THE ETHIOPIAN JOURNAL OF QUALITY AND RELEVANT

HIGHER EDUCATION AND TRAINING

JOURNAL
OF
RIFT VALLEY UNIVERSITY
VOL. III NO. 2 ISSN 2224-5340

October 2017

COPYRIGHT @ RIFT VALLEY UNIVERSITY, ADAMA

84, 77, 79THE ETHIOPIAN JOURNAL OF QUALITY AND
RELEVANT HIGHER EDUCATION AND TRAINING

JOURNAL OF RIFT VALLEY UNIVERSITY

VOL. III No. 2 ISSN 2224-5340

October 2017

COPYRIGHT @ RIFT VALLEY UNIVERSITY, ADAMA

i
RIFT VALLEY UNIVERSITY, ADAMA, ETHIOPIA
Volume III Number 2 ISSN 2224 ---- 5340 October 2017

EDITORIAL BOARD
Editor- in- Chief Abebe Gemechu (PhD)
Associate Editor Derebssa Dufera (Prof)
Associate Editor Fekadu Lemessa(PhD)
Associate Editor Ziyn Engdasew (PhD)
Language Editor Kassa Abera (MA)

BOARD OF ADVISORS
Dr Mulatu Djote Rift Valley University
Dr Ayele Abebe Adama Science and Technology University
Dr Birhanu Mathews Addis Ababa University
Dr Gezahegn Gurmu Adama Science and Technology University
Dr Prof. Deepti Gupta Punjab University, Chandigarh, India
Dr Getachew Siyoum Jima University
Prof. Sarala Kirshna Murthy Polytechnic Institute of the University of
Namibia
Dr. Birhanu Mogus Adama Science and Technology University

ii
 ISSN 2224-5340
RIFT VALLEY UNIVERSITY
The Ethiopian Journal Of Quality And
Relevant Higher Education and Training

VOLUME III NUMBER 2 October 2017

Table of Contents

1.On the Education and Institutional Quality Nexus, (Dr. Paulos Gutema )..... 2
2.Implementation of Formative Evaluation in Striving for Quality Education
Assurance: The Case of Selected Universities in Addis Ababa
(Manaye Adela). ............................................................................................. 32
3.Gadaa Born Indigenous Views and Practices of Community Based
Environment Management: The Tulama of East Showa in Focus (Ginbar
Nagara). ......................................................................................................... 62
4.The Indigenous Knowledge of Conflict Resolution Mechanisms in Federal
Ethiopia: Case Study of Rayan Oromos ( Sisay Mengistie) ........................... 89
5. The Role of Language Pluralism in Promoting Multinational Integration and
Equitable Development in Federal Ethiopia (Milkessa Midega) --------------123

iii
 On the Education and Institutional Quality Nexus, By: Paulos
Gutema (Ph.D.)1, College of Development Studies, Addis
Ababa University
Abstract
The education-institutional quality relationship is somewhat controversial.
Some writers argue that improvement in quality of institutions influence
progress in education, while progress in education has no effect on
improvement of institutional quality. Others argue the other way round.
Based on the existing theoretical framework that links quality of
institutions to education, this paper investigates the effect of education on
improvement of institutional quality. The theoretical analytic result
suggests that, if agents maximizing behavior functions without
impairment, progress in education can play significant role in improving
institutional quality. Empirical results obtained from the analysis of panel
data, constructed from 166 countries over the period of 1960-2010,
supports this argument.
JEL Classifications: O11, O43, O47
Key Words: Education, Human capital, Institutional quality, Prosperity, Panel
data

1. Introduction
During 1961-1970, according to World Bank (2015) statistics, the average per
capita GDP (constant 2005 US$) in Zambia was 968.08 while it was 507.9 in
Thailand, implying that during this decade the representative person of Zambia
was, 1.91, almost twice, times richer than the representative person of Thailand.

