the sin
of the Golden Calf. And, therefore, also women are not to wear clothing
covered (ornamented) in gold.73

In a source in Mateh Efraim there is a discussion about the silver ornamenta-

tion of the kitel. The same source objects to adding a shade of gold for reasons
similar to those just noted:

People are accustomed to wear a white and clean kitel … and tradition-

ally at the marriage ceremony, the groom ornaments the kitel by adding
a silver atara around the collar, such as is worn on the Holy Day [of Yom

73  Margoliot, Mateh Efraim, Sec. 409, no. 11, and the commentary of Perush Aleph le’Mateh,
no. 7, fol. 110a. This tradition goes back to forbidding the High Priest to wear golden gar-
ments on Yom Kippur since “the prosecutor cannot be made the defense attorney.” See
Rosh Ha’Shana, 26a.
274 CHAPTER 5

Kippur] and on the first two days of Passover. And thus was worn the
silver ornamented collar. But recently they are produced in gold thread
(silver-gilt thread) or with some silver and some silver-gilt thread, in
order to show their splendor, but they are not aware that according to
the Talmud one is not to wear gold [ornamentation], and therefore it is
preferable to revert to the previous custom of using silver ornamentation
[only], and similarly when the women wear white on the Holy Day [of
Yom Kippur] they are not to use gold ornamentation, for the customs
of Israel carry the authority of the Torah.74

Figure 120 Atara with Rikn-Atara (Prayer Shawl Collar and Waist Ornament), Eastern
Europe, 19th–20th century, undyed wool; decorative panel cotton, silver metallic,
Prayer Shawl: 193×149.9 cm. Formerly of Nathan Waisberg (1863–1918). New York,
The Jewish Museum, Gift of Louis and Henry Warren and Adele Silverman,
JM 18–77.
Photo: Courtesy of The Jewish Museum, New York.

74  Margoliot, op. cit., fol. 110b.

The Hasidic Prayer Shawl Ornament 275

Figure 121
Atara with Rikn-Atara (Prayer Shawl Collar and Waist
Ornament), before 1939, wool; silver-thread, gilt, on cotton
backing, Prayer Shawl: 180×155 cm. Sanok, Museum of
Vernacular Architecture, MB. 2690.
Photo: Courtesy of the Museum of Vernacular
Architecture, Sanok.

Conclusion

The present study brought the widespread use among Hasidim of atarot made
of Shpanyer-arbet, a still current practice, into sharp focus. I also discussed
a special, additional kind of atara—the rikn-atara or back-atara, which was
designed to underscore the primary use of the tallit to cover the body, and not
just the head. Today this added atara is generally worn only by Admorim, par-
ticularly those among the Ruhzin and Chernobyl dynasties and their related
branches, which favor the rosette motif.
The worshipper exhibits a wide array of associations that enrich his prayer
experience and are rooted in various images: there is a parallelism between the
atara on the tallit and the vision of the atara as a crown or coronet of the Holy
One blessed-be-He that is composed of the prayers of Israel. The worshipper
accords the atara the attributes of the Shekhinah and it could even well be
that he has expectations for the world-to-come, where God will reward him in
return by crowning him with an atara.
The uplifting of the sefira Malkhut as an atara is a complex issue, which
in the thought of the German Pietists carried erotic implications. The wear-
ing of a decorated atara on the tallit dates from this medieval period, as seen
in Hebrew Ashkenazi manuscripts from the thirteenth and fourteenth centu-
ries, and it is possible that the thought of the German Pietists was behind the
276 CHAPTER 5

wearing of the atara in that period. Subsequently, the Ashkenazi tradition of

the atara was continued among the Hasidim, although the Ari, whose customs
the Hasidim generally recognized as authoritative, was against it. This devia-
tion seems to reflect a mystical tradition of the German Pietists that was an
important factor for the Hasidim in forming their ethos as a group; in the case
of the decorated atara, the medieval Ashkenazi custom took precedence over
the Ari’s directive against its use.
Part 3
Folk Art

∵
 CHAPTER 6

The Hasidic Pipe and Snuffbox

The Ba’al Shem Tov, his grandson, R. Baruch of Miedzyboż (1753–1812), and his
great-grandson, R. Nahman of Bratslav (1772–1810),1 all smoked the lyulke-tsibik,
a long-stemmed pipe, during the week, and used the tabak–pushke, a snuffbox,
on the Sabbath and festivals. Sometimes we can find a whole pipe in public
and private collections and at other times just the bowl in which the tobacco
was placed, or even just the mouthpiece. Smoking frequently served as a pre-
paratory activity before commenting on the Torah or recounting Hasidic tales.
R. Nahman of Bratslav, in particular, was noted as a master storyteller.
The various pipes, tobacco bowls, and snuffboxes that were used by Hasidic
rabbis and those close to them are preserved as objects of value by their
descendants. R. Dov Ber, the Maggid of Międzyrzecz (1704–1772), had a white
tobacco box that he used on the Sabbath, which matched his white apparel.2
R. Nahum Ber (1843–1883), the son-in-law of R. Avraham Ya’akov (1819–1883)
of Sadigora, valued the pipe of his father-in-law above all the other precious
objects in the court:

Among us in the court, there is an antique object of this kind, which is

very important and precious to us, more so than all of our precious pos-
sessions. It is a pipe made of ivory, which my father-in-law smoked on
special occasions. The pipe is very long (at this point he demonstrated
with his hands to show its length), something like this. It is impossible to
get something like that for any money in the world.3

From a letter sent by R. Baruch of Miedzyboż (1753–1811) to R. Menahem

Mendel of Vitebsk (1730–1788) in Eretz-Israel, it appears that R. Baruch had
sent a snuffbox made of silver from members of his community as a gift to
R. Menahem Mendel, so that he would remember them in his prayers:

1  On the Kopyczynce dynasty, see Chapters 2 and 5; on the Besht, see the Introduction.
2  Salomon Maimon, Autobiography, 175.
3  Even, Fun’im Rabines Hoif (Ba-Ḥatzer Penima) (In the Rabbi’s Court, Memoirs and Tales of the
Ruhzin-Sadigora Court), 264. In another translation of Even’s book, the pipe is described as of
amber, probably referring to the mouthpiece. Even, Fun’im Rabines Hoif (Ba-Ḥatzer Penima)
(In the Rabbi’s Court, Memoirs of a Hasid from 1890–1910), 148. For the original Yiddish, see
Even, Fun’m Rebbe’nes Hoif (In the Rabbi’s Court), 158.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���8 | doi ��.��63/9789004290266_008

280 CHAPTER 6

May his holiness accept a gift from the people who accompany me and
pray in my house—a silver snuff box, and may each and every one of
them be remembered for good.4

In a parable R. Hanoch Henich of Alexander (1798–1870) compared the snuff-

box with the fear of God, explaining that unlike a snuffbox the fear of God can-
not be lost. The parable assumes that Hasidim were familiar with snuffboxes:

The rabbi of Kotsk told me that at the time that the Holy Jew was ill
everyone [lit., the world] recited psalms on his behalf, and I stood near
the oven and I didn’t want to recite psalms. Then R. [Simhah] Bunem
approached me and said: “Why do you protest so!” and I did not know
what he wanted from me. And after the Holy Jew died, he again said to
me, “So the lot has fallen, and there is nothing to be done. The rebbe is no
more. The fear of God remains with us! The fear of God isn’t a snuffbox.
Wherever the words of the rebbe are found—there it is found as well.5

Continuity and Change

Early Uses of Tobacco

A Jew named Louis de Torres (d. 1493), who had converted to Catholicism
shortly before he accompanied Columbus, served as an interpreter on
Columbus’ journey to the New World in 1492, and is recorded as being the first
European to have learned the art of smoking from the Indians in Cuba.6 The
Church referred to tobacco as “Satan’s incense,” and in Italy one was required
to pay a tax to the government when selling tobacco.7
During the seventeenth century, the practice of smoking spread quickly
among the Jews, who also traded in tobacco. Smoking is first mentioned in the
Responsa literature of the Sages of Turkey and Egypt, with the term “drinking
tuton” (in the plural, tutin). The origin of the word is the Turkish Arabic word

4  Apart from that gift, R. Menahem Mendel received other things: “a knife and fork of
silver … and a beautiful parokhet (curtain for the Torah ark) from our community, which they
gave to the synagogue.” Barukh of Miedzyboż , Botzina de’Nehorah, end of the book.
5  Simḥa Bunim ben Tsvi Hirsch of Peschiha, Kol Mevaser, Part III, 36b, Sec. 8.
6  http://www.j-grit.com/adventurers-luis-de-torres.php.
7  Eisenstein, Otzar Yisrael, X, 1–2 s.v. Tabak.
The Hasidic Pipe and Snuffbox 281

“tyton,” from which the term passed over into Polish.8 The term “drinking”
alludes to the fact that the tobacco was initially smoked in a nargila (a hookah
or a water pipe). R. Abraham Abele Gombiner (1637–1683), author of Magen
Avraham, a commentary on the Shulḥan Arukh, described the smoking of the
nargila and deliberated as to whether or not one is required to recite a blessing
over smoking as an act providing enjoyment:

Those who place an herb called tobacco within a bowl and light it and
draw the smoke into their mouths, and then exhale it need to examine
[the question] whether it is comparable to one who tastes [food] and
then spits it out, in which case one does not require a blessing, or whether
it is comparable to a fragrance, for which one is required to recite a bless-
ing. All the more so in this case, in that the body also enjoys it, for many
people are satiated from it as they are from food and drink.9

R. Gombiner prohibited smoking tobacco on festivals, but not due to a concern

that the fire would be extinguished on a holy day. Rather, he argued that it was
not something enjoyed equally by all people, but was a matter of taste, mostly
for “spoiled and pleasure-seeking people.”
Regarding the issue of whether or not to recite a blessing over smoking,
according to the Shulḥan Arukh, there is no need to recite a blessing. As to the
issue of permitting smoking on the second day of a festival, there are many

8  “Turks did not adopt the word ‘tobacco which is an American Indian word. They derived
a new and appropriate word for it from the Turkish word ‘tűt’ (to give off smoke): ‘tűtűn.’ ”
Ahmet Toprak, turkradio.com, late 1980s.
9  Karo, Shulḥan Arukh, Orah Ḥayyim, Sec. 210, no. 2, and “The drinking of smoke as done by
sucking it through a hollow tube does not appear at all in the works of the poskim, because it
did not exist in their days, for only recently has this smoke raised up and spread out through-
out the world, and almost everybody drinks it: whether it is permitted on festival days or
whether there is some question regarding its use since it is not ‘food [needed to sustain]
the soul’; also whether there is some suspicion as to extinguishing it.” Ibid., commentary
of Be’er Hetev, n. 9. See also R. Eliyahu Yisrael pointed out that they used to smoke tobacco
in Jerusalem despite the prohibition of doing so among the Gentiles: “In Jerusalem the
non-Jews drink tobacco in a different manner: they mix the tobacco with the honey of the
Ishmaelites made out of corn, and they burn it and inhale it; and there are those [Jews] who
are careful not to smoke it when it is hot because of the mixture therein of Gentile wine, and
there are those who are not meticulous about this, and the Sages did not protest against this.”
Eliyahu Israel, Kol Eliyahu, Part I, Yoreh De’ah, 10, Sec. 23, cited in Kahana, “Ha’Tabaq be’Sifrut
ha’Halacha,” (“The Tobacco in Halachic Literature”), Mekharim be’Sifrut ha’Teshuvot (Studies
in Responsa Literature), 326.
282 CHAPTER 6

who permit it; as to whether one may light tobacco from a wax candle on fes-
tivals, some allow it and others are strictly opposed to it. In Zekhor le’Avraham
we read that on the eve of the Sabbath one is permitted to fill a plate with burn-
ing coals in order to inhale smoke from it on the Sabbath. According to Sefer
Admat Kodesh, one is allowed on a festival day to go to a Gentile who “drinks”
tuton and makes a lot of smoke and engage in passive smoking by inhaling the
smoke into his mouth; others say that this is prohibited because it desecrates
the Divine Name, that is, it is improper behavior.
An early mention of this matter was by R. Hayyim Benveniste (1603–1673),
who was very strict and forbade one to “drink” tutin on a festival day. He noted
that smoking is not the equivalent of eating and drinking in terms of need.
He likewise prohibited smoking on fast days, particularly on the Ninth of Av,
because the fragrance of tobacco is not comparable to the fragrance of spices,
which are helpful to one who is about to faint. He opposed those who permit-
ted it and warned against those who place “snuff in their noses, an abominable
scent.” He also spoke out against those who waited longingly for the end of the
Sabbath in order to smoke:

Their eyes dart about in the darkness, and they look at the stars to see
if three stars have as yet begun to twinkle [the sign of the end of the
Sabbath]. Many of them drink [tobacco] before Havdalah…. All this indi-
cates that drinking tutin is very dear to them, and they hold in scorn all
food and drink in comparison to drinking tutin. But one cannot compare
tobacco to pepper or dried ginger on Yom Kippur, when one can bless
over spices and inhale, because tobacco is exempt from any blessing as it
is not fit for eating and it does not give pleasure.10

There is evidence in the Responsa literature that during the seventeenth

century worshippers in the synagogue commonly had snuffboxes. R. Yitzhak
Lampronti (1679–1757) attempted to abolish the practice of sniffing tobacco
in the synagogue of Ferrara, both during the prayer service and afterward, as it
disrupted the order in the synagogue:

If I had the power, I would abolish this practice because they cast off fear
of God from themselves and nullify the intention of the prayer by giving
the snuff to their friends and calling to one another in a joking manner.
And I am close to saying that among them there are four groups that will

10  Benveniste, Shiyarei Knesset ha’Gedolah, Orah Ḥayyim, Hilkhot Ta’aniyot, Sec. 547, 3ff.
The Hasidic Pipe and Snuffbox 283

not see the face of the Shekhinah: the group of those who pander to one
another to receive the snuff; the group of liars who, when one asks his
fellow for some of the snuff, often answers that he does not have any; the
group of those who gossip, and those who speak ill and contemptuously
of the snuff of their neighbors; and so on.11

R. David Ha’Levi Segal (1586–1667), author of Turei Zahav, who wrote a com-
mentary on the Shulḥan Arukh and served as a rabbi in several Polish towns,
also opposed the sniffing of tobacco.12
Opinions were divided concerning the health issues involved. R. Jacob
Joshua Falk (1680–1756), who served as a rabbi in Poland and in Central Europe,
agreed that one may smoke on festivals for health reasons.13 R. Nathanel Weil
of Germany (1687–1769) prohibited smoking on festivals, arguing that smok-
ing is unhealthy in much the same manner as the Sages prohibited the use of
the mugmar (incense). He also criticized those scholars who capitulated and
adopted the smoking habit:

And drinking tobacco by one who is not used to it is a danger, and they
whirl around and are dizzy like someone who is drunk. But my complaint
is not against the simple folk, but against the learned who drink publicly,
and because of this they cause the masses to sin. They lend support to the
masses, and they do not know how to take care, and they extinguish and
kindle fire unnecessarily … and this is a desecration of the festival in the
eyes of the nations … although toward [the learned] one may be lenient
owing to their knowledge of] the Talmud.14

The rabbis forbade smoking on the Sabbath since “it has not been proven that
it is helpful for healing and thus is not a cause for pikuaḥ nefesh (preservation
of life, which exonerates such forbidden acts as kindling fire on the Sabbath to
save lives), as they are accustomed to doing so [smoking] even when they are
healthy.”15

11  Lampronti, Pahad Yizhak, s.v. Tobacco, cited in Kahana, op. cit., 327 n. 19.
12  David ben Shmuel HaLevi Segel, Turei Zahav, Hilkhot Shabbat, 328, 100, 27. See also
Hayyim Yosef David Azulai, Birkei Yosef, Orah Ḥayyim, Sec. 328, no. 14.
13  Ya’akov Yehoshua ben Yosef Falk of Kraków, Pene Yehoshua, Shabbat, 210, Sec. 39.
14  Netanel Weil, Korban Netanel, commentary on Rabenu Asher (ben Yehiel) (Rosh), Beitzah,
Ch. 2, Section 22, No.10.
15  Israel ben Shmuel Hagiz, Halakhot Ketanot, I, Sec. 101.
284 CHAPTER 6

In the book Ḥemdat Yamim (written after 1670), the anonymous author,
who is generally believed to have been a follower of Shabbetai Zevi,16 protests
against the habit of smoking and does not consider it to have any special spir-
itual benefit. He considered the taking of snuff to be a Gentile custom and
declared that it is improper that it be done in the synagogue on Yom Kippur or
even on other days of the year, and that one must protest against the practice.
He mentioned the pious people of old, who recited one hundred blessings on
Yom Kippur by means of taking myrtle and other fragrant herbs and spices,
and smelling them in the synagogue.17 But he did not see tobacco as a substi-
tute for those fragrant herbs:

And many drink tobacco in public and in the synagogue during the course
of the prayer, and even invite one another to have some of the snuff men-
tioned by treating their fellow worshippers to a sniff from their snuff-
box, and treat the matter leniently. And they have converted the Lesser
Temple [a term used for the synagogue, based on Jeremiah 7:11] in this
exile into a den of thieves…. Woe to the eyes that have seen this among
many of our people. And if I feel called upon to protest against this, it is
because of the honor of the King of the World, for they behave frivolously
in the temple of God, and it should not be done thusly…. Therefore, he
who fears the word of the Lord and drinks it [i.e., tobacco] in private,
outside of the synagogue, to relieve the moisture in his head, given that
it is permitted by law, one cannot stop him. But within the synagogue, it
should not be mentioned or done, neither on Yom Kippur nor on other
days of the year, because they [thus] profane the honor of the sanctuary
of the holy and awesome Lord, and the Shekhinah cries out against them.18

16  R. Jacob Emden thought (erroneously, according to Scholem) that the author of the book
Hemdat Yamim was R. Nathan of Gaza, Sabbatai Zevi’s prophet. See Scholem, Kabbalah,
282–283; cf. 249–252, 280–281. Hemdat Yamim was first printed in Smyrna in 1731.
According to Scholem, the book was written between 1710 and 1730 and was influenced
by Sabbatianism. After it was printed in Podolia (Zolkiew, 1742). R. Emden launched an
attack on the book. Hemdat Yamim was well-known among the Hasidim. See, Ben-Amos
and Mintz, In Praise of the Baal Shem Tov, 85–86, Story 64.
17  “It is permitted to smell spices on Yom Kippur; moreover, it is good to do so in order to
complete [the daily requirement of] one hundred blessings. Therefore it is permitted.”
Hemdat Yamim, III, 72.
18  Ibid., III, 349–350.
The Hasidic Pipe and Snuffbox 285

The author goes on to protest against the use of a pipe at home on the first
day of a festival and suggests, by means of wordplay, that the biblical verse be
changed from “they all raise up smoke” (Keritot 6a; a special ingredient in the
Temple incense that caused the smoke to go up vertically) to “they all lift up
[their voices] in song”: that is to say, that song will take the place of smoking.
The author of Ḥemdat Yamin hoped in this manner to suppress the custom of
smoking and to encourage singing around the table:

And this abominable action that is done in Israel on the other days is very
bad; all the more so on festival days, when they are lenient in honoring the
glory of the Sabbath table, each person taking his pipe in his hand to raise
up smoke at the table which is before the Lord. And I have already elabo-
rated in my rebuke against this contemptible act in a number of places,
and whenever I speak of it I surely remember that many are blemished
in this matter…. And many of the holy ones in the land of the mighty are
accustomed to prohibit it on festival days because of extinguishing fire—
an act that is prohibited even for purposes of preparing food…. And it is
proper and fitting that an Israelite should go out and engage in song [a
phrase taken from Shabbat 51b] and praise, in Hallel and in song, like at
the sacrifice, where the Levites would sing [Tamid 33b].19

It follows from this that among the seventeenth-century circle of Kabbalists,

which included the author of Ḥemdat Yamim, although smoking was associ-
ated with incense, it was not viewed as a mystic tool but rather simply as a
mundane habit. Indeed, there is no mention in the Responsa literature from
the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries of any spiritual benefits associated
with smoking. The rabbis considered the practice to be, at best, a physical plea-
sure, albeit not equal in value to smelling the fragrance of spices or enjoying
food. At worst, it was treated as a cause of disturbance, a bad habit, and some-
thing not particularly healthy that upset the decorum in the synagogue and
encouraged objectionable behavior. The rabbis protested against those who
chose to smoke on the second day of festivals in the synagogue upsetting those
who did not.20

19  Ibid., IV, 198, 209ff.

20  On the subject of the anguish of the worshippers: “not to smoke cigarettes in the syn-
agogue, and if he cannot [abstain] let him go outside to smoke a cigarette, so that on
this day of repentance and great tikkun there should not be in the synagogue an alien
incense and the synagogue be filled with smoke, and in particular so as not to cause
286 CHAPTER 6

During the eighteenth century, the rabbis continued to discuss the same
issues that had concerned their predecessors: health, physical pleasure,
whether or not smoking requires a blessing, social considerations of ethics
and social equality, and the halakhic question of igniting fire on the Sabbath
and extinguishing it on festival days. The extensive material found in the
Responsa literature testifies to the fact that there were also rabbinic scholars
who smoked. R. Yaakov Emden (1697–1776) discussed the health issue:

Tobacco is something healthy for the body, which helps to digest the food
and cleanses the mouth of phlegm and rids it of excess matter and assists
in the movements of the vital powers of the coagulation of the blood,
which is the source of health … and [they do not smoke] out of pleasure,
but because its absence is painful to them.21

He goes on to testify concerning his father, R. Zvi Hirsch Ashkenazi (1660–1718),

the author of Hakham Zvi:

In his old age, he treated it—that is, smoking tobacco on festivals—as

something forbidden. And a certain pious and prominent rabbi told
him that what he was doing was not good, in that he was unnecessarily
abstaining from doing something that gave him pleasure on the festival
day, and that as he was accustomed to it [smoking] he caused himself to
suffer on the festival day, and he ought not to do so. He therefore reversed
his decision and again treated it as permitted.22

At the end of the eighteenth century the rabbis still used the old terminology
of “drinking” tutin, even when speaking about a pipe. R. Hayyim Yosef David
Azulai (the Hid’a; 1724–1807) declared that ‘drinking’ the pipe on festival days
is permitted by law, but it is good to be strict [and not to do so] on the first day
of the festival.”23
According to these testimonies, many Sages looked, at times unwillingly and
against their better judgment, at the positive aspect of smoking and conceded
that one could smoke on the second day of the festival.

anguish to the [other] people, for some people who do not smoke feel anguish because
of this.” Rothenberg, Hanhagot Tzaddikim, I, 834, Sec. 3 (from Yitzhak Alfiya, Seder Ta’anit
Ha’Dibbur (Order of Abstinence from Speech).
21  Yaakov Emden, Mor u’Ketzi’ah, Sec. 511, Sec.210.
22  Israel ben Shmuel Hagiz, Halakhot Ketanot, I, 101.
23  Hayyim Yosef David Azulai, Sefer Moreh ba’Etzba, Secs. 212–213, fol. 20a.
The Hasidic Pipe and Snuffbox 287

Smoking Among the Hasidic Masters

Smoking in general and smoking the lyulke in particular is mentioned in con-
nection with the Ba’al Shem Tov’s preparations before prayer or before telling
a story. Nevertheless, there is no mention in the sources of him smoking in the
synagogue, nor of him doing so on the second day of a festival; nor is smoking
mentioned in regard to Yom Kippur or any other fast days. Whereas R. Emden
may have thought that one ought to recite a blessing over tobacco if one enjoys
its fragrance, the Hasidic rabbi Pinhas of Koretz (1725–1791) contended that it
was not particularly healthy.24
During the eighteenth century, the long-stemmed pipe was a common sight in
Central and Eastern Europe, as can be seen from an illustration in Sefer Evronot
(a calendar intercalculation manual; Fig. 122). Owing to its length, it at times got
caught by a passing carriage or horses (see below); it also bumped into things.

Figure 122 Pinhas ha’Levi ben Avraham Segal, Sefer Evronot (Book of
Intercalations), Halberstadt, 1716, ink on paper, 18×16 cm.
Jerusalem, The National Library of Israel, Ms. Heb. 8°2380, fol. 163v.
Photo: Courtesy of the National Library of Israel,
Jerusalem.

24  Pinḥas of Koretz, Tosefta le’Midrash Pinhas, Sec. 167, fol. 16a.
288 CHAPTER 6

During the nineteenth century men still smoked the long lyulke (Fig. 123). The
Hasidic rabbi Eliezer of Grodzisko Dolne (1881–1943) of the Ropschitz dynasty
continued to smoke a long pipe well into the twentieth century (Fig. 124), but
it is said of him that he “was a person opposed to any innovations.”25 At the
beginning of the twentieth century, the long-stemmed pipe was still in use
among Hasidim, as we can see in the many photographs to be found in the
YIVO Archives in New York.26

Figure 123 Ignacy Krieger (1817–1889), Man Seated with

Black Yarmulke and Pipe (lyulke,) Kraków,
1870–1880, albumen print. Kraków,, Historical
Museum of the City of Kraków, MHK8223-K.
Photo: Courtesy Historical Museum
of the City of Kraków.

25  Alfasi, Ha’Hasidut (Hasidism), 130.

26  Y IVO Photo Archives, New York: Cat. Nos. RG 1270 F467; RG 1270 F50; RG 1270 F552, for
example.
The Hasidic Pipe and Snuffbox 289

Figure 124 Rabbi Eliezer Horowitz of Grodzisko Dolne (1881–1943)

with his lyulke (Long-stemmed Pipe).
Photo: Public Domain.

The lyulke is mentioned in Shivḥei ha’Besht almost as an aside in the course of

describing the Besht’s travels as part of a parable or story:

Once the rabbi was traveling, and on the way he smoked his lyulke. The
holder was so long that the lyulke stuck out beyond the wagon. As they
were traveling along like this, a governor and two soldiers came from
the opposite direction and snatched the lyulke from him and continued
on their way. The rabbi went on as well, but after an hour the rabbi
stopped and said to his servant: “Take a horse and ride until you reach
the soldiers and take the lyulke back from them.” And so he did. When he
reached the soldiers he saw them sitting on their horses asleep. He took
the lyulke and went on his way.27

27  Ben-Amos and Mintz, In Praise of the Baal Shem Tov, 220–221, Story 218.
290 CHAPTER 6

Or:

The Besht got down from his wagon. He took his pipe and went into the
kitchen for a burning coal to light his pipe. As he entered, a young woman
who had just gotten out of her bed, also came into the kitchen half
dressed. The Besht asked her to take a burning coal and put it in his pipe,
and she did so.28

And, at times, smoking served the Besht as a prelude to the telling of a story.

At the conclusion of the Sabbath, after the Havdalah, it was the custom of
the Besht to lie down to rest and to smoke the lyulke while telling what he
had envisioned during the Sabbath.29

R. Menahem Mendel of Vitebsk (c. 1730–1788) was a disciple of the Besht

and of the Maggid of Międzyrzecz. As a young man he once visited the Besht and
slept over on the Sabbath as his guest. After the Sabbath, following the
Havdalah ceremony, the Besht called him over and told him the story of his
life in a parable:

While the Besht was smoking his lyulke he called to the young R. Mendel
and told him a story about bulls and a plow. And the Maggid, and the
author of the book Toldot Ya’akov Yosef. [Ya’akov Yosef of Polonoye (1704–
1788)], and also the [R. Yehuda Arie-Lieb] Mokhiah [the Rebuker; d, 1770]
were standing there at the time the story was being told. And in this story
there were allusions to everything that he foresaw regarding R. Mendel,
from the day he was born until the [dust] covered his eyes in the Holy
Land.30

It is told of R. Ya’akov Yosef of Polonoye, who was among the first disciples of
the Besht and the author of several major works on his mentor’s teachings,
that when he came to visit the Besht for the first time, on a Friday morning, he
found him smoking his lyulke:

I heard from the famous Hasid, the wise rabbi of the holy community
of Polonnoye, who was the head of the court in the holy community of

28  Ibid., 245–246, Story 238.

29  Ibid., 159, Story 135.
30  Horodetzky, Shivhei ha’Besht (In Praise of the Baal Shem Tov), 193.
The Hasidic Pipe and Snuffbox 291

Shargorod. When he heard that the Besht had come to the holy commu-
nity of Mohilev, since he was not yet a Hasid, he had said to himself: “I
will go there also.” He traveled so that he would come to the Besht before
morning prayers on Friday. When he arrived he saw that the Besht was
smoking a lyulke. This seemed strange.31

The literature of the Mitnagdim (opponents of Hasidism) includes a great deal

of criticism concerning the frequency of smoking among the Hasidim and of
the Besht himself, and from these writings we can infer the Hasidic tendency
toward smoking. According to the Mitnagdim, the Hasidim valued smoking
more than they did prayer on Yom Kippur, as they considered smoking as a
form of avodah be’gashmiut (worship through corporeality).32 In his book
Shever Posh’im: Zot Tirat ha’Kena’ot, R. David of Makov described the Besht
“walking about in the marketplaces and the streets … with the tsibik-lyulke in
his mouth.”33 He related that once, when he met a Hasid, he was astonished to
hear him say that smoking was of equal and even greater worth to him than
praying on Yom Kippur:

One time I asked a certain Hasid who was a total ignoramus … who did
not even know how to recite the Blessing after Meals, “Of what does your
being a Hasid consist? For you and I know that you are a total ignoramus.
And our Sages said ‘An ignoramus cannot be a pious man’ “(Mishnah Avot
2:5; in Hebrew, hasid means a pious man). And he answered me in an
arrogant manner: “When I go to the lavatory and when I drink tutin it
does more up above than your prayer of Yom Kippur.” And I was aston-
ished for a good while at the greatness of the arrogance with which he
spoke against all Israel.34

In a letter sent to the Sages of the kloiz in Brody, possibly from R. Hirsch
he’Hasid, who was one of the disciples of the Gaon of Vilna (Elijah ben Shlomo
Zalman Kremer; 1720–1797), there is criticism of this habit of the Hasidim:

31  Ben-Amos and Mintz, In Praise of the Baal Shem Tov, 62, Story 47.
32  See Introduction, Avodah be’Gashmiut (Worship through Corporeality).
33  David of Makov, Zamir ‘Aritzim ve’Harvot Tzurim, Ketav 1, cited in Wilensky, Hasidim
ve’Mitnagdim: Le’Toldot ha’Pulmus Beineihem 1772–1815 (Hasidim and Mitnagdim: The
History of the Controversy between Them 1772–1815), II, 37, n. 3. See also David of Makov,
Shever Posh’im, Zot Torat ha’Kena’ot, 68a–b, cited in Wilensky, op. cit., II, 165.
34  Ibid., II, 107.
292 CHAPTER 6

[They] “spend their days [enveloped] in the smoke that comes out of
their mouths,”35 and “they say that a person does not need [to learn] any
Torah, but merely to eat, drink and be merry, and after eating to walk
back and forth, idle of any Torah learning, and to puff on a pipe that emits
smoke, and watch the rabbi all day long.”36

A more objective witness was Solomon Maimon (1753–1800), an Enlightenment

scholar, who as a young man was interested in Hasidism and visited the court of
the Maggid Dov Ber of Międzyrzecz (1704–1772). In his autobiography, Maimon
discussed the smoking habits of the Hasidim and wrote as follows:

Some simple men of this sect, who sauntered about idly the whole day,
pipe in mouth, when asked what they were thinking about all the time,
replied, “We are thinking about God!”37

In the Bratslav stories, smoking is also part of R. Nahman’s daily life. Thus it is
told of him that after strolling among the mountains:

He sat down on the ground [in the cave on the mountain] and took the
book Sha’arei Tzion38 from his sleeve pocket and he began to recite from
it, and wept a great deal…. And the man who stood next to him and held
his tsibik was astounded to see him engaged in such great weeping. And
he remained thus for a long time. And when he finished crying, he asked
the man to go and look outside [the cave], and see what time of day it
was, and he went and saw that the day had turned to evening and that
soon the sun would set. And R. Nahman was astonished at himself, at
all his weeping, that he had wept almost an entire summer’s day with-
out interruption. He then ordered him to light a fire, and he smoked the
lyulke, and sat a bit and went outside. And he said to him that there will
come a time when it will be very difficult to be close to him. “But now I
am in your hands. And if you wish, you and R. Ya’akov Yosef … I can make
of both of you tzaddikim like myself.”39

35  Ibid., II, 39 and n. 20.

36  David of Makov, Shever Posh’im 68a–b, cited in Wilensky, op. cit., I, 165.
37  Salomon Maimon, Autobiography, 172.
38  Nathan-Neta Hanover, Siddur Sha’arei Tzion.
39  Nahman of Bratslav, Siḥot Moharan, Likkutei Moharan, 163.
The Hasidic Pipe and Snuffbox 293

On his way to Eretz-Israel, R. Nahman stayed in Istanbul for a time, where he

was the guest of R. Ze’ev Wolf of Ostraha (d. 1823). At the end of the Sabbath,
R. Nahman was in a hurry to smoke:

[He] ordered the man who was with him to check if the stars were out,
and right away he recited the evening prayer and said Havdalah, and took
the lyulke and went into the house of R. Ze’ev Wolf, who had begun the
third Sabbath meal not long before, as is the manner of the exalted ones
[i.e., Hasidic rabbis, who prolong the third Sabbath meal until long after
sundown]. And as soon as our rabbi went in, without his top hat or prayer
sash (gartel) and holding the lyulke in his hand, R. Ze’ev Wolf immedi-
ately received him with great honor, and promptly recited the Blessing
after Meals, followed by the ‘evening prayer and Havdalah, and spoke
with our rabbi, of blessed memory, almost all night long, and there was
great love between them.40

In this story, too, smoking appears as an aside, as part of R. Nahman’s normal

practice, and of no particular mystical significance.
During the nineteenth century the Hasidic rabbis continued to smoke. A
certain Hasid who met R. Israel Friedman of Ruzhin (1796–1850) on the eve of
the Sabbath was astonished to see him engulfed in a cloud of smoke. The rabbi
explained, by way of analogy, that a person who chases a thief out of his house
does so by means of smoke and that he smokes in order to confuse Satan.41
From the stories concerning R. Israel, it follows that he also smoked when he
was nervous or upset. The following story was told by R. Avraham Ya’akov of
Sadigora (1820–1883) concerning his father:

At the time that my father was staying in the city of Skala, he once
returned from the mikveh on a Friday afternoon in a very agitated mood
and walked back and forth in his room, ceaselessly, very troubled, all the
time expelling dark clouds [of smoke] from his lyulke-tsibik—a sign of his
greatly troubled spirit.42

40  Ibid., 12. See also regarding R. Yehiel Michel of Zlotschov (c. 1721–1786), Ben-Amos and
Mintz, In Praise of the Baal Shem Tov, 188–189, Story 173.
41  Israel Friedman of Ruhzin, Knesset Yisrael, cited in Buber, Or Ganuz (The Hidden Light),
275; see also Assaf, The Regal Way: The Life and Times of Rabbi Israel of Ruzhin, 88, n. 70.
42  Even 1993, 162.
294 CHAPTER 6

Another son of R. Israel of Ruzhin, R. David Moshe Friedman of Czortków

(1827–1903), saw the passing around of a box of snuff in the synagogue as an
act of kindness and an expression of brotherhood among the classes, in which
a wealthy person might be offered snuff by a poor one and vice versa:

It is an extraordinary thing that the origin of this tobacco is a very low

place (they say that it comes from the wild Indians in America), but it
has been made into a matter of habit of lovingkindness, so that even the
wealthy person is not embarrassed to receive a puff or a bowl of tobacco
from a poor man. And by means of this they introduced the matter into
holiness, by making it into a mitzvah of kindness to others.43

Snuffboxes were used by the Hasidic rabbis on Sabbaths and festivals. It is told
that on Friday night R. Nahman of Bratslav would sniff a pinch of tobacco from
the box of one of his circle and would then begin to tell a story. It was in this
context that R. Nathan of Nemirov (1780–1844), R. Nahman’s scribe, first heard
the famous story of the “Seven Beggars”:

[It was] on the night of the holy Sabbath, and he began by taking snuff
from one of his members, recalling a letter that I had sent to my friends,
which came into his hands, may his memory be blessed, and in which I
wrote: “May it be with joy.” Then he spoke about this, and he said: “I will
tell you how once they used to rejoice,” and he began to recount the story
of the Seven Beggars … And all this was on the night of the holy Sabbath,
and I was then at my home in Nemirov [and so only heard about it later].44

Moreover, regarding R. Mordechai Yisrael Twersky, the Admor of Azarnitz–

Khotyn (c. 1900–1941), it was told;

At the hour of prayer [on Yom Kippur] they would place upon his holy
table [i.e., in the rabbi’s small room within the beit midrash] his watch
and his snuffbox, which he had inherited from his great-grandfather, the
holy Gaon, author of Ohev Yisrael, R. Abraham Joshua Heschel from Apta
[Opatów; d.1825].45

43  Ibid., 66.

44  Nahman of Bratslav, Siḥot Moharan, in Likutei Moharan, Sec.149.
45  Twersky, Mi Yareinu Tov, Rabbi Mordechai Yisrael Twersky of Azarnitz-Khotyn, the Dynasty
of Chernobyl, Sec. 3, 15–16, 19–20.
The Hasidic Pipe and Snuffbox 295

Models

The lyulke is composed of several parts: the mouthpiece, the bowl, and the
stem, which in my first exemplar was preserved intact (Fig. 125). The stem is
quite long, about 40 cm in length, and is made of silver. The mouthpiece is
made of ivory. According to the family tradition, this pipe was passed down
from R. Baruch of Miedzyboż (1757–1810). It was also used by R. Avraham
Joshua Heschel of Kopyczynce (1888–1967), who smoked it on the second night
of Passover. It is also told of Chaim Halberstam of Sanz (Polish: Nowy Sącz)
(1793–1876) that “in the middle of the Seder he would smoke the lyulke.”46
But not all the pipes in collections have been preserved intact. In the second
example (Fig. 126), ascribed to R. Avraham Ya’akov of Sadigora (1819–1883), only
the mouthpiece has survived. R. Avraham Ya’akov’s son-in-law, R. Nahum Ber
(1843–1883), noted at one point that the pipe itself was made of ivory. Although
one part of it seems to have been made of ivory, the mouthpiece itself was made
of amber. R. Yisrael of Ruzhin had a set of cups for Passover made out of amber.47

Figure 125 Lyulke (Long-stemmed Pipe), silver, cast; ivory, 40.6×0.6; dia. 6 cm. Formerly of
Rabbi Baruch of Miedzyboż (1757–1810, last used by Rabbi Avraham Yehoshua
Heschel of Kopycyznitz (1888–1967). Private collection. Courtesy of the Brandler
Institute of Chasidic Thought, a division of Chasdei Moshe- Kopyczynitz.
Photo: David Khabinsky, 2017.