1
E-mail: Pgutema@hotmail.com, Tel. 0911 11 4974

2
After five decades, during 2001-2010, the average per capita GDP (constant
2005 US$) in Zambia was 724.6 while it was 2703.9 in Thailand, suggesting
during this decade the representative person of Thailand was 3.73 times richer
than the representative person of Zambia. The simple mathematical i reason for
such surprising catch-up and surpass is that during these five decades
Thailand’s economy was showing impressing economic growth performance as
compared to that of Zambians, the average rate was 4.56% in the former while
it was only 0.047% in the latter. But what is it that helped Thailand’s economy
to exhibit such impressive economic performance?
Proponents of neoclassical growth theory may explain the growth gap in terms
of the nations saving capacity and capital formation. But the same statistics does
not show substantial difference in the saving capacity of the two economies. It
indicates that during the five decades the average Gross Domestic Saving (% of
GDP) in Thailand was 27.4%, while it was 26.4% in Zambia, which is very
close to Thailand’s saving. Human Capital theorists may attribute the observed
growth gap to slower pace of human capital accumulation. From Barro-Lee
(2010) dataset, during these five decades, the average time devoted to schooling
per year, as measured in change in years of schooling per year, was 0.0939 years
in Zambia, while it was 0.066 years in Thailand, suggesting, contrary to
theoretical expectation, Zambian’s economy was devoting more time to
schooling than Thailand’s economy. In line with this statistics, a large part of
the literature specially, empirical research conducted at macro level indicate
that there is no relationship between human capital accumulated through
schooling and per worker output growth. For example, Benhabib and Spiegel
(1994), report that human capital growth has either an insignificant or
significant but negative impact on per capita income growth. Reversing the
direction of causation others argue that human capital accumulation is
determined by economic growth since the latter determine rate of return on

3
education that motivate individuals to devote more fraction of their non-leisure
time.
The frequently given reason for the inconsistencies between the predictions of
the two theories and the reality is that the underlying situations, specifically
institutions, are not well organized. For example, Wolf (1955); North and
Thomas (1973); North (1990), Hall and Jones (1999), Rodrick et al. (2004),
Acemoglu et al. (2003) Dias and Tebaldi (2012) consider institutional quality
as a primary cause of growth and view human capital accumulation itself to be
endogenous to institutions, which works through economic growth. They
underline the fact that good institution facilitate skill acquisition in a form of
learning from others, technology transfer and inventions. Inefficient institutions
on the contrary, act like an impediment factor to economic progress of nations.
Most often they are characterized by weak ability to enforce rules and law and
as a result lack the capacity to prevent private diversion of economic resources,
public diversion like government expropriation, confiscatory taxation, and
corruption. In addition to this, some writers argue that institutions are
endogenous to human capital accumulations, (e.g. Glaezer et al (2004);
Castello-Climent, 2008).They argue that accumulation of human capital could
bring better quality of institutions and hence better economic progress and
development.
This study fits within the literature that examines the interrelationships of
accumulation of human capital-improvement of institutional quality-economic
growth by giving due attention to human capital and institution nexus. It is
motivated by the puzzling result of human capital accumulation on economic
growth and intends to examine a part of the view that accumulation of human
capital influences economic growth through institution. The explicit point of
inquiry will be why does accumulation of human capital causes improvement
in institutional quality to cause better economic performances in some nations,

4
and it fails to cause improvement in institutional quality and economic
performances in others.
For the empirical analysis the paper consider off-steady-state behavior or
transitional path behavior since it is argued to open up new possibilities
bringing the theory in to better conformity with observation. For this purpose
system GMM estimator is employed to examine the relationship between
institutional quality and human capital in the transitional path rather than
assuming it away. Moreover it helps to deal with endogenity issue.
The remainder of the paper is organized as follows. In the next section the
literature will be reviewed on possible link between human capital and
institutions. In this section, whether human capital influences institutions
directly or indirectly through economic growth will be reviewed. Description
of the basic theoretical model that links the two variables of study and some of
its implications will be considered in section three. Section four presents results
from econometric analysis. In the econometric analysis panel data that employs
general method of moments will be used. The last section presents concluding
remarks.

2. Literature review
For policy makers, especially of low income countries, the most common
development agenda on their table is how to ensure rapid economic growth
(ECG) and property right. To help attain this goal development specialists
recommend human capital and physical capital accumulation (HPA) and
improvement in institutional quality (IIQ), which serves as a means to and an
end of development.
Intuitively it indicates two types of recommendation from virtuous cycle that
reinforces each other either directly or through prosperity. But the direction of
causation and the starting point is somewhat controversial. A part of the
literature (e.g. Lipset, 1959; Bourguignon and Verdier, 2000; Lucas, 1988;

5
Romer, 1990; Barro, 1999), most often, written by the proponents of human
capital theory and neoclassical theory, emphasizes that ideas cause material
wealth that necessitates institutions. In ECG-HPA-IIQ-ECG cyclical order this
notion can be summarized as an anti-clock wise direction of causation.

ECG HPA

IIQ

Anti-clockwise virtuous cycle of prosperity

This part of the literature stresses the fact that accumulation of human and
physical capital enhances the pace of economic growth and wealth
accumulation through raising workers productivity. (e.g. Schultz (1962), Lucas
(1988) and Romer (1990). Lucas (1988) writes, for example, there are two kinds
of capital, in the system: physical capital that is accumulated and utilized in
production under a familiar neoclassical technology, and human capital that
enhances the productivity or both labor and physical capital.
The accumulated wealth in turn causes improvements in institutional quality
(e.g. Lipset (1959), the argument often known as Lipset hypothesis. He wrote
“…the more well-to-do a nation, the greater the chances that it will sustain
democracy. From Aristotle down to the present, men have argued that only in a
wealthy society in which relatively few citizens lived in real poverty could a
situation exist in which the mass of the population could intelligently participate

6
in politics and could develop the self-restraint necessary to avoid succumbing
to the appeals of irresponsible demagogues.” Supporting this view,
Bourguignon and Verdier (2000) wrote “it must also be noted that political
participation is determined by the level of income, rather than education”.
Based on empirical studies, Barro (1999) also wrote “…the cross-country
evidence examined in the present study confirms that the Lipset/Aristotle
hypothesis is a strong empirical regularity. In particular, increases in various
measures of the standard of living forecast a gradual rise in democracy. In
contrast, democracies that arise without prior economic development—
sometimes because they are imposed by former colonial powers or international
organizations— tend not to last.” He gives the example of some African
countries and writes “For example, the political freedoms installed in most of
the newly independent African states in the early 1960s did not tend to last.”
Finally, the improvement in institutional quality enhances the pace of human
capital accumulation (e.g. Acemoglu et al 2014). According to this cycle, the
recommended factor accumulation ensures economic growth and prosperity.
However, contrary to this attractive theoretical virtuous cycle, some empirical
studies put strong skepticism on the link between human capital and economic
growth. In particular, macro level empirical studies conducted to investigate the
relationship between human capital and income growth put skepticism on the
continuity of the cycle. The studies made by Benhabib and Spiegel (1994),
Sacerdoti et. al (1998), Pritchett (2001), Brist and Capilan (1999), Bosworth
and Collins (2003), report that either the human capital economic growth
relation is non-existent or there is a negative relationship between the two
variables. Under such circumstance, the way to reconcile the data with the
theory could be to think that human capital affects income growth not directly
but through other intermediate factor-namely institutions, and to think the
cyclical causation to go in the opposite direction or clock wise direction.

7
A part of the literature, usually written by institutional economists, emphasizes
that ideas cause institutions that in turn cause material wealth. This part does
not reject the fact that human capital influences rate of economic growth. But it
considers that its interaction with economic growth is through institution. In
stressing the role of institution, Tebaldi and Elmslie (2008) wrote that a model
of growth that ignores the role of institutions may oversimplify the analysis and
put out of sight important linkages in the dynamics of economic growth. In this
line, Huang and Xu (1999), and Gradstein (2004) have made successful attempt
to incorporating the role of institutions into the formal growth frameworks. This
part of the literature also accepts endogenity of institutions just like the former
part, but considers it endogenous not to prosperity but to human capital. It can
be summarized as a clock wise direction of causation in ECG-HPA-IIQ-ECG
cyclical order.

ECG HPA

IIQ

Fig-2. Clockwise virtuous cycle of prosperity

On the institutions endogenity Przeworski (2004) argues that return to
producing, which depends on external human capital, determines the nature of
institutions. He writes when returns to producing are low, those who populate
political institutions prefer to engage in rent seeking. From the literature,