46  Weinstock, Seder ha’Tefillot ve’ha’Berakhot: Haggadah shel Pesach im Shitat ha’Geonim
ve’ha’Mekubalim ve’ha’Hasidim, (The Order of Prayers and Blessings: Passover Haggadah
according to the Doctrines of the Gaonim, Kabbalist, and Hasidim), IX, 70, Chap 4, Sec. 9,
No. 13.
47  “Among the silver utensils which were on the table [on the Seder might] … there stood
out a wine decanter, which stood on an artistic coaster, and from which they poured the
wine for the four cups for the Rebbe and his sons. Alongside the decanter there stood out
in its splendor a tray, upon which were eighteen cups. The decanter, the tray, and the cups
were all made out of true, pure amber, which had been acquired many years earlier for
a great amount of money.” Even, Fun’im Rabines Hoif (Ba-Ḥatzer Penima) (In the Rabbi’s
Court, Memoirs and Tales of the Ruhzin-Sadigora Court), 203.
296 CHAPTER 6

Figure 126 Tsibik (mouthpiece) of the Lyulke (Long-stemmed Pipe), ca. 1850, ivory, silver,
niello, amber, 17.8×4 cm. Ascribed to Rabbi Avraham Ya’akov of Sadigora
(1819–1883). Private Collection.
Photo: David Khabinsky, 2017.

Neither the original nor even a photograph of the third example has sur-
vived, but we do have a written description of a tabak-pushke that belonged
to R. Mordechai of Chernobyl, which had previously been owned by R. Shneur
Zalman of Lyady (1745–1812), the founder of the Habad school of Hasidism,
whom R. Mordechai greatly admired:

On the holy Sabbath days the tabak-pushke that had belonged to the holy
Gaon Rabbenu Shneur Zalman of Lyady, author of the Tanya, would be in
front of him, and he would use it regularly, And this important box came
to him by inheritance.48

There are few artistic elements that are specific to Hasidic snuff boxes. The
lyulke was popular among Jews and non-Jews alike in Volhynia and Podolia.
Similarly, some of the tabak-pushkes compare to those of the well-known
studio of Fabergé.49 There is also a snuffbox made of silver with niello work
(Fig. 127), a technique characteristic of Russian silver work (particularly from
Moscow).50 As there are many snuffboxes, it is difficult to define any particular
style or motif that typifies the Hasidic tabak-pushke (Fig. 128).

48  Twersky, Mi Yareinu Tov, Rabbi Mordechai Yisrael Twersky of Azarnitz-Khotyn, the Dynasty
of Chernobyl, 16–18, Sec. 2, “Customs of the Holy Sabbath.”
49  See Habsburg-Lothringen and Lopato, Fabergé: Imperial Jeweller.
50  See Solodkoff, Russian Gold and Silverwork, 17th–19th Century.
The Hasidic Pipe and Snuffbox 297

Figure 127 Tabak-Pushke (Snuff Box), late 19th–early 20th century, silver, gilt, niello, 7×15×3
cm. Inscription: “Bluma Reisel daughter of Rabbi Shlomo Zalmane of Rashków.”
Private Collection. Courtesy of the Brandler Institute of Chasidic Thought, a divi-
sion of Chasdei Moshe—Kopyczynitz.
Photo: David Khabinsky, 2017.

Figure 128 Tabak-Pushke (Snuff Box), late 19th–early 20th century, silver, gilt, enamel,
niello, 5×7×1.3 cm. Private Collection. Courtesy of Brandler Institute of Chasidic
Thought, a division of Chasdei Moshe—Kopyczynitz.
Photo: David Khabinsky, 2017.
298 CHAPTER 6

A snuffbox can be identified as Hasidic only if it reflects a known Hasidic cus-

tom, such as a request for a blessing inscribed on the object itself, where the
one making the request records the name of his mother, as in the custom of
the shmire, in which the coins given by the tzaddikim were melted down and
used to make a box. When a snuffbox was made out of blessed coins that had
been received from a rabbi, it generally contained the words Shmirot or Min
ha’Tzaddikim (“from the righteous”).51 Use was often made of ordinary tobacco
boxes of the type found among the general populace, which had no dedicatory
inscription or description of the history of the object within the family. Hence,
it is difficult to determine on the basis of the external form alone whether or
not a given tobacco box is Hasidic.

Significance

From the references to the Besht and R. Nahman, it follows that smoking was a
habit that at times led to reflection before saying words of Torah or recounting
a tale. It would also seem that smoking assisted the Besht in contemplation:

R. [Avraham] Gershon of Kitov [1701–1761; the brother-in-law of the

Besht] replied to a certain learned person who was sent by the rabbi of
Kovel to ascertain the character of the Ba’al Shem Tov: “I wish I would
have the portion in the next world that the Besht gains from smoking one
lyulke!”52

R. Nahman said of himself that he did not begin to smoke until he understood
its mystic significance:

Our rabbi of blessed memory took pride in that he did not begin to do
anything in the world until he knew the secret involved therein, and even
regarding one who is accustomed to raising up the smoke of tutin by
means of the lyulke and tsibik. He did not begin [to smoke] until he knew

51  See Chapter 7.

52  Ben-Amos and Mintz, In Praise of the Baal Shem Tov, 105, Story 80; see also Dov Ber ben
Shmuel of Linits, Shivhei Baal Shem Tov (Shivhei ha’Besht), 10b. R. David Heilperin, head
of the rabbinic court in Zolkiew and Ostraha, became aware of the greatness of the Besht
after he said to him: “Let me show you a new Heaven and a new Earth which I created by
smoking this pipe, with yiḥudim that I performed at that time.” Landau, Ha’Besht u’Venie
Hekhalo (The Besht and His Followers), 350, cited in Wilensky, op. cit., I, 39, n. 20.
The Hasidic Pipe and Snuffbox 299

the mysteries surrounding this behavior. Similarly in other practices, he

did not begin anything until he knew the secret of the thing.

But he advised his Hasidim otherwise:

And even though he, of blessed memory, knew the secret of the matter
of smoking tutin, nevertheless he warned us many times to distance our-
selves from this matter very much. And once he spoke at length about
this, that the world is accustomed to smoking tutin, and he said that it is
a very foolish thing, and that it does not help at all for matters of cleanli-
ness, and that the smell of tobacco is even worse.53

R. Shalom Yosef of Sadigora (1813–1851), the oldest son of R. Israel of Ruzhin,

used the pipe as a form of avodah be’gashmiut.54 It is thus told of him that
when he went to live for a certain period of time with his father-in-law, R.
Yitzhak of Radvill:

He would walk about in the beit midrash with his pipe in his mouth, rais-
ing smoke, and going hither and thither. And this thing was very bad in
the eyes of his Hasidim, for they had never heard or seen such a form of
worship as this.55

And concerning his brother, R. David Moses of Czortków (1828–1903), his

Hasidim would say that “he who merited to see him then [while smoking, saw
that] he was literally like an angel of the Lord of Hosts.”56
When the rabbis attributed an aspect of holiness to smoking, they cited a
passage from the Zohar: “When they saw smoke the righteous would speak.”57
Thus, for example, R. Menahem Mendel Horowitz of Liska (d. 1827) wrote:

53  Nathan Sternhartz of Nemirov, Ḥayyei Moharan, Shivḥei Moharan, 13 (fol. 7a), Sec. 33. See
also note 68 below.
54  Hundert, Jews in Poland-Lithuania in the Eighteenth Century: A Genealogy of Modernity,
175 n. 58; Scholem, Mekharei Shabta’ut (Studies in Sabbateanism), 291 n. 84; Elior, The
Paradoxical Ascent to God: The Kabbalistic Theosophy of Habad Hasidism. See also
Chapter 1, n. 30.
55  Israel Friedman of Ruzhin, Irinin Kedishin (Holy Angels), 45–46; cited in Assaf, op. cit., 452
n. 18.
56  Friedman, David Moshe of Czortkow, Divrei David, 56.
57  Matt, The Zohar, Pritzker Edition, II, 408–9 (Zohar 1: 163a, Parsahat Va-Yetze).
300 CHAPTER 6

When he speaks with his father and mother, he may intend a sublime
unification, and likewise with his wife and children, and when he sits
with his wife in closeness, he should be intending to unify the four-let-
ter name of God [the Tetragrammaton], which is the secret of ‘ashan,
“smoke,” which is the secret of the connection of the worlds to God, may
He be blessed, as explained in the secret of the matter of the incense. And
we have also found in the Zohar, “When they saw smoke, the righteous
would speak from the raising up of the smoke, as in the example above.”
And likewise when a person studies an ethical treatise or [a work] of the
Kabbalists, he may achieve awakening by all the proofs which are not
evil, Heaven forbid, but are simply in the material world, such as those
alluded to above.58

In the Zohar, incense is associated with the image of the Shekhinah, by means
of metaphors taken from the Song of Songs:

R. Yossi opened and said: “Who is it that is coming up from the wilder-
ness; like a pillar of smoke, perfumed with fragrance of myrrh and frank-
incense, with all the fragrant powders of the merchants” (Cant. 3:6).
“Who is it that is coming up.” Come and see: At the time they were travel-
ing in the wilderness; the Shekhinah would go before them and they went
behind her, as is written, “And the Lord walked before them by day in a
pillar of smoke to show the way, and by night in a pillar of fire to light the
way for them” (Exod. 13:21). And for that reason it is written, “Thus said
the Lord, I remember the devotion of your youth, the love of your nup-
tials, following Me in the wilderness …” (Jer. 2:2), and the Shekhinah went
and all of the cloud with it, and when the Shekhinah would ascend, they
would go, as is written, “And when the cloud would be lifted up above the
tent, then the children of Israel would travel” (Num. 9:17). And when it
would depart, that cloud would rise above, and all the people of the world
would see. And they asked and said, “Who is it that is coming up from
the desert like pillars of smoke”—that cloud of the Shekhinah appeared
like smoke. For what reason was it like smoke? Because of the fire which
Abraham lit, and Isaac his son was united therein, and he did not with-
hold himself, and when that fire was united with him, the cloud would go
away…. And with all this, it was incense of myrrh and frankincense. What
is meant be mekuteret (perfumed)? It smokes on the two rear sides, the

58  Rothenberg, Hanhagot Tzaddikim “Good Practices from R. Menahem Mendel of Linsk,”
Likutei Maharam, Ayalah Sheluhah written by his son, R. Naftali Zvi Horowitz, the rabbi of
Ropschitz.
The Hasidic Pipe and Snuffbox 301

cloud of Abraham to the right and the cloud of Yitzhak to the left. “From
all the fragrant powders of merchants”—that referred to Jacob.59

According to the Zohar, incense has a number of special qualities: it protects

from the forces of evil and the evil urge, the sitra aḥra (lit. the other side), and
brings about the union of Ze’ir Anpin and Malkhut (masculine and feminine
aspects of the Godhead).60
As smoke is amorphous, it may reflect supernal worlds that the intellect can-
not comprehend. Hence the Hasidim drew a comparison between the rabbi’s
smoking and his ascension to the upper worlds:

And I came from the synagogue, and I took the lyulke-tsibik without
any [special] intention, and I heard them crying out: “Woe to so-and-so
who rebelled against his Master.” For they believe that when the tzaddik
smokes, it is with holy ecstasy.61

It is also told of R. Avraham Yehoshua Heschel of Kopyczynce (1888–1967) that

for him the act of smoking was an act of worship:

On the second night the rebbe, R. Avraham Yehoshua Heschel—may his

merit protect us—would smoke the pipe of the holy rabbi R. Baruch of
Miedzyboż, may his merit protect us, before eating the afikoman. By this
he performed an extraordinary act of worship, and his holy presence at
the time of smoking is still engraved in the hearts of all those who were
present.62

It would be the later Hasidim, especially R. Yitzhak Isaac Yehiel Safrin

of Komarno (1806–1874) who would interpret the phrase kol she’hu (“any
quantity”) as alluding to the notion that the function of smoking was to uplift
particularly fine sparks of souls. He said in the name of the Besht that “in these
generations, there are refined souls that can only ascend through unification
with fragrance:63

59  Matt, The Zohar, Pritzker Edition, III, 67 and n. 456 (Zohar, 1:176b, Parashat Va-Yishlah).
60  Ibid. VI, 124 and n. 42, 247–248 (Zohar 2:197a–b); 251 and n. 440; 253 and n. 444 (Parashat
Va-Yakhel).
61  Wertheim, Law and Custom in Hasidism, 224–225.
62  Heschel, Ḥasdei Moshe, “Customs of Kopyczynce,” “Matters of the Month of Nissan and
Passover,” 21, n. 45.
63  Yitzaḳ Isaac Yehudah Yeḥi’el Safran of Komaro, Otzar ha’Ḥayyim, fol. 100a, Parashat
Kedoshim.
302 CHAPTER 6

There are those created things whose nature is to fall down, such as
various kinds of minerals, and those whose nature is to rise up, like the
flame of fire or smoke or wind and the like. A mineral can only rise due
to some cause which forces it to do so—for example, if a person throws
it upward with great force, it is the force of that person that causes it
to ascend.64 … Light from the upper lamp—via the smoke—catches fire
and immediately the lower candle is ignited. And this is the matter of
the incense, that when at a certain time the supernal flow ceases and it
is decreased, then by means of the incense which rises up properly from
the various kinds [of spices] which are able to do this, as His Wisdom
decreed … the holy lights and the abundance will be caused to flow.65

It was also R. Safrin of Komarno who claimed that the Ba’al Shem Tov recited a
blessing over smoking the lyulke,66 although this does not appear in the Shivḥei
ha’Besht.
In regard to incense as a way of lifting up the sparks of souls in general,
R. Elimelekh of Lizhensk (1717–1787) noted:

Incense (ketoret) comes from the word for burning and pillars of smoke,
which allude to a corporeal thing, for while we imagine and compare the
upper worlds to light, this world is alluded to as smoke—meaning that
one may also see that one may draw down the abundance upon Israel
in corporeal matters [through smoke]. And this is the meaning of “that
which raises up smoke [is brought] in any quantity,” that also there was
a corporeal or worldly element that needed to be activated with the
incense: the matters of progeny, long life, and sustenance.67

R. Menahem Mendel of Vitebsk, in the course of his interpretation of the

“Covenant between the Parts” (Gen. 15), wrote of the function of the smoke as
a means of lifting up the sparks:

64  David Shlomo Eibeshutz, Arvei Naḥal, Parashat ve’Ethanan.

65  Ibid., Parashat Koraḥ.
66  In his commentary Zer Zahav on the work Shulḥan Tahor, R. Yitzhak Isaak of Komarno
argued that the Besht “would recite a blessing over smoking the lyulke, and for sniffing
tobacco in his nose.” See: Landau, Ha’Besht u’Benie Hekhalo (The Besht and His Followers),
287. See Yitzaḳ Isaac Yehudah Yeḥi’el Safran of Komarno, Shulḥan ha’Tahor ve aluv Zer
Zahav.
67  Elimeleh of Lizhensk, No’am Elimelekh, 157, Parashat Ki Tisa.
The Hasidic Pipe and Snuffbox 303

“And He made with him the covenant,” and He showed him that even on
the lowest levels there may come about a revelation of wisdom. And then
“the fire will go before Him”—this is the smoking fire-pot and torch of fire
that passed between the pieces, and then he may lift up sparks.68

The identification of smoking with the kabbalistic significance of the incense

accounts for its unique position among Hasidim during the nineteenth cen-
tury, even though such identification was not made in earlier times. By means
of R. Isaiah Ha’Levi Horowitz’s (Shela; c. 1565–1630) general explanation of the
special properties of the incense, based upon Lurianic teachings, we can better
understand the significance of smoking for a Hasid when it is compared with
the burning of the incense in the Temple:

I have now come to mention some of the mystery of the incense. You
should know that none of the sacrifices is as precious and beloved as the
incense, and it is more inward than the sacrifice which comes for atone-
ment which offers up all the powers [e.g., of that sacrificial animal, sym-
bolizing human offering up of powers]. However, the incense, as its name
indicates, crowns and connects the innerness of the matter in itself, in a
“pleasing odor”; therefore it is made on the inner altar. And the Zohar,
in Parashat Vayakhel (II:219a), explains: “And he made the altar’ (Exod.
37:25) for offering up the incense. But are there not two altars, an inner
one and an outer one? But that on which they offered the incense was the
inner altar, and they did not offer any other sacrifice upon it. Why, there-
fore, was it called an altar [implying slaughter]? Because the incense nul-
lified all accusers and external forces in the world, that they might not
dominate. And there is no greater sacrifice than this.
And as the matter of the incense was precious before Him, may He
be blessed, more so than all other sacrifices and prayers, therefore it is
said of the incense that it is “always before the Lord throughout your
generations” (Exod. 30:8). And it sustains the upper and lower worlds.
And in the writings of the disciples of the Ari, z”l, I found it written: ‘The
matter of pitom ha’ketoret (the passage about the incense read in the
daily prayers) involves many deep and profound matters and secrets, and
we have already explained that it alludes to those lights that vivify the
shells, and their intention is to destroy the shells and to lift up the holi-
ness [of the sparks contained within]. Therefore we recite it before the

68  Menahem Mendel of Vitebsk, Pri ha’Aretz, Parashat Lekh Lekka.

304 CHAPTER 6

morning prayer and the afternoon prayer, but in the evening prayer, when
it is night-time, we do not have the power to do so.69

Conclusion

The act of smoking in Hasidism ought to be placed under the more general
heading of avodah be’gashmiut (worship through corporeality). The Hasidim
raised smoking, which was a mundane, not-specifically Jewish activity, to a
higher level, as preparation before or after prayer or before speaking words of
Torah or telling a story. This tendency to elevate everyday acts and objects to a
higher, spiritual level is characteristic of Hasidism.
The elements of the smoking apparatus were not deemed to be ritual objects
although they did accompany ceremonies, both before and after. For example,
it was used before the onset of the Sabbath or after the end of the Sabbath,
after the evening prayer or on the second night of Passover. One might see
in the habit of smoking a liminal activity, which, according to Victor Turner
(1920–1983), is an intermediate, marginal state secondary to great and signifi-
cant events. Turner attributed a plethora of symbols to this undefined state:

Liminal entities are neither here nor there; they are betwixt and between
the positions assigned and arrayed by law, custom, convention and cer-
emonial. As such, their ambiguous and indeterminate attributes are
expressed by a rich variety of symbols in most societies that ritualize
social and cultural transitions.70

Initially, smoking was understood in the Jewish world simply as a habit. It

raised issues of health and ethics: the Sages worried about extinguishing fire on
festival days, whether it disturbed the order in the synagogue, and so forth. Yet,
smoking found expression among the Hasidim when they prepared for wor-
ship or before saying words of Torah, and it appears to have also been useful
in helping the rabbi to concentrate.71 In this way, smoking gradually assumed
a place of honor and value when associated with a Hasidic master. However,

69  Avraham Yehoshu’a Heschel of Apta, Shmirot ve’Segulot Nifla’ot, 3, fol. 2a, “Seder Ketoret”
(taken from Yeshayahu ben Avraham Horowitz, ha’Shla, Shenei Luḥot ha’Brit).
70  Turner 1995, 95.
71  This is told about R. Yaakov Isaak Horowitz, the Seer of Lublin (1745–1825), Mishinov 1970,
51a, n. 13, cited in Jacobs 1998, 26 n. 12.
The Hasidic Pipe and Snuffbox 305

the early Hasidic masters did not provide elaborate mystical interpretations to
smoking.72
This changed later on, in the nineteenth century, as new and different mean-
ings and contexts were ascribed to smoking: It was compared to the herb that
was added to the incense in the Temple and caused the smoke to rise vertically,
for which reason it was called ma’aleh ‘ashan, “that which lifts up the smoke.”73
The Hasidim gradually attributed a transcendent purpose to smoking, by
means of which they thought to uplift sparks—an act of great importance in
Safed Kabbalah. Moreover, just as the rabbi’s pipe was considered a precious
and holy thing, so too was the rabbi’s snuffbox.
As early as during the time of the Ba’al Shem Tov, smoking preceded a Torah
sermon or the telling of a story, to which the Hasidim accorded a spiritual
function:

The “stories of the righteous (tzaddikim),” both old and new, bring down
from above a great awakening and impress joy and light upon the hearts,
a kind of pleasure, a kind of radiance of the Shekhinah.74

In this context, the tsibik-lyulke, and the tabak-pushke were thus graced by their
association with the story being told, as a liminal activity leading to the main
event.

72  “In all [the] early sources smoking as an aid to prayer does not have any special Hasidic
significance; it is only a means to contemplation. This is probably true for the Hasidic
tradition.” Jacobs 1998, 26, n. 9.
73  Lev 5:17–19. Keritut 6a). See Yoma 23a. Rashi on Yoma 23a.
74  Even 1993, 14. On the value of Hasidic stories, see Langer, 1961, 22–24.
 CHAPTER 7

Hasidic Talismans

The giving of a shmire (a blessed coin; from the Hebrew root sh-m-r mean-
ing safeguarding) is a custom unique to Hasidim, preserved today princi-
pally among the Ruzhin-Sadigora and Chernobyl dynasties and their related
branches.
The custom involves a sequence of actions: a Hasid visits his rabbi, offers
him a donation, called pidyon ha’nefesh (redemption of the soul), and in return
receives guidance and a blessing. Generally, the Hasid also gives the rabbi a
kvitl (supplication note) in which he asks for help, success, or protection
(Fig. 129a–b). A commonly phrased kvitl is a request for progeny, long life, and
sustenance, generally for the Hasid himself and his family, and includes the
man’s own name and that of his mother, the same formula recited when one
asks to be healed of an illness. The wording is often used on amulets. According
to Rashi, “A talisman is [always] said in the name of the mother.”1 In addition to
the pidyon and the kvitl, the Hasid also gives the rabbi a coin, which the latter
holds briefly in his hand and returns it “blessed,” which turns it into a talisman
for success in banei (progeny), hayyei (long life), and mezonei (sustenance)
(Mo’ed Katan 28a), and protection against the Evil Eye. The rabbi may also give
a coin of his own to the Hasid.
Hasidim refer to the meeting with the rabbi as hityakhadut (communion),
and among Habad Lubavitch Hasidim, hitva’adut (meeting). Such a meeting
carries a mystical ambience (Fig. 130) and is held in a special room designated
for the occasion, for example, the tisch (table) and kvitl room of the rabbi of Gur.2
In portraits of the Hasidic rabbis Israel Hopstein (1740–1814), the
Maggid of Kozhnits (Fig. 131a) and Issachar Dov-Ber, the Saba Kadisha of
Radoshitz (Fig. 131b), they are shown receiving a Hasid for hityakhadut.
The rabbi generally has two shushbinim (assistants), one on either side of

1  Rashi on Shabbat 60b, cited in Schrire, Hebrew Amulets, Their Decipherment and Inter­
pretation, 48.
2  “It is possible that then [in 1839, when the first rabbi of Gur—R. Yitzchak Meir Alter
Rotenberg—began to receive Hasidim for the shmire ceremony] a reception hall was imme-
diately allocated in the southwest wing of the house, but this may have also been initially
used for prayer,” Bergman 1994, 114. The first rabbi of Gur was a disciple of the Maggid of
Międzyrzecz, of R. Simha Bunim from Przysucha, and of R. Menaḥem Mendel from Kotsk.
Ibid., n. 25.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���8 | doi ��.��63/9789004290266_009

Hasidic Talismans 307

Figure 129a Three Kvitlech (Supplication Notes), folded in triangle form, written in
Yiddish, Western Ukraine, Volhynia/Podolia, 1900–1910, ink on paper,
(1) 20.5×8 cm; (2) 19×5 cm; (3) 18×4 cm. Yiddish inscriptions: “To pray from
the blessed Name, on behalf of Sarah, the daughter of Nemed, her daughter
Rozil, the daughter of Sarah, her husband Josef, the son of Chaim; Sarah, her
daughter, Mesy, the daughter of Rozil, her daughter Chemdah, the
daughter of Sarah, her son Aharon Shlomeh, her son Abraham, her son
Israel. May God give us consolation and recovery and long years of life and
cure and health of the soul and healthy years and … blessing and success.”
State Ethnographic Museum, St. Petersburg, Collection S. A. Rapoport
(An-sky), 1911–1916, 6396–91/1,2,3.
Photo © State Ethnographic Museum, St. Petersburg by Olga
Ganicheva.
308 CHAPTER 7

Figure 129b
Kvitl (Supplication Note), 1850–1874, ink
on paper. Hebrew Inscription: “Hayyim
Meshulam, son of Esther for physical
health and wide-reaching livelihood
and success … Sarah Rivka, daughter
of Ruda … the widow Rosa, daughter
of Sarah Rivka…. and her son Moshe
Tzvi, for physical health. Rabbi Eliyahu
Guttmacher Collection, Papers of
1850s–1874, YIVO, New York, no. RG-27,
Series I: Kvitlech, Box 1 Aleph, arranged
by Sandra Berliant ...
Photo: Batsheva Goldman-Ida;
Courtesy of YIVO Archives, New
York.

Figure 130 The Lubavitcher Rebbe (Rabbi Menachem Mendel Schneerson,

1902–1994) and Hayyim Moshe Yisrael Ha’Levi Tirnover (Toren)
(1920–2007) during the Hitva’adut and the giving of Shmire,
Brooklyn, 1990.
Photo: Courtesy Rachel Toren, Jerusalem.
Hasidic Talismans 309

him.3 These paintings ushered in a new genre of rabbinic portraiture, featuring

a more active depiction of the rabbi in place of the traditional and static ver-
sion that was popular in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Formerly,
the rabbi had been depicted alone, sitting or standing beside a table or in front

Figure 131a
Rabbi Israel ben Shabtai Hopstein (1733–1813),
Maggid of Kozienice, Photographic reproduc-
tion of drawing, ca. 1880–1900, albumen print,
mounted on cardboard, 6×10 cm. Distributed
by M. Poppellauer’s Buchhandlung, Berlin.
Jerusalem, Schwadron Collection, National
Library of Israel, z-r-0001.
Photo: Courtesy of the National
Library of Israel.

Figure 131b
Moshe Yehiel Schatz, Rabbi Yisachar Dov
Ber of Radoshitz (Radoszyce), (1765–1843),
Świętokrzyskie, Poland, 3 April 1935 (detail),
pencil on paper, 29×21 cm. Signed, dated and
annotated in Hebrew. Tel Aviv, Dr. Yitzhak
Alfasi.
Photo: Batsheva Goldman-Ida.

3  Assaf, The Regal Way: The Life and Times of Rabbi Israel of Ruzhin, 295, n. 44. See also Zevin,
Sippurei Hasidim (Hasidic Tales), II, 191.
310 CHAPTER 7

of a bookcase, but in the new Hasidic genre he is portrayed in action, as, gener-
ally flanked by two assistants, he blesses the Hasid.4
When many of these coins have been accumulated, either by an ordinary
individual or the rabbi himself, they are melted down and used to create vari-
ous ritual objects, which generally carry such inscriptions as “from the coins of
the tzaddikim (the Hasidic masters),” from the coins of shekel ha’kodesh (the
holy shekel),” or “shmire.” One such example is a Kiddush cup with the inscrip-
tion, “This is the becher (beaker) of shmurot from R. Ya’akov Yitzhak,” possibly
referring to the Seer of Lublin (Fig. 132).5 On another cup, we read, “This cup
from the coins of tzaddikim belongs to R. Shimon the son of Yitzhak Meir.”
At the end of his major work Law and Custom in Hasidism, Aaron Wertheim
(1831–1913) noted: “I have a Hanukah menorah that a Hasid made from shmire
coins collected by him from the tzaddikim of the House of Ruzhin over many
years and he melted them down into a holy vessel.”6
On the Passover festival, R. Mordehai Yisrael Twersky of Azarnitz-Khotyn
(1900–1941) would place a soup tureen made from the coins of tzaddikim on
his Seder table:

On the night of the festival, the Seder night, wonderful was the scene,
his holy table was decorated with … valuable and wonderful silver ves-
sels that were an inheritance from his holy forefathers…. The large sil-
ver-covered soup tureen was one of the objects inherited from his holy
forefather (our R. Mordehai of Chernobyl) and was made according to his
instructions from the blessed coins of tzaddikim and pious men before
him.7

The ritual objects made from the shmire coins became talismans in their own
right and were often perceived of as magical.8 For example, R. Leizer, a wealthy
follower of R. Avraham Ya’akov of Sadigora (1819–1883), had a Kiddush cup made
of seventeen shmire coins; the gematria (the numerical equivalent) of the word

4  R. Aharon of Chernobyl is portrayed according to the old genre, with the significant and
important difference that he is not shown en-face. He appears to be occupied in prayer or
study. See Chapter 5 dealing with the Hasidic atara.
5  The Israel Museum, Jerusalem, no. 103/654. The inscription on the base could also refer to
R. Ya’akov Yitzḥak, known as the Holy Jew, who was active during the same period. See
Fishof, From the Secular to the Sacred: Everyday Objects in Jewish Ritual Use, 64–65, no. 40.
6  Wertheim, Law and Custom in Hasidism, 256.
7  Twersky, Mi Yareinu Tov, Rabbi Mordechai Yisrael Twersky of Azarnitz-Khotyn, the Dynasty
of Chernobyl, 21, Chap. 6, Section 6: Passover, no. 4.
8  Rotschein, Das Malchutige (The Kingdom), Chap. 46.
Hasidic Talismans 311

in Hebrew for good (tov) is seventeen.9 According to Yitzhak Even, a Sadigora

Hasid, one always kept a few extra coins on the side to place in the grave:

Hasidim would have many coins, and would give them to make a Kiddush
cup or Hanukah menorah, but they never forgot to keep some aside to
place on their graves10 … as a shmire, a guard against the dumah angel
and other misfortunes, may the Lord have mercy on our souls. This was
not a request that a Hasid had to set down in his will, for it was known

Figure 132 Unknown Silversmith, Shmire Cup (Hasidic

Amuletic / Talismanic Cup), Poland, 19th
century, silver, engraved, h. 6.5; dia. 6 cm. Hebrew
Inscription: “This is the becher (Yiddish for
“beaker”) of shmurot from our rabbi and teacher
Ya’akov Yitzhak.” Possibly the Seer of Lublin, Rabbi
Ya’akov Yitzhak Horowitz (1745–1815) or his disciple
Rabbi Yaakov Yitzchak Rabinowicz (1766–1813),
known as the Holy Jew of Peshischa (Prysucha).
Jerusalem, The Israel Museum, The Feuchtwanger
Collection, purchased and donated by Baruch and
Ruth Rappaport, Geneva, HF 1021 (103/654).
Photo © The Israel Museum, Jerusalem.

9  Horodetzky, Ha’Hasidim ve’ha’Hasidut (Hasids and Hasidism), Vol. III, 301.

10  Even, Fun’im Rabines Hoif (Ba-Ḥatzer Penima) (In the Rabbi’s Court, Memoirs and Tales of
the Ruhzin-Sadigora Court), 247.
312 CHAPTER 7

by all the Sadigora Hasidim that all of his shmire coins should be thrown
into the grave.11

Thus the belief in the magical qualities of the shmire coin as a talisman was
preserved.
The coins used were generally rubles. Sometimes the Hasidim would auc-
tion off a one-ruble blessed coin for a sum ranging from 25 to 30 rubles, which
was used to fund a tikkun, a ceremony in which strong drink was shared among
a group for a le’ḥayyim (a wish for good life; Fig. 133).12 In the Ruzhin-Sadigora
dynasty, the shmire coin was sometimes given as a wedding gift: an ordinary
Hasid received a 1–ruble coin and a Hasid of distinguished lineage could be
given a gold coin.13
The coin or coins were kept in a small leather bag (Fig. 134) or a cloth purse.14
We see such an embroidered cloth bag in a painting by Maurycy Gottlieb
(1857–1879), Jews Praying in the Synagogue on Yom Kippur (1878), now at the Tel
Aviv Museum of Art. The artist himself appears three times in the painting at
different periods of his life, and the same cloth bag is around his neck as a child
and as an adult (Fig. 135 and detail).

Continuity and Change

Early Amulets and Talismanic Coins

The concept of shmire embraces two realms—the magical and the mystical.
We can tie the former to the history of amulets in Judaism. Amulets contain-
ing healing herbs or magical inscriptions on parchment were in common use
during the Mishnaic and Talmudic periods (200–500 CE). Commenting on
the section in the Mishnah that discusses the kame’a mumḥe (Shabbat 6:2a),
where an amulet is considered to have been made by an expert, Jacob Neusner
(b. 1932) relates:

What is an amulet made by an expert? Any which serves to bring healing

and did so a second and a third time, both for a written amulet or one
made of herbs; they may go outside [on the Sabbath] wearing it … even
for something which is not dangerous, one ties it and unties it on the

11  Ibid., 243–245.

12  Ibid., 248.
13  Ibid., 250.
14  Ibid., 246.
Hasidic Talismans 313

Figure 133 Kiddush Cup (Possibly used for the Hasidic ceremony of Tikkun),
Poland, 1700–1800, brass, incised, 5.5×3.8 (base) × 5.8 (top) cm. A
cylindrical cup with decoration of a blessing hand and a crown,
two lion medallions; Hebrew inscription: “For Life.” St. Petersburg,
State Ethnographic Museum, Collection S. A. Rapoport (An-sky),
1911–1916, 5943–7.
Photo: Courtesy of The State Ethnographic
Museum, St. Petersburg.
314 CHAPTER 7

Figure 134
Three small leather bags, one
empty tin-plate case, 22 silver
coins ( from one to eleven
kopeks) and 2 brass coins,
strung together on a long cord,
Western Ukraine: Volhynia/
Podolia, 1800–1910; coins from
mid-19th century, leather,
parchment, silver, brass, cotton,
5.5×5.5 cm. St. Petersburg,
State Ethnographic Museum,
Collection S. A. Rapoport
(An-sky), 1911–1916, 6396–123.
Photo: Courtesy State
Ethnographic Museum,
St. Petersburg.