8
Acemoglou (1995); Murphy, Shleifer and Vishny (1993) also notes this view.
Similarly, North and Thomas (1973, p.6) also notes, ‘‘new institutional
arrangements will not be set up unless the private benefits of their creation
promise to exceed the costs’’ Based on idea theory of value the benefits could
exceed the cost only if replication of productive ideas, i.e. external human
capital is made possible in the production system. Besides this, internal human
capital can determine institutional quality directly, since it provides the blue
prints of just institutions- like theory of social contracts.
On the institutions endogenity to human capital, Tebaldi and Elmslie (2008)
develop a theoretical model that shows stock of human capital determines both
early institutions and current institutions. The model shows that the growth rate
of current institutions depends on the weight (persistence effect) that historical
determinants and accumulated human capital have on current institutions.
Castello-Climent (2008) finds that education specifically more equally
distributed education has been an outstanding determinant for implementation
and sustainability of democracies during post-war period. Glaeser et al. (2004)
made empirical investigation whether human capital accumulation leads to
institutional improvements and concluded their investigation by reporting that
human capital affects political institutions positively.
Lipset (1959) himself, even though he relied heavily on prosperity, did not
reject the hypothesis that human capital determine institutional quality. He
wrote, for example, “the relationship between education and democracy is
worth more extensive treatment since an entire philosophy of democratic
government has seen in increased education the spread of the basic requirement
of democracy…education presumably broadens men’s outlooks, enables them
to understand the need for norms of tolerance … and increase their capacity to
make rational electoral choices. He believed that educated people are more

9
likely to resolve their differences through negotiation and voting than through
violent disputes.
Finally, the institutions determined by human capital in their turn determine
economic performances. North, 1990, p.3, wrote “that institutions affect the
performance of economies is hardly controversial. That the differential
performance of economies over time is fundamentally influenced by the way
institutions evolve is also not controversial.’’ Supporting this view, Acemoglu
and Robinson (2005), argues “differences in human capital, physical capital,
and technology are only proximate causes in the sense that they pose the next
question of why some countries have less human capital, physical capital, and
technology and make worse use of their factors of production and opportunities.
To develop more satisfactory answers to questions about why some countries
are much richer than others and why some countries grow much faster than
others, we need to look for potential fundamental causes that may be underlying
these proximate differences across countries”. According to this cyclical
causation the recommended factor accumulation ensures the desired goal of
development.
The critical question that can be posed to this part of the literature, however, is
that if the virtuous cycle functions well, why does poverty persists in some
countries, while it is abandoned in other countries so quickly? In listing the
candidate explanations for the persistence of poverty, Rajan and Zingales
(2006) asks “Why is underdevelopment so persistent?” and notes “One
explanation is that poor countries do not have institutions that can support
growth. Because institutions (both good and bad) are persistent,
underdevelopment is persistent. An alternative view is that underdevelopment
comes from poor education. Neither explanation is fully satisfactory, the first
because it does not explain why poor economic institutions persist even in fairly
democratic but poor societies, and the second because it does not explain why

10
poor education is so persistent”. This statement implies that there is some
difficulty in both parts of the literature that deserve special attention.
To get better information on the reason for persistence of poor institutions, poor
education and other related issues, the next section analyzes a theoretical model,
from the literature, that links institutional quality to human capital after
modifying it for the present purpose.

3. The framework
After arguing plausibly the fact that improvement in institutional quality depend
on human capital, Rosenberg (1963) and Tebaldi and Elmslie (2008) specifies
the current institutional arrangement as a function of past and current human
capital stocks and time-invariant country-specific factors as
t
Z t     hs es ds 1


where Z t  is institutional quality,  is time-invariant country-specific

factors like geography and colonial legacy, hs  is stock of human capital at
time s,  is impact of human capital on current institutions. Notice that in this

specification at t=0, z(0) =  h(0) , suggesting a country that started with a

large stock of human capital and advantageous initial conditions may have
better institutional quality in present time. This phenomenon is referred to as
persistence effect and dealt with in depth by La Porta et al. (1999) and
Acemoglu et al. (2001). The inclusion of  has been considered by a number
of economists that argued geography (tropical climate and land lockedness) has
got some role in determining a quality of institutions. On this issue Acemoglu
et al. (2005), for example, argue that institutions in colony at the time of
colonization were strongly affected by the colony’s geography due to disease
and distance i.e. tropical disease and distance from center of good institutions.
Engerman and Sokoloff (2005), Gallup et al. (1999), and Sachs (2000) also
11
support the view that geography affects the development of growth-promoting
institutions.
Using the property of integration one can re-write equation [1] as

t t 1 t 2 0

Z t     hs es ds   hs es ds   hs es ds  ...  hs es ds 2
t 1 t 2 t 3  
n
  hs es ds Representing the impact of human capital accumulated from
n 1

n-1 to n period on Z(t). Since  is time-invariant factor, without lose of

generality one can express equation [2] as

Z t    f ht   f ht  1  f ht  2   ...  f h0   3

Applying Tylor’s linear approximation to
f . that captures the maximizing
behavior of individuals, equation [3] can be written as

Z t   .a0' b0' ht   a1' b1' ht  1  a2' b2' ht  2  ... at ' bt ' h0 
Or

Z t   b0 ht   b1ht  1  b2 ht  2   ... bt h0   a' ' 4

where a' '   a0'  a1'  a2' ...  at '  and b0   b0'
In econometrics terms, equation [4] can be seen as a distributed lag model for
the equation suggests the current institutional quality is determined not only by
the current human capital stock but also by the lagged or past stock of human

capital. Most often, the parameter

b0 is referred to as short run effect and

b
t
0 t is referred to as long run effect of human capital. From the attribute of

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human capital one can impose some basic assumptions on the bi' s specifically,
the assumption that the marginal effects bi' s do not change sign and the

marginal effects decline with distance from the present. Obviously, if the blue
print of institutions supplied by human capital is fair enough to protect property
right or more generally is consistent with natural law the rate of decline,  , in
the marginal effects will be larger or closer to unity since there is no incentive
in altering the blue print over time for it is consistent with individuals’
maximizing behavior of individuals. But if, in the contrary, the blue print
deviates from fairness substantially, or is inconsistent with natural law  will
be closer to zero since there will be frequent revision of institutions in order to
make it consistent with the individuals’ maximizing behavior. Under this case
the effect of a distant stock of human capital will be lesser. Assuming rate of
decline to be constant, one can apply Koyck transformation that sets

bk  b0 k for k  0 ,1,2... and 0    1

and substituting the parameters in equation [4] by these transformed values, one
gets

Z t  b0 ht   b0 ht  1  b0 2 ht  2  ... b0 t h0  a' 5

By lagging equation [5] by one period, one gets

Z t  1 b0 ht  1  b0 ht  2  b0 2 ht  3  ... b0 t h0  a' 6 

Multiplying equation [6] by


Z t  1 b0 ht  1  b0 2 ht  2  b0 3ht  3  ... b0 t h0  a' 7

Subtracting equation [7] from equation [5] and rearranging, one gets

Z t  b0 ht   Z t  1  a' 1    8

13
Notice that equation [8] captures the persistence effect of human capital with
declining rate. That is the remotest human capital stock affects the present
institutional quality, but with lesser degree, the degree depending on the
distance of the past from the present. Besides this, the equation suggests that
that
the time-invariant country-specific factors affect not only the parameter

captures the initial condition

a' 1    , but also the degree to which present
stock of human capital affects present level of institutional quality, since the

constituents of the short run effect,

b0 , contains  .

In the empirical studies, most often, the effect of time-invariant and country-
specific factors are assumed to affect only the constant terms and dummies and
panel datasets are employed. However, this approach implicitly assumes that
the influence of time-invariant country-specific factors on the marginal effect
of human capital is non-existent or similar across countries, while it may not be
the case. This issue deserves special treatment in empirical analysis since

variation in  could cause variation in

b0 .

Obviously, the stock of human capital is unobservable quantity that needs

separate treatment.
Based on Lucas (1988), it is possible to specify stock of human capital as a

function of years of schooling, i.e. ht   g s t  . Applying again Taylor’s

linear approximation to human capital accumulation function, one gets

ht   0  1st  ’ ii. Using this explicit function, equation [8] becomes

Z t  b01st   Z t  1  a' 1     0b0

Or

Z t  0 st   Z t  1  0 9
14
where 0  b01 and 0  a' 1     0b0
Equation [9] states that the previous level of institutional quality influence the
present level of institutional quality as far as the rate of decline marginal effect
of human capital is non-zero. Moreover, it suggests education influences quality

of institutions as far as the marginal effect of education 0 0. From the

constituents of 0 , it is possible to understand that for a given time-invariant

country-specific factor education influences the quality of institutions to the

extent it helps accumulate human capital and that human capital influence
institutional quality. However, it could be misleading to assume time-invariant
country-specific factor to be similar across countries. Hence it is assumed here

that it varies across nations  *   j 0

j
and

Z t  *j st  Z t 10 10

The next section examines empirically the role of education in improving
institutional quality using equation [9] and panel dataset.