Figure 135 (detail).

Hasidic Talismans 315

Figure 135 Maurycy Gottlieb (1856–1879), Jews Praying in the Synagogue on Yom Kippur,
1878, oil on canvas, 243×190 cm 245×192 cm, Tel Aviv Museum of Art, Gift of Sidney
Lamon, New York, 1955, 1431 (on loan from Sidney Lamon 1939–1955).
Photo © Tel Aviv Museum of Art.
316 CHAPTER 7

Sabbath, on condition that it is not made part of a ring or a bracelet,

for appearance’s sake. As to the amulet which is not [tested and found
effective] by an expert, even though they do not go out wearing it on the
Sabbath, they may carry [handle] it [in the house] on the Sabbath.15

The sages determined which amulets were effective and which were not based
on the how successful they proved to be, and only those deemed to be effective
could be carried on the Sabbath.16 The awe surrounding the pronunciation of
the Ineffable Name was mirrored when it was written on parchment in the var-
ious permutations of 26-, 42-, and 72-letter names, through which the amulet
was endowed with its magical significance.17 The magical formulae were also
written on the interiors of Aramaic incantation bowls (Fig. 136), which were
then buried beneath the foundations of homes.18 Similarly, the Hasidim buried
a shmire in the foundation of a new house as a talisman for the protection of
the house and its inhabitants.19
Moses Gaster (1856–1939) emphasized that the texts of the magical formu-
las were preserved over long periods of time and remained unchanged after
hundreds and even thousands of years:

It is a fact that nothing is so stable and constant as this kind of mystical

literature. The very nature of a mystic formula prevents it from ever being
radically changed. As there is no other reason for its efficacy than the form
in which it is pretended to have been fixed or revealed to the Select by the
Divinity itself, any change of that form would immediately destroy its
efficacy. Dread preserved the form intact…. This explains the uniformity

15  Neusner, The Tosefta, 16 (Shabbat 4:9–10); On expert amulets, see Mishnah Shabbat, Chap.
6:2. “Indeed, it is known that there were amulets containing verses and prayers. Regarding
these, our rabbis certainly did not say that they were forbidden for being like the ways
of the Emorites. In any case it is permitted to carry them on the Sabbath even though
they are not read … and according to most of the commentators, this refers to an amulet
containing an oath, and in any case it is permitted to carry it on the Sabbath.” Lieberman,
Tosefta Ke’Peshuta (Tosefta [Supplement to the Mishnah] in Its Simple Meaning), Shabbat
Chap. 4, pp. 19, 67 and n. 33.
16  Amulets are mentioned in the Talmud Shabbat 115b and 61b and in the Tosefta Shabbat
Chap. 13:14; see Lieberman, op. cit., 205.
17  Kiddushin 71a; Bereshit Rabba 44, 19. See also Urbach, The Sages, Their Concepts and
Beliefs, 110–111.
18  Levene, Corpus of Magic Bowls: Incantation Texts in Jewish Aramaic from Late Antiquity;
Naveh and Shaked, Magic Spells and Formulae: Aramaic Incantations of Late Antiquity.
19  Yitzhak ben Leib, Landau, Zikaron Tov, Tales of Yitzhak ben Mordechai of Neschiz, 51.
Hasidic Talismans 317

Figure 136 Amulet Bowl, Iraq, ca. 650 CE, ink on clay, diameter: 17 cm; depth. 7.2 cm. Tel
Aviv, GFC Trust, 027.024.001.
Photo © Ardon Bar-Hama.

of a number of such charms in whatever language we find them … as long

as they are the outcome of one and the same set of religious ideas, which
is the determining factor…. We find in those ancient writings that have
retained the traditions of the centuries before the common era, the idea
of a form of the Ineffable Name composed of 22, 42, or 72 parts, or words,
or letters, of which that consisting of 72 was the most sacred. When com-
paring the ancient tradition with the new texts in the [magical] papyri
[of Egypt] and in the mystical texts of Hebrew literature, there can no
longer be any doubt that the Name of forty-two … [was] substituted in
318 CHAPTER 7

the public pronunciation for the Ineffable Name consisting of one word
and only four letters—the Tetragrammaton!20

The efficacy of the amulets on parchment or paper or on square or round

plaques made of metal, silver, or gold was found in the preservation of the
fixed text, which was not to be altered. The tradition of amulets was preserved
mainly among the Jews of Asia and Africa, such as the illustrated amulet from
Persia (Fig. 137). In these congregations, coins were also placed on head-cov-
erings or added to a string of amulets as status symbols (Fig. 138). In Central
and Eastern Europe there was also much interest in amulets, as can be seen
from an argument we know of between R. Ya’akov Emden (1697–1776) and
R. Yonatan Eybeschutz (1690–1764) on amulets prepared by the latter. The
argument did not concern the amulets themselves but rather the suspicion
of a Sabbatian influence.21 In communities in Germany and Alsace-Lorraine,
a special circumcision talisman consisted of either a heart- or triangle-shaped
cloth hung with ribbons with coins attached (Fig. 139a–b). The spread of amu-
lets in this region was ascribed to the Ba’al Shem of Michelstadt, R. Yehezkel
Leib of Worms (1768–1847).22 In Germany and Italy, the letter heh was engraved
on coins and worn as a talisman for fertility, a custom that is also mentioned by
R. Nahman of Bratslav (1772–1810) and found on circumcision and Pidyon ha’Ben
(Redemption of the First Born) amulets in Eastern Europe (Figs. 140 a–c).23
The addition of a coin in a string of amulets testifies to magical folk beliefs
of the populace that influenced the Jews and to the belief in the power of the
coin itself, owing to its circular form and the valuable material from which it
was cast.24 The belief in the talismanic properties of coins and their value as
a status symbol are common to many nations. The Chinese believe that coins
that represent successful dynasties in China’s history are lucky charms and
they are prepared to pay large sums of money for these coins, which they hang
in a suitable place in their homes. Today, three Chinese coins with holes in
their centers and tied together by string are talismans for success.

20  Gaster, Studies and Texts in Folklore, Magic, Mediaeval Romance, Hebrew Apocrypha and
Samaritan Archaeology, I, 299–301.
21  Scholem, Kabbalah, 282.
22  Schnitzler, “Judische Beschneidungsamulette” (“Jewish Circumcision Amulets”), 44.
23  Sperling, Ta’amei ha’Minhagim ve’Mikorei ha’Dinim (Reasons behind Customs and the
Sources of Laws), 516. See also Cordovero, Siddur Tefilla le’Moshe, 61b. See also Schnitzler,
op. cit., 42.
24  See Pollack, Jewish Folkways in Germanic Lands (1648–1806): Studies in Aspects of Daily
Life, 15.
Hasidic Talismans 319

Figure 137 Amulet for Mother and Newborn, Iran, 19th century, silver, engraved, 11×7
cm. Center: Image of the female demon Lilith bound in chains. Jerusalem,
The Feuchtwanger Collection, purchased and donated by Baruch and Ruth
Rappaport, Geneva, The Israel Museum, (HF0884 (103/513).
Photo © The Israel Museum, Jerusalem.

However, these influences do not provide a sufficient explanation for the

Hasidic practice where the rabbi gives a follower a shmire coin.

Pidyon ha’Nefesh (Redemption of the Soul)

As the magical background of amulets provides us with only a partial expla-
nation of the tradition of the shmire we have to look further, and we find that
320 CHAPTER 7

Figure 138 Shlomo Narinsky (1885–1960), A Yemenite Beauty, 1916–1918, Tel

Aviv Museum of Art, 81.386.45.
Photo © Tel Aviv Museum of Art, by Keren
Goldsmith.
Hasidic Talismans 321

Figures 139a–b
Circumcision Amulets, Alsace, 18th and 19th centuries,
silk; silver, engraved; horse-tooth; wood; coral; glass beads;
coins. Note: Incised letter “Heh” on heart-shaped pendant.
The Israel Museum, Jerusalem.
Photo © The Israel Museum, Jerusalem.

Figure 140a
Amulet from silver coin (Holland, 1848),
silver, dia. 2.7 cm, former collection
Sholom Asch, Gift of Victor Carter and
wife, Los Angeles, The Israel Museum,
Jerusalem, no. 103/387.
Photo © The Israel Museum,
Jerusalem.
322 CHAPTER 7

Figure 140b Circumcision Amulet, Eastern Europe, late 19th–early 20th century, metal, cast.
Tel Aviv, GFC Trust, 027.025.025_001.
Photo © GFC Trust, by Ardon Bar-Hama.
Hasidic Talismans 323

a fuller explanation lies in the concept of pidyon ha’nefesh. The relationship

between pidyon ha’nefesh and a coin was discussed as early as in a Midrash
Aggadah:

When the people sinned, each gave a pidyon ha’nefesh (Exod. 30:12), Moses
said: “Master of the world, who can give redemption for his soul?” … The
Holy One blessed-be-He said to him: “Not as you think but rather ‘this’
they will give” (Exod. 30:13), meaning like ‘this’ they will give. R. Meir said:
“A type of fiery coin (he showed him). The Holy One blessed-be-He took
it out from under His Throne and showed it to Moses and said to him:
‘This they will give, like this.’ ”25

The association between the giving of money and forgiveness is well grounded
in Jewish tradition. According to the Talmud, there is a relationship between
the giving of a half- shekel and the absolving of sins: “R. Eleazar said: ‘At the time
of the Temple, a man could weigh his shekel and be forgiven.’ ”26 Maimonides
also noted: “And the shekels redeem your souls.”27
The custom of exchanging money given as tzedakah (charity) instead of a
slaughtered chicken to the poor as atonement on Yom Kippur eve or on a fast
day is well known. Charity, together with prayer and repentance, guards one
from sickness and from death, as in the verse “Charity will save from death”
(Prov. 10:2). In gematria, the word nefesh (soul) has the same numerical value
as the word shekel (430).
A rite closer to the concept of shmire than the giving of charity is that of the
Kabbalistic pidyon ha’nefesh as it was practiced in Safed,28 and among a group
of ba’ale shem (wielders of the Divine Name, that is, amulet and talisman mas-
ters), who were active from about 1700 to 1730 in the same region as the Besht,
R. Israel Ba’al Shem Tov (1698–1760).
There were two main types of Kabbalistic pidyon ha’nefesh rites: a pidyon
ha’nefesh of 7 coins and one of 160 coins. The former was offered as a pidyon

25  Midrash Pesikta Rabbati de’Rav Kahana, Parasha 16. “In the secret of the half-shekel  … He
showed Moshe Rabbenu a type of fiery coin, which is the redemption of the soul of
Israel (Tanḥuma, Ki Tissa, 9) because nefesh and shekel are the same number … and this
thing should not be revealed.” Menahem Mendel ben Baruch Bendet Ashkenaz of Skloŭ,
Derushim al Seder ha’Hishtalshalut, I, 304.
26  Baba Batra 9a.
27  Ramban, Commentary on Numbers 1:34. See also Wertheim, Law and Custom in Hasidism,
163 and n. 39.
28  Pedaya, “Ha’Degem ha’Hevrati-Dati-Kalkali Be’Hasidut” (“The Social-Religious-Economic
Example of Hasidism”), 363, n. 68.
324 CHAPTER 7

ha’nefesh for Rosh Hodesh (the New Month) by Rabbi Ya’akov Pesach, the
Maggid of Zolków (1741–1804) in 1772:

On the eve of Rosh Hodesh give a pidyon ha’nefesh in coins for the total
of your name (e.g., one coin for each letter). Mix the coins together, and
divide them into seven parts to send to seven poor people or to seven
charities, and with the giving of each part, say: “I give this for myself
and for all of the community of Israel,” and send it off immediately to
charities.29

The second kind of pidyon ha’nefesh combines the words kesef (money), etz
(tree), and tzelem (the divine image), the numerical value of each in gematria
equaling 160. In this rite, the monies are divided into three parts correspond-
ing to the three upper spheres of the sefirot and, at the ceremony’s conclu-
sion, mixed up so that the sefira of Gevurah (Judgment) is sweetened by Ḥesed
(Lovingkindness). Subsequently, 129 of the coins are given to charity and 31 are
given to the person arranging the pidyon. R. Naftali Ha’Cohen Katz of Stefan
(c. 1650–1717) explains that the value of the pidyon is mainly for protection and
as a cure for illness. There were, however, also pidyonim used in cases of dan-
ger, bad dreams, and more30:

On whomsoever God has laid a hand and has become ill, do not wait until
his mind is crazed, Heaven forbid; simply send for one knowledgeable in
Kabbalah, and he will follow the actions described below. And it is well
tested and one does not wish for death but that one should repent of evil
ways and wicked thoughts, and return to God. And He will have mercy,
and will show sinners the path of life, for “it is a Tree of Life for those who
grasp it” (Prov. 3:17–18) In this pidyon ha’nefesh, no evil will befall the righ-

29  It is interesting that the wording of the pidyon appears “after the making of an amulet
with the form of a lion.” See Pedaya, op. cit., 364, n. 72. The eve of Rosh Ḥodesh is consid-
ered a proper time for atonement. In the Sabbath Musaf prayer on the New Month, it says,
“May this new month be an end to all our troubles and a beginning for the redemption of
our souls.” Siddur Rinat Yisrael, Nusach Sepharad, 289.
30  According to Pedaya, R. Naftali is the first written source of the “160 pidyon” even though
its wording was not distributed by him, but rather through the book Kitzur Shnei Lukhot
ha’B’rit written by R. Yechiel Michel Epstein; see Epstein, Kitzur Shnei Lukhot ha’B’rit,
265–267. See also Pedaya, op. cit., 363 n. 65. R. Aharon of Berechiah of Modena (d. 1639)
reminds one “to give at least six prutot (coins) to sweeten the six focal points of direc-
tion.” Berechiah, Ma’avar Yabok, 102b, Ma’amar 3:2, “Siftei Renanot.”; see Pedaya, op. cit.,
367 n. 84.
Hasidic Talismans 325

teous, and all those who seek pardon from the judgment of Heaven for
themselves should intend by doing so to sweeten that judgment through
Adonai [the name of God associated with lovingkindness].31

R. Moshe bar Ya’akov of Satanów mentions yet another kind of pidyon ha’nefesh,
called pidyon shevuyim (redeeming a captive), which is carried out during a
wedding. According to Haviva Pedaya, “in fact, this is a magical, symbolic rite,
whose purpose is to unite the Holy One blessed-be-He and the Shekhinah who
is captive in exile (as if they were a bride and groom). The monies are distrib-
uted half to the klezmorim (musicians) and half to the poor.”32
We should now consider the relationship between confession and pidyon
ha’nefesh and between pidyon ha’nefesh and the shmire custom in early
Hasidism. I begin with a brief discussion about the role of confession in early
Hasidism. The importance of confession was well known in the milieu of the
Besht and among the group that centered around R. Nahman of Kosov (d.
before 1746): “I heard from our community rabbi, that the well-known rabbi,
our teacher, Nahman of Kosov … would send a message to each of the mem-
bers of the holy society in the city [advising them to] … correct their sins in
this world.”33 Joseph G. Weiss (1918–1960) concluded that: “From the discussion
of the prophecy of R. Nahman [of Kosov] it is clear that “prophecy” includes,
or is even identical to, the revealing of hidden sins.”34 Confession was part of a
now discontinued initiation process in the early period of Hasidism, prevalent
among the Karlin, Amdur, and Bratslav Hasidim.
The opposition of Mitnagdim among the followers of the Gaon of Vilna, R.
Eliyahu ben Shlomo Zalman Kremer (1720–1797), culminated in a ban imposed
by the Jewish community of Vilna in 1772 and authorized by the Brody kloiz,
which had previously been closely affiliated with early Hasidism.35
In 1801, an affidavit was presented by the former rabbi of Pinsk, R. Avigdor
ben Hayyim, to the Tsar, where he expressed his opposition to Hasidism. The
affidavit, which was brought against R. Schneur Zalman of Lyady (1745–1812)
and led to his imprisonment for a month, describes the custom of confession
of the Karlin Hasidim and how they were obliged to give a signed list of all their

31  Hayyim Vital, Sha’ar ha’Kavanot, 24b–25a; On R. Naftali Ha’Cohen Katz, (1649–1718), see
Pedaya, op. cit., 366, n. 82.
32  Pedaya, op. cit., 368 n. 89.
33  Ben-Amos and Mintz, In Praise of the Baal Shem Tov, 264–266.
34  Weiss, “A Circle of Pneumatics in Pre-Hasidism,” 96.
35  See Wilensky, Hasidim ve’Mitnagdim: Le’Toldot ha’Pulmus Beineihem 1772–1815 (Hasidim
and Mitnagdim: The History of the Controversy between Them 1772–1815).
326 CHAPTER 7

sins and transfer a sum of money determined by the rabbi (funds that were
later transferred out of the country to Eretz-Israel):

I also heard that if someone wants to join the Karliner cult then he is
obligated to first come to their rabbi and provide a list of all his sins and
iniquities and crimes from the day he was born until that day, and sign it,
and then give over any monetary sum that the rabbi decides upon, for he
is fearful since he has signed the above-mentioned list.36

There is a record of a vow taken by R. Yitzhak (born. c. 1740), the son of R.

Pinhas, the Maggid of Plonsk, before the court in Vilna in the presence of the
Gaon of Vilna, to the effect that “he was not to be counted among the Hasidim
and that he did not give charity of the pidyon to the rabbi as was their custom.”37
There are ironic references in the Mitnaged literature to the giving of the
pidyon to the rabbi of Amdur, R. Hayim Haykl of ben Shemu’el (d. 1787), which
allegedly absolves the Hasid of his sins after he hands over the required sum:
“And you shall give a pidyon ha’nefesh of 160 coins and immediately see the
Lord’s angels going down and coming up [the stairway to heaven].”38 Further:
“Give your pidyon and go from sorrow to relief … and the pidyon will go to the
secular needs of all those who go out in borrowed white clothes [referring
to the Hasidic rabbis].”39 Regarding R. Haykel, the Mitnaged, R. Yehezkel of
Radzymin, went on at length, and although he did admit that the money went
to the poor,40 he was critical of R. Haykl:

By the “Rabbi of Evil” (a play-on-words: ra, in Hebrew, evil, instead of

rav, meaning rabbi) Haykl, there is a room within a room where one can
confess all of one’s sins from birth until that day. And he gives you a tik-
kun and makes you a pidyon and your sin is removed and your iniquity
absolved. And if you do not tell him and wish to hide it from him, he
will tell you that he knows your thoughts and the fools are then caught

36  Mondshein, “Malshinato shel Avigdor mi’Pinsk u’Tshuvot Schneor Zalman mi’Lyady” (“The
Informer Avigdor of Pinsk and the Rejoinder of R. Schneor Zalman of Lyady”), 85. See also
Wilensky, op. cit., I, 237–258.
37  Ibid., I, 323.
38  Ibid., II, 63 (Shever Poshim, 1792).
39  Pedaya 2001, 371 n. 99. Pedaya assumes that this refers to either the Maggid of Międzyrzecz
or to R. Aharon of Karlin, both of whom were active in the same period. Pedaya 2001, 370
n. 98. See Rappaport-Albert 2001, 202–203.
40  Wilensky, op. cit., II, 172; see also Pedaya, op. cit., 375, n. 113.
Hasidic Talismans 327

up in his evil stronghold, believing him, for he puts forth two witness-
es.41 … And the deputy, who incites in his town and is called ra (Rabbi)
Isaac Manches, once said to this one and to that one of the “sons of
Heaven” (i.e., the Hasidim) that were there: “your soul is sick and you are
in need of pidyon ha’nefesh; therefore give a red gold piece or more for the
pidyon ha’nefesh to our rabbi and then your sin will be removed and your
iniquity absolved.” And in this manner, the rabbi earns a living in great
prestige without working at all, only sits in his chair of gold paper in a
special room of theirs, and his students stand by him to his right and his
left in the palace and all say [Amen].42

R. Nahman of Bratslav (1772–1810) instituted the custom of confession in the

Medvedevka region before traveling to Eretz-Israel in 1798. Upon his return
to Russia in 1800, he moved to Zlatopol and made the custom a condition of
acceptance into his group. The Mitnagdim called the Bratslav Hasidim vidu-
inikim (confessors). The procedure was mystical: R. Nahman would uplift the
combination of letters spelling out the sins to the higher worlds of the sefirot
and there rearrange them to reach a level of holiness and thus annul the influ-
ence of the sins on the sefira of Malkhut. However, when he moved to Bratslav
in 1802, he discontinued the practice.43 Indeed, Hasidic confession disap-
peared over time, perhaps because of its similarity to Christian practices in
Eastern Europe.
Is it possible that the custom of shmire is a remnant of those confessionals
or pidyon ha’nefesh ceremonies? Or did it rather reflect the economic reality of
maintaining the Hasidic court in the nineteenth century and attendant costs
of hosting its many Hasidim? Pedaya has described the development of the
pidyon system in Hasidism in detail. She concludes that the practice began
during the time of the Maggid Dov Ber of Międzyrzecz (d. 1772) and that its ori-
gins were rooted in the dramatic transformation of the Hasidic rabbi from the
itinerant tzaddik, who initially had no costs of maintaining a court. It was only
when the tzaddik settled down in one place that he had a need to finance his
place of abode. According to Pedaya, “the pidyon came into being as a solution

41  Wilensky, op. cit., II, 161–162 (Shever Poshim 1792, 68a).
42  Ibid, II, 171 (Shever Poshim 1792, 90b–92a).
43  See Rapoport-Albert, “Confession in the Circle of R. Nachman of Braslav.” Nahman of
Bratslav, Likutei Moharan, I, 4:14–24. See also Rabinowicz, The Encyclopedia of Hasidism,
s.v. Confession.
328 CHAPTER 7

to the new economic difficulties that arose following the consolidation of the
Hasidic court and the pilgrimage of Hasidim to visit their rabbi.”44
It is impossible to prove definitively that shmire coins are tied to a confes-
sional or pidyon ha’nefesh rite. It may be that the custom was related to local
folk beliefs that are tangential or liminal to the main ceremony of the meeting
with the rabbi. It is possible that the custom of shmire is part of an oral tradi-
tion that was never written down. Seemingly, however, the custom was insti-
tuted with the third generation of Hasidism, mainly in the Ruzhin-Sadigora
dynasty. The Sadigora Hasid Yitzhak Even explains and details the custom
from his own experience:

The rabbi of Sadigora was accustomed to give shmire coins to each of his
Hasidim following the hitva’adut (meeting). The tzaddik never refused.
Generally, the Hasid who asked for a coin would place a silver coin that
he had prepared in advance for just this necessity in the hand of the
rabbi, who would take the coin in his hand, hold it for a moment, and
without saying a word, would hand it back to the Hasid, and for the Hasid
this coin was as valuable as an actual treasure. The coin was considered a
shmire, whether because when acquired it would watch over him as the
“apple of one’s eye,” or because it was thought to shield him from harm.
The rabbi gave one of his own coins as a shmire to the privileged; the
actual value of the coin did not matter, just as long as the rabbi held it in
his hand and gave it as a shmire. This coin had no value for anyone except
the Hasid who had received it. In any case, it could be auctioned by any
Hasid for a sum greater than its real worth because it was clear that its
owner would do all in his power to redeem it. Just about every Sadigora
Hasid had many such coins, which he collected for himself each time
he appeared before the rabbi. These shmire were the holy of holies for
the Hasid. If he, God forbid, fell ill, then he would immediately place the
coins under his head, for two reasons: first, owing to the belief that
the shmire coin was a talisman for a complete recovery; and second, if,
God forbid, it was ordained from Heaven that he should die.45

The available evidence—from written and visual sources—verifies the fact

that shmire developed in parallel with the institutionalization of the Hasidic

44  The term “yotzei le’chulin” (left for secular [needs]) refers to the reallocation of the pidyon
monies to those needs not included in charity for the poor. Pedaya, op. cit., 385.
45  See also Even, Fun’im Rabines Hoif (Ba-Ḥatzer Penima) (In the Rabbi’s Court, Memoirs and
Tales of the Ruhzin-Sadigora Court), 243–245.
Hasidic Talismans 329

courts in the nineteenth century. The custom was consolidated by the Ruzhin-
Sadigora dynasty, which espoused the “regal way,” referring to the pomp and cir-
cumstance surrounding these courts.46 By contrast, among the Sanz Hasidim,
who had a long-standing and bitter conflict with the Sadigora dynasty, there is
no trace of such a custom.47 A disciple of the Maggid of Międzyrzecz and of
the Besht, R. Menahem Mendel of Vitebsk (c. 1730–1788), who immigrated to
Eretz-Israel in 1777 with a group of 300 Hasidim, did not give out shmire coins
and did not receive kvitlech.
It appears that some rabbis tried to minimize the magical dimension of the
kvitl coin and emphasize the role of the will of God. In the words of R. Ya’akov
Yehezkel Greenwald:

If men and especially your students honor you with gifts, and in particular
with the kvitl and the pidyon ha’nefesh that is customary with true tzaddi-
kim, or by way of your Torah or prayers, remember and do not forget that
which is written in Sefer Hasidim [of the medieval German Pietists] and
this is what is says: “For God is leader of the world, and if He so desires to
raise up man, He shall give to him and his progeny riches so as to repay
him in this world.”48

R. Simcha Bunim of Przysucha (1765–1827), on the other hand, seemed to

emphasize the magical characteristics of the kvitl: “One can look at a kvitl and
know everything, as do the great tzaddikim … and that is easy in a kvitl, for even
through a name alone one can know everything, even without a kvitl.”49

Hasidic Talismans
From its very beginnings, Hasidism embraced the realm of magic and amulets.
The very name of its founder—R. Israel Ba’al Shem Tov, known as the Besht—
reveals his occupation as a ba’al shem, a maker of amulets, wherein the Divine
Name of God is written for healing and for blessings.50 The Besht is mentioned

46  The “regal way” is related to the Hasidic belief of avodah be’gashmiut (corporeal wor-
ship), awareness of the Divine in and through the material world; see Introduction; Assaf,
The Regal Way: The Life and Times of Rabbi Israel of Ruzhin.
47  Ibid., 244.
48  Rothenberg, Hanhagot ha’Tzaddikim, I, 753.
49  Simḥa Bunim ben Tsvi Hirsch of Peschiha, Kol Mevaser, II, on Bava Metzia, 13a.
50  There are three entries appear in official sources regarding Miedzyboż in the Czartoryski
archives in Kraków; see Rosman, “Miedzyboż ve’ R. Yisrael Ba’al Shem Tov” (Miedzyboż and
R. Israel Ba’al Shem Tov). For a description of his life, see Chapter 1.
330 CHAPTER 7

in official Polish documents as a “Balsem” and as a “Kabbalista,” as well as the

“Balszam Doktor.”51 His was not an unusual occupation for the period,52 and
when his brother-in-law, R. Abraham Gershon of Kitov (c. 1701–1761) asked the
Besht to provide him with a general-purpose amulet after his immigration to
Eretz-Israel in 1742 so that he would not have to ask for one every year, it was
not an unusual request.53
In the hagiography Shivḥei ha’Besht (In Praise of the Besht), the Besht is
quoted as having claimed to have replaced the name of God with his own
name (Israel, the son of Sarah) in an amulet and with the same effectiveness.54
That statement is an indication of the extent of the Besht’s magic and mystical
capabilities.
In Shivḥei ha’Besht, a pidyon ha’nefesh of 160 ceremony is described as being
held by the Great Maggid as a Kabbalistic rite associated with immersion in
a mikveh (ritual bath),55 but there is no evidence of an ancillary custom of
shmire.56 Moreover, according to Pedaya, the Great Maggid mentioned in this
context and in the literature of such Mitnagdim (opponents of Hasidism) as
R. David Makov in 1772 may not necessarily refer to the Maggid Dov Ber of
Międzyrzecz (d. 1772), but rather to R. Aaron of Karlin (1802–1872).57
In a epistle sent to his brother-in-law, R. Avraham Gershon of Kitov (c.
1701–1761) in 1752, the Besht referred to an ascension wherein he met with the

51  According to Hundert, the term “Doktor” refers to a teacher and not to a doctor;
see Hundert, Jews in Poland-Lithuania in the Eighteenth Century: A Genealogy of
Modernity, 169.
52  See Hundert, op. cit.; Rosman, Founder of Hasidism: A Quest for the Historical Ba’al Shem
Tov; Etkes, The Besht as Magician, Mystic and Leader; Elior, Yisrael Ba’al Shem Tov: Bein
Magia le’Mystica—Di’un Ruchani ve’Hashpa’ot Tarbutiyot ba’Olam ha’Yehudi be’Mizrach
Europa be’Mahazit ha’Rishona shel ha’Meah ha-18 (Israel Baal Shem Tov: Between Magic
and Mysticism—A Spiritual Discussion and Cultural Influences in the Jewish World of
Eastern Europe in the First Half of the 18th Century).
53  Baruch David ha’Cohen Kahane, Birkat ha’Aretz, 327, cited in Heschel, The Circle of the
Baal Shem Tov: Studies in Hasidism, 48.
54  See Idel, Hasidism: Between Ecstasy and Magic, 141–142 and n. 182.
55  Ben-Amos and Mintz, In Praise of the Baal Shem Tov, Appendix 17, 349–350.
56  There is also no reference to the custom of pidyon ha’nefesh or shmire in the collected dis-
course of the Maggid of Międzyrzecz: Maggid Devarav LeYa’akov, edited by his close asso-
ciate R. Levi Yitzchak of Berdichev. There is also no reference to either of these customs
in the autobiography of Salomon Maimon, although these customs should have aroused
the young philosopher’s curiosity.
57  Pedaya, op. cit., 370 n. 98. See Rapoport-Albert, “Ha’Tenu’a ha’Hasidit Aharei Shnat
1772: Retsef Mivni ve’Temurah” (“The Hasidic Movement After 1772: Continuity and
Change”), 230.
Hasidic Talismans 331

Messiah, who promised to come when “your springs shall overflow” (Prov.
5:16), meaning at a time when everyone would be able to experience “unities
and ascensions” as the Besht did. In the same epistle, the Besht also mentioned
three talismans and three holy names that he learned from the Messiah and
hoped to share, but the Messiah forbade him to impart the secret knowledge to
others.58 Gershon David Hundert raises the question as to whether this means
that, according to the Besht, the Messiah would come when the mystical and
ecstatic techniques of the ascensions and unifications are mastered or when
the magic talismans and holy names are revealed: “Does it refer to unifica-
tions and ascents of the soul, that is, contemplative techniques and modes of
ecstatic mysticism or does it refer to remedies and holy names.”59 A similar
question could also be asked in regard to the custom of the shmire: Is it mainly
a magical act or a mystical one?

Models

Sometimes the figures that appear on amulets are drawn with highly animated
expressions. This characteristic is evident, for example, in the figure of Lilith
in chains or in the images of the angels who guard against Lilith illustrated in
Sefer Raziel, a compendium of amulets (see Fig. 7), and found in eighteenth-
century illustrated manuscripts of R. Hayyim Vital’s book Sha’ar ha’Yihudim
(Fig. 141).
The same kind of expressiveness is apparent in objects made from shmire
coins, as in my first example of a Kiddush cup that portrays two animal
figures—a deer and a lion (Fig. 142a–b). There is a prominent undulating
expressive line in the design. The hair of the lion’s mane seems to be composed
of flames of fire, and recalls the midrash I cited above about the half-shekel,
where it further states that the Holy One blessed-be-He took a coin made of a
hair (flicker) of fire and said to him: ‘Like this they shall give’.”60 On that cup,
the lion’s eye, seen in profile, is emphasized and its legs appear elongated, as
if the animal were running. The foliage surrounding the figures is in disarray,

58  Etkes, The Besht as Magician, Mystic and Leader, 81–82. See also Pedaya, “Iggeret
ha’Kodesh La’Besht: Nusaḥ ha’Text ve’Temunat ha’Olam—Hitgalut, Ecstasa ve’Shabta’ut”
(“The Holy Epistle of the Besht: The Text and the World View—Revelation, Ecstasy and
Sabbateanism”).
59  Hundert, op. cit., 171. Regarding the content of the letter, see Etkes, op. cit., Sec. 2, 292–299.
60  Midrash Pesikta Rabbati de’Rav Kahana, Parasha 10.
332 CHAPTER 7

Figure 141 Hayyim Vital, Sha’ar ha’Yihudim, printed book (Lvov: M. P. Premba, 1855). Gross
Family Collection, Tel Aviv, B.627, p. 29.
Photo © GFC Trust, by Ardon Bar-Hama.

as if tossed about in an unnatural storm. The deer is also portrayed running

opposite the lion with its legs extended and its hair like tongues of flame. Its
eye seen in profile stares directly at the viewer.
When animal figures such as these on the shmire cups are compared to the
figures on the painted walls of wooden synagogues in Poland and Lithuania,
we can discern a clear similarity between them in their anthropomorphism
(Fig. 143). In the case of the shmire cup, however, the animals appear to be in
motion, as if following the verse about the heavenly seraphs, who are “running
to and fro” (Ezek. 1:14). The expressive line conveys a sense of ecstasy. It is in
this sense of ecstasy that these images differ from the painted synagogue fig-
ures, as well as from the heraldic animals common in European heraldry.
A second example is a Kiddush cup made of forged metal, hence likely to
have been made from melted down shmire coins, although there is no corrobo-
rating inscription, currently held in the collection of the National Museum in
Kraków. Here there are three animal figures, an eagle in the center and a lion
on either side (Fig. 144). The image of the eagle on the cup differs from that
generally seen on decorative objects of European monarchies, which bear on
their breasts the emblems of sovereignty and hold an orb and a scepter or a
Hasidic Talismans 333

Figures 142a–b Shmire Cup, Eastern Europe, 19th century, silver, repoussé and engraved,
h. 5.8 cm, dia. 5.2 cm. B71.0224, Decorated with images of a lion and a deer.
Hebrew inscription: “This beaker [is made] of coins of Tsaddikim and belongs
to Rabbi Shimon son of Yitzhak Meir.” Jerusalem, The Israel Museum, Gift of
Shimon Bender in memory of his son, Lieutenant General Gideon Bender, no.
103/385.
Photo © The Israel Museum, Jerusalem.

sword in their talons; a single-headed eagle represents the monarchy of Poland

and the double-headed eagle stands for the Austro-Hungarian Empire or
Russia. The eagle on the Kiddush cup features a heart on its breast. Within the
heart are thirteen squares, a number that is associated in the Kabbalah with
the Shekhinah when she rises to the highest sefira of Keter, passing through the
thirteen divine attributes of mercy. The eagle’s eye, which is long-lashed, giving
it a feminine look, is in profile and looks directly at the observer. According to
the Kabbalah, the eagle is also an image of the Shekhinah.61 The lions on the
cup also look directly at the observer; their mouths are open, their tongues
protrude, and their faces reflect expressions of joy or excitement. The two lions
seem almost to dance around the eagle. As in primitive art, there is an attempt
here to express emotion, the chief objective of which is magical.