4. Empirical evidences
4.1 Dataset and descriptive
The dataset
For the econometric analysis, panel data was preferred for it contains, according
to Hsiao (2005), more degrees of freedom and less multi-co linearity than cross-
sectional data. The panel was constructed from 166 countries ranging from
1960 to 2010 put together at five years interval. The countries were sub-grouped
in to seven regions and five income groups following the World Bank
groupings. The regional sub groups includes East Asia and Pacific, (EAP), East
and Central Asia, (ECA), Latin America and Caribbean, (LAC), Middle and
North America, (MNA), North America, (NAM), South Asia, (SAS) and Sub
Saharan Africa, (SSA). The income sub-group includes, Low income,(LIN),
15
Lower middle income,(LMI), Upper middle income, (UMI), High income
OECD, (HIO) and High income Non-OECD, (HNO).
The variables for the analysis include indicators of institutional quality, years
of schooling, per capita GDP and population size. Indicators of institutional
quality were taken from Freedom House (2016). The house compiles indicators
on political rights and civil liberties composed of numerical ratings ranging
from 1 the highest quality to 7 the lowest quality. The House indicated that the
indicators assess the real-world rights and freedoms enjoyed by individuals,
rather than governments or government performance per se. For the analysis
the arithmetic average of political right and civil liberty was taken as indicator
of institutional quality (HF). Years of schooling (ysc) data were taken from
Barro and Lee (2010). Lee and Barro (20010) defined Years of schooling as the
years of formal schooling received on average by an adult over 15 years old. In
estimating the years of schooling, they indicated, they applied a perpetual
inventory method. GDP and population size were taken from the World Bank
(2015). The Bank defined per capita GDP as gross domestic product divided by
midyear population. This variable was measured in constant year 2005 United
States Dollars (USD).
Descriptive statistics
A statistics presented in table-1 indicates some regional surpass observed
between Thailand and Zambia indicated in the introduction. A look at the five-
decades-average of gross domestic saving rate in MNA was 22.85% while it
was 15.31% in SAS. The average change in years of schooling in MNA was
0.1098 years of schooling per year, while it was 0.0861 years of schooling SAS.
Despite these better performances in factor accumulation in MNA, the average
growth of per capita GDP in MNA was 2.36%, while it was 2.75 % in SAS,
implying there might be some other factor in determining the economic
performances of the regions.

16
Table 1: Descriptive statistics

VAR EAP ECA LAC MNA NAM SAS SSA Total

GDP 0.034 0.021 0.01 0.023 0.021 0.02 0.01 0.019
PG
DYS 3
0.090 90.091 87
0.09 60.109 60.076 75
0.08 02
0.08 7
0.090
C
POPT 6
0.018 6
0.007 57
0.01 8
0.031 4
0.010 61
0.02 01
0.02 8
0.018
G
GDS 8
0.273 00.216 64
0.18 60.228 40.221 19
0.15 54
0.10 1
0.182
FRHI 4
4.141 4
2.449 05
2.55 5
5.129 7
1.000 31
4.04 63
5.07 1
3.787
FRHI 8
3.906 52.630 14
2.15 35.147 01.000 76
4.35 49
4.38 9
3.472
**
YSC* 3
8.96 4
10.36 52
8.54 1
7.52 0
12.59 71
6.27 64
5.36 1
8.23
GDP 1521 1941 6553 1236 5227 1537 1533 1111
P* 8.3 1.5 .1 9.2 5.1 .9 .7 0.7

GDPPG-per capita GDP growth rate, POPG-Population growth rate, DYSC-

Change in Years of schooling, GDS- Gross Domestic Savings rate, FRHI-
Freedom House institutional quality indicator, *-average for year 2010,
Average for year 2005
In line with the arguments reviewed in section 2, that considers human capital
accumulation influencing economic growth not directly, but through
improvement in institutional quality, the average indicator of institutional
quality in MNA was 5.13, while it was 4.05 in SAS, suggesting better
institutional quality in SAS.
More or less a similar pattern is observed between LAC and NAM. It indicates
that the five decades global average of in years of schooling in LAC was 0.0957
years of schooling per year, while it was 0.0764 years of schooling NAM.
Despite these better performances human capital accumulation LAC, the
average growth of per capita GDP in LAC was only 1.87%, while it was 2.16
% in NAM. Based on parts of the literature reviewed above one may attribute
the discrepancy to institutional quality in LAC. The indicator of institutional