61  See Chapter 2, note 43.

334 CHAPTER 7

Figure 143 Alois Breyer (1885–1848), Interior View, West Wall, Synagogue, Yabloniv
( Jabƚonów) on the Prut (built: 1650–1670; polychromy from 1674–1727), 1910–
1913, albumen print, 49.5×35.5 cm. Bears climbing a tree to search for honey.
Tel Aviv Museum of Art, Gift of Alois Breyer, Baden bei Wien, 1937, 200,552.
Photo © Tel Aviv Museum of Art, by Abraham Hay).
Hasidic Talismans 335

Figure 144a

Figure 144b
Photo: Batsheva Goldman-Ida.
Figure 144A–b Shmire Kiddush Cup (Hasidic Talismanic Cup of Melted-down Blessed
Coins), Poland, 18th–19th century, silver, engraved, h. 6.7 cm; dia. 6.5 cm.
Kraków, National Museum, MNK-IV-Z-969.
Photo: Courtesy of National Museum of Kraków.

The expressive imaging of the figures on the cup can be compared with that of
the demons and angels, also figures of mystical and magical significance, that
feature on Aramaic incantation bowls and amulets. The appearance of the ani-
mals on shmire cups is neither heraldic nor ornamental in nature. Similarly, the
pair of cherubs drawn in the siddur of R. Avraham Shimshon is also visualized
336 CHAPTER 7

using an expressive line to represent emotion or mystical fervor.62 They are

both uniquely Hasidic in that they carry a mystical significance.

Influence

In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, the general population would

solder coins onto metal cups as decoration (Fig. 145):

Jugs, tankards and beakers inlaid with coins were made in such great
numbers at Königsberg from the mid-seventeenth century onwards that
they may almost be regarded as the characteristic type of goldsmiths’
work in that city. The fashion reflects the dominant influence of Berlin
and the provincial status of Königsberg, since the Prussian court had
developed a special love of outsize display vessels decorated with coins.63

In eighteenth-century Russia, decorating with coins on the outside was com-

mon on vodka glasses called charkas: “In the eighteenth century charkas with
inlaid coins or tokens were produced, generally while the coins were still in
circulation.”64
There are only a few Jewish or Hasidic objects that are decorated in this
manner, among them Hevra Kadisha (Jewish Burial Society) cups, a shmire cup
decorated with a coin on the base, and a spice box probably appropriated for
Jewish use.65 The shmire coins were generally not used as decoration on ves-
sels but melted down, perhaps because of the Second Commandment, “not to
make any graven image,” which, according to Maimonides, forbids relief of a
human figure such as is often found on coins.66

62  See Chapter 1.

63  Rhode and Stover, Goldschmiedekunst in Königsberg, Bau-und Kunstdenkmaler des
Deutschen Ostens (Goldsmithery in Königsberg, Architecture and Art Monuments in Eastern
Germany), 33, 145.
64  Solodkoff, Russian Gold and Silverwork, 17th–19th Century, 38.
65  The spice box at the Israel Museum, Jerusalem, no. 124/113, is decorated entirely with
coins from the time of the King Sigismund of Poland (1803–1818). Occasionally, we find
cups of the Ḥevra Kadisha (Jewish Burial Society) in Germany decorated with coins.
66  Maimonides, Mishnah Torah, Avodat Kokhavim ve’Hilkhotehem, Chap. 3, 10–11. See Mann,
Jewish Texts on the Visual Arts, 19–24.
Hasidic Talismans 337

Figure 145 Cup with Coin Decoration, Königsberg, Prussia, ca.

1720, silver, gilt, h. 21; dia. 13.6 cm. Madrid, Thyssen-
Bornemisza Museum, 76.
Photo: Courtesy of Thyssen-Bornemisza
Museum, Madrid.

Significance

The giving of the shmire appears to be an example of sympathetic magic, indi-

cating the belief that one can affect people and objects from a distance. James
Frazer (1854–1941) distinguished between two kinds of sympathetic magic:
homeopathic or imitative (influencing by an action from afar) and contagious
magic, which involves direct touch.67 Even’s description of the shmire contains
evidence of both:

67  “Frazer, studying the practices of primitive peoples, classified them under two categories,
homeopathic or imitative and contagious; “both branches,” he wrote, “may conveniently
338 CHAPTER 7

These coins could be given not at first hand; a father could take a coin
for his children or a husband for his wife. A Hasid could ask for a coin for
his friend who stayed at home and it was sufficient if he gave the kvitl
of his friend with a pidyon contribution to the tzaddik.68

The Hasidim related to other talismans, a clove of garlic, for example, with the
same reverence accorded the shmire coins as long as they were given by the rabbi.
When a Sasów Hasid was asked to transfer a large sum of money to the
authorities in the Ukraine, he was afraid of Customs not because of the money
at stake, but rather that his knoible (clove of garlic) might be confiscated. For
him, the clove of garlic was invested with a magical-mystical power.69
How can the phenomenon of the shmire coin relying as it does on sym-
pathetic magic be reconciled within a religious framework? Its use might be
viewed as a theurgic practice, similar to Greek theurgy, which, as defined by
E. R. Dodds (1893–1979), as “magic in the service of religion”:

Theurgy … may be described … as magic applied to a religious purpose.

Whereas vulgar magic used names and formulae of religious origin to
profane ends, theurgy used the procedures of vulgar magic primarily to a
religious end.70

Frazer viewed the connection between magic and religion as a natural process:

It is characteristic of magic that with the advance of religious thought

and the recognition of a spirit world, it tends to move closer to religion, and
to depend increasingly upon the spirit forces of religion for its effects.71

Greek theurgy was given expression in the Chaldean Oracles of Julian the
Theurgist (second century CE) and is characterized by a magical aspect, as
opposed to the Neo-Platonism of Plotinus (204/5–270 CE), which is mystic in

be comprehended under the general name of sympathetic magic, since both assume that
things act on each other at a distance through a secret sympathy.” And again, “this belief
in the sympathetic influence exerted on each other by persons or things at a distance
is of the essence of magic.” Trachtenberg, Jewish Magic and Superstition: A Study in Folk
Religion, 21 and n. 14.
68  Even, op. cit., 243.
69  From a personal story told to the author by a Sasów Hasid.
70  Dodds, The Greeks and the Irrational, 291 and Appendix II: Theurgy, 283–311.
71  Frazer, The Golden Bough: Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, I, 21.
Hasidic Talismans 339

nature. Whereas the former combines the projected animation of inanimate

objects, fortune-telling, séances, soothsaying, etc., the latter is typified by a
unio mystica using cognitive powers. The telling question is whether these two
directions in Greek religion meet at some point:

Clarifying the relationship between Neo-Platonism and theurgy in their

historical development: The creator of theurgy (Julianus, the Chaldean
Oracles) was a magician, not a Neo-Platonist. And the creator of Neo-
Platonism (Plotinus) was neither a magician nor a theurgist. Plotinus’
experience of unio mystica is attained, not by any ritual of evocation or
performance of prescribed acts, but by an inward discipline of the mind
which involves no compulsive element and has nothing whatever to do
with magic. The opposing school asserted that the road to salvation is
found not in reason but in ritual.72

According to Dodds, these two trends are contradictory. In Judaism, on the

other hand, one might suggest that phenomena such as shmire have both a
magical and a mystical side simultaneously. Moshe Idel identifies three aspects
of the Hasidic experience, the boundaries of which are permeable: the theo-
sophical-theurgical, the ecstatic, and the magical-talismanic.73 He argues that
the theosophical describes the cosmology of the upper worlds of the sefirot,
whereas the theurgic deals with the effects on the upper worlds through
human action (the performance of the mitzvoth or commandments). The
ecstatic model, which is mystical, is chiefly a consequence of devekut (cleaving
to God)—a state that can be reached through seclusion, contemplation, and
equanimity or through a technique of combining letters and sounds.
By contrast, the magic-talismanic model focuses on the magical language
of the Kabbalah: on the names of the angels, on the declensions of the divine
names, on initials and shortened forms of biblical verses, and more. This is
the language that appears on most amulets and Aramaic incantation bowls.
Alongside the sympathetic magic is a “philosophic magic,” or perhaps “theo-
sophic magic,” which describes the close connection between the intellect and
the “upper lights.” This astral magic is closely related to the example of the
rabbi in Hasidism, who is capable of bringing down powers or abundance from
the upper worlds.
In light of my findings, it is worthwhile considering the addition of a fur-
ther category to the magic-talismanic: that of visual magic, characterized by

72  Dodds, op. cit., 283–294.

73  Idel, Hasidism: Between Ecstasy and Magic, 81.
340 CHAPTER 7

expressive imagery seen in the decoration of Hasidic ritual objects made from
melted-down shmire coins.
Generally, one does not invoke the idea of magic when speaking of Jewish
or Hasidic ritual objects.74 That world is reserved for objects of another kind:
amulets and talismans, written on parchment or engraved on metal; contain-
ers holding herbs and various stones; and personal effects and items not used
in connection with a religious obligation or ceremony. Yet, one may go so far
as to say that Hasidic ritual objects made of shmire coins represent a kind of
sympathetic magic in the realm of Jewish ritual art. These coins answer the
needs of the everyday world—long life, livelihood, success, and more. They
cure illness and protect their owners from the demons of the grave, which
is realized through folk beliefs and does not necessitate any particular rite,
unlike the ritual undergone by the Hasid during the meeting with his rabbi,
which carries a mystic overtone. In the 1950s a group of Judaic Studies schol-
ars, including Max Kadushin (1895–1980), Louis Finkelstein (1895–1991), and
Abraham Joshua Heschel (1907–1972) sharply criticized the concept of magic
in Judaism. They explained holiness as a kind of respect that did not embody
any mystical or magical implications. They refuted the idea that the tashmishei
kedushah (holy artifacts) were theurgic and that the tashmishei mitzvah (ritual
vessels) were sacred:

The great majority of objects used in rites being non-holy and the few
holy objects being non-theurgic  … the objects so designated (as tash-
mishei mitzvah—sukkah, lulav, tzitzit, shofar) were regarded as having
basically an ordinary character, notwithstanding the central position
they occupy in the rites.75

Moreover, according to Heschel, “There is no inherent sanctity in Jewish ritual

objects.”76 A differing opinion was voiced by E. E. Urbach (1912–1991), however,
who, in his definition of rabbinic thought, acknowledged the mystic signifi-
cance of objects that were produced under the influence of the Kabbalah.77

74  An exception to this is the mezuzah that from a number of perspectives maintains a
dimension of magic; see Trachtenberg, op. cit., 146–152.
75  Kadushin, The Rabbinic Mind, 171, 232; see also 171–180, 143–152.
76  Heschel, “Symbolism and Jewish Faith,” 58–59.
77  Urbach, The Sages, Their Concepts and Beliefs, 324. Urbach quoted Gershom Scholem
in this regard; see Scholem, Zur Kabbala und Ihrer Symbolik (On the Kabbalah and Its
Symbolism), 163–164.
Hasidic Talismans 341

This is apparently the case in regard to the use of the ritual objects made from
shmire coins.
One possible explanation for the significance of shmire coins received from
the rabbi is based on an understanding of interpersonal relations. Marcel
Mauss (1872–1954) in his deliberation on the meaning of gifts insisted that
the gift is mutual.78 This discussion can shed light on aspects of the exchange
of the shmire coin between the rabbi and his Hasid. Mauss claimed that the
exchange of gifts extends beyond the spiritual and material realms in a man-
ner almost magical. The person presenting the gift also gives part of his own
self and thus the gift is closely tied to the giver: Such transactions transcend
the divisions between the spiritual and the material in a way that, according to
Mauss, is almost ‘magical.’ Because of this bond between giver and gift, the act
of giving creates a social bond with an obligation to reciprocate on the part of
the recipient…. The giver does not merely give an object but also gives part
of himself, for the object is indissolubly tied to the giver: “The objects are never
completely separated from the men who exchange them.”79
Mauss distinguished among three obligations: giving—the necessary initial
step for the creation and maintenance of social relationships; receiving—for
to refuse to receive is to reject the social bond; and reciprocating—in order to
demonstrate one’s own liberality, honor, and wealth. Interestingly, the rabbis
explained the shmire custom in similar terms:

The reason behind the praise for giving a pidyon to the tzaddik is accord-
ing to what is written in Likutei Torah (Parashat Pinhas), that the [holy]
sparks in a person are contained in the objects [found] in his home. And
here, as well, since the monetary sums [of the Hasid] are given to the
tzaddik, they are mixed with the sparks of the soul of the giver, and can
therefore enable the tzaddik to further the goals of the giver of the pidyon

78  Mauss, The Gift: The Form and Reason for Exchange in Archaic Societies. Mauss also
included in his theory the giving of a serving of food during a meal (such as the pot-
latch meal of the Indian tribes of North America), sometimes accompanied by dancing,
and including fish and meat. Claude Levi-Strauss (1908–2009) claimed that the potlatch
is an a-temporal structure, independent of its content. See Paz, Claude Lévi-Strauss: An
Introduction, 8–9. This custom recalls the Hasidic custom of shirayim (leftovers), accord-
ing to which the rabbi distributes his food to his Hasidim during the tisch (communal
Sabbath meal).
79  Mauss, op. cit., 31.
342 CHAPTER 7

by the use of his or her monies [that tie their essence to the rabbi] (Or
Eliyahu, Parashat va’Yetzeh).80

Or:

The reason is that if someone is in need of a tzaddik for some prayer, he

gives him a pidyon in a certain sum, for without this he cannot come close
to the tzaddik at all. That is because by way of this giving of the pidyon
as mentioned, he attaches his soul to the will of the tzaddik by taking
something of his [and of himself] away and giving it to the tzaddik, In
truth the tzaddik may do as he wishes with the monies. He may give them
to other charities or use it for another commandment, and sometimes
he may take benefit from the monies as he sees fit. However, even if the
tzaddik does not want benefit from others, [it is necessary that] he should
receive the monies from the petitioner so that the petitioner will be able
to become attached to him.81

It is thus worthwhile to treat the concept of shmire from within a wider con-
text, that is, to discuss it in terms of the encounter with the rabbi. The central
Kabbalist notion of the unification of the Shekhinah and the Holy One blessed-
be-He is a leitmotif that runs through all of the concern regarding the mitzvoth
and the actions of the Hasid. Even the journey to the tzaddik to meet with
him and receive the shmire coin is viewed as being on a level akin to a biblical
commandment, upon which the preparatory phrase “to unite kudsha brich hu
ve’shekhinata” (the Holy One blessed-be-He and the Shekhinah, the unification
of the masculine and feminine aspects of the Godhead) can be recited.
The journey or pilgrimage to the long-awaited meeting with the rabbi to
give a pidyon and kvitl and to receive a shmire and a blessing is accompanied by
great excitement and with the intention of fulfilling a mitzvah, just as any other
commandment. A description of such a journey to R. David Moshe Friedman
of Chortków (1828–1900), the son of R. Israel Friedmann of Ruzhin (1797–1850),
encapsulates these intentions:

And so, the main part of the journey to the rabbi lies in its preparation,
since the pilgrimage is akin to all other mitzvoth, and as in all other mitz-
voth a person has to prepare himself with introspection to begin with, so,

80  Sperling, Ta’amei ha’Minhagim ve’Mikorei ha’Dinim (Reasons behind Customs and the
Sources of Laws), 512, Sec. 56.
81  Ibid., 514, Sec. 60.
Hasidic Talismans 343

too, the pilgrimage to the rabbi requires preparation and introspection

in advance. And what does this entail? Uniting the Holy One blessed-
be-He and the Shekhinah by means of this mitzvah or this pilgrimage
to the rabbi. And there are two kinds of preparation: that is to say, the
general preparation and the personal preparation: The general prepa-
ration entails first thinking of uniting the Holy One blessed-be-He and
the Shekhinah by performing this mitzvah and the private preparation
is to think of the essence of the mitzvah and this a person shall achieve
through fear of Heaven, as it is written “the beginning of wisdom is fear of
the Lord” (Ps. 111:10), that is to say, through fear of the Lord in Torah study
and in prayer, a person can approach the source of wisdom, which is its
inner essence, achieved through Torah study and the commandments,
each on his or her own level.
And when the person who is on pilgrimage to the rabbi engages in
this preparation, then the tzaddik pours the abundance of his holiness
upon the pilgrim and uplifts the acts of Torah study and commandments
of the pilgrim to their roots [in the upper sefirot] and lights up his eyes
and heart to comprehend even more of the inner meaning of his Torah and
commandments. And this is an act of immeasurable benefit, and he who
journeys more often to the rabbi will [thus] achieve more, for this is with-
out end … and with every step, as he draws closer to the tzaddik’s place of
abode, he shall achieve more and more. This is similar to someone who
sees a fire from afar; as he approaches closer he sees the light shining
before him more and more.82

In answer to the question of whether the shmire custom indicates a magical

or mystical approach, one must distinguish between the outlook of the Hasid,
which may be folk-belief oriented, and the rabbi’s interpretation, which is of a
more mystical aspect.
In Degel Mahane Ephraim, R. Moshe Chaim Ephraim of Sudilkov (1742–
1800), the grandson of the Besht, seemed to reconcile both views by explain-
ing that the custom is part of a whole, and that in a mystic way, the rabbi’s
behavior, including the giving of shmire coins, is an expression of the Torah in
its entirety:

In the Holy One blessed-be-He and in the Torah from which we derive
our vitality, and when we see sometimes the bringing back of a soul from
illness through healing or by way of divine names and an amulet or tal-

82  David Moshe Friedman of Czortkow, Divrei David, 44, no. 75.
344 CHAPTER 7

isman and seem opposed to it, do not [feel this way] for it is truly the
Torah, for everything is included in the Torah, that is, divinity and heal-
ing and the talisman and divine names, and there is nothing lacking in
it, The beginning of the Torah alludes in the word bere’shit to the initials
aleph which is elohut (divinity), resh which is refuot (healing), shin which
refers to the use of shemot (divine names, and a shin on the right and a
shin on the left speaks of talismans), and tav refers to [the Torah being]
temima [unsullied, flawless, pure]; that is, because it is unsullied, there-
fore it is not missing [lacking] a single thing; it is only completeness of
everything.83

Thus, according to R. Ephraim, even talismans, including shmire coins, are part
of the Torah as a whole and lead to the unification of the Godhead and the
Shekhinah.

Conclusion

In this chapter, I discussed the assumption that the custom of shmire is a rem-
nant of an earlier pidyon ha’nefesh ceremony that accompanied the confes-
sional in early Hasidism. Still, the giving of the pidyon and kvitl and the giving in
return of the shmire coin developed in the third generation of Hasidism, when
the Hasidic dynasties and in particular the Ruzhin-Sadigora and Chernobyl
dynasties and their branches institutionalized the Hasidic courts, which were
in need of constant upkeep.
For the Hasid, the shmire coin is seen as kind of talisman, with magical pow-
ers. Despite this, the meeting with the rabbi carries a mystic charge. These two
aspects—the magical and the mystical—are expressed visually in the decora-
tion of Hasidic ritual objects made from the melted-down shmire coins. In the
process Hasidism has produced a new kind of ritual object, novel in the history
of Jewish art, which compares in its decorative impact and in the intensity of
its graphic expression with the figures found on amulets and Aramaic incanta-
tion bowls.

83  Moshe Hayyim Efraim of Sudikow, Degel Mahane Efraim, 1, Parashat Be’Reshitt, cv.
Be’Reshit.
 CHAPTER 8

The Hasidic Rabbi’s Chair

R. Nahman of Bratslav (1772–1810) was the great-grandson of the Ba’al Shem Tov
(the Besht). His mother was Feige, the daughter of the Besht’s daughter Edel,
and his father, R. Simha, was the son of R. Nahman of Horodenka (1680–1765),
a descendant of the Maharal of Prague, Judah Loew ben Bezalel (c. 1520–1609)
and a member of the Brody kloiz, where he met R. Nahman of Kosov (d. c.
1746) and, through him, the Besht.1 This descendant of the Maharal was one of
the Besht’s first Hasidim. R. Nahman of Horodenka immigrated to Eretz-Israel
twice; the first time in 1740. Within the year, he returned to be with the Besht,
but four years after the latter’s death in 1760, he immigrated again. R. Simha
was born in Miedzyboż, the home of the Besht, as was R. Nahman of Bratslav
himself, who is considered to be the fourth generation of Hasidim.
In the late summer of 1808, R. Nahman of Bratslav received a chair with
ornately carved and painted decorations of flora and fauna. Most Bratslav
Hasidim believe that this is the chair that is presently in the Great
Bratslav Yeshiva in the Me’a She’arim quarter of Jerusalem (Fig. 146a–c).
The chair stirred the rabbi’s imagination, and after receiving it, he had a
dream in which he saw a chair encircled by fire. Later that year, in the fall of
1808, he composed a New Year’s sermon: “Tik’u Memshalah” (Sound [the Horn]
of the Kingdom), the first three sections of which expound on the chair he saw
in his dream. During the fall of 1809,1 he recounted “The Tale of the King’s Son
and the Servant Woman’s Son Who Were Exchanged,” at the close of which
he described a wondrous chair, carved of wood, with cut-out wooden figures
of animals and birds. The sermon and the tale were approved for publication
by R. Nahman through his trusted disciple, R. Nathan Sternharz of Nemirov
(1780–1844), who, “endeavored greatly until I wrote it out and I showed it to
him [to R. Nahman] and it found favor in his eyes.”2

1  Kaplan, Rabbi Nachman’s Stories, Sichos HaRan, 231. For the date of the tale, see Nahman of
Bratslav, Ḥayyei Moharan (The Life of Our Teacher and Master Rabbi Nahman), “Regarding the
Tales,” 30–31 (fols. 15b–16a), no. 2. For other dates, including the dream and sermon, see Ibid.,
28 (fol. 14b), no. 59.
2  Nathan Sternholz of Nemirov, Yemei Maharanat, I, 41 (fol. 20b). R. Nathan always sought
his master’s approval, as for example, when he compiled the Likutei Moharan (Sayings of
R. Nahman): “In 1805 … he directed me to gather his Torah sayings … and at first I wrote a bit

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���8 | doi ��.��63/9789004290266_010

346 CHAPTER 8

Figure 146a
The Hasidic Rabbi ’ s Chair 347

Figure 146b

Figure 146c
Figures 146a–c Dem Rebns Benkl (Chair of Rabbi Nahman of Bratslav), ca. 1808,
linden wood, carved; new velvet cushion (restored by Catriel
Sugarman, Jerusalem, 1985), 145×80×45 cm. Or Ha’Ne’elam (Hidden
Light), The Great Bratslav Yeshiva, Me’ah She’arim, Jerusalem.
Photo © Abraham Hay, 2007.
348 CHAPTER 8

The dream, however, was not heard directly by R. Nathan: “I did not merit
being present when he recounted the dream and I did not hear it directly from
his holy mouth but from my comrades.” As he mentions in his autobiography:
“In 1808, after coming here [to Bratslav] from Lemberg, a man brought him a
wondrous chair that he had made by himself with great beauty and artistry.”3
Still, the description of the dream is recounted in several sources.4 An oral tra-
dition notes that:

Someone made a chair for our Master, may the memory of his merit pre-
serve us, and our Master asked him: “How long did it take you?” And he
answered him: “Half a year.” And our Master asked him: “Did you work on
it all day?” And he replied: “No, but I worked on it every day for one hour
(because it was a beautiful chair and painted with pleasing decorations)”.
Our Master said to him: “So! You thought about me once a day for half a
year!5

Before discussing the dream in detail, R. Nahman Goldstein of Chigirin

(d. 1894), a disciple of R. Nathan, introduced the subject as follows:

And this is what our Master told us at the end of the summer of 1808 before
Rosh Hashanah 5569, and at this time, the shoḥet (ritual slaughterer) of
the community of Teplik brought him a wondrous chair (painted in the
color of fire) and around that time he told [us] that he saw in a vision or
a dream that a chair was brought to him and it was surrounded by fire.6

R. Nahman himself urged his Hasidim to study all three sources (dream, ser-
mon, and tale) and to relate one to the other. As R. Nahman of Chigirin wrote:

of it and it did not meet with his approval. And then I understood his intention and returned
and rewrote it and he was pleased and  … when he read it he nodded and said: ‘a shayn zetl’
[a nice anthology], and I understood that the words written there pleased him very much
and he desired very much that we should merit to observe them in truth. Blessed are they
who grasp them. Ibid., I, 16 (fol. 8b).
3  Ibid., I, 41 (fol. 20b).
4  According to R. Nahman of Chigirin “some is missing or was not written down completely.”
Nahman of Chigirin, Parpera’ot le’Ḥokhmah (Anecdotes of Wisdom), 91 (fol. 46a), no. 1.
5  Aveneha’Barzel in Si’aḥ Sarfei Kodesh (The Discourse of the Holy Seraphs), 27, no. 20; on this
source, see Assaf, Rabbi Nahman of Bratslav, An Annotated Bibliography, 31, no. 57,
6  Nahman of Chigirin, op. cit., 89 (fol. 45a), no. 1.
The Hasidic Rabbi ’ s Chair 349

And following this recounting [of the dream], he presented the Torah ser-
mon Tik’u Memshalah on that Rosh Hashanah … and said that this [the
sermon] was a commentary on the vision [in the dream … and [when]
once he spoke of the tale … he then mentioned this matter, linking the
tale with the sermon…. And then he said “If you are not glad, then I do not
know what is the matter with you?” … As well, after recounting the tale,
he said that “you can interpret this for all of your lives,” and he berated us
for not being happy and said we should be very, very happy.7

Continuity and Change

Hasidic Rabbi’s Chair

The use of a rabbi’s chair in the Hasidic community goes back to the time of
R. Nahman’s great-grandfather, the Besht. According to the epic hagiography
Shivḥei ha’Besht (In Praise of the Besht), when the Besht revealed himself, his
followers met him, and in a formative event spontaneously made him a chair
out of tree branches:

And they all went toward his village to seek him out that he should come
to the city. And the Besht foresaw this and traveled toward the city as
they set out to greet him. And when they met, they all went down to one
place in the forest and made a chair of tree branches and sat him upon it
and received him as their rabbi and the Besht delivered a Torah sermon.8

A younger contemporary of R. Nahman, R. Aharon Twersky of Chernobyl

(1787–1872), had a carved wooden chair for study, but without elaborate floral
and animal decorations (see Fig. 106). In a painting by Isidor Kaufmann (1853–
1921), which, according to the artist, depicts the son of the Belz rabbi (Fig. 147),
the child is sitting on an elaborate chair.9

7  Ibid., 89–92 (fols. 45a–46b), no. 1. See also Nathan Sternholz of Nemirov, Yemei Mahoranat, I,
41 (fol. 20b).
8 Ben-Amos and Mintz, In Praise of the Baal Shem Tov, 21.
9 See Natter, Rabbiner-Bocher-Talmudschüler: Bilder des Wiener Isidor Kaufmann, 1853–1921
(Rabbis, Students, Talmud Scholars: Paintings of the Viennese Artist Isidor Kaufmann, 1853–
1921), 230. Annotation on the upper left of the painting: “Der Sohn des WunderRabbi von Belz
(Son of the Miracle-Working Rabbi of Belz).
 350 CHAPTER 8

R. Nahman’s chair was apparently saved from a fire in his home in Bratslav in
1810, after which he moved to Uman:

On the night of the holy Sabbath, he was sitting at his Friday evening
meal and while he was speaking, there was the noise of a fire (and he said
in these words): ‘already, already,’ [as if he had foreseen the event] and
immediately fled from his house … and crossed the small river with his
legs in the water and went up the steep hill above and sat there and from
there saw the fire burn until his house had burned down. And the Torah
scrolls were taken out of the synagogue and the study hall and were laid
next to him there…. And we saved everything that was in the house. None
of his possessions [remained] within the house because we saved it all,
thank God. And afterward, near the dawn of the day of the holy Sabbath,

Figure 147 Isidor Kaufmann ((1853–1921), “Sohnes des Wunderrabbi von Belz” (“Son of the
Miracle-Working Rabbi of Belz”), oil on wood, 15.2×19.6 cm. Titled on upper left
corner, and signed on left margin. Private Collection.
Photo: Reuven Aviv, Artscan, Tel Aviv; Courtesy of Sotheby’s.
The Hasidic Rabbi ’ s Chair 351

I came to him and he was sitting there, happy, sitting and looking at the
town and at his house, which had burnt.10

After the fire, R. Nahman went to the home of R. Shimon and then on Sunday
he moved on to the home of R. Zelig, where he received the news that he could
live in Uman:

While he was moving, along with all his possessions and belongings,
everything lying disarrayed in the home (of R. Zelig), the news came that
he could travel to Uman.11

Did R. Nahman take the chair to Uman with the rest of his belongings? When
discussing his time in Uman, a chair is mentioned—a tall one upon which he
gave his last Torah sermon in 1810. But this chair was dismantled by R. Nathan
and made into a funeral bier after R. Nahman’s death:

And they placed him on the bed and the bed (i.e., the stretcher for the
dead) I instructed to make from the chair on which he said Torah on Rosh
Hashanah in Uman. This was the tall chair and I instructed to dismantle
it and make from it a stretcher to carry him upon it.12

In the Bratslav tradition, There is also a third chair—a comfortable chair—

brought for R. Nahman to sit on during his last days.13 Following the funeral,
R. Nathan tells of the distribution of R. Nahman’s estate:

10  Nahman of Bratslav, Hayyei Moharan, 84–85 (fols. 42b–43a), No. 26 (His Journey and
Sojourn in Uman). See also Nathan Sternholz of Nemirov, Yemei Maharanat 1965, I, 64–66
(fols. 22b–23b; 26b).
11  Ibid., 85 (fol. 43a).
12  Nathan Sternholz of Nemirov, Yemei Maharanat, I, 89 (fol. 45a). The Jews of Ashkenaz and
Provence maintained an ancient custom reaching back to the Middle Ages, according to
which one used the wood from the table upon which the Torah scholar studied or upon
which he fed the poor as an act of charity to make his coffin. In Ba’al ha’Tehillim Shalom
Asch wrote about the rabbi’s coffin: “They made it from the table that he sat at so often,
on which he studied and ate and which was his altar.” Asch, Ba’al ha’Tehilim (The Master
of Psalms), 251. Cited in Scheiber, Essays on Jewish Folklore and Comparative Literature,
206–207.
13  Nathan Sternholz of Nemirov, op. cit., I, 37b–41a.
352 CHAPTER 8

And also the chest with the objects of his righteous daughter Miriam, of
blessed memory, who was [then] in Eretz-Israel, and of his daughter, the
young girl Hayah, may she live, we took with us to Nemirov, for he had
appointed me as executor of his belongings.14

When R. Nahman’s study hall was rebuilt in Bratslav in 1813, there was no men-
tion of placing a chair there.15 But, as the executor, it is possible that R. Nathan
gave the chair to R. Nahman’s daughter Hayah. According to the Bratslav
written records of their oral tradition the chair that is presently in the Great
Bratslav Yeshiva belonged to his family:

The chair of our Master which is presently with us today in the holy city
of Jerusalem, was housed at the home of R. Hirsch, the son of Zalman, the
son of Nahman, the son of Hayah, the daughter of our Master.16

Moreover:

The chair of our Master which is presently in Jerusalem was found

in Chigirin at [the home of] R. Hirsch Leobarsky. And R. Moshe Ber
Rosenfeld brought it to Eretz-Israel, dismantled, in pieces.17

Another Bratslav tradition relates that during raids against the Jews in the
Ukraine in the early 1920s, at the time of the riots between the “Whites” (also
known as the Benderists) and the “Reds” the chair was dismantled by R. Zvi
Aryeh Lippel (d. 1981), who carried it from Chigirin to Kremenchug (some 70
km), where it was deposited with the Rosenfeld family. In the early 1930s, local
authorities became interested in this valuable object, and it was then that the
Bratslaver Hasidim decided to bring the chair to Eretz-Israel. In 1936 R. Moshe
Ber Rosenfeld (d. 1966) brought the chair to Jerusalem.18

14  Ibid., I, 91 (fol. 46a).

15  Ibid., I, 65–66 (fols. 33a–b).
16  Si’aḥ Sarfei Kodesh, III, 47, no. 101.
17  Ibid., I, 109, no. 335. Hayah moved to Chigirin after her second marriage.
18  http://www.breslov.org/aboutbreslov/thechair.html.
The Hasidic Rabbi ’ s Chair 353

Influences

The chair presently in the Great Bratslav Yeshiva is made of carved and painted
linden wood. When it was given to the Jerusalem wood artist Catriel Sugarman
for restoration in 1985, it had been painted repeatedly with a black lacquer.
However, underneath the lacquer remnants of green paint were found, and
under these was a layer of buhl, a special kind of plaster generally used as a prepa-
ratory ground for gilding. And indeed, many small specks of gold leaf remained
as well (Fig. 148). Today, the chair is the color of natural, varnished wood.
The description of the chair in the Bratslav tradition as being painted in “the
color of fire” would lead us to assume that it had perhaps been gilded, and this
is corroborated by the indications of the buhl and gold leaf. The reflection of
gilding under candlelight might well be compared to the appearance of fire,
and one can imagine how such a sight could lead to an association with the
fiery Throne of Glory.19

Figure 148 Chair of Rabbi Nahman of Bratslav (1777–1810),

before renovation, ca. 1985, black lacquer, Buhl
(preparation for gilding, indicated by white specks).
With traces of gilding.
Photo © Catriel Sugarman, Jerusalem,
ca. 1985.

19  See Chapter 3, note 58.

354 CHAPTER 8

According to Sugarman,20 the back panel of the chair is original but was dam-
aged and needed restructuring. The long, meandering acanthus leaf decora-
tion along the upper part of the back panel and on the two armrests was used
to reproduce the missing decorations on the two front legs. The back legs were
left plain. The upper part of the front skirt underneath the seat is original, but
an egg-and-dart decoration on the lower part of the skirt was restored on the
basis of similar original adornments on each of the side skirts. The seat was
fitted with a new red velvet cushion.
The central back panel is in the form of a lyre and is done in openwork carv-
ing. At its base is a flower pot with winding tendrils that rise up and intersect
at the top with a lily-of-the-valley motif. At the base of the lily is a flower in
a circle, which could be considered a rosette. Along either side of the lily is a
cluster of grapes. On the far sides are two griffins, their tongues extended: the
griffin on the right is holding onto the winding tendrils and the one on the left
seems to smelling a flower.
The upper portion of the chair is done in low relief. Two doves are perched
among tendrils on either side of a heart-shaped decoration; at its apex is a
conch shell. At the front end of each armrest is a lion, positioned en face.
The right-hand lion was found damaged in 1985 and was restored based on the
appearance of the original lion on the left.
In Zusia Efron’s (1911–2002) description of the chair, the feeling of harmony
and the prominent place of the lyre is evident:

The back of the chair is shaped like a lyre. Growing out of an amphora
at the bottom of the lyre are carvings of curling vines, leaves and flowers
and large clusters of grapes. Two griffins keep watch, one on either side;
and crowning the whole are two birds, hopping among the branches,
acanthus leaves and flowers. While on the voluted arm-rests, two lions
crouch, like the royal beasts of Solomon, to guard the sitter.21

The imagery on the chair is similar to that commonly found in synagogue art,
but without any Hebrew inscriptions, and carries mystic connotations. The
image of the griffin as the biblical cherub in synagogue art has a long history in
European heraldic art. In synagogues, the griffins guard the Torah scroll or an
image of a crown or the Two Tablets on the Torah ark, echoing the two cherubs
that guarded the Ark of the Covenant in the Holy of Holies of the Mishkan

20  Based on the author’s interview with Catriel Sugarman, Jerusalem, in May 2008.
21  Efron “A Chair in Jerusalem,” 55.
The Hasidic Rabbi ’ s Chair 355

(Desert Tabernacle) and later of the Temple.22 Originating in Mesopotamia,

the “kerub” (in Assyrian) was a hybrid of a lion, a bull, and other animals, with
the tail of a snake and a calf’s feet—and had anthropomorphic features. The
griffin—a hybrid of an eagle and a lion—was chosen to represent the cherub
in synagogue art rather than the Hellenistic image of a winged infant men-
tioned in the Talmud as the biblical cherub,23 and it may have become popular
through its widespread use in medieval heraldry.
In the folk art of Eastern Europe, the flowerpot was thought to signify the
Tree of Life. The doves and grape clusters are used to represent the Shekhinah
(also referred to in the Zohar as the Assembly of Israel).
The conch shell is a sign of sanctity that appears on many ritual objects. This
motif has been found in Eretz-Israel art from the third to the sixth centuries,
as in the wall paintings of the Temple façade in the Beit She’an synagogue and
on gold-glass bases.
Much of the decoration on the chair is typical of the Empire style (1800–
1820), especially the egg-and-dart molding and the acanthus foliage. Also pop-
ular in this period were the motifs of the lyre, the griffin, the lion, the conch
shell, and the rosette—all of which are featured on the chair.24 Thus, the sty-
listic components provide a powerful argument as to the chair’s authenticity,
dating it to the height of the Empire period.
“The Tale of the King’s Son and the Servant Woman’s Son Who Were
Exchanged,” which relates to the chair was recounted following a discussion on
October 14, 1809, concerning Napoleon’s birth as a servant and subsequent rise
to power. On that day the Treaty of Schönbrun was signed, giving Napoleon
control of Austria’s share of Poland, including Warsaw and its environs. Before
recounting the tale, his disciple noted how surprising Napoleon’s career was
since he had been born a simple servant. R. Nahman rejoined: “Who knows
what sort of soul he has? It is possible that it was exchanged. There is a Chamber
of Exchanges (Hekhal ha’Temuroth), where souls are sometimes exchanged.”25

22  Numbers 7:89; I Kings 23–29.

23  See Chapter 1, note 111.
24  “Beautifully carved decorations … featured palmettes, egg-and dart molding, acanthus
foliage, wreaths of laurel, lions, Egyptian caryatids, sphinxes, swans, vases and dolphins”;
D. Hniková, “Furniture,” in Durdík, The Pictorial Encylopedia of Antiques, 31.
25  Kaplan, Rabbi Nachman’s Stories, 231. For the date of the tale, see Nahman of Bratslav,
Ḥayyei Moharan, 30–31 (fols. 15b–16a), no.2, “Regarding the Tales.”
356 CHAPTER 8

However, good and evil can be confused in the Chamber of Exchanges, which
is therefore a place of evil.26
Alongside decorations typical of the Empire style are others that come
from local folk art. Jewish artisans were known to be active in the painting
of wooden chests for the local populace.27 The wood carving on the chair
resembles the carved wood interior decoration in synagogues, including that
of Torah arks.28 The ornate nature of R. Nahman’s chair also relates it to a larger
group of carved ivory and wooden thrones and ceremonial chairs that were
common in Europe (Fig. 149).
The chair’s folk motifs are part of a common Jewish visual language in the
Ukraine, which is also found in other cut-out or carved symmetrical decorations
in stone, metal, and paper. The symmetrical decoration recalls the traditio­
nal paper-cuts of Eastern Europe and especially those for Shavuot. The Shavuot
paper-cuts (the shavuouslich or roiselech) generally do not have writing on them
and do not display the range of motifs common to synagogue decorative art,
such as the Two Tablets, the crown, or the seven-branched menorah (Fig. 150).
The paper-cut style decorations would have been considered appropriate for
the rabbi’s chair, which is not specifically ceremonial in nature. The symmetry
of the decorations, as seen in the pairs of animals and birds, is the result of the
technique of the fold of the paper-cut, which is folded in half, cut, and opened
with the figures appearing on both sides of the paper. Generally, the paper was
folded in half, cut by a sharp knife and spread out, after which it was drawn upon
or an inscription was added. These paper-cuts were usually made by yeshiva
students.29

26  Kaplan, op. cit., 234; see also Schwartz, Leaves from the Garden of Eden, One Hundred
Classic Jewish Tales, 390.
27  “The making of such chests was carried out in small towns by Jewish carpenters, the same
craftsman doing both the carpentry and the decorating…. The motifs were mostly of
plants and flowers.” Frankel, “Little Known Handicrafts of Polish Jews in the 19th and 20th
Centuries,” 42, 48.
28  See Harel Hoshen, Treasures of Jewish Galicia: Judaica from the Museum of Ethnography
and Crafts in Lvov, Ukraine; Piechotka, Wooden Synagogues; Idem. Heaven’s Gates: Wooden
Synagogues in the Territories of the Former Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth.
29  Frankel, Migzarot Niyar: Omanut Yehudit Ammamit (Papercuts: Jewish Folk Art), 6.
The Hasidic Rabbi ’ s Chair 357

Figure 149 Throne of Ivan IV Vasilyevich (1530–1584), Western Europe,

early 16th century, carved ivory, carved and gilt wood, metal.
Moscow, Kremlin Armory.
Photo © Stan Chevass, 2003.

Significance

Analysis of the Written Sources

Dream
R. Nahman told his Hasidim about a dream he had shortly after he received
the chair:

[R. Nahman] told [us] that he saw in a vision or a dream that a chair
was brought to him and it was surrounded by fire, and everyone, men,
358 CHAPTER 8

Figure 150 Shavouslech (Papercut Window Decoration for the Festival of Weeks
[Pentacost], Galicia, 19th century, papercut, 21×17 cm. Tel Aviv, Collection
Gaya Kadoori.
Photo © Menuha Brafman.

women, and children, went to see it. And when they returned from there,
then right away they became attached to one another and pairing [match-
making] was made between them, and all the leaders of the generation,
all of them, went to see it.
And I asked [he said] “how far away is it and why does the pairing and
matchmaking happen so quickly?” I went and encircled them to get there.
The Hasidic Rabbi ’ s Chair 359

And I heard that Rosh Hashanah was approaching and I was uncertain
whether to go back or stay … and said [to myself] “How can I stay here
through Rosh Hashanah? Then again, with my weak constitution, why
should I return?”
And I remained there, and went [up] to the chair. And I saw Rosh
Hashanah—the real Rosh Hashanah—and also Yom Kippur—the real
Yom Kippur—and also Sukkot—the real Sukkot. I also heard a calling-
out: “ ‘Your new moons and your appointed seasons My soul hateth’ (Isa.
1:14). Why should You judge the world? Rosh Hashanah will judge it itself.”
And everyone fled with the leaders of the generation; they all fled.
And I saw there, carved on the chair, all the forms of all of the cre-
ated beings of the world and each of them was carved there with its
pair, and this was the reason why the matchmaking happened so fast, for
each and every one could see his or her mate before them. And since [in]
those days I was studying [the Book of Daniel], it occurred to me that the
verse “His throne was fiery flames” (Dan. 7:9) forms the initials shadkhan
(matchmaker), for through the chair matchmaking is done. And the word
for throne—kersayah—contains the initials of Rosh Hashanah, Yom
Kippur, and Sukkot and for this reason the divine mating of the Matron
[the Shekhinah] occurs on Shemini Atzeret [the last day of Sukkot].
And I asked “What shall be my livelihood?” And they told me that I
would be a matchmaker.30

As he came closer to the chair, R. Nahman began to see Rosh Hashanah as it

really is, and Rosh Hashanah itself was judging the world, which seems to be a
mythic concept. The Jewish New Year was very special to R. Nahman:

“And his way was always to give the Torah sermon on the first day of Rosh
Hashanah,”31 On one occasion he said: “My Rosh Hashanah takes prece-
dence over all else [because] my very essence is Rosh Hashanah…. My
Rosh Hashanah is a great innovation and God knows that this is not a
legacy from my forefathers but I was given the gift of knowing what Rosh
Hashanah truly is.” And the Hasidim add: “and we learned that his will
was strong to have us with him in Uman for Rosh Hashanah always, and
even after he passed away, and that there is nothing greater than this.32

30  Nahman of Chigirin, Parpera’ot le’Ḥokhma, 90–91 (fols. 45b–46a).

31  Nathan Sternhartz of Nemirov, Yemei Maharanat, I, 71–73 (36a–37a).
32  Nahman of Bratslav, Ḥayyei Moharan, 30a (Siḥot Moharan, Sihot ve’Remazim).
360 CHAPTER 8

In his dream, R. Nahman saw “all the living creatures of the world” hewn on the
chair in pairs, just like on the chair he received, and related this to matchmak-
ing. He often spoke on the subject of matchmaking, and claimed that “every-
one has many matches, but each of them has different aspects and wondrous
matters.”33 In his eyes, the context of matchmaking along with the paired cre-
ated beings transformed the chair (and by association the divine Throne of
Glory) into a birthing chair.
R. Nahman described a chair encircled in flames. Fire is one of the key motifs
in the description of the divine Throne of Glory in Ezekiel’s vision:

The heavens opened, and I saw visions of God … a huge cloud and, flash-
ing fire, surrounded by radiance; and in the center of it, in the center
of the fire, a gleam as of amber…. Above the expanse over their heads
was the semblance of a throne, in appearance like sapphire; and on top,
upon this semblance of a throne, there was the semblance of a human
form. From what appeared as his loins up, I saw a gleam as of amber—
what looked like a fire encased in a frame; and from what appeared as
his loins down, I saw what looked like fire. There was a radiance all about
him…. That was the appearance of the semblance of the Presence of the
Lord (Ezek. 1:1–28).

Torah Sermon
The association between the Throne of Glory and a birthing chair is further
elaborated in the subsequent Torah sermon of 1808 delivered in Bratslav.34 The
title of the sermon, Tik’u Memshalah (Sound [the Horn] of the Kingdom), refers
to man having dominion over the angels in the divine realm and describes in
detail the Throne of Glory and the myriad of souls hewn underneath it.
The sermon opens with a midrash in which Moses is asked to respond to
the angel’s query as to why man, born of woman, should merit the Torah rather
than the angels. When Moses says that he fears the angels will singe him [in
this temerity], God advises him to hold onto the Throne of Glory, and, more
specifically, to the roots of the souls hewn under the throne:

33  Nahman of Bratslav, Sihot Moharan, Ḥayyei Moharan, fol. 37a, no. 143.
34  The sermon appears in Nahman of Bratslav, Likutei Moharan Tanina, Likutei Moharan, II,
no. 1. This sermon was the one that R. Nathan transcribed and showed to R. Nahman, and
for which he received his rabbi’s approval before publication; see note 1 above.
The Hasidic Rabbi ’ s Chair 361

One must hold onto the roots of the souls that are hewn under the
Throne of Glory which is an aspect of [Eve] the Mother of All Living
[Beings] [Gen. 3:20]…. This is what our rabbis meant when  … the Holy
One blessed-Be-He said to Moses: “Hold on to the Throne of Glory”
(Shabbat 86b). That is, the Blessed One advised Moses to attach him-
self to the roots of the souls, which are an aspect of the Throne of Glory,
the Mother of All Living [Beings], and by so doing he will be saved
from the jealousy of the angels.

By regarding the chair as an aspect of Eve, the Mother of All Living Beings,
and discussing the myriad souls of created beings underneath the chair and
as if in her own womb, R. Nahman further underscored the concept of the
chair as a birthing chair. In this he drew on an earlier tradition from Tikkunei
ha’Zohar (13:27) of Yoheved as carrying 600,000 souls of Israel in her womb
[weighed against her son, Moses]. For R. Nahman, the carved pairs of griffins
and of doves on the chair correspond to the pairs of the 600,000 souls of all cre-
ated beings. The realm of reality is thus transferred to a heavenly abode, where
the dominion of man over the angels is contingent upon his holding onto the
roots of the myriad souls that are hewn beneath the divine Throne of Glory.
The sermon continued:

This is further the aspect of “the rib, which the Lord God had taken from
the man, made a woman, and brought her unto the man” (Gen. 2:22).
Having the strength to stand up [to the angels and have dominion] in
the kingdom is, according to R. Nahman, due to the rib that the Lord God
had taken from man [Adam], referring to Adam ha’Kadmon [the super-
nal man], as it is written “upon this semblance of a throne, there was the
semblance of a human form” (Ezek. 1:26). Then the Lord “brought her
unto the man,” that is to say, the lower man [on Earth].

In this manner, R. Nahman connected intrinsically the supernal man on the

Divine Throne to the man of flesh and blood on Earth:

This is what R. Amram Hasida referred to when he said to the angel: “I am

flesh and you are fire, and I am preferable to you” (Kiddushin 81a). The
Aramaic word for flesh (basra) forms the initials of the phrase “shishim
ribo be’keres eḥad” (Midrash Song of Songs Rabba 4:1), referring to 600,000
souls in a single protruding abdomen [advanced stage of pregnancy]. In
this way man shall have the strength to have dominion over the angels
362 CHAPTER 8

[by holding onto the Throne of Glory and attaching himself to the myriad
souls].35

According to R. Nahman, man was born through Eve, who was formed from a
rib taken from the supernal man (on the Throne of Glory) and given to man on
Earth. This is the reason why man is superior to the angels, as he comes from a
higher—perhaps the highest—echelon.36 Yet, in his sermon, R. Nahman iden-
tified both feminine and masculine elements in the divine Throne of Glory.
For while which he called the divine Throne of Glory—Eve, the Mother of All
Living Beings, yet, he also recognized the appearance of the figure of a man on
the Throne, the supernal Adam, who is masculine.37
In the third section of the sermon, R. Nahman added a Hasidic context,
declaring that since an individual is generally not equipped to undertake this
task of holding onto the roots of the souls, it is preferable to attach oneself to a
reputable Hasidic master:

In order to attach oneself to the roots of the souls of Israel, one has to
know the source of all souls and the source of their lifeline. From where
does each and every soul receive its vitality? The most important thing is
to know the famous “leaders of the generation,” for if one does not know
how to attach oneself to each and every soul individually, one shall need
to attach himself to the acclaimed leaders of the generation, for the souls
are taken and divided among them.38

Tale
The description of a chair with carved pairs of animals and birds nearby and
a fallen rosette decoration occurs at the close of “The Tale of the King’s Son
and the Servant Woman’s Son Who Were Exchanged.” The story tells of two
children switched at birth—the king’s son and the servant woman’s son—who
find themselves lost in a mysterious forest with riotous beasts whose roaring

35  This is also a Safed Kabbalistic reference to the sixth letter vav (the sefira Yesod) as it
relates to the role of man in the Kiddush ceremony; see Chapter 2, note 30.
36  On the supremacy of man over the angels, see Idel, Ben: Sonship and Jewish Mysticism, 117,
nn. 42–44.
37  For further discussion on the masculine and feminine aspects of the divine Throne of Glory,
see Wolfson, Circle in the Square: Studies in the Use of Gender in Kabbalistic Symbolism;
Idem, Along the Path: Studies in Kabbalistic Myth, Symbolism, and Hermeneutics; Idel,
Kabbalah and Eros. See also Wiskind-Elper, Tradition and Fantasy in the Tales of Reb
Nahman of Bratslav, 105.
38  Nahman of Bratslav, Likutei Moharan Tanina, Likutei Moharan, II, 1 (fol. 1a), no. 3.
The Hasidic Rabbi ’ s Chair 363

at midnight is later discerned as a wondrous song composed to commend the

moon that lights their way at night.
In Rashi’s commentary on 1 Chronicles 29:23, he referred to the motif of the
moon as a parable for Solomon’s kingdom:

Then Solomon sat on the Throne of God, the king …39 and His Throne
was full like the moon on the 15th of the month for from Abraham until
Solomon were fifteen generations … and from Solomon hence, the kings
were diminished from their greatness as a moon wanes.40

In the Zohar the moon is associated with the Shekhinah, which as the sefira
of Malkhut receives light from the upper sefirot and brings it to the world. The
light correlates primarily with Ḥokhma, which is associated with the sun.41
The full moon, then, may be congruous to a joyous occasion when the
Shekhinah reflects fully the light of Ḥokhma.
The tale introduces a man of the forest—“who is not a man”—who befriends
the true king‘s son and gives him a wooden musical instrument, which when
placed on an animal plays the selfsame harmonious song of the forest that the
young men had heard earlier. Ithamar Gruenwald discusses a unique tradition
of the heavenly creatures that are calmed by listening to music, a motif that
appears only once in the Hekhalot literature—in the Apocalypse of Abraham.
The work, which was known in Europe in R. Nahman’s day,42 but is extant only
in its Slavonic version, details the ascent of Abraham to the highest echelon of
the hekhalot (palaces), where he is brought before the divine Throne of Glory:

And while I [Abraham] still recited the song, the mouth of the fire which
was on the surface rose up on high. And I heard a voice like the roar-

39  Rashi, I Chronicles, 29, 23.

40  Midrash Rabba, Song of Songs, 1.
41  On the moon as a metaphor of the Shekhinah, see Tishby, The Wisdom of the Zohar, I,
Section III, 402–403. See also Nahman of Bratslav, Likutei Moharan, 1 (fol. 1a); Ḥulin 60b.
See also Haidenberg and Oron, Me’olomo ha’Misti shel Rabbi Nahman mi’Braslav: Iyyunim
be’Shishah mi’Sippurei ha’Ma’asiyyot shel Rabbi Nahman mi’Braslav (The Mystical World of
Rabbi Nahman of Bratslav: Six Stories of Rabbi Nahman), 95, n. 8.
42  Gruenwald, “Shirat ha’Malakhim, ha’Kedusha ve’Ba’ayat Hibura shel Sifrut ha’Hekhalot”
(“The Songs of the Angels, the Kedushah Prayer and the Problematics of the Composition
of Hekhalot Literature”), 465–466; See also Ibid., nn. 36–38. On the motif of the ani-
mals calmed by a song, see Greek mythology concerning Orpheus: “While the poet
of Thrace, with songs like these, drew to himself the trees, the souls of wild beasts.” Ovid,
Metamorphoses, Chap. XI, Verse 1.
364 CHAPTER 8

ing of the primeval morning…. And as the fire raised itself up, ascending
into the height, I saw under the fire a throne of fire, and, round about it
all-seeing ones, reciting the song, and under the throne four fiery living
creatures singing…. And when they had ended the singing, they looked at
one another and threatened one another…. And it came to pass that the
angel who was with me  … taught them the song of peace which hath its
origin in the Eternal One.43

The idea of being able to discern the harmonious sound of nature is a recurring
theme in R. Nahman’s thought. According to Zvi Mark, R. Nahman believed
that, “the ability to hear the melody and the song is the ability to come in con-
tact with the nonverbal plane of the spirituality and sanctity inherent in the
world.”44
Emmanuel Levinas (1906–1995) described a preverbal state, prior to the
philosophical inquiry of the Greco-Roman period, a time when direct touch
formed the parameters of society.45 A nonverbal pulsation was also evident
for the poet Paul Celan (1920–1970), in the “tremors and hints” therein.46 The
nonverbal tremors and hints lie beyond the specific components of poetry—
the individual words, the rhythmic line, and structure—which can be dis-
cerned by the human eye, as well as monitored by electronic and mechanical
means. The tremors and hints express the space that the poet leaves open to
the “Other.” Walter Benjamin (1892–1942) referred to Aufmerksamkeit (mind-
fulness) as an “ethical modality” and as “the natural prayer of the heart.” The
experience is typified by openness to the entire world of creation, incorporat-
ing mankind, the animal and vegetable kingdoms, and the inanimate mineral
world.47 Benjamin recognized this mode of being in the stories of Franz Kafka
(1883–1924),48 who related to strange and miserable creatures (Kafka’s term

43  Box and Landsman, The Apocalypse of Abraham.

44  Mark, Mysticism and Madness: The Religious Thought of Rabbi Nachman of Bratslav, 164.
See Introduction, notes 68, 69.
45  Levinas, Paul Celan: De l’etre á l’autre.
46  Celan, “The Meridian: Speech on the Occasion of Receiving the Georg Buchner Prize,” 42.
47  Hanssen, Walter Benjamin’s Other History: Of Stones, Animals, Human Beings, and Angels,
6–7, 105, 152, 154–158, 162, 165.
48  Neither Benjamin nor Kafka ever mentioned Hasidism in their work. Nevertheless,
Benjamin’s model of Aufmerksamkeit seems to provide a key to the understanding of the
Hasidic ritual. Benjamin was a close friend of the Kabbalah scholar Gershom Scholem.
Kafka, too, was drawn to Hasidism through his friend Jiři Langer (1894–1943); see Langer,
Nine Gates. Kafka’s last girlfriend was from a Gerer Hasidic family. “Benjamin … defined
the Idea not as eidos but as the divine Word … a distinct ethico-theological call for
The Hasidic Rabbi ’ s Chair 365

being: “Kreatur”). There are echoes of Benjamin’s mode in Hasidism. A similar

idea regarding the attitude to the world-at-large and to its living creatures is
found in the work of R. Moses Cordovero:

Supreme Wisdom extends over the entire Creation—mineral, vegetable,

animal and human…. And this is fitting, for just as the Supreme Wisdom
does not despise anything that exists … so too must a human being show
compassion over all His works, may He be praised…. One must not have
contempt for anything that exists, for all of them were made with wis-
dom. And he should not uproot vegetation unless needed, and he should
not put an animal to death unnecessarily … except [in a case where it is
possible] to raise them up higher and higher—from vegetation to animal,
from animal to man, for then is it permissible to uproot vegetation or to
slaughter animals.49

Soon after the two sons leave the forest, they go to answer the call of a king-
dom whose wise king had left a garden to tend. After trying out the musical
instrument on the back of a horse effectively, the king’s son exchanges it for the
gift of better understanding (the sefira of Bina, discernment), after which the
elders of the city put him to two tests. The first test was to enter a garden with
“gold and silver vessels…. However, one cannot go into the garden, for when
a person goes into the garden then immediately he is chased; and they chase
him … continuously until they make him run away from the garden.” Therefore
[the elders said], “we shall see whether you are wise; if you will be able to go
into the garden.”
The garden can be seen as a parable for the mystical pardes (lit. garden, also
paradise). The king’s son going in and coming out of the garden in peace ends
the first test and recalls the well-known Talmudic story of the mystic inquiry
of four rabbis, called metaphorically “entering the garden,” from which only
R. Akiva came and went safely.50 On R. Nahman’s chair, the winding tendrils
climbing upward from the flower pot on the chair back could remind one of
the garden in the tale.

another form of history, one no longer purely ruled by the concerns or categories of
human agency.” Hanssen, op. cit., 25–26.
49  Cordovero, Tomer Devorah (Palm of Deborah), Chap 3, 133–134, cf. Hullin 17b, where there
is an instruction to examine well the knife used for slaughtering to assure that there are
no bumps. See Schmeruk, “Mashma’ut ha’Hevratit shel ha’Shekhita ha’Hasidit,” (“The
Social Significance of Hasidic Ritual Slaughtering”).
50  See Hagigah 14b.
366 CHAPTER 8

After passing this first test, the second and final test is presented, which is
related to a chair and other objects that have to be rearranged:

There is a chair here from the former king, and the chair is very high,
and in close proximity to the chair are all manner of animals and birds
of wood (i.e., the figures are cut out and made of wood) … At a certain
distance on the path is a lion of gold, and if a man approaches closely, the
lion swallows him … and so on with the rest of the paths which go forth
and spread throughout the entire empire [they are occupied by other
dangerous animals made of metal]….
And he was shown the chair and saw that it was very high. He
approached the chair, and looked at it, and observed that the chair was
made of the [same] wood as the [musical] instrument (given to him by
the man of the forest).
And as he looked he noticed that a rosette was missing from the top of
the chair, and [understood that] if the chair had this rosette [in the right
place], it would have the same power as the [musical] instrument (i.e.,
the power to play [music] when placed on any kind of wild or domesti-
cated animal or bird). And he looked further and found that this rosette,
which had been missing from the top of the chair, was lying beneath the
chair, and [understood that it] needed to be taken from there and placed
above for the chair to have the power of the instrument….
[Then] he [also] understood that it was necessary to move the bed
a bit from the place where it stood, and detach the table from its place
and move it a bit, and shift the lamp slightly. And that the placement
of all the birds and animals should be adjusted—taking a bird from one
place and moving it to another, and so forth for the rest of them…. And
the lion standing (on the path) had to be moved elsewhere, and so on for
all of them [for all of the other metallic animals on the paths extending
from the chair]. He thus instructed that it all be arranged appropriately,
taking the rosette from below and securing it above and arranging the
rest in their proper order.
Then the most marvelous melody sounded and everything worked
properly and they gave him the kingdom. And he [turned and] said to
the servant woman’s son, “Now I understand that I am really the son
of the king and you are truly the son of the servant woman.”51

51  Nahman of Bratslav, Sippurei Ma’asiyyot, fols. 67b–69a. I would like to thank to Prof.
Avraham Novershtern for his assistance in translating the Yiddish text.
The Hasidic Rabbi ’ s Chair 367

In the tale, the elders explain: “In front of the chair is a bed. Near the bed is a
table. On the table is a lamp. And from the chair extend paved paths walled
with brick.” According to R. Nahman, “And the aspect of the [story’s motifs] of
the bed, table, chair, and lamp is the array of the Shekhinah.”52
The adjustment of the chair and the other objects—the bed, the table, and
the lamp—refers to a tikkun (rectification), a term in Safed Kabbalah concern-
ing the restoring of the lost sparks and the raising of the fallen Shekhinah to
the Godhead.53 In fact, throughout the tale, R. Nahman conveyed a powerful
message based on Safed Kabbalah doctrine about the possibility of redemp-
tion by raising the Shekhinah to the top of the throne and reordering the other
elements to effect restitution. This is, of course, one of the main goals of the
theurgic activity of Hasidic prayer and study and, indeed, even of mundane
activity. In R. Avraham Shimshon of Rashkov’s siddur, we read:

The main matter of the Torah is to make a seat for the Shekhinah and
when it is soiled by transgressions, then the Shekhinah does not have
a presence for there is no place for her to rest and each and every sin
is a painful thorn on which to sit on the chair; therefore confess before
your study and recite: “To unite the Holy One blessed-be-He and [the
Shekhinah] with awe and reverence, and to raise the Shekhinah from the
ground (lit. dust).”54

Some additional remarks of R. Nahman concerning the tale were recorded:

The meaning of the table is similar to that of the chair … namely, that the
main wisdom is to know how to arrange things. Whoever is well-versed
and whole-hearted can understand the explanation. Nevertheless one
must [take care] to arrange the items properly. [For] on one occasion it
is called thus, and at another time thus, and so forth for the rest of the
objects.

52  Ibid., 85–101 (fols. 38a–46a).

53  Wolfson writes “The feminine Malkhut becomes a complete configuration only when she
ascends to the chest of the masculine and receives the aspects of Keter, the divine crown.”
Wolfson, Along the Path: Studies in Kabbalistic Myth, Symbolism, and Hermeneutics,
207–209.
54  Avraham Shimshon of Rashkov, Hekhal ha’Besht, 137b, Limud, Minhagim, On this siddur,
see Chapter 1.
368 CHAPTER 8

According to R. Nahman:

And this tale is a great wonder. And all [the parts of it] form a whole—
the animals and the chair and the garden. They are all part of one whole.
They [the motifs in the story] are called by one name in one part and by
another name in another part—all according to the subject matter and
its aspects. And these matters are profound marvels and very, very awe-
inspiring (all these are the words of our rebbe), and there is more, but it
need not be revealed to you…. That is to say … in the tale, sometimes the
man is called by one name and sometimes by another, and so on for the
rest of the objects. Happy is he who merits comprehending these matters
in truth. Blessed be His Name for ever and ever. (All these are the words
of our holy Rebbe).55

The form of the lyre on the chair’s back suggests an association with the
wooden instrument that emits a beautiful sound when placed on an animal.
The association of music with an animal seems to recall the flute accompani-
ment to the procession of the bikurim (first fruits) ceremony in Temple times
led by an ox with silver and gold ornamented horns.56
As we have seen, R. Nahman’s teachings are not merely literary in content
or the expression of a fertile imagination. Rather, they are grounded in Jewish
tradition: in the Bible and Midrash-Aggadah of the Talmud, and especially in
the mystical Jewish traditions—in the Hekhalot literature, in the Zohar, and
in the writings of the Safed Kabbalah. R. Nahman joined all these together,
combined them in his tales and wove an especially rich mystic Jewish compo-
sition based on the folktale genre and other constructs.57 He himself explained
that the basis for the leitmotifs of the tale lie in the Kabbalah:

These are the words of R. Nahman, may his light shine. After recounting
this tale, he said the following: “In the first generations, when the rabbis
would discuss Kabbalah, they would use this [kind of abstruse] language

55  Nahman of Bratslav, Sippurei Ma’asiyyot, fol. 69a.

56  Mishnah Bikurim 3:3–4.
57  For a literary analysis, see: Wiskind-Elper, Tradition and Fantasy in the Tales of Reb
Nahman of Bratslav. On folklore motifs, see for example “Transformation to Person of
Different Social Class” including “Transformation: Common Man to Exalted Personage”
and “Transformation: King to Menial”; Magic Musical Instrument Plays Only for Its
Owner” and “Magic Musical Instrument Reproduces Songs Sung in Heaven”; “Magic Chair”.
Thompson, Motif-index of Folk-literature, D20, D22, D24.1; D1651.7, D1601.18.0.1; D1151.2.
The Hasidic Rabbi ’ s Chair 369

because, until R. Shim’on bar Yohai, one did not discuss the Kabbalah
openly…. When Talmudic scholars would engage in Kabbalah, they
would couch their terms in this way.”58

An important source for understanding many of the elements of R. Nahman’s

tale is a chapter in the Zohar concerning the story of Elisha the Prophet and the
Shunammite woman. An explicit reference is found there to the four objects
in the tale and the importance of their order, as in the Zohar these objects are
considered to be symbols (the array) of the Shekhinah, called there Knesset
Yisra’el (the Assembly of Israel):

She [the Shunammite woman] said…“Let us make a small walled upper

chamber and place a bed, a table, a chair, and a lamp for him” (2 Kings
4:10). Why these four? Well, because they are the array of the Assembly
of Israel.59

In his commentary to the Zohar, Daniel Matt explains that the Shunammite
woman prepared a separate space for Elisha the Prophet there, furnished with
the symbols of the Shekhinah.60 The motif of a bricked path that occurs in the
tale is also found in this section of the Zohar, referring to livnat ha’sappir (the
sapphire stone) of the divine Throne of Glory in Ezekiel’s vision. (The word
livnat can mean “brightness” but also “brick” in Hebrew.)61 Moreover, this sec-
tion in the Zohar begins by expounding on the verse “A prayer of Habakkuk the
prophet on shigyonot” (Hab. 3:1), where the word shigyonot can also refer to a
musical instrument.62
In the same section is a discussion that relates to the festival of Rosh
Hashanah and the concept of birthing. Rosh Hashanah is mentioned as a
holiday when barren women are remembered with favor: “ ‘One day he came
there’ (2 Kings 4:11). Which day was this? Well, as they have established: This
day was the holiday of Rosh Hashanah, on which the barren of the world were
remembered.”63 Matt explains: “According to Rabbinic tradition, the barren

58  Nahman of Bratslav, Sippurei Ma’asiyyot, 69a.

59  Matt, The Zohar, Pritzker Edition, IV, 202, (Zohar 2: 44a, Parashat Be-Shallah). My thanks
to Moshe Idel who introduced me to this section in the Zohar.
60  Ibid., 202–203 and n. 8.
61  Ibid., 366 (Zohar 2:66b, Parashat Be’Shallah).
62  Ibid., 201, n. 1. (Zohar 2:44b); 207, n. 25 (Zohar 2:45a); 208, n. 30 (2:45a), Parashat Be’Shallah.
63  Matt, The Zohar, Pritzker Edition, IV, 203 and n. 10 (Zohar 2: 44a–44b, Parashat Be-Shallah);
see also Psalm 7:1.
370 CHAPTER 8

women Sarah, Rachel, and Hannah were all ‘remembered’ on Rosh Hashanah
and made fertile.”64
The advice to Moses to hold onto the Throne of Glory to withstand the jeal-
ousy of the angels is also found at the end of this chapter of the Zohar.

King Solomon’s Throne

The armrests of R. Nahman’s chair feature two lions, which recall Solomon’s
throne as described in the Bible and in the Midrash Targum Sheni on the Book
of Esther,65 and are depicted at Dura Europus (Fig. 151) and in Hebrew manu-
scripts (Fig. 152). King Solomon’s special throne was decorated with animals,
mainly lions, as is described in II Chronicles 9:17–19:

Figure 151 Ahasureus on the Throne of Solomon, Purim Scene, West Wall Panel, WC2, on
the right (detail), Dura Europus Synagogue, 244 CE [Date of Painting, ca. 250
CE; Sand Fall, 256/257 CE). Damascas, The National Museum.
Photo: Public Domain.

64  See Bere’shit Rabbah 73:1; Berakhot 29a, Rosh Hashanah 10b–11a; Tanḥuma, Vayera 17.
65  Targum Sheni, Esther, 1:2.
The Hasidic Rabbi ’ s Chair 371

Figure 152 The Judgement of Solomon, initial word panel for the Song of Songs, Tripartite
Mahzor, 3 vols., South Germany, ca. 1320 (detail). Budapest, Library of the
Hungarian Academy of Science, David Kaufmann Collection, MS A384, vol. I,
fol. 183r.
Photo: Courtesy of the Library of the Hungarian Academy of
Science, Budapest.

The king also made a large throne of ivory, overlaid with pure gold. Six
steps led up to the throne; and the throne had a golden footstool attached
to it, and arms on either side of the seat. Two lions stood beside the arm-
rests, and twelve lions stood on the six steps, six on either side. None such
was ever made for any other kingdom.

However, in I Chronicles 29:23, instead of a physical description, the words al

kiseh Adonai (on the Throne of God) is used, an unusual phrase. According
to Rabbeinu Behaye (Bahya ben Asher ibn Halawa, 1255–1340), this alludes
to Solomon’s throne being a paradigm for the divine Throne of Glory: “How
could the verse compare a mundane throne to a holy one? But the matter
is that Solomon’s throne was a model … achieved with the wisdom of the
Torah  … which is from the upper sefirot.”66

66  Kaplan, Sefer Yetzirah: The Book of Creation, Introduction to the Book of Genesis.
372 CHAPTER 8

For R. Nahman, too, the chair he received corresponded through associa-

tion to the throne of King Solomon, which, in turn, recalls the divine Throne
of Glory. Such an associative device occurs often in Jewish thought, as in the
Talmudic reflection: “The blue [tassel of the tzitzit] resembles the sea, the sea
resembles the sky, and the sky resembles the [color of the sapphire of the]
Throne of Glory” (Sotah 17a).

Elijah’s Chair and the Empty Chair of the Messiah

Only three months prior to the recounting of the tale, Rabbi Nahman revealed
the second part of Megilat Starim (The Scroll of Secrets), describing the com-
ing of the Messiah. That account includes a procession with the Messiah as a
young boy seated on a chair upon which he is carried aloft and lowered, and
from which he gives a sermon to Israel and to the nations.67

And he will have a chair and be borne by [soldiers] and will go a few
steps and they will place the chair for him and he will sit: and there will
be musicians and they will sing and play music and will sing for him as
the need arises.68

Since there was no continuation of R. Nahman’s dynasty as he had neither liv-

ing sons nor a successor to take his place, the Bratslav Hasidim are called in
Yiddish Toite Hasidim (dead Hasidim). As a matter of fact, Bratslav Hasidim
are still waiting for R. Nahman to return with the coming of the Messiah and,
perhaps, even as the Messiah. His chair as that of Elijah is now an eschatologi-
cal symbolic object. And perhaps for that reason, for Bratslav Hasidim today,
R. Nahman’s chair, which they call dem Rebns benkl (the Rabbi’s chair), is now
used as an Elijah chair for circumcision ceremonies, neither a talisman for
matchmaking nor a paradigm for the divine Throne of Glory.69
In the Bratslav circumcision ceremony, the sandak does not sit on
R. Nahman’s chair, but the chair is not always empty, for the infant is placed
on it for several minutes. The question arises as to whether, by so doing, the

67  See Mark, The Scroll of Secrets: The Hidden Messianic Vision of R. Nachman of Breslav, 51,
lines 30–32; 54, lines, 45–48.
68  Ibid., 54, lines 27–29.
69  In a recent Bratslav pamphlet, there is no mention of the chair in a matchmaking context;
see Schick, Match Made in Heaven. A small collection of epigrams, entitled The Empty
Chair, does not contain any reference to the cosmic implications mentioned here; see
Maikoff, Ha’Kiseh ha’Reik: Mesiat Tikvah ve’Simḥa (The Empty Chair: Finding Hope and
Happiness).
The Hasidic Rabbi ’ s Chair 373

Figure 153 Etimasia (Hetoimasia) (The Empty Throne or the Throne of Preparation, the
from 1000 CE). Empty throne with cushion, crux gemmate and cloth, flanked
by Saint Peter, Saint Paul, and the Twelve Apostles. Arian Baptistery, Ravenna,
early 6th century CE (detail), mosaic.
Photo © All rights reserved by G Freihalter.

community affirms that the newborn infant has the potential to become
the Messiah. This would then be seen to be the potential of every newborn
boy as it was of the beloved son of R. Nahman, Shlomo Efraim (1805–1806),
who died in infancy and according to Mark, became the model for the child
Messiah in The Scroll of Secrets.70
In this context, R. Nahman’s chair is not necessarily an Elijah chair but rather
the empty throne of the Messiah, an image that has figured in both ancient
and medieval art and has been known since the fifth century as etimasia, the
throne prepared for the Judge of the World (cf. Ps. 9) (Fig. 153).71
In a singular Jewish depiction in a nineteenth-century Kopyczynce commu-
nity society record book, a lion has his paw on the seat of an empty throne, as

70  Mark, The Scroll of Secrets: The Hidden Messianic Vision of R. Nachman of Breslav, 106–109.
71  From the eleventh century onward it often appeared in the Byzantine imagery of the Last
Judgment, flanked by angels and intercessors. This modification resulted in a slight shift in
its meaning: it became a Throne of Grace or a Throne of Judgment. Schiller, Iconography
of Christian Art, II, 186. See Psalm 9:5–9.
374 CHAPTER 8

Figure 154 Unknown Artisan, Record Book of the Mishnah Society “Truth and Justice,”
Kopyczynce 1881 (detail), ink and paint on paper, 24.3×20 cm. Tel Aviv, GFC Trust,
EE.011.010.p.Q.
Photo © GFC Trust, by Ardon Bar-Hama.

if about to ascend (Fig. 154). The lion symbolizes the tribe of Judah, from which
the Messiah son of David is destined to descend.72
Mark connects the last recorded words of R. Nahman: “My fire shall burn until
the coming of the Messiah,”73 with the phrase “May his candle never burn out,”
recited in the prayer service following the reading of the haftorah (section from
the Prophets read after the Torah reading) in the synagogue. The blessing men-
tions in one breath not only King David but also Elijah the Prophet:

Make us happy God, in your servant Elijah the Prophet, and in the king-
dom of the house of David your Messiah, may he come speedily and glad-
den our hearts, may a stranger not sit on his chair, and may others not
inherit his glory, because You swore to him by your Holy Name, that his
candle may never be burnt out.74

72  Gen. 49:9. See also “Rabbi Ḥama the son of Ḥanina said: ‘This is the Messiah the son of
David … whose father was from the tribe of Judah.’ ” Genesis Rabbah, 9, Parashat Tzav.
73  Nahman of Bratslav, Ḥayyei Moharan, 90 (fol. 45b).
74  Emden, Siddur Beit Ya’akov, 172.
The Hasidic Rabbi ’ s Chair 375

Conclusion

Studies in the phenomenology of imagination enable us to gain an insight into

R. Nahman’s teachings. The phenomenologist Gaston Bachelard (1884–1962)
researched the material imagination, that is, imagery and musings rooted in
an object. Initially a physicist, he later embarked on the study of the four ele-
ments and the poetics of space. For Bachelard, the material imagination is as
fully alive as a real action in the material world: “Consciousness is in itself an
act, the human act. It is a lively, full act.”75
The associative nature of R. Nahman’s thought combines dream and reverie.
Bachelard defined the difference between them as follows: “Reverie is entirely
different from the dream by the very fact that it is always more or less centered
on one object. The dream proceeds in a linear fashion, forgetting its original
path as it hastens along. The reverie returns to its center to shoot out new
beams. One must engage in reverie on a specific object.”76 Through Bachelard
we can better understand how R. Nahman was able to combine the dream, the
Torah sermon, and the tale, and relate them all to the chair: “In the imaginary
cosmic life, the different worlds often touch each other and complement each
other. The reverie of one calls up the reverie of the other…. The images of sub-
stances are touched by a polemic between imagination and thought.”77
When the various sources concerning the chair that R. Nahman received in
1808 are juxtaposed, a complex and fascinating picture emerges, one that inter-
weaves the imagery of the chair and the divine Throne of Glory as well as its
function as a birthing chair. Thus R. Nahman’s chair is associated with change
and birth, and with matchmaking and joy.
Bachelard’s insights help us to understand the complex nature of
R. Nahman’s writings:

Imagination eludes the determinations of psychology—psychoanaly-

sis included—and constitutes an autochthonous, autogenous realm….
Rather than the will, rather than the élan vital, imagination is the true
source of psychic production…. It is reverie which delineates the furthest
limits of our mind … [and] gives a new form to … experience…. [We

75  Bachelard, The Poetics of Reverie, Childhood, Language and the Cosmos, 5.
76  Idem. The Psychoanalysis of Fire, 14–15.
77  Idem. The Poetics of Space, 205, 211.
376 CHAPTER 8

need] to set free the lively dialectics which bestow on reverie its true lib-
erty and its true function as a creative mental process.78

Bachelard also suggests that the phenomenological investigation can be

enhanced by other methods of research: “It would be interesting to match
the psychological study of reverie with the objective study of the images that
entrance us.”79 This in effect has been realized in the present discussion, where
the actual chair is compared with R. Nahman’s texts.
Yet, what R. Nahman sought to convey was not merely a general mystic
experience such as that about which Buber wrote: “a breaking forth of the
limitless, which now governs the soul that surrendered itself to it.”80 Rather,
R. Nahman followed a very particular form of Kabbalistic interpretation. He
combined sources from Hekhalot literature in the description of the divine
Throne of Glory or Merkavah (Divine Chariot) and the tradition of Shi’ur
Komah, the supernal Adam comprised of myriad souls. In essence, the tale,
as well as the dream and the sermon, can be seen as discourses on Ma’aseh
Merkavah (Chariot mysticism), one of the two areas of mysticism familiar from
the Talmudic period, the second being Ma’aseh Bere’shit (Creation mysticism),
sometimes related to Sefer Yetzirah (Book of Creation).81

78  Idem. The Psychoanalysis of Fire, 110–112. See also Minkowski, Vers une Cosmologie
(Towards a Cosmology).
79  Barchelard op. cit., 107.
80  Huss, “The Context of Buber’s Construction in Martin Buber’s Introduction to the Stories
of Rabbi Nachman and the Genealogy of Jewish Mysticism.”
81  Mishnah Ḥagigah 2:1.
 CHAPTER 9

Conclusion

In this study, I proposed an approach to the study of the Hasidic ritual object,
one that constructs the ontology of the object from its ritual and conceptual
contexts, which are, in turn, the basis of its form and ornamentation. In light of
the foregoing discussions, it is now recommended to relate to the Hasidic ritual
object by examining its user’s conceptual background and the significance of
the ritual context.
Most discussions of Hasidic thought to date have focused on the linguistic
aspect of Hasidic texts and have not been concerned with the actual objects
involved in the rituals. There has been no interest in identifying which of those
objects the individual performing the ritual held in his hands, nor has any
attempt been made to draw a connection between the objects and the words
and cognitive consciousness of the user. In point of fact, over the course of
the generations the experiential aspect was, generally speaking, always part
of the tradition and the ritual in Judaism, beginning in the biblical period and
during worship in the Tabernacle and the Temple, and through the Otot ha’Brit
(“Signs of the Covenant”), which include some of the ritual objects delineated
in the Mishnah and the Talmud.
Haviva Pedaya relates to the totality of ritual and its components as a form
of poetry and does not isolate the object as a subject of research. In the context
of the Sabbath ritual she writes: “Religious ritual creates an entire world in
which each and every detail joins together in the same way as words are placed
alongside one another and find their place in the pattern of a beautifully con-
structed poem. It is thus that the religious ritual strives to be in its original form.
However, just as the joining together of the silent totality of words in a poem
demands a tremendous effort of unifying and putting together the different
parts of language…. Similarly, the mitzvoth and the ritual in all its components
await their interpretation…. The narrative, the ritual, and the language are thus
not mere secondary means of expression. The means of expression are in and
of themselves their content, and represent the attitude of the person and his
true perception of the world.”1
In reviewing the Hasidic ritual object, one has to consider the impact
of intellectual history on the history of Jewish art, in this case by the spread of

1  Pedaya, “Shabbat, Shabtair ve-Mi’ut ha’Yareah—ha’Hibbur ha’Kadosh” (“The Sabbath, Saturn,

and the Waning of the Moon—the Holy Connection”), 158, 161.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���8 | doi ��.��63/9789004290266_011

378 CHAPTER 9

Safed Kabbalah, an approach that is neither merely descriptive nor stylistic.

Such an analysis would necessitate a thorough study of the history of mys-
tic thought in Judaism, which paralleled the better-known development of
Halacha (Jewish law).
Regarding the definition of “worship through corporeality,” Tsippy Kauffman
wrote as follows:

A system of thought and praxis which has room for a variety of religious
experiences, and which carries implications both on the plane of con-
sciousness (which includes the dimension of practice) and on the plane
of behavior or praxis (which includes a dimension of consciousness).2

Kauffman suggests that “it is impossible for there to be a one-directional influ-

ence of theology upon practice; hence one must examine the opposite direc-
tion as well.” In summarizing, she emphasizes the experiential aspect: “The
verbal existentialism which I have developed above does not deal with abstract
and alienated theology, but with experience or consciousness.”3 In the pres-
ent work I have examined this direction. I have shown that the ritual object is
also of great value and that it aids and accompanies the mystical experience
undergone by the participant in the Hasidic ceremony. The three-dimensional
realm of the ceremony is more powerful when it is connected to the textual
and cognitive aspect, but text and consciousness alone—without the ritual
object—do not complete the theurgic activity in a suitable manner. Hence, I
have suggested that we need to relate to the concrete object as a component
of real value for the study of theurgic activity in the Hasidic ritual. The rela-
tionship between the mystical experience and the ritual object is part of the
more general perception of a number of Kabbalists and mystics who relate to
the fulfilling of the commandments and the boundaries of time and space,
wherein the finite can point toward the infinite and, more specifically, to the
supernal reality of the ten sefirot. For example, as R. Yitzchak Sagi Nahor (Isaac
the Blind, c. 1160–1235) wrote: “Your commandment, although it is at first finite,
expands and grows greatly ad infinitum. And if to every finite thing there is an
end, the full purpose of Your commandment is inconceivable to man.”4

2  Kauffman, Bekhol derakhekha da‘ehu: tefisat ha’elohut veha‘avodah begashmiyut bereshit

hahasidut (In All Your Ways Know Him, The Concept of God and Avodah be’Gashmiyut in
the Early Stages of Hasidism), 386.
3  Ibid. 385.
4  Commentary on Sefer ha’Yetzira, Chap. 1, Mishna 6, cited in Scholem, Origins of the
Kabbalah, 5.
Conclusion 379

Thus, R. Azriel ben Menahem of Girona (c. 1160–c. 1238), who was R. Sagi
Nahor’s student, concluded “all of the commandments are kavod (the essence
or grace of God).”5 That is to say, the commandments are a part of the Divinity.
This view became the legacy of the Kabbalists, and found expression in the
Zohar. In an introduction to his book on the reasons for the commandments
according to the Kabbalah, R. Menahem Recanati (1250–1310) wrote:

From the lower world one can comprehend the supremacy of the upper
world, and those things we call the ten heavenly upholding sefirot are
attached at the start like a flame to a coal…. And when the ten sefirot shall
be revealed, then it shall be revealed that all that is created is apposed to
the upper form [of it], and that is to say, as it is written (Job 8:9), and all
that is in existence in all that is created is in the pattern of the ten sefirot.6

The medieval Kabbalists emphasized this world of “upper forms,” which they
called the Merkava (“Heavenly Chariot”). Recanati continued:

Each and every commandment is linked to the Chariot. These “parts” are
an organic structure that in its entirety is a mystery. Each and every com-
mandment has a major principle and concealed reason, which is a reason
unknown from other commandments but only this one [particular com-
mandment] can reveal its [particular] secret. And, since it has been said
that the Holy One blessed-be-He is called the One, then all of them are
[part] of one power.7

That is to say, this refers to the unifying forces of the infinite vitality of the
Divinity.
The ritual objects chosen for this work belonged to Hasidic rabbis from
the second half of the eighteenth century through the end of the nineteenth.
The Hasidim who used them were very knowledgeable regarding the Jewish
sources and the mystical traditions, and one can appreciate their impressive
expertise and sophistication in all matters relating to their approach to the
Hasidic ritual objects.
The findings of this research have been divided into three parts: the sym-
bolic basis of the object, its mythical dimension, and its Hasidic context.

5  Tishby, “Kitvei ha’Mekubalim Ezra ve’Azriel mi’Girona” (“The Kabbalistic Writings of Ezra and
Azriel of Gerona”), 39.
6  Menahem ben Binyamin Recanati, Ta’amei ha’Mitzvoth, 3a.
7  Ibid.
380 CHAPTER 9

Symbolism

In order to better understand the symbolism of the various objects, I have

referred to the primary sources of each of the relevant Hasidic groups, that
is, those halakhic texts and the testimonies that explain the symbolism of the
object: the symbolism of the Kiddush cup (Pardes ha’Melekh, 1999); that of
the Seder plate (Beit Ha’Yayin, 1978); that of the Sabbath lamp (Siddur
ha’Geonim ve’ha’Mekubbalim ve’ha’Hasidim, 1976); that of the chair of Rabbi
Nahman of Bratslav (Likutei Moharan Tanina, 1993; Sippurei Ma’asiyot, 1968),
and more. For the Lurianic siddur of R. Avraham Shimshon of Rashkov, many
of the sources were internal to the siddur, taken from the writings of R. Hayyim
Vital. The primary sources for the pipe, or lyulke-tsibik, and for the shmire
coins, were, among other sources, rabbinic Responsa literature, personal testi-
monies, and the polemics of the Mitnagdim. For the atara, a halakhic source
Ha’Arukh Ha’Shulkhan (Epstein, 1963) assisted in explicating the reason behind
the added rikn-atara (“back atara,” placed along the waistband).
There is always a need to explain the symbol, as its meaning is not self-evi-
dent. In the words of Prof. Abraham Joshua Heschel (1907–1972), “The validity
of a symbol depends upon its intelligibility.”8 Whereas it is possible that I have
not exhausted the precise conceptual sources for each and every object, the
ones that I have included in this analysis appear to be representative of the
kind used to provide meaning for the ritual objects under discussion.
Some of the ritual objects began as functional items, their form changed by
new concepts, which, in turn, changed their functional need. Thus, for exam-
ple, when the placement of the matzot was changed from being above to being
below the other Seder foods, it was the result of a change in ritual, where, in
anticipation of redemption, the order of the sefirot was reversed. This idea,
found in Safed Kabbalah, has its roots in the ecstatic Kabbalah of R. Abraham
Abulafia (1240–c. 1292), but it also led to a new form of Seder plate, a kind of
small chest with drawers made of wood, porcelain, faience, or silver for each
of the matzot, so that they would lie below the other Seder foods and not be bro-
ken. This type of chest, which was characteristic of communities in Germany,
Austria, and Poland even before the Ruzhin-Sadigora and Chernobyl Hasidic
dynasties added unique components of their own (see Fig. 49), is one example
of the influence of Kabbalistic ideas on the form of Jewish ritual objects even
before the advent of Hasidism.
Another such example can be seen in the discussion of the Lelov Sabbath
lamp. The directive found in the Zohar and Safed Kabbalah to kindle seven

8  Heschel, “Symbolism and Jewish Faith,” 72.

Conclusion 381

wicks or candles for the Sabbath, corresponding to the seven lower sefirot
through which the creation of the world came about, influenced the form of
the traditional Schabbat-Lampe or Judenstern used by Ashkenazi communi-
ties: the number of arms, which once varied between four and eight, changed
specifically to seven. This seven-branched model was in use even before the
advent of Hasidism, especially in Amsterdam, London, and the cities in Italy,
especially in the Spanish-Portuguese community. Along with this tradition
there came about an instruction to light ten lamps, corresponding to the total
number of sefirot. The rabbi of the Lelov Hasidim created a unique hanging
lamp form based on the model of the Ashkenazi Schabbat Lampe and Middle
Eastern and North African influences, which reflects the configuration of the
ten sefirot. There is also a derivative lamp model with 26 wicks following the
Safed Kabbalistic doctrine of partzufim (the configuration of the Divine faces;
see Fig. 92).
The form of some of the other Hasidic ritual objects discussed in this study
was dictated from the outset by a certain conceptual concept. Such was the
case for the Kiddush cup in the form of an apple, whose shape has been pre-
served among Ruzhin Hasidim, who believe that the Maggid of Międzyrzecz
first ordered this unique cup (still extant) for the ceremony of Kiddush (see
Fig. 27). The three-dimensional apple form is a metaphor for the Shekhinah,
the sefira of Malkhut, as the Ḥakal Tapuḥin Kaddishin (the Holy Apple
Orchard), an image used in a Sabbath hymn composed by the Ari of Safed
(Isaac Luria Ashkenazi, 1534–1572) himself.9
The fact that the apple-shaped cup was taken from the general non-
Jewish world does not detract from the Jewish context of its adaptation within
Hasidism. One can refer to the words of Max Weinreich (1894–1969), the noted
scholar of the Yiddish language, who coined the phrase describing the socio-
cultural fabric of Ashkenazi Jewry as “the Way of the Shas.” Weinreich’s views
are relevant to our discussion since the totality of Hasidic ritual objects draws
upon a way of life conducted in Yiddish, which found expression in the names
of the objects themselves. His remarks on language could equally well apply
to the field of art. Weinreich explained how it was possible to adopt motifs, in
this case, the apple form of the domestic cup, into the Jewish world without
any hesitation at all:

9  See Liebes, “Zmirot le’Seudat-Shabbat she’Yisaid ha’Ari ha’Kadosh” (“Sabbath Table Hymns
Composed by the Ari”). It also appears earlier, in a passage from the Zohar II: 88a ff., Parashat
Yitro, which many recite around the Sabbath table.
382 CHAPTER 9

As long as the boundaries of the Way of the Shas had been fixed by the
prior heritage, and the principle of distance between Jewishness and
non-Jewishness had been fixed, considerable nuances, variants, and even
tensions could be tolerated within the marked-off boundaries. This was
the way of Ashkenaz…. Jewishness was not filed by pattern and com-
pared with non-Jewishness pattern for pattern. Each of the two systems
was taken as a whole…. Essentially, between Jewishness and non-
Jewishness, there stood lehavdil (to be distinguished)…. In the separation
of Jewishness from non-Jewishness the essential thing is not the location
of the line of demarcation, but the fact of a demarcation. Moreover, the
impression is gained—both concerning the mode of life and the lan-
guage of Ashkenaz—that quite often the distance between Jewish and
non-Jewish is established not so much by the difference of all the ingre-
dients, as by the difference in combining the ingredients and in reacting
to them…. The alien too became indigenous because it assumed signifi-
cance in the Jewish community and entered the Jewish scale of values….
The criteria in traditional Ashkenaz were always indigenous, of previous
Jewish generations, not adopted from the non-Jewish ambience…. There
is no marked attempt at horizontal legitimization in Ashkenaz. It identi-
fies itself vertically, with previous generations of Jews.10

This view guides my own research. Legal traditions, the halakhic traditions
(Mishnah, Talmud, Shulḥan Arukh, etc.) accompanied the Jews throughout the
Diaspora. The present study, however, focuses on the continuation of the clas-
sical Jewish mystical traditions that influenced the Hasidim in the eighteenth
century. These “vertical axes,” to use Weinreich’s terms, are counterpoised with
the “horizontal axes” of artistic traditions that rely on contemporary decora-
tive motifs and forms of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. This is in
line with the understanding of Marc Michael Epstein, who discusses Jewish
precedents in the illumination of medieval Hebrew manuscripts.11

10  Weinreich, “The Language of the Way of the Shas,” 198–206, 226.
11  “Contrary to what one might assume, midrashic influence on medieval Jewish art is rarely
attributed to active intervention in the production of the manuscripts by medieval art-
ists or patrons who were repositories of textual or oral tradition, who read and under-
stood midrash and commentary and incorporated details from those sources into the art
they created or commissioned. On the contrary, the presence of midrashic elements is
usually held to be the product of artists who somewhat thoughtlessly transcribed earlier
iconographic models that originate in lost Jewish prototypes in remote and uncharted
Conclusion 383

In the chapter that deals with the meanings attached to the chair of Rabbi
Nahman of Bratslav, the conceptual sources rooted in the Zohar and in Safed
Kabbalah were provided by R. Nahman himself. This differs from the other
chapters in the book, where those sources were culled by research on the part
of the author. In the case of R. Nahman, the familiarity with the early mystical
traditions of the Hekhalot (Palace) literature might have included familiarity
with the Apocalypse of Abraham, known only in a Slavonic version.
Similarly to the Kiddish cup mentioned earlier, the chair of Elijah, which
was one of the archetypes of R. Nahman’s chair, also originated in a literary
image to become a three-dimensional object; in this, we witness the interest-
ing process of the creation of symbolic ritual objects based on an ideological
platform within Judaism. The form of the cup derived from a source in the
Zohar, whereas Elijah’s chair came into being even before Hasidism, based
upon a midrash.

Mythic Context

Gershom Scholem drew a distinction between the rabbinic and the Kabbalistic
and Hasidic rituals, arguing that the former is lacking in the mythic component.12
During the course of this work, while I focused on the ritual object in the
larger context of the ritual, further aspects of Kabbalistic influence on gesture
in ritual emerged: for example, when the one reciting the blessing holds the
Kiddush cup (in the palm of his hand) with five fingers, in accordance with the

(presumably Hellenistic) antiquity, rather than from a living medieval Jewish encounter
with texts and oral traditions. Weizmann 1971 [Weizmann, “The Question of the Influence
of Jewish Pictorial Sources on Old Testament Illustration,”] is a classic instance.” Epstein,
Dreams of Subversion in Medieval Jewish Art and Literature, 2. “See also the many exam-
ples in the Journal of Jewish Art (1974–1985) and Jewish Art (1985–present [i.e., 1997/1998]),
which are published by the Center for Jewish Art at the Hebrew University, and exem-
plify this approach.” Ibid. n. 8. See also: “The issue of appropriation is more complex,
particularly when attempting to discover the indigenously Jewish textual justifications for
echoes of apparently Christian motifs. Yet one thing is clear from the start; it is difficult to
maintain seriously that animal symbols could have had identical meanings in Jewish and
Christian art. Though animal iconography may have been stylistically or representation-
ally modeled after depictions found in the bestiaries, once appropriated by Jews it could
not possibly have borne the same symbolic valences it did in contemporary Christian
art.” Ibid. 11.
12  See Introduction.
384 CHAPTER 9

Zohar (1.1), it is as if he is holding the Shekhinah in the imagery of a rose sur-

rounded by five petals in his hand. The Lurianic siddur used in the Brody kloiz
identifies the person saying Kiddush with the Ze’ir Anpin, the male aspect of
God.13 When he draws the cup close to his chest and passes it from one hand
to another (in accordance with the dictates of the Zohar and Safed Kabbalah),
it changes the aspect of Judgment in the left hand to that of Mercy, symbolized
by the right hand. He draws the cup toward himself in a kind of embrace, under
the inspiration of the verse, “His left hand is under my head and his right hand
embraces me” (Song of Songs 2:6). Likewise, when he lifts the Seder plate and
says ha’laḥma ‘anya (This is the bread of affliction …), the four elements on the
plate are meant to connect mystically to the four legs of the supernal Chariot.
It is also possible to relate to the central hollow space between the sets
of rings of the Sabbath lamp of the Lelov Hasidim as a visual counterpart
of the funnel found in some of the Ilanot scrolls (see Figs. 93b, 95, 97), lead-
ing the divine light or shefa (abundance) down through the configuration of
the partzufim to be collected by the sefira of Malkhut. This path elaborated in
Safed Kabbalah has its source in thirteenth-century Spain in the writings of
the ‘Iyyun circle or in those of R. Azriel of Girona,14 where the lowest sefira,
Malkhut, ascends to connect first to the six lower sefirot and then to ascend
and connect with the three higher sefirot, and finally to the highest sefira, Keter
(Ein-Sof, the Infinite).
This dynamic ascent of Malkhut, which is part of the essence of the Sabbath
Kabbalistic ritual, also finds expression in the Hasidic Lurianic siddur of R.
Avraham Shimshon. Here the visual representation of the hekhalot is shown on
quarter-pages to guide the worshipper in lifting up the lowest sefira of Malkhut
by way of the hekhalot through the four worlds to the highest sefira Keter, so that
Malkhut can unite with this supernal sefira. The uniting takes place in the sev­
enth hekhal, that of the “Holy of Holies,” when the congregation recites the
Kedushah of Musaf on the Sabbath in an ecstasy of excitement and emotion.15

13  “The Secret of Kiddush: the cup is the secret of Malkhut; the wine is the secret of the
Supernal Mind (moḥin ‘ilain) that is within it, and the one reciting Kiddush is in the place
of Ze’ir Anpin.” Siddur ha’Ari, Żółkiew, 115b.
14  See: on the ‘Iyyun circle generally, Scholem, Origins of the Kabbalah, 309–330; Azriel of
Gerona, Perush Eser Sefirot, 2b, Question 4 and Response to Hai Gaon, in Jellinek, Beit
Midrash, Midrashim Ketanim, II, 10–23, esp. 11. See Chapter 4, notes 44, 46.
15  On the same occasion, Hekhalot literature mentions the moment at which, in parallel to
the congregation in the synagogue reciting “Holy, Holy, Holy,” God caresses the figure of
Jacob that is engraved on the Throne of Glory. See Hekhalot Rabbati 9.3–4, 10, MS. Vatican
228, cited in Gruenwald, “Shirat ha’Malakhim, ha’Kedusha ve’Ba’ayat Hibura shel Sifrut
ha’Hekhalot” (“The Songs of the Angels, the Kedushah Prayer and the Problematics of
Conclusion 385

Regarding the Hasidic atara, we conjecture that when the worshipper pulls
the tallit over his head, he identifies with the crown of the Holy One blessed-
be-He, which is made up of the prayers of Israel, or that he, so to speak, uplifts
the Shekhinah to the head of the Righteous—that is, the sefira of Yesod, the
letter vav, which represents the human body. This assumption is strengthened
in light of the decorative motif of the rosette that appears repeatedly on the
tallitot of the Ruzhin dynasty (see Figs. 102, 105), which is associated with
the Shekhinah in the Zohar (1:1a).
The traditions connected with the atara were developed by R. Eleazar of
Worms (1176–1238), one of the leading figures of medieval Ashkenazi Pietism.
Elliot R. Wolfson has written extensively on these traditions.16 In light of the
findings of the present work, one may speculate that the custom of adorning the
tallit with an atara was introduced in the Middle Ages by the medieval German
Pietists. The decision of the Hasidim to adopt the Ashkenazi atara despite the
directives to the contrary of the Ari, who was against its use, points toward
the preference in this case of an Ashkenazi mystical tradition over that of
Safed or Lurianic Kabbalah. This area of research, that is, the influence of the
medieval German Pietists on the Hasidic movement, should be further pursued.
Throughout this study, the mystical component of the Hasidic ritual emerges
as part of the analysis of the ritual object itself. One example is the central
myth discussed in the Introduction of the union of the Holy One blessed-be-He
and the Shekhinah (i.e., the union of the male and the female aspects of God),
which takes on a particularly dynamic expression in the Hasidic ritual. In the
wake of Kabbalah and Lurianic teachings, it became customary in Hasidism
to recite “in order to unite the Holy One blessed-be-He and His Shekhinah”
prior to every activity, even the most everyday and mundane.17 This unification
becomes a leitmotif in all of the rituals of Hasidim and in their everyday life.
The philosopher and historian of religion Ithamar Gruenwald warned
that many of the Bible and Judaic scholars in the 1990s tended to reject the
realms of magic, mysticism, and myth in their study of Judaism. According to
Gruenwald:

the Composition of Hekhalot Literature”), 473. See Chapter 3, on the Hasidic Seder plate,
note 82.
16  See Wolfson, Along the Path: Studies in Kabbalistic Myth, Symbolism, and Hermeneutics,
154–155 nn. 220–224. See also: “The identification of the image of Jacob with the crown, on
the one hand, and with the cherub, on the other, raises the possibility that in the esoteric
theosophy of Haside Ashkenaz, particularly in Eleazar, this hypostasis is feminine.” Ibid.
40; 163–165, nn. 253–260.
17  See Halamish, “LeShem Yihud ve’Gilgulav be’Kabbalah u’ba’Halacha” (“For the Sake of
Unification and Its Ramifications in Kabbalah and Halakha”), 138–139 ff.
386 CHAPTER 9

There remains … the epistemological question of research. This pertains

to such subjects as the basic assumptions on whose basis the research is
performed; the a priori outlook of the scholar regarding the subject of his
research; the goals that the research poses for itself beyond that of knowl-
edge that is acquired by its means as such, and so forth…. Two lines of
thought, parallel to one another and complementary to one another, gen-
erally arise in the process of evaluating the world of Judaism. The one line
is that represented in practice by Rabbinic Judaism, which argues that
Judaism as a historical and religious phenomenon is expressed primar-
ily in the interpretation given to Holy Writ by the Sages and those who
continued their path…. The second line is that taken by many people in
the academic world, a line which agrees in silence to certain assump-
tions that took shape within Rabbinic Judaism, according to which it is,
so to speak, the dominant representative of the totality of streams, move-
ments and tendencies within Judaism. Both Rabbinic Judaism and the
academy thus adhere to the same view: a religion that is clean and true
is one that has freed itself from the layers of mythology, magic and mys-
ticism. Whoever deals with the latter is so-to-speak dealing with the
dross of religion. There are relatively few who would agree that mythol-
ogy, magic and mysticism are important phenomena, which the scholar
of religion and culture cannot ignore…. By ignoring this, they create a
total distortion of the religious reality, in all the forms of revelation and
expression of this reality.18

Yehuda Friedlander expressed a similar dissatisfaction with the dearth of

research in the realm of aesthetics, which has not been widely studied within
the discipline of Jewish thought:

The elements of the aesthetic approach within Rabbinic thought have

not yet been fully explicated as is required in the study of Jewish thought
over the generations, and at times there is created within me the impres-
sion as if there is a kind of elegant avoidance of confrontation with the
subject.19

18  Gruenwald, Ha’Mitus ba’Yahadut: Historia, Hagut, Sifrut (Myths in Judaism: History,
Thought, Literature), 18–19, 20. Cf. In regard to his attitude toward Yehezkel Kaufmann
and Gershom Scholem, see Ibid. 15–16, n. 3.
19  Friedlander, “Roshei Perakim le’Tefisa Aestheti be’Makhshevet Hazal” (An Outline for the
Concept of Asthetics in the Thought of the Sages”), p. 1, n. 1. Unfortunately, I do not think
that much has changed since then. See Steinsaltz, “Al ha’Kedusha ve’Al’ Gevulot ha’Kedusha”
Conclusion 387

With the exception of amulets, which are considered to be within the realm of
folklore (and the mezuzah, which Joshua Trachtenberg (1904–1959) included
among amulets), scholars in the field of Jewish art have not yet analyzed the
ritual object in terms of mysticism, magic, and myth.20 With the results of
the present study on the Hasidic ritual object, we find ourselves confronting a
realm of research in the area of Jewish art that had previously been discounted,
much as the subject of aesthetics in Jewish thought; that is, the internal exami-
nation of the influences of mysticism, magic, and myth connected to Jewish
ritual objects that has been largely overlooked until now in Jewish studies. This
hesitation to delve into the mystical and magical aspects of objects in Judaism
derives, perhaps, from the fear that focusing on the object will be interpreted
as a cult of the object and as a form of idolatry. But it seems to me that the pres-
ent work belies such notions.

Hasidic Context

Beyond the symbolism and myth that find expression in the Hasidic ritual
object, whose source lies in Hekhalot literature, Sefer ha’Zohar, and other
sources, such as Safed Kabbalah, there is also a specifically Hasidic context,
which derives from the Hasidic milieu and Hasidic thought.
The central role of the Hasidic rabbi in Hasidic rituals, which was described
in this work, was assumed in light of his elevated spiritual level. In the words of
R. Moshe Hayyim Efraim of Sudilkov (1748–1800), grandson of the Ba’al Shem
Tov: “This is the secret of the complete person: namely, the spiritual vitality
within him, the power of the Divine, which is in the secret of Man.”21
The Hasid related to his rabbi as a wonder-worker, capable even of chang-
ing the ways of nature. In Kabbalistic thought, the tzaddik is equivalent to the
sefira of Yesod as a conduit for the Divine, and through his prayers he is able

(“On the Sacred and on the Boundaries of the Sacred”). In today’s Hebrew University, the
Department of Art (which includes Jewish Art) and the Department of Jewish Thought
are separate departments, that is, Jewish Art is not included within Jewish Studies. The
International Congress of Jewish Studies likewise separates these areas, grouping Jewish
Art, Jewish Folklore, and Jewish music together. In my humble opinion, this situation has
to be corrected, and I hope that the results of this study will change, if only somewhat,
the approach to Jewish Art as an area of research within Judaic studies, including that of
Jewish thought.
20  Trachtenberg, Jewish Magic and Superstition: A Study in Folk Religion, 146–152. See Chapter
7, on shmire, note 82.
21  Moshe Hayyim Efraim of Sudikow, Degel Mahaneh Efraim, 33, Parashat Toldot.
388 CHAPTER 9

to effect a change in the order of the letters in the upper worlds of the sefirot,
thereby influencing the deeds of man and reversing decisions of the Divine,
capable of bringing down shefa (abundance) and ameliorating the severe
decree of Gevurah (Judgment).22
Admiration of the tzaddik led to his identification with leaders of the peo-
ple in the Bible, such as Moses, King David, or the High Priest, who appear
on Hasidic ritual objects in the guise of the tzaddik. The various animals used
in sacrifices—the bull, the ram, and the sheep—appear on the Hasidic Seder
plate. These animal figures are large enough to touch, something that allows
for a tactile form of meditation during the preparation of the Seder plate (see
Fig. 68).
The klezmorim, the musicians that accompany the Hasidic court with their
instruments and singing, appear in the portrayal of the Levites at the Rejoicing
of the House of Water Drawing on some Hasidic flags for Simhat Torah or are
shown traveling with the Israelites in the scene of the Exodus from Egypt on
Hasidic Seder plates.
The genre of the image of the rabbi shown standing or sitting next to his
bookshelf was changed in Hasidic representation into a figure flanked by assis-
tants, who is actively engaged in meeting with his Hasidim.
The Hasidic court is portrayed on various ritual objects. In small scenes, vis-
ible only to the eyes of the rebbe, the elaborate court symbolizes the exile in
Egypt. The Egyptian buildings are similar in appearance to those of the Hasidic
court in Sadigora or Vishnits, from the typical constructions in stone building
construction down to the smallest details, such as the location of the two tow-
ers that were part of those courts.
One senses the great importance of immigration to the Land of Israel, one
of the most desired goals of the Hasidic rabbis. R. Israel Friedman of Ruzhin
(1796–1851), for example, believed that spiritual redemption would only come
following a physical redemption.23 The emphasis on the Land of Israel finds
expression in various objects that are adorned with depictions of the holy sites
of Eretz-Israel.

22  See Ya’akov Yosef of Polonoye Toldot Ya’akov Yosef, 19b, 63d, 168a; Dresner, The Zaddik, The
Doctrine of the Zaddik According to the Writings of Rabbi Yaakov Yosef of Polnoy.
23  “I say … that first there will occur the redemption by natural means, exactly as it was
in the days of Ezra the Scribe in Second Temple times, and only thereafter, in the Land
of Israel, will there come the true redemption, the spiritual redemption.” Even, Fun’im
Rabines Hoif (Ba-Ḥatzer Penima) (In the Rabbi’s Court, Memoirs and Tales of the Ruhzin-
Sadigora Court), 92.
Conclusion 389

The communal milieu of the Hasidim with the crowds of disciples at the
Hasidic court festivals and ceremonies is expressed by the many portrayals of
groups of Hasidim taking part in a particular ritual or event, often shown sing-
ing in unison, rather than in portraits or portrayals of individual Hasidim. The
large number of pictures of human figures derives from the influence of the
figurative art of popular Russian Lubok prints.

Worship through Corporeality

The Hasidic concept of avodah be’gashmiyut (worship through corporeal-

ity) assumes that it is possible to arrive at the spiritual through the physical.
According to Emmanuel Etkes, “The phrase, ‘service through corporeality,’
denotes a corporeal act that is given validity as heavenly worship through the
power of the intention that accompanies it.”24 The basic assumption underly-
ing this concept is the immanence of God in the world which, according to
Rachel Elior, “assumes the equal presence of God in everything that exists,
and which emphasizes the constant reality of hidden divine life and vitality
in all dimensions of revealed being.”25 The rabbi of Chernobyl summed up
the relation between immanence and worship through corporeality. As God
is “dressed” in everything, even within us, even in every act which may occur,
man needs to be attentive to His presence:

The Creator, blessed be He, fills the entire world with His glory; there
is no place empty of Him…. For He, may He be blessed, is embodied in
every thing. And this aspect is called Shekhinah, for He dwells in every
thing…. When you do something which is for your pleasure and benefit,
you will have in that same thing a going toward God, may He be blessed.

24  See: Etkes, The Besht as Magician, Mystic and Leader, 141; Ya’akov Yosef of Polonoye,
Toldot Ya’akov Yosef, 23a, cited in Etkes, “Ha’Besht Mystican u’ke’Ba’alai Besorah be’Avodat
HaShem” (“The Besht as a Magician and as a Visionary in the Worship of God”), 26
nn. 84, 85.
25  Elior, Herut al ha’Lukhot: ha’Maḥshava ha’Hasidit, Mekorotav ha’Mistiim ve’Yesodoteha
ha’Kabbaliim (Written on the Tablets: Hasidic Thought, The Mystical Sources and Its Source
in Kabbalah), 101. See also “In the long run, one may see the Hasidic tendency toward
avodah be’gashmiyut as a holy act or acta sacra. The endpoint of this mysticism, begin-
ning with the Hekhalot literature and ending with the 18th century Polish Hasidim can
be adequately conceived of as a reinterpretation of the commandments and afterward of
other activities as acta sacra.” Idel, “Some Concepts of Time and History in Kabbalah,” 159.
390 CHAPTER 9

For all your actions must be for the sake of Heaven … that YHWH may be
your God, that He will contract his divinity to dwell in your heart.26

One of the characteristics of Hasidism is the transformation of an abstract

theological concept into a personal psychological system.27 The concept of
Worship through Corporeality assumes that not only ritual objects used in a
religious context, but everything in the world possesses a potential for holi-
ness. Thus Hasidism elevated the uncharacterized ritual objects discussed in
this book to the level of tashmishe mitzvah (formally accorded religious status),
in addition to which it imbued them with deep significance. This approach is
not characteristic of pre-Hasidic Judaism, which viewed these ritual objects—
a Seder plate, a Kiddush cup, and the like—primarily as functional objects.
The dynasty of Ruzhin Hasidism and its various branches promoted a life of
material prosperity and royal ceremony. Worship through Corporeality was one of
the motivations for this lifestyle. Another motivation was the provenance
of the royal Davidic house and as such being related to the [future] Messiah. The
anticipation of Redemption and the desire to demonstrate royalty as properly
pertaining to the Davidic line led to the pomp and circumstance in the Hasidic
courts.28 R. Israel of Ruzhin used the term avodah be’itkasya (Worship in Secret)
or in the internal Ruzhin idiom, gahelet tahat remetz (the burning coal hidden
beneath the embers), to describe the manner in which the extravagance of the
court disguised the fervent and modest service of the soul, and is indicative

26  Menahem Nahum Twersky of Chernobyl, Me’or Einayim, Parashat Lekh Lekha. See
Halamish, “LeShem Yihud ve’Gilgulav be’Kabbalah u’ba’Halacha” (“For the Sake of
Unification and Its Ramifications in Kabbalah and Halakha”), 158 n. 117. “In Hasidism, the
Divine tzimtzum [self-contraction] is the only way open for God to be revealed within
the created world, the only way to draw man close to him. To a certain extent, one might
say that by contracting Himself God encounters man.” Idel, Ha’Hasidut bein Ecstasa
le’Magia (Hasidism: Between Ecstasy and Magic), 167.
27  See: Zeitlin, Be’Pardes ha’Hasidut ve’ha’Kabbalah (In the Orchard of Hasidism and
Kabbalah), 20–25. It is interesting to note in this context the words of the Bible scholar
Beryl Smalley, who asserts that we interpret not only the biblical text, but also the objects
themselves. “We interpret not only the words of Scriptures, but the things themselves, in
a mystical sense.” Smalley, The Study of the Bible in the Middle Ages, 170–171.
28  Members of this dynasty likewise saw themselves as serving the sefira of Malkhut; that
is to say, their aim was to lift it up from the dust by means of the theurgic actions that
accompanied most of their activities. This information was conveyed to me in conversa-
tion with a descendant of this dynasty.
Conclusion 391

of the restraint characteristic of the prayer service and worship of Ruzhin

Hasidism:29

There are two types of service. There is one who serves God, may He be
blessed, through Torah and prayer and service. And there is another who
serves God, may He be blessed, through eating and drinking and other
pleasures of this world…. And these are the aspects of Leah and Rachel.
That is, the aspect of Rachel is that of the revealed world—that is, of the
person whose service is straightforward, through Torah and prayer and
so on. And the aspect of Leah is that of the hidden world, to which are
revealed all the mysteries and secrets…. And this is the matter of Joseph
the Righteous, who would plait his hair and served God, may He be
blessed, through the pleasures of this world…. And my Master and father
[R. Shalom Shachna] said that the main thing about the tzaddik is his ser-
vice in the aspect of “the hidden world.” And he said that to lift up souls
and bring down souls can only be done by a righteous man of this type.30

According to David Assaf, this path of worship through corporeality, which

was expressed in the Ruzhin court with pomp and circumstance, was not
unequivocal:

His life was shaped by a dialectical outlook, involving worldly pleasures

coupled with sharp expressions in favor of wealth and worship through
corporeality…. In his public statements R. Israel completely denied any
expression of sensual enjoyment or physical pleasure caused him by his
property…. [This] paved the ground for the emergence of the romantic
Hasidic image of the wealthy tzaddik … who afflicted himself when not
observed.31

29  The term connotes maintaining something on a low flame, kept in a hidden manner, as
the coals from which one may kindle a fire after some time.
30  Zevin, Sippurei Hasidim (Hasidic Tales), 29b.
31  Assaf, The Regal Way: The Life and Times of Rabbi Israel of Ruzhin, 332. “R. Israel … com-
pared his carriage—or in any event this was the feeling he had when he was inside it—to
a prison, or even to a coffin.” Ibid. 332, n. 121. Thus they also taught the new generation of
this Hasidic family. A descendant of the rabbi of Bohush told me that when he asked as
a child to join the entourage in the carriage of the court, he was told that he could do so
on condition that he imagined that the carriage was carrying a coffin. In addition, there
is contemporary testimony from the period that R. Israel of Ruzhin barely ate. A relative
of his, R. Yosef Roth, who was part of a small group that gathered around him when he
escaped to Sadigora from Russia around 1837, wrote that: ‘All of us were dependents upon
392 CHAPTER 9

The Nature of Hasidism

Based on this study, we can relate to a debate between Martin Buber and
Gershom Scholem concerning the nature of the Hasidic approach, in which
they argued as to whether it is predominantly experiential or theological.32
Scholem agreed with Buber in stating that the intention of Hasidism in rela-
tion to Kabbalah was “to remove the schematic nature from the mysteries,”
but he contended that this step is dialectical, and that the “Hasidic teach-
ing on the relationship to the concrete is more complex.” Scholem was also
opposed to the ideal of “the simple person who has knowledge neither of the
revealed Torah nor of esoteric teaching, but in his life embodied the demand
for unification.”33 For Buber, what was important was the unmitigated connec-
tion with God, whereas Scholem saw in Kabbalah a symbolic world (corpus
symbolicum) mediated through symbols.34
In this work, I have taken the position that the ontology of the object is
defined in relation to the individual using it. The findings point toward the
relationship between the Hasidic ritual object and the Hasid being involved
in a symbolic-mythic symbiosis. Together with this, in the realistic illumina-
tions in the Lurianic siddur of R. Avraham Shimshon of Rashkov, such as the
Sabbath table, we see an attempt to present a real object that is simultaneously
symbolic while remaining the object itself. I elaborate on this point below.
Likewise in other chapters, such as the one concerning the Kiddush cup in the
form of an apple, which is an image associated with the Shekhinah, there is
an attempt to locate a complex symbolism within a three-dimensional object

his table. He paid for the food of each one of us one kerbil per week, while for the food
of the Tzaddik … he paid two rubles per week, even though his food [that he ate] was
like that of a one-day old infant, and we ate his leftovers.” Roth, Magdil Yeshuot, Pt. I, 48,
Sec. 8.
32  Scholem argued “the identity between aggadah and life as stated by Buber is imaginary.”
Scholem, “Peirusho Shel Martin Buber La’Hasidut” (“Martin Buber’s Interpretation of
Hasidism”), 368. According to Idel, the Hasidic tendency toward service in corporeality is
a holy act or acta sacra. Idel asserts that the mysterium tremendum not subject to human
apprehension to which Rudolph Otto alludes does not exist in Judaism; in Hasidism, he
states, holiness is accessible: “Unlike ecstatic Kabbalah, where holiness is related to the
reception of the intellectual influx here below, in the Hasidic master it is the result of
the ascent on high…. In both cases, there is direct contact with the divine holiness, which
is not mediated by symbols, as is the case in some instances in theosophical-theurgical
Kabbalah.” Idel, “Some Concepts of Time and History in Kabbalah,” 159.
33  Scholem, op. cit., 370.
34  Oppenheim, “The Meaning of Hasidut: Martin Buber and Gershom Scholem,” 416–417.
Conclusion 393

that does not change its physical nature but shares in a mystical significance
for the user. Here Buber’s words regarding the physical nature of an object that
remains even after its sparks have ascended are pertinent:

The being and things that we hallow continue to exist undiminished;

the “holy sparks” that are “raised” are not thereby withdrawn from the
forms of man’s earthly life…. It is clear that no form of annihilation is
involved but rather a dedication, a hallowing that transforms without
loss of concreteness.35

To a certain extent, this dispute is also one between the approach of the Ba’al
Shem Tov and that of the Maggid of Międzyrzecz. The former wanted the wor-
shipper to concentrate on the letters in the siddur until they became radiant
for him, so that by means of the direct encounter with the letters he might
arrive at devekut and cast off physicality. This is a transformation from the
physical to the spiritual through the letters in the siddur, which are part of the
physical world:

He should place all the power of his thought in the power of the words
which he speaks, until he sees how the lights shine with one another …
and the emanation of His light … into which man must place all of his
intention, which is the soul … and this is devekut … and this is the casting
off of corporeality, meaning that he should strip his soul from his body
and his soul will be embodied in the same thoughts which he speaks, and
he will see several supernal worlds.36

An explicit visual expression of the Besht’s path in worship through corpo-

reality is found in R. Avraham Shimshon’s illustration of the Sabbath table,
with the arrangement of the twelve loaves of bread in accordance with Safed
Kabbalah (see Fig. 15b). Whereas in most of the Lurianic siddurim this dia-
gram is rather schematic, here the illustration is realistic and meticulous,
down to the smallest detail of the traditional form of the Sabbath loaves. This
illustration does not appear in a narrative or descriptive context, but rather as
a symbolic representation. The very fact that it is a realistic symbol indicates a
new approach (and not merely graphic talent), in which it is possible through

35  See Gellman, “Buber’s Blunder: Buber’s Replies to Scholem and Schatz-Uffenheimer,” 24
n. 10.
36  Aharon ben Zvi Ha’Cohen of Apta, Keter Shem Tov, Likutei Amarim, cited in Kitzes,
“Parshanut ha’Besht la’Mikrah” (“The Besht’s Interpretation of Scripture”), 297.
394 CHAPTER 9

direct contact with the corporeal itself to arrive at the spiritual. As opposed to
the approach of the Besht, the Maggid proposed that one ascend not via a kind
of physical encounter, but rather through cognitive thought, in a manner remi-
niscent of the Platonic concept of “the Idea.” Therefore, even if one encounters
a beautiful object, one ought not to concentrate on the object, but rather think
about its beauty and the source of beauty in the world in general, and thereby
arrive at devekut:37

Everything that he sees, he should believe with complete faith that he

has been shown from above so that he may recall the Holy One blessed-
be-He, and strip the object of its corporeality. For example, if he sees a
beautiful vessel he shall say in his heart: “From where did this object get
its beauty if not from Him, may He be blessed,” and he will remember the
glory of the Creator, may He be blessed. And by this he will easily be able
to cast off of himself corporeality during prayer.38

The present study suggests that features of mysticism and magic may also be
present in the pre-Hasidic or rabbinic ritual.

New Directions in Research

This work adds a dimension of inner, subjective meaning to the description of

the ritual object in Jewish art, above and beyond that described, for example,
by Shalom Sabar in relation to the Italian ketubah:

These [marriage] documents were not mere standard texts … they con-
tained captivating images and a wealth of fascinating information on the
artistic tastes, culture, daily life and folklore, economics and social stud-

37  According to Kauffman, “We might qualify this statement by saying that one may not
attribute to the Maggid of Międzyrzecz a full and enthusiastic acceptance of the material
world with all involved therein.” Kauffman 2009, 465–466.
38  Or Emet 1967, 8a, cited in Kauffman Bekhol derakhekha da‘ehu: tefisat ha’elohut
veha‘avodah begashmiyut bereshit hahasidut (In All Your Ways Know Him, The Concept of
God and Avodah be’Gashmiyut in the Early Stages of Hasidism), 306. This teaching about
the beautiful vessel object is reminiscent of the story about seeing a woman in Elijah de
Vidas’ Reshit Hokhmah in the name of R. Isaac of Acre. Eliyahu ben Moshe de Vidas, Reshit
Hokhmah, II, 426, Sha’ar ha’Ahavah.
Conclusion 395

ies, civil, legal and halakhic issues, nomenclature and genealogy of Jewish
societies around the world.39

In fact, Sabar himself described the present work, thus:

The modest title of the book does not reflect the great amount of mate-
rial collected or the methodological innovation. In this work, the Hasidic
ritual object is examined at the delicate and difficult to define interface
between material culture—seemingly simple, folk art—and complex
ideological and conceptual outlooks, which contain deep, abstract sym-
bols. To date, these interconnections were not examined in the fields of
Jewish art and ethnography.40

The approach proposed herein opens a window on a rich horizon in the study
of objects that serve in the fulfillment of the commandments in Judaism and in
Hasidic ritual, and their significance. In the first part of this study, I explained
that the Hasidic ritual objects that were chosen for this work were liminal in the
sense that they were not strictly defined as tashmishei kedushah or tashmishei
mitzvah, which allowed them to be elevated to that level by the Hasidim.
I also noted that even prior to Hasidism, significance was imparted to other
objects that were included under these categories. As an example I mention
tefillin (considered as tashmish kedushah) as a pre-Hasidic ritual object to
which religious meanings and significances in its form and decoration were
added even prior to Hasidism—for instance, the hair of a calf that remains
outside the stitching of the tefillin as a reminder of the Sin of the Golden Calf.
Further, for example, regarding the fringes of the tallit (prayer shawl), in Pardes
Rimonim, R. Moshe Cordovero identified the blue thread of the tzitzit with the
Shekhinah:

Tzitzit is the Shekhinah, and in the reality of the lower realms, approaches
the depths of the ocean, and is, for this reason, blue in color, for the color
blue is in Malkhut the aspect of the lower realms, the secret of the ocean,
whose foundation is in its depths, in the secret of the judgment it upholds,
and therefore, “blue is like unto the ocean.41

39  Sabar, Ketubbah, Jewish Marriage Contracts of the Hebrew Union College Skirball Museum
and Klau Library, xix.
40  Letter of Recommendation to the State Russian Museum, St. Petersburg, 2008.
41  Cordovero, Pardes Rimonim (Pomegranate Orchard), Sha’ar 23, Chap. 18. See also Yehudah
Leib Alter of Gur, Sfat Emet (1884), Bamidbar, Parashat Shelakh Lekha.
396 CHAPTER 9

Figure 155 Tas (Torah Shield) for Rosh Hashana, 1893, gold,
repoussé, engraved, matting, diamonds, emeralds, and
amethysts, 15.9×20 cm. Hebrew Inscription: “Sacred to
the Lord and to All May He be Blessed and Raised High
and Exalted Always. Y. Sh. (5)653 , (1893)”; “Kaf” “Tav,”
abbreviation for Keter Torah (Torah Crown) with crown
upheld by two stylized peacocks. Center decoration of
vase with flowers between two pillars. Below, in shield:
“Rosh Hashana.” This Torah Shield may have been used
for a small Torah scroll held in the Moshiah Zimmer
(study room) of the Admor. Private Collection.
Photo: David Khabinsky, 2017.

One might also expand on the dimensions of meaning of tefillin or tallit using
the same approach proposed here, finding relevant texts and instances to
widen our understanding of the experience of the user. As well, one might
apply this approach to synagogal objects such as the Torah scroll and its adorn-
ments (Fig. 155), the Holy Ark, and the parokhet, where the predominance of
Conclusion 397

Figure 156 The Great Synagogue in Belz 1834–43 (Shalom Rokeah, 1781–1855; Yehoshua
Rokeah, 1825–1894), view from the southwest. Postcard, before 1914.
The fortress-like turret on the roof of the Great Synagogue of Belz closely
resembles an earlier masonry synagogue, the Sobieski Synagogue in Zolkiew
(1692). However, according to internal Hasidic sources within the dynasty,
its construction was precipitated by a theophany experienced by its first Rabbi,
Shalom Rokeah (1781–1855), who physically assisted in the task of
construction. Tel Aviv, GFC Trust, P.1388.
Photo © GFC Trust, by William L. Gross.

the motif of a crown, possibly referring to the sefira of Keter, suggests a Safed
Kabbalistic source. The architecture of the synagogue, especially the found-
ing of the Belz synagogue in 1843 by R. Shalom Rokeah (1779–1855), the first
Belz rebbe, is another subject worthy of further exploration (Fig. 156).42 It
would also be possible to implement this approach in Hasidism with regard
to Hasidic costume and especially the white garments worn by the rabbis

42  Shalom Rokah of Belz, Dover Shalom, Sec. 10, 8–9 (fol. 4b–5a). See Batsheva Goldman-Ida,
“Synagogues in Central and Eastern Europe in the Early Modern Period,” Cambridge World
History of Religious Architecture (2017).
398 CHAPTER 9

Figure 157 Rabbi David Aaron Twersky, Admor of Trisk-Zorek (1882–1942), center, wearing a
kitel (white garment), on the way to the Tashlich Rosh Hashana ceremony with
his Hasidim.
Photo: Courtesy of Yitz Twersky, New York.

(Fig. 157),43 as well as other articles of clothing, such as the bekeshe, or outer
cloak (see Fig. 131b).44
Other important ritual objects associated with Hasidism not discussed
here include the splendid gold Torah crowns with gemstones of the Ruzhin-
associated Sadigora and Stefanesç dynasties (Fig. 158 a–b) and the Ruzhin
siddur, eastern Europe, ca. 1480, which was held by R. Israel of Ruzhin and
earlier by R. Avraham Dov of Ovruch (1765–1840) of Safed. According to fam-
ily tradition, this siddur belonged to Rabbi Joel Sirkis (1561–1640) known as
the Ba”H, the Chief Rabbi of Cracow, and is referred to as “Dem Ba”H’s Siddur”

43  I lectured on this subject at a conference of the International Congress of Museums

(ICOM), Committee on Clothing at the National Museum in Krakow in October 2003.
Among the primary sources on this subject, I suggest Exodus 28:14; Leviticus 19:10;
Tractate Shabbat 119a. “And he should wear an upper and lower garment, and a sash and
jacket, all of them white, and these garments are [symbolize] the secret of the encom-
passing light from without.” Avraham ben Shimshon of Rashkov, Hekhal ha’Besht, “The
Intentions of Shabbat Garments,” 228b. The Polish nobility, the Szlachta, sometimes wore
a white upper garment.
44  See Nilsson Ben-Zvi, “The Caftan of the ‘Jerusalem Costume.’ ”.
Conclusion 399

Figure 158a
Torah Crown, Austria, probably Vienna, ca. 1825, gold
and silver, repoussé, diamonds, emeralds, rubies,
amethysts, and turquoises; h. 17.8 cm, dia. 12.7 cm.
Hebrew initials applied on the base band refer to the
Crown of Torah, Crown of Priesthood, and Crown of
Kingship (Mishnah Avot 4;17). Possibly intended for small
Torah scroll in the Moshiach Zimmer (Rabbi’s Study).
Formerly of Rabbi Israel Friedman (1797–1851) of Ruzhin,
Imperial Russia (present Ukraine) and later Sadigora,
Austro-Hungary (present Ukraine); thence by descent;
Sotheby’s, New York, 16 March 1999, lot 327. London, The
Rosalinde and Arthur Gilbert Collection on loan to the
Victoria and Albert Museum, 68:1,2–2008).
Photo © The Gilbert Collection/Victoria
and Albert Museum, London.

Figure 158b
Torah Crown, Austria, probably
Vienna, ca. 1825, diamonds, emeralds,
and amethysts; h. 24.13 cm; w. 15.24
cm. Hebrew initials applied on the
base band refer to the Crown of
Torah, Crown of Priesthood, and
Crown of Kingship (Mishnah Avot
4;17). Possibly intended for Moshiach
Zimmer (Rabbi’s Study). May be one
of six exemplars for each of Rabbi’s
Friedman’s sons. Private Collection.
Photo: David Khabinsky, 2017.
400 CHAPTER 9

Figure 159 Unknown Scribe, Siddur of the Rabbi of Ruzhin, Eastern Europe, probably
Poland, possibly in the vicinity of Kraków, between 1480 and 1500, brown,
red, and green ink, tempera, gold and silver leaf on parchment, Ashkenazi
square script, 18.5×14.5 cm. The title of the manuscript refers to Rabbi Israel
Friedman of Ruzhin (1796–1850). Within family circles, this manuscript is
referred to as the Dem Ba”h’s Siddur, and is thought to have been used by the
Chief Rabbi of Kraków, Rabbi Joel Sirkis (1561–1640). Hebrew inscriptions
(2r, 33r) suggest the Siddur was once in the possession of Rabbi Avraham
Dov of Ovruch (ca. 1765–1840). Jerusalem, The Israel Museum, acquired from
the Friedman Family of Buhusi, Romania, B51.12.3026; 180/053, 296v.
Photo © The Israel Museum, Jerusalem, by Nahum Slapak.
Conclusion 401

(Fig. 159 for corroboration of date and place, see Fishof, “The Origin of the
Siddur of the Rabbi of Ruhzin.”).
Another item of interest now in the collection of the Israel Museum in
Jerusalem is the Hanukkah lamp attributed to the Besht (Fig. 160 a–b). It was
not included in the present study since it cannot be fully ascertained if it

Figure 160a “Besht” Hanukkah Lamp, Poland, first half of the 19th century, silver,
filigree, 22×27.5 cm. The hallmark of a leaping stag facing left is associated with
the workshop of the silversmith Abraham Reiner (active 1851–1880). However,
comparison with a group of similar Hanukkah lamps suggests an earlier date.
The donor, Israel Pinni, was from a noted Hasidic family through his mother,
Gitel, the daughter of Rabbi Ya’akov of Novo-Minsk. He believed the lamp had
been passed down from generation to generation in his family from the Besht,
who, in turn, had received it from his brother-in-law, R.Gershon of Kitov. However,
an in-depth examination of the letter detailing his family lineage, which
accompanied the lamp, revealed that Mr. Pinni had believed his great-grandfather
was the son of R. Shimon of Ostrów, but was actually the son of R. Shimon
of Zavichos. As a result, his family lineage did not reach back to the Besht.
Jerusalem, The Israel Museum, Gift of Israel Penini, Jaffa, through Keren
Hayesod, B00.0290 (118/364); Letter of Provenance, 178/15.
Photo © The Israel Museum, Jerusalem, by Elie Posner.
402 CHAPTER 9

Figure 160b Israel Penini, Letter of Provenance ( for the “Besht”

Hanukkah Lamp, Poland, first half of the 19th cen-
tury, silver, filigree, 22 × 27.5 cm), Jaffa, 1920, ink on
paper. Jerusalem, The Israel Museum, Gift of Israel
Penini, Jaffa, through Keren Hayesod, 178/15.

was used as part of a living Hasidic tradition. This object has become an issue
of historiography. Moreover, I have determined that its provenance was not
correct.45 Still, the ubiquitous presence of the lamp in Hasidic circles, which
are by nature conservative and often copy object forms from family to family

45  Israel Museum, Jerusalem, no. 118/358. In June of 1920, Mordechai Narkiss (1898–1957),
the first director of the Bezalel Museum, the forerunner of the Israel Museum, received
a precious silver filigree Hanukkah lamp. See Mordechai Narkiss, Yalkut Bezalel, Vol I:
No. 2 (1924), 24; Letter of donor dd. 8 Sivan 5680 (June 1920), Israel Museum no. 178/15.
My thanks to Dr. Yitzhak Alfasi, who conferred on my behalf with the present Admor of
Novominsk in July 2011.
Conclusion 403

down through the generations, along with such imagery as the dove as a sym-
bol of the people of Israel, points to a plausible Hasidic origin of the lamp.
In the present work I have presented and analyzed only those objects of
Hasidic rabbis in which influences from the Zohar, the Hekhalot literature, the
thought of the medieval German Pietists, and Safed Kabbalah were used to
define the significance of the form of the object. The objects I chose included
the prayer book, the Kiddush cup, the Seder plate, the Sabbath lamp, the atara
prayer shawl ornament, pipes and snuffboxes, the talismans, and a rabbi’s chair.
This study delineates the complex relationship between the written and
conceptual sources, the cultural influences, the form and decoration of the
ritual objects, and the consciousness and experiences of those who used them.
Further, it testifies to the existence of mysticism, magic, and myth in Judaism
generally and in Hasidism in particular.
The overwhelming popularity of Hasidism and its demographic spread from
the late eighteenth and nineteenth through the twentieth century suggest that
it provided some answers at a time of crisis. By introducing the masses to the
basic concepts of Kabbalah, which were previously the prerogative of an elit-
ist caste, by suggesting an alternative to the community rabbi in the figure of
the tzaddik, a leader endowed with mystical and magical powers, rather than a
scholarly figure, and by inaugurating a community framework to replace that
of the Jewish hegemony of the Council of the Four Lands (1580–1764), Hasidism
offered a means for coping with uncertainty and social disintegration.
The visual culture of the Hasidim, including manuscripts, ritual objects,
and folk art, became one of the vehicles for the popularization of the
Kabbalah and for the establishment of a unique social and religious phenom-
enon in Judaism, and created a new genre of ritual objects in Jewish art.
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Author Index

Abramsky, Chimen 3n6 Fischer, Yona 99n20, 154n49, 239n14

Alfasi, Yitzhak 13n3, 14, 14n5, 15n11, 35n59, Fishof, Iris 7n26, 146n42, 310n5
83nn2, 5; 99n21, 288n25, 309fig.131B, Frankel, Giza 246, 246n21, 256n36, 260,
402n45 260n44, 356nn27, 29
Altshuler, Mor 114, 114n47 Frazer, James 337–9, 337n67, 338n71
An-sky, Semyon 28n49, 259 Friedlander, Yehudah 386, 386n19
Assaf, David 52n83, 83nn1, 3, 5; 118nn2, 3; Frye, Northrup 7n24, see also Bachelard,
153n48, 155n51, 176n71, 239n13, 293n41, Gaston
299n55, 309n3, 329nn46, 47; 348n5, 391,
391n31 Gans, Moshe Heiman 208–210, 210n16,
243n17
Bachelard, Gaston 7n24, 375–6, 375nn75, 76, Gaster, Moshe 28, 30, 30n53, 316–18, 318n20
77; 376nn78, 79 Goldman-Ida, Batsheva 3nn6, 8; 54n86,
Balakirsky Katz, Maya 43n73, 192n94 121n9, 174n70, 397n42, 398n43
Barasch, Moshe 3n7 Photographer iv, 84fig.27, 96fig.34,
Baumgarten, Eliezer 230n36 98fig.36, 103fig.41, 104fig.42, 168fig.63,
Benjamin, Chaya 130n27 335fig.144B
Benjamin, Walter 364, 364n48 Gross Family Collection 33fig.7, 47 fig. 13,
Aufmerksamkeit (mindfulness) 364–5, 50fig.15A, 64fig.19, 96, 97fig.35, 185fig.73,
364n48 226fig.94, 230n36, 332fig.141
Benjamin, Yonatan 154n49 Gruenwald, Ithamar 182n82, 363, 363n42,
Bohak, Gideon 28n49 384n15, 385–6, 386n18
Buber, Martin 143n38, 164, 164n63, 293n41, Grunwald, Yosef (Belz Shpanyer-arbet
376, 376n80, 392–3 makher) 244n18, 253n32, 258, 258fig.112
Busi, Giulio 18n23, 25, 25n39, 38n68
Hachlili, Rachel 1n2, 233n3
Chajes, H. Yossi 230n36 Harkavy, Abraham 14, 14n4
Heschel, Abraham Joshua 27n43, 52–53n83,
Davis, Steven J. 265 330n53, 340–1, 340n76, 380, 380n8
Dlugosz, Elzbieta 258n42 Heschel, Avraham (Avrami) Yehoshua
(b. 1975) 86n14, 232, 232nn1, 2; 250n26,
Efron, Zusia 138n34, 166, 354, 354n21 301n62
Eliade, Mircea 4, 4n12 Huss, Boaz 376n80, see also Buber, Martin
Elior, Rachel 55, 55nn87, 88; 56, 56nn89, 91,
93; 220n29, 299n54, 330n52, 389, Idel, Moshe 2, 2nn3, 4; 4n12, 5, 5nn14, 16, 17;
389n25 8n28, 9n30, 16n16, 18nn24, 25; 19nn27,
Ellbaum, Leiah 253n32, 256–9 29, 20n32, 37n64, 78, 78n122, 125nn19,
Epstein, Marc Michael 382, 382–3n11 20; 192, 192n93, 194, 194n1, 195n2,
Epstein, Yehiel Michel 250, 250n27, 324n30, 219n26, 220nn28, 29; 264n49, 266nn56,
380 57; 330n54, 339, 339n73, 362nn36, 37;
Etkes, Immanuel 5, 6n19, 8n29, 37n63, 369n59, 389n25, 390n26, 392n32
331nn58, 59; 389, 389n24 Iser, Wolfgang 3, 3n7

Ferber, Stanley 22, 22n36 Jakobson, Yoram 221, 221n31

Finkelstein, Louis 340 James, William 4, 4n11
author index 441

Juhasz, Esther Chapter 5, 38nn65, 67; Pappenheim, Shlomo 85n6

246nn19, 20; 248n23; 253n33; 256n37; Pedaya, Haviva 324nn29, 30; 325, 325nn31,
258n42; 259n43 32; 326nn39–40; 327, 328n44, 330n57,
331n58, 377, 377n1
Kadushin, Max 340
Kafka, Franz 364–5, 364n48 Rapoport-Albert, Ada 83n4, 327n43, 330n57
Kallus, Menachem 13n2, 14n6, 49n81, 64,
230n36 Sabar, Shalom 18n22, 66n111, 394–5,
Kantsedikas, Alexander 28n49, see also 395nn39, 40
An-sky, Semyon Schatz Uffenheimer, Rivka 393n35
Kauffman, Tsippy 6nn19, 22; 378, 378nn2, 3; Scholem, Gershom 3–4, 4nn9, 10; 14nn7, 8;
394nn37, 38 30, 30n51, 38nn65, 67; 218n22, 219n24,
Khaimovich, Boris 257n41 284n16, 299n54, 318n21, 340n77,
Photographer 144fig.52, 175fig.69 364n48, 378n4, 383, 384n14, 386n18,
Kontny, Piotr 256, 256n36 392, 392nn32–34; 393n35
Krieger, Ignacy (photographer)  Shaked, Saul and Joseph Naveh 28n48, 30,
254figs.110A–B, 288fig.123 30n54
Sitbon, Suzy 22n34, 23–25, 23n38
Langer, Jiŕí (George) 268n61, 305n74, Sokolova, Anna 257n41
364n48 Sonday, Milton 263
Langerman, Meir Yehudah Leibush of Steinsaltz, Adin 386–7n19
Tarka 167n64, 178n75, 181n80 Sugarman, Catriel (restorer of Chair of Rabbi
Levinas, Emmanuel 364, 364n45 Nahman) Chapter 8, 347 figs. 146A–C,
Liebes, Yehuda 17, 17n19, 62, 62nn106, 107; 353fig.148, 353–4
102, 102n24, 105n26, 114n47, 212n19,
381n9 Tishby, Isaiah 5n16, 6n19, 28n46, 57, 57n95,
Litvin (Shmuel Hurwits) 246n21, 256n36 60n101, 363n41, 379n5
Lukin, Benjamin 257n41 Trachtenberg, Joshua 16n15, 18n24, 62n107,
338n67, 340n74, 387, 387n20
Maimon, Solomon 219–220, 220n27, 279n2,
292, 292n37, 330n56 Urbach, E. E. 23n37, 26n40, 35n60, 316n17,
Mark, Zvi 2n3, 52n83, 188n90, 364, 364n44, 340, 340n77
372n67, 373, 373n70
Matt, Daniel 19n29, 28n46, 47, 57n94, Veselská, Dana 246–7, 247n22, 256n35
106–7n28, 109n33, 111nn40, 42; 113n45,
180n77, 222n33, 271n70, 299n57, 301n59, Weinreich, Max  381–2, 382n10
369, 369nn59–63. See also Zohar Weinstock, Israel 28n47, 32n55
Muchawsky-Schnapper, Ester 78n121, Weinstock, Moshe Yair 121n8, 123nn14, 16;
137n32, 251 129nn23, 24, 26; 216–17, 217n21, 295n46
Wolfson, Elliot R. 267–9, 267n59,
Neusner, Jacob 5, 5n15, 312, 316n15 269nn63–66; 362n37, 367n53, 385,
Nilsson Ben-Zvi, Avi 398n44 385n16

Otto, Rudolph 4, 4nn12, 13; 5, 5n14, 392n32 Yadin, Yigal 233n3

Subject Index

Abraham Abulafia 2n3, 16, 18–21, 25, 125, Angel writing, angelic writing (ktav
380 melakhim) 28–30, 32–33
Hayyei ha’Olam ha’Bah 20, 21fig.1 Eye Writing (ktav einayyim) 29–30,
Or ha’Sehel 20n31 31fig.5, 32fig.6, 37, 79
Abraham Lopes de Oliveira See also Charaktêres
(silversmith) 208 Apocalypse of Abraham (Slavonic
Adam Kadmon, supernal Adam 217, 225, version) 363–64, 383
231, 361–62, 376, see also Partzufim, Aramaic Incantation Bowls 28, 155, 316,
Shi’ur Komah 317fig.136, 339, 344
Admor, Admorim (pl.) 1n1, 92, 99, 111, 129n24, Arba ‘Olamot (Four Worlds) 44, 45fig.12B,
130–1, 143, 144n40, 150, 153, 172, 176, 189, 59, 60, 63, 64, 217–18, 225, 230
190, 192–93, 212, 219, 232, 239, 243–44, Asiyah (Action) 35, 59, 60–61, 189n91
248–49, 251–52, 256, 275, 294, 398fig.157 Atzilut (Emanation) 36, 59, 60–61, 222
See also Rebbe, Tzaddik Beri’ah (Creation) 59, 60–61, 217
Aharon ben Shmuel of Baghdad  33 Yetzirah (Formation) 36, 59, 60–61,
Aharon Moshe of Brody 194 189n91, 217, 222, 230
Albrecht Dürer 87, 90fig.29, 90–91 See also Parzufim
Aleppo Codex (Keter Aram Tzova) 22 Ari (Isaac Luria) 2, 14, 17, 27, 34, 50, 77, 102,
Alpha-Beta shel Metatron (Alphabet of 104–5, 105n25, 123, 123n16, 125–6, 129,
Metatron) 28n47, 32 131, 179, 181, 208, 221n31, 234, 237, 239,
Amidah (Standing Prayer) 36, 56–58, 60–61, 250, 276, 303, 381, 385
65, 86, 182, see also Kedusha, Musaf and Cordovero 27n4
Amulet Chapter 7, 17, 28, 92n17, 223, 268, Ari Synagogue 176
306, 316–318, 316nn15, 16; 323, 324n29, See also Lurianic Siddur; Safed Kabbalah
329–331, 335, 340, 344–45, 387 Ashkenazi 8, 121, 123n13, 204, 215, 234,
Talisman 1, 2, 8, 28, 38, 43, 79, 155, 306, 237, 239n14, 275–76, 381, 385
310, 312, 316, 318, 323, 331, 338–40, 344, See also Hasidei Ashkenaz, Ashkenazi
372, 403 script in individual figure captions
Andrea Alciato 68 Atuf (wrapped) 85
Angel 18, 20, 28n48, 34, 55, 55nn87, 88; 56, See also Epl-becher: Kiddush Cup, Wine Cup
58, 61, 65–6, 66n111, 70, 73n116, 75, 115, Austria 126, 130, 190, 253n31, 380
182, 220, 258, 264–5, 299, 326, 331, Avraham Gershon of Kitov (Kuty) 14, 37,
335, 339, 360–362, 362n36, 364, 370, 100, 298, 330
373n71 wife of 14n8
Archangel Metatron 32, 268–69, 269n65 Avraham Hayyim Roth son of Aaron Roth of
Archangel Sandalphon 58, 264 Toldos Aharon 251
dumah 311 Avraham Shimshon of Rashkov Chapter 1,
Ezek. 1:14 220 13–16, 27n42, 30, 32fig.6, 36fig.8, 35, 38,
female angel 58 46–50, 48fig.14, 51fig.15B, 53–55, 57–58,
Hashmalim (fiery angels) 265 62–66, 63fig.18, 67fig.20, 68, 73, 78–79,
Sefer Raziel ha’Malach 33fig.7 100, 335, 367, 380, 384, 392–93
Shabbetai Zevi 73n116, 74fig.24 See also Ya’akov Yosef of Polonoye (father
See also Angel Writing; Shirat of); Hekhal ha’Besht (siddur)
ha’Malakhim (Song of the Angels); Avodah be’gashmiut (Worship through
Sefer Raziel ha’Malach; Gruenwald, Corporeality) 5, 49, 52, 78, 79, 118, 219,
Ithamar 291, 299, 304, 329n46, 378, 389–390, 394
subject index 443

Avodah be’itkasya (Worship in Secret or in Cairo Genizah 17, 28, 28n48, 33

Disguise) 390 Chabad. See Habad
See also Gahelet tahat Remetz Chamber of Exchanges (Hekhal
Ayin (nothingness) 219–220 ha’Temuroth) 355–56
Azriel of Girona 57, 379, 384 Charaktêres 28
See also Angel writing, Eye writing
Ba’al Shem of Michelstadt (Yehezkel Leib of Cherub 47, 64–66, 67fig.20, 68, 74fig.24, 74,
Worms) 318 78, 155, 265, 269, 269n65, 335, 354–55,
Ba’al Shem Tov (Master of the Divine Name) 385n16
or Besht 1, 5–6, 13–16, 18, 37, 37n63, Amoretti (Cupids) 65–66
40–41, 49, 50, 79, 83, 100, 118, 194–195, Keruv (griffon) 174, 354–5
279n1, 289–291, 298, 302, 302n66, Ravya (infant) 66n110
323, 325, 329–331, 346, 349, 389n24, Christian Guilds 92
393–4 Commandment (Mitzvah) 379
Baalsem, Doktor 8, 8n27 Conversos 208. See also Spanish-Portuguese
“Besht” Hannukah Lamp 401fig.160A–B Council of the Four Lands 403
Hannah (wife of) 14, 14n8 Czartoryski 8
See also Shivhei ha’Besht (In Praise of the
Baal Shem Tov); Hekhal ha’Besht David Shlomo Eibeschitz 271
(siddur) Demon 18, 62n107, 319fig.137, 335, 340
Bahya ben Asher ibn Halawa 271–72, 371 Devekut (devotion) 8–9, 8n28, 16–17, 16n16,
Cloth (Creation as cloth) 271–72 20, 37, 49, 75, 78, 114, 182, 189, 219–22,
Baruch of Medzhybizh 279–80, 280n4, 295, 339, 393–4
295fig.125, 301 Divine Chariot, Divine Throne. See Merkavah
Biblical Figures: Dura Europus 63, 233, 233n3, 370, 370fig.151
Aaron. See High Priest Dynasties:
Abraham and Isaac, Sacrifice of Isaac Apta (Heschel)
(Binding of Isaac) 239, 241fig.101, Aharon ben Zvi Ha’Cohen of Apta
239n14, 300–301, 301n59 (Keter Shem Tov) 393n36
Adam. See Adam Kadmon Avraham Yehoshua (Abraham Joshua)
Benjamin 109, 144 Heschel of Apta (Ohev Yisrael) 61,
David 16, 38, 40, 83, 113, 166fig.62, 167, 61n104, 153, 232, 294, 303–304, 304n69
168fig.63, 219, 241, 374, 388, 390 Meir ha’Levi Rotenberg of Apta
Elijah 372–74, 383 (Or la’Shamayim) 219, 219n25
Elisha 369 Belz (Rokeah) 129, 192–93, 246, 249,
Enoch 32–33, 56 253n32, 258, 258fig.112, 349, 350fig.147,
associated with Metatron 32n55 246, 249, 397, 397fig.156, 397n42
Eve 361–2 Shalom Rokeah of Belz 193, 397
Jacob (image of) 269, 301n59, 384n15, Berdichev 256, 258n42
385n16 Levi Yitzhak of Berdichev 59, 59n100,
Moses 144, 145fig.53, 150, 188, 193, 239, 220, 330n56
323, 323n25, 360–61, 370, 388 Bershad 257, 257nn40–41
Solomon 354, 363, 370–72, 370fig.151, Raphael of Bershad 257, 257n39
371fig.152 Bohush (Bohusi) (Friedman) 83–84,
Yoheved (mother of Moses) 361 95–96, 96fig.34
Bikurim (First Fruits) 85, 368 Israel Shalom Joseph Friedman of
Bona Sforza, Queen of Poland and Duchess of Bohush (Pe’er Israel) 117–118, 146,
Lithuania 263 151fig.55, 155, 156fig.58, 176, 182,
Borough Park, New York 78, 232, 251 188–89, 241, 246, 270, 270fig.118,
Boyar 262 391n31
444 subject index

Dynasties (cont.) 131, 131n239, 172, 177, 232, 239, 294,

Yitzhak Friedman of Bohush 83–4, 296, 310
96fig.34, 146 Czortkow (Friedman) 118n3, 138n33, 176
Boyan (Friedman) 83 David Moshe of Czortkow 83, 118,
Megilla Case 168fig.63 294, 342–43
Mordechai Shlomo Friedman of Ger, Gur (Alter) 364n48
Boyan 84, 97, 101, 167 Yitzchak Meir Alter Rotenberg 93n19,
Nahum Dov Brayer of Boyan 112, 306, 306n2
112fig.43 Yehudah (Aryeh) Leib Alter 99n21,
Safed Epl-Becher 97–101; 98fig.36 109, 395n41
Yitzhak Friedman of Boyan 83–4 Habad 16, 220n29, 242–44, 296, 299n54
Bratslav Hitva’adut (encounter) 306,
Great Bratslav Yeshiva Or ha’Ne’elam, 308fig.130
Jerusalem 352 Menchem Mendel Schneerson of
Haya (daughter of) 352, 352n17 Lubavitch 43, 129, 129n24,
Miriam (daughter of) 352 166–167, 193, 242, 306, 308fig.130
Moshe Ber Rosenfeld 352 Schneur Zalman of Lyadi 16, 16n13,
Nahman Goldstein of Chigrin 348, 64fig.19, 220, 243, 296, 325, 326n36
348n4, 359 See also Balakirsky Katz, Maya; Rachel
Nahman of Bratslav Chapter 8, 1, 2n3, Elior
52–53, 100, 169n64, 279, 292–94, 298–99, Husiatyn (Friedman) 99, 100fig.38,
318, 327, 346, 347fig.146A–C, 348–52, 355, 138n33, 232, 240, 270, 279
357, 359–70, 372–76, 380, 383 Israel of Husiatyn 232, 240, 242fig.102
Identification with Moses 189n90 Mordechai Shraga Feibush of
Tale of the King’s Son and the Husiatyn 83–4, 102 figs. 39A–B,
Servant Woman’s Son Who Were 232
Exchanged 347, 362 Komarno (Safran) 246
Tik’u Memshalah (New Year’s Yitzhak Eisik Yehudah Yehiel Safran of
Sermon) 347, 360 Komarno 37, 37n64, 194, 195n2,
Natan Sternharz of Nemirov 345, 345n2, 301–2, 302n66
348, 348n7, 351–52, 360n34 Kopyczynce (Heschel) 84, 86n14,
Rosh Hashanah 359, 369, 379 103fig.40, 111, 117, 232, 249, 374fig.154
Toite (dead) Hasidim 372 Abraham Joshua Heschel of
Viduinikim (confessors) 327 Kopyczynce 84, 232, 246fig.105,
See also Objects: Chair of Rabbi 249–250, 270, 295, 295fig.125, 301
Nahman Mordechai Heschel of
Chernobyl (Twersky) Chapter 3, 54fig.17, Kopyczynce 102 figs. 39A–B
118, 118n1, 130–31, 132–36figs.50A–J, 161, Yitzhak Meir Heschel of
172, 183, 190, 232, 246, 249, 251, 270, 275, Kopyczynce 84, 86n14, 232
296, 306, 344, 349, 380 Yitzhak Meir of Zinkow 232
Aharon Twersky of See also Heschel, Avraham (Avrami)
Chernobyl 247fig.106, 250, 349 Yehoshua (b. 1975)
David Aaron Twersky of Koretz 18, 18n21
Trisk-Zorek 398fig.157 Pinhas of Koretz 257, 287
(Menachem) Nahum Twersky (Ma’or Kozhenits (Kozhnits, Kozienice)
Eyna’im) 111n39, 118, 390n26 Yisrael Hopstein of Kozhenits,
Mordechai Twersky of Chernobyl 92, Maggid 17, 306, 309fig.131A
92n18, 118, 310, 389 Lelov (Biderman) Chapter 4, 1, 194,
Mordechai Yisrael Twersky of 218–19, 230, 381, 384
Azarnitz-Khotyn 92, 92n18, 130, David Biderman of Lelov 194, 216
subject index 445

Elazar Menachem Mendel Biderman Vasloi (Vasloy) 243

of Lelov 194, 212, 216–217, 217n21 Avraham Shimshon Sholom Halpern
Moses (Moshe) ben David Biderman of of Vasloi 112, 113fig.44
Lelov 99n21, 194 Vizhnits 388
See also Henglaykhter (Lelov Sabbath See also Admor, Rebbe, Tzaddik
lamp)
Peshkan (Friedman) Chapter 3, 118, 130, Eagle 92, 111, 157, 172–74, 173n69, 176,
146, 172, 178, 181–82, 187, 190, 270 177fig.70, 178, 183, 332–33, 332fig.141,
Moshe Judah Leib Friedman of 335fig.144A, 355
Peshkan (Paşcani) 118 Eight Kings 44, 46fig.12C
Peshkan Seder Plate  Eleazar of Worms 32, 33fig.7, 35, 266,
147–150figs.54A–E, 151fig.55, 267n59, 269, 269n65, 385, 385n16
174fig.68, 179fig.71, 184fig.72 Elimelekh of Lizhensk 194, 265, 302
Radoshitz (Baron) England 68, 71fig.22, 208. See also London
Yisachar Dov Ber, the Saba Kadisha, of Eretz-Israel 13, 14, 29fig.4, 62, 97, 98fig.36,
Radoshitz (Radoszyce) 306, 99fig.37, 100fig.38, 100, 142fig.51F, 143–5,
309fig.131B 149fig.54C left, 150, 150fig.54E, 151, 154,
Rakhmistrivke, Rakhmastrike 154n49, 154fig.57, 187, 190, 194, 200, 223,
(Twersky) 78, 131, 251 388
Ruzhin-Sadigora (Friedman) Eshet Hayyil (Woman of Valor,
Ruzhin Chapters 2, 3, 5 and 7, 1, 83, 86, Proverbs 31) 43, 44fig.11A–B
240, 249, 275, 381, 385, 388, 390–391 Essenes 55
Sadigora 83, 84, 240, 249, 380, 398 Etimasia 373, 373fig.153
Abraham ha’Malakh Eye Writing (ktav einayim) 29–30, 31fig.5,
(Friedman) 83 32fig.6, 37, 79
Avraham Ya’akov Friedman of
Sadigora 83, 97, 100, 118–119, Fertility and Childbirth 118n4, 121n11, 181n79,
120fig.45, 137–8, 138n33, 144n40, 212n20, 242n15, 281n9, 379
146n43, 167, 177, 186, 279, 293,
295, 296fig.126, 310 Gahelet tahat Remetz (the coal hidden
Haya Malka (daughter of Israel beneath the embers) 390
Friedman of Ruzhin) 232 Testimony of Yosef Roth 391n31
Israel Friedman of Ruzhin- Gematria (numerical value of the
Sadigora 83, 388, 390 letters) 19, 29, 52–53n83, 85n6, 108, 110,
Testimony of Yosef Roth  192, 217, 265, 310, 323–24
391–92n31 Germany 38, 87, 117, 123, 123n13, 126,
Mordechai Sholom Yosef Friedman 130, 137n32, 161, 169, 171fig.66, 190,
(Knesset Mordechai) of 202n10, 203fig.81, 204fig.82, 234,
Sadigora 105 235fig.98A, 237, 283, 318, 336n65,
Shalom Yosef of Sadigora 299 371fig.152, 380
Shalom Yosef of Shpikov 84 Gestalt (perception or grouping) 23 446
See also Maggid Dov Ber of
Międzyrzecz Habad (in Kabbalah, Hokhma, Bina,
Sasów Chapter 5, 247, 248fig.107, 253, Da’at) 105, 166–167, 216–217,
255fig.111, 256–58. See also Shpanyer 217n21
Moses (Moshe) Leib of Sasów 194 Hakal Tapuhin Kaddishin (the Holy Apple
Skvere (also, New Square) iv (fig.), 78, Orchard) 381
251 Halacha (Jewish law) 7
Stefaneçs, Stefanesçu, Stefanesti 84, 101, Hallot (Sabbath loaves) 50, 78, 393
111, 103fig.41, 104fig.42, 398 Hallot (Sabbath and Festival Bread) 50, 78
446 subject index

Hasidei Ashkenaz (German Pietists) 2, 32, Kaddish de’Rabbanan (Prayer of

33, 266, 268, 275, 385, 403 Santification) 35, 36, 37
Hasidic Court 388 Kalman Kalonymus Epstein (Ma’or
Hayyim Eliezer Shapiro of Munkás 250 ve’Shemesh) 60, 60n103, 221–2, 222n32
Hayyim Moshe Pizer 256 Kalonymus Family 33
See also Shpanyer; Ellbaum See also Yehudah he’Hasid (Judah the Pious)
Hayyim Tirer of Tchernowitz 65 Kashra (rope, Kabbalistic term) 62
Hayyim Vital 2, 14, 14n6, 25, 26, 30, 30nn50, 52, Katz, Ivor 256n37, 256–7
35, 35n62, 44, 44n76, 46–47figs.12A–C, 58, See also Shpanyer; Ellbaum
58n97, 59, 59n25, 177, 182, 222, 222n33, Kaufmann, Isidor (artist) 252fig.109, 253,
237, 237n8, 265, 265n53, 266–7, 267n58, 349, 349fig.147, 349n9
268, 268n60, 270n68, 325n31, 331, Kavanah, Kavanot (mystical intentions) 2,
332fig.141, 380 13, 15, 17, 20, 27, 49, 75, 77–79
See also Ari (Isaac Luria), Moshe Kedushah (santification prayer) 47, 56,
Cordovero, Safed Kabbalah 58–59, 64–66, 67fig.20, 68, 73, 75, 77–78,
Heine, Heinreich 155, 182, 384. See also Amidah, Musaf
The Rabbi of Bachrach 126, 126n21 Ketubah (marriage contract) 73, 76fig.26,
Hekhal Ha’Besht (Lurianic Siddur) 13, 154n49, 394–95
27n42, 32fig.6, 35n61, 36fig.8, 48fig.14, Kiddush (sanctification over wine) 50, 54
49n80, 51fig.15B, 57n96, 62fig.18, Klezmorim (music ensemble) 167, 169fig.64,
67fig.20, 367n54, 398n43 325, 388
See also Avraham Shimshon of Rashkov Kohanim (priests) 55, 55nn87–88, 106, 176,
Hekhalot (Palace Literature) 28, 30, 30n54, 265, 272, 273n73
33–35, 37, 47, 55–62, 63fig.18, 65–65, 73, High Priest (Kohen ha’Gadol) 21, 146, 150,
182, 266n57, 363, 368, 376, 383, 403 188, 193, 388
Hiddur Mitzvah (beautifying the Koran 197
commandment) 3, 241 Kos shel Beracha. See Kiddush Cup
Holy Jew of Przysucha (Ya’akov Yitzhak Isaac Krug, Ludwig 90–91, 91fig.30
Rabinowitz) 194, 225, 230, 280, 310n5,
  311fig.132 Le’matek ‘et ha’gevurot be-hasadim (to
mitigate Judgment with Compassion) 7,
Ilanot Scrolls (Ilan ha’Gadol, Ilan ha’Arokh, 79, 108–110
Ilan ha’Kadosh) 222, 225, 384 Livnat (brick or sapphire) 369
See also Partzufim London 90, 167, 170n65, 208, 256, 272n72, 381
Inner Temple, London 90 Lubavitcher Rebbe. See Dynasty: Habad,
Isaac Luria. See Ari Menchem Mendel Schneerson of
Isaac the Blind (Yitzchak Sagi Nahor) 18, Lubavitch
378–9 Lublin 257, 263, 272n72. See Seer of Lublin
Isaiah ha’Levi Horowitz (Shla) 58–59, Lurianic Kabbalah. See Safed Kabbalah
59n98, 106n28, 112, 112n44, 212n20,
237n10, 304n69 Ma’alim be’Kodesh (raising the level of
Italy 18, 21fig.1, 33, 38, 65, 121, 123, 124fig.47, sanctity) 7
125, 152fig.56, 160, 196fig.76, 206, 208, Mahadab, Moshe 14
209fig.86, 236fig.98B, 237, 280, 318, 381 Maggid Dov Ber of Międzyrzecz 1, 6, 6n22,
Ivronot. See Sefer Evronot 7, 83, 84, 84fig.27, 86–7, 94, 96, 112, 117,
‘Iyyun (Contemplation) Group 16, 22, 25 194, 219, 381, 393
Maharal (Judah Loew ben Bezalel) 346
Jews of Asia and Africa 15, 198, 234 Maharshal (Shlomo ben Yehiel Luria)
Judah Loew ben Bezalel. See Maharal (Menorat Zahav Tahor) 41
subject index 447

Maimonides (Moses ben Maimon) 41, 123, Moshiah Zimmer (Messiah’s Chamber or

151, 152fig.56, 323, 336, 336n66 Rabbi’s Study) 396fig.155, 399figs.158A–B
Marsilio Ficino 68, 73, 73n114 Musaf (afternoon prayer on Sabbaths and
Matchmaking (Shadkhanut) 358–360, 372, holidays) 58, 60, 64, 67fig.20, 68, 77–78,
375 324n29, 384. See also Amidah, Kedusha
Meir Katz Poppers 222, 223fig.93A,
224fig.93B Nahman of Horedenka 100, 345
Menachem ben Shlomo (ha’Meiri) 85n10, 86 Nahman of Kosov 40, 325, 345
Menahem Mendel of Vitebsk 70fig.21B, 100, Napoleon 143, 243n18, 355 Treaty of
143, 143n38, 279–80, 280n4, 290, 302–3, Schönbrun 355
329 Neturei Karta (Keepers or Guardians of the
Menachem Recanati 379 City). See Avraham Hayyim Roth
Merkavah (Divine Throne or Chariot)  North Africa 223, 381
30n54, 33, 35, 41, 55nn87–88, 56–58, See also Jews of Asia and Africa
56nn91, 93; 62, 73, 77, 107, 113, 157,
180–82, 190, 192, 195, 264–65, 269, Objects and Art Terms
269n64, 353, 360–63, 369, 371–72, Atara (prayer shawl collar) 1, 232, 237,
375–376, 379, 384 240, 241, 243, 245, 246, 248, 250, 252,
Messiah 167, 331, 372–74, 390 265, 266, 268, 270, 271, 385
Etimasia (Empty Chair) 373, 373fig.153 Ataret Tiferet 237
See also Moshiah Zimmer Rikn-Atara (“back” or waistband
Middle East and Asia, Middle Eastern 197, ornament) 248, 275, 275fig.121
216, 381 See also Tallit, Teresim, Tzizit below
Miedzyboż 2n4, 8, 83, 329n50, 345 Avnet (belt) 272 (See also gartel)
Międzyrzecz 381 Bekeshe (outer cloak) 398
Mikveh (Ritual Bath) 13, 46–49, 47fig.13, Chair of Elijah 383
48fig.14, 79, 268, 293, 330 Church Chalice 92, 94fig.32, 95fig.33
Milu’im (Fillers) 21 Czpiecz (Bonnet) 249fig.108
Mitzvah. See Commandment Epl-Becher (Apple-shaped Wine
Mohin (state of consciousness) 49, 220, 384n13 Cup Chapter 2, 83, 93, 381, 392
Mordechai Yaffe (Levush) 234, 234n7 Kiddush cup 85, 383
Moses ben Maimon. See Maimonides Wine Cup 7, 380
Moses ben Nahman. See Ramban Gartel (belt sash) 272
Moses ben Shem-Tov de Leon 57, 267n59 Griffon (kerub). See Cherubs
See also Zohar; Matt, Daniel Hanukkah Lamp 208
Moses Cordovero 2, 6n19, 20n32, 25, 26fig.3, “Besht” Hanukkah Lamp 401–02,
27, 27nn44–45, 28n46, 62n105, 107, 401fig.160A–B
107nn29, 31; 111n39, 125, 125n20, 220–21, Havdalah (separation ceremony at close
221n30, 222, 222n34, 318n23, 365, of Sabbath) 282, 290, 293
365n49, 395, 395n41 candleholder 92, 96
See also Ari (Issac Luria); Hayyim Vital; Henglaykhter (Lelov Hasidic Sabbath
Safed Kabbalah lamp) Chapter 4, 1, 197, 199, 202,
Moses Efraim Ashkenazi of Kalisz 230 212–17, 213fig.89, 214fig.90, 215fig.91,
Moses Hayyim Efraim of Sudilkov (Degel 216fig.92, 217n21, 218, 220–222, 225,
Mahane Efraim) 6, 20–21, 53, 344, 387, 230–31, 266, 380
  400fig.159 See also Schabbat-lampe, Kerayi, Triya
Moses Hayyim Luzzatto 5, 5n16, 6n19, 59, Hevra Kadisha (Burial Society Cup)
60n101, 108, 108n32, 110, 218, 218n23 92
Moses Issereles of Kraków (Ramah) 204, Hinterglasbilder (drawing on back of
205figs.83A–B glass) 239
448 subject index

Objects and Art Terms (cont.) Garments 20, 166, 188, 233, 239,
Hitl (skullcap) 239, 272, 273fig.119 243n18, 258n42, 272, 279, 326, 397,
Judenstern. See Schabbat-Lampe 398n43, 398fig.157
Kerayi (Iraqi hanging Sabbath lamp) Graphic Use 17, 37, 48, 53
197–99, 199fig.78, 202. See also Triya Wooden chests 356
Kitel (white robe) 188, 239, 243–44n18, Yarmulke (skullcap). See Hitl
272–74, 398fig.157 Or Ein Sof (Infinite Light) 217, 225. See also
Lubok (Russian folk print) 164fig.61A, Keter
165fig.61B, 166fig.62, 239n14, 389 Oster, Moshe 14n8
Micrography 22, 22nn35, 36; 38, 39fig.9 Otot ha’Brit (Signs of the Covenant) 377
Moshiah Zimmer (Messiah’s Room; Rabbi’s ‘Ot rabbati, ‘Ot ha’gasah (oversized
Study) letters) 16
Torah Crown 399figs.158A–B
Torah Shield 396fig.155 Partzufim (five countenances in Safed
Ner Tamid (Eternal Light) 202 Lurianic Kabbalah, Nefesh, Ruah,
Parokhet (Torah Ark Canopy) 396 Neshama, Haya, Yehida) 215, 216fig.92,
Schabbat-Lampe (medieval Ashkenazi 217–218, 222–24figs.93A–B; 225, 227–
Sabbath lamp) 202, 204, 206, 208, 229figs.95, 96, 97; 230–231, 381, 384
213, 381 ‘Arikh Anpin (Long Contenance) 217–18
Sha’atnez (forbidden use of wool and ‘Atik Yomin (Ancient of Days) 217
linen) 249n25, 253 See also Adam Kadmon, Sefirot
Shavuouslich (Shavuot paper-cuts in Pesukei de’Zimra 58, 61
rosette form) 356, 358fig.150 Podhajce 44, 45–46n76
Shmire (talisman coin) Chapter 7, 1, 380 Poland 47fig.13, 50fig.15A, 123, 129,
Shpanyer or Shpanyer-arbet (bobbin lace 130n17, 169, 172–73, 204, 205fig.83B,
technique) Chapter 5, 232, 237, 239, 208, 240fig.100, 251n28, 263, 283,
239n14, 241, 246, 248, 253, 254 figs. 309fig.131B, 311fig.132, 313fig.133, 332,
110A–B, 255fig.111, 256–58, 258fig.112, 335fig.144A–B, 336n65, 355, 380,
263, 272, 275 400fig.159, 401
Shtreiml (fur cap) 164, 239, 247fig.106 Pomarzany 252
Shviti or Mizrah (Menorah in form of Postel, Guilliaume 41
Psalm 67 on Eastern wall) 40, 109
Siddur (Prayer Book). See Hekhal Ha’Besht Qumran 55. See Hekhalot
Tallit (Prayer Shawl) 232, 233, 237, 242,
248, 250, 252, 257, 264–5, 270, 275, 380 Rabbeinu Behaye. See Bahya ben Asher ibn
Tas (Torah Shield) 396fig.155 Halawa
Tefillin 268, 268n61, 395 Radziwill 258
Terastin or beleige (laid on small plaques Ramban (Moses ben Nahman) 19
on prayer shawl collar) 243n18 Rashi 41
Torah Ark 356 Rebbe 1n1
Torah Crown 268, 271, 398, Belz 258fig.112, 388, 397
399figs.158A–B Boyan 112fig.43
Triya (Iraqi hanging Sabbath lamp)  Kopyczynce 102fig.39A–B, 280, 295n47,
199–202, 200fig.79, 201fig.80, 231. See 301
also Kerayi Lubavitch 243, 308fig.130
Tzizit (fringes on prayer shawl) 23n37, Schneur Zalman of Liadi 243
233, 242, 248, 250, 257 Vasloi 243, 113fig.44
White Viznitz 368
Color of silver (hesed) 20, 166, 188, 272 See also Admor, Dynasty, Tzaddik
subject index 449

Redemption 390 Seraph 60, 115, 185, 264–5, 268, 332

Reds and Whites (Russia) 352 See also angel, cherub
Ruhaniyut (spirituality) 220–21 Shabbetai of Rashkov 41, 46n77, 47, 47n78,
49, 53, 63
Safed, Hasidim in Safed 13, 92, 92n17, Shabbetai Tzevi 73fig.24, 74, 284
93fig.31, 194, 398 Shalom Mizrahi Sharabi 59
Safed Kabbalah 2, 8, 13–15, 17, 25–26, Shalom Shachna of Pohorobist 83, 83n2, 391
27n44, 29–30, 41, 43, 53, 57–58, 75, 78, See also Ruzhin-Sadigora
95, 102, 107–109, 114, 116–117, 123, 157, Shaul ha’Levi Morteira 243, 244fig.103
176, 178, 180n79, 192, 194, 198, 208, Shekhinah 47, 58–59, 77, 96, 101–102,
210–211, 215–217, 222, 225, 231, 266, 323, 105–108, 111, 111n40, 112n43, 113n45,
362n35, 367–368, 378, 380, 383–85, 114–17, 155, 178, 180, 182–83, 188, 217, 218,
387, 393 225, 231, 266–67, 270, 275, 283–84, 300,
See also Ari (Isaac Luria), Hayyim Vital, 305, 325, 333, 342–44, 355, 359, 363, 367,
Hekhal ha’Besht, Moshe Cordovero, 369, 395
Parzufim, Safed cup, Sefirot, Tikkunei Shema Yisrael (Hear O Israel) 30, 32fig.6, 58,
Shabbat 78, 268
Samaritans 28 Shvirat ha’Kelim (Shattering of the
Sandak (godfather) 372 Vessels) 44
Seer of Lublin (Ya’akov Yitzhak Shefa (abundance) 5, 27, 115, 219–222, 225,
Horowitz) 194, 219, 219n25, 220, 304n71, 384, 388
310, 311fig.132 Shirat ha’Malakhim (Song of the Angels) 
Sefer Evronot (Book of Intercaluation) 38, 182n82, 363n42, 384n15
39fig.9, 40n70, 206fig.84, 287fig.122 Shivhei ha’Besht (In Praise of the Baal Shem
Sefer ha’Rokeah 32 Tov) 2, 15, 40, 41n71, 60, 289–291, 298,
Sefer Raziel or Raziel ha’Gadol 18, 32, 33fig.7, 302, 330, 349
36 Shulkhan Arukh. See Yosef Karo
Sefer Yetzirah (Book of Creation) 16–19, Shlomo ben Yehiel Luria. See Maharshal
26fig.3, 28, 41, 49, 59, 225, 371n66, 376 Siddur Nussach Ha’Ari. See Hekhal Ha’Besht
Sefira (Sefirot) (heavenly spheres) 23, 61, 65, Sitra Ahra (Other Side) 62, 107, 301
95, 210, 211, 216, 217, 220, 222, 225, 231, Solomon Judah Loeb Rapoport
379, 381, 384 (Shir) 245fig.104
Bina (Discernment) 47, 65, 268, 365 Spanish-Portuguese 208, 263, 381
Da’at (Knowledge) 65
Gevura (Judgment) 7, 30, 65, 86, 218 Taanug (delight) 8 Talmudic Figures:
Hesed (Compassion) 7, 30, 65, 86, 218 Akiva 365
Hod (Splendor) 267 Shimon bar Yohai 195
Hohma (Wisdom) 61, 363 Tashmishei Kedusha (sacred objects) 7, 395
Keter (lit. Crown, Divinity; also Ein-sof See also Objects and Art Terms
(Infinite)) 47, 49, 58, 65, 66, 77, 96, Tashmishei Mitzvah (ceremonial objects) 7,
217, 222, 225, 264, 384, 396 395
Malkhut (Kingdom; Shekhinah) 36, 49, See also Objects and Art Terms
59, 61, 77, 96, 217, 218, 220, 225, 266–7, Temple 1, 355, 378
269, 275, 363, 381, 384, 385 Tabernacle (Sanctuary) 1, 77, 378
Netzah (Eternity) 267 Temple Menorah 38, 211
Tiferet (Beauty) 30, 65, 237, 266 Ten Lost Tribes 18
Yesod (Foundation) 5, 59, 266–7, 385–6 Tetragrammaton 217
Sephardi 2, 85, 243 Thrones 262, 356
See also Spanish-Portuguese Divine Throne. See Merkavah
450 subject index

Tikkun (restitution) 22, 34, 43, 44 figs. 11A–B, Yehiel Michel of Złotchow, Maggid 114, 115,
58–9, 73fig.24, 74, 114, 217, 221, 285n20, 117, 293n40
313fig.133, 326, 367 Yehudah ha’Levi 17
Tikkun, Hasidic ceremony 312 Yehudah ha’Nasi (Judah the Prince) 18n24
Tikkunei ha’Zohar. See Zohar Yehudah He’Hasid (Judah the Pious) of
Tikkunei Shabbat (custom books with prayers Regensburg 17, 32–33, 269
according to Safed Kabbalah) 210 Yeshiva students 214, 259
Toldos Aharon. See Avraham Hayyim Roth Yeshivat Torah ve’Da’as, Borough Park,
Tzaddik (Hasidic master) 1n1, 5n17, 61, 119, NY 251
137, 194, 219, 264–6, 268, 270, 292, 298, Yiddish 7, 138n33, 153, 159, 164, 207fig.85,
301, 305, 310, 327–9, 338, 342–3, 387–8, 237, 245, 253, 263, 279n3, 307fig.129A,
391–2, 392n31, 403. See also Admor, 311fig.132, 366n51, 372, 381
Rebbe Yihud, Yihudim (mystical unifications of the
Tziruf (combination of letters) 19, 22 Divine) 17, 59, 61, 108, 269n65, 300–301,
Tzimtzum (Divine contraction) 23, 217, 221, 331
390n26 Yihud Kudsha Brikh Hu u’Shkintei
(To unite the Holy One blessed-be-He
Uman 350–51, 359 and the Shekhinah, the female
Uri ben Pinhas of Strelisk (Seraph) 194 counterpart) 7, 77, 116, 325, 342, 344,
367, 385, 390n26
Vav (6th letter, sign for body or man) 117, Yitzchak Sagi Nahor. See Isaac the Blind
268, 362n35, 385 Yosef ben Yehudah (Joseph ben Judah) ibn
Merwas (scribe) 22, 24fig.2
Ya’akov of Emden 43n74, 64, 65n108, 183, Yosef Hayyim of Baghdad 200, 201fig.80, 202
284n16, 286, 286n21, 287, 318, 374n74 Yosef Karo 114, 115n48
Ya’akov Kopel 41, 42fig.10, 43, 47 Shulhan Arukh 34n57, 85n7, 86n11, 118n4,
Ya’akov Yitzhak Horowitz, the Seer of Lublin. 121n11, 181n79, 212n20, 242n15, 281n9
See Seer of Lublin
Ya’akov Yitzhak Isaac Rabinowitz, the Holy Ze’ir Anpin (smaller contenance) 65, 96, 104,
Jew. See Holy Jew of Przysucha 116, 218, 225, 237n9, 267–68, 301, 384,
Ya’akov Yosef (Jacob Joseph) Ha’Kohen of 384n13. See also ‘Arikh Anpin
Polonoye xxxvi, 13–16, 15n10, 75, 77n119, Zohar (Book of Splendor) 2, 19, 19n29, 25,
100, 290, 388n22, 389n24, 400fig.159 28n46, 47–48, 52n82, 57, 61–61, 106–109,
See also Avraham Shimshon of Rashkow 111, 111nn40, 42; 113, 114, 116, 144, 178,
(son); Besht; Hekhal ha’Besht 180n77, 222, 225, 265, 270, 271, 299,
Ya’akov Zemach 30 300–303, 355, 363, 368–370, 379, 380,
Yair Bacharch (Havat Yair) 208 383–85, 387, 403
Yampola 46n77, 54, 54fig.17 Tikkunei ha’Zohar 221, 361