17
quality indicates that the institutional quality in NAM is more than 2.5 times
that in LAC, which could be seen as a factor behind the surpass.
Moreover, the reports that during 1960-2010 the global average growth rate of
per capita GDP was 1.97%. This per capita GDP growth rate suggests that if
the socio-economic situation that prevailed during the last five decade continues
in the future the global representative person would observe doubling standard
of life in the next 35 years while the representative persons of of EAP and SSA
observe such economic event in the next 20 years and 68 year, respectively.
What is it that made countries of SSA lag behind so far? Is there a viable and
feasible means for the countries like SSA countries to reduce this doubling time
by half, and bring it down to the present time global average?
4.2. Econometric analysis
The econometric investigation of education-institutional quality nexus requires
an institutional quality determining equation. For this purpose, equation [9] is
considered. However, in line with Barro (1999) log-GDPP and log-POP were
included. This measure will help to estimate the required parameters and test
Lipset hypothesis simultaneously.
The respective panel form econometric specification of equation [9] will be

Z i ,t   0  Z i ,t  1  0 s i ,t   1 ln gdpp  2 ln pop  1 t   1 i    1 i ,t  11

where Z i ,t  and Z i ,t  1 are indicator of institutional quality of present
and previous time, respectively, in country i at time t for i=1,2,…n (number of

countries), t=1,2,…T (number of time units), 0 , ,0 ,1 , and 2 are

parameters,  1 i, t  is error term with the property 

E  1 i, t   0 and

 
var  1 i, t    e1  ; 1 i  and 1 t  are country and time specific
2

effects respectively.

18
As indicated in section-3, the education-institutional quality relationships in
different countries are formed in dissimilar conditions. The primary cause of
the variations in the conditions is variations in time-invariant and country-
specific factors. To consider such variations regional dummies, rd1-rd7, were
created. Rd1=1 if the region is EAP and 0 otherwise; rd2=1 if the region is ECA
and 0 otherwise and so on. Under each regional dummy, five income group
dummies, I1-I5, were created. The income groups were LIN, LMI, UMI, HIO,
and HNO. In this way of categorization, some income group may not
necessarily appear in the regional groups, such for instance high OECD income
or high non-OECD groups in SSA or SAS. All together, 22 dummies designed
to capture a country’s regional and income group characteristics were formed.
To capture the effect of time-invariant factors on marginal effect of education
on institutional quality in each subgroup the dummies were multiplied with the
corresponding years of schooling, and the institutional quality estimating
equation [9] is re-specifies as

22
Z i ,t   0  Z i ,t  1    j si ,t   1 t   1 i    1 i ,t  12
j 1

Where  j  dm ,n 0 and dm ,n  1 if the country belongs to region-m and

income group-n and 0,otherwise. and other parameters and variables are as
defined in equation [11].
In the estimating dynamic growth equation like equation [11] and [12] with
panel data, Arellano-Bond (1991) proposed an estimator that is based on
generalized methods of moments (GMM), in which the individual specific
effects are removed by differencing and then using instruments to form moment
conditions. Moreover they pointed out that the one-step robust approach is
19
preferable to one-step non-robust form and the two-step robust form. Hence to
estimate equation [11] and equation [12] one-step robust variant is employed.
Endogenous variables differ from predetermined variables only in that the

former allow for correlation between the variable at i ,t  and the error term at
i ,t  , whereas the latter assumes correlation between the variable and the past
error terms. In our case here, it is very unlikely that people determine the
fraction of non-leisure time they devote to schooling by looking the error of the
year, since it is not yet realized. But it is plausible if one assumes that they use
past error terms in determining the time devoted to schooling. In the cases when
there is a weak instrument problem in a dynamic model like equation [11] and
equation [12], which is very likely in our case, Blundell and Bond (1998)
propose the use of a system GMM -an extended form of the difference GMM
estimator. Moreover, in line with Arellano and Bond (1991), they pointed that
the inference based on the asymptotic variance matrix of one-step GMM
estimators to be more reliable than the two-step GMM estimators. Therefore,
equation [11] and equation [12] are estimated by employing the one-step robust
system GMM estimator. In fact, this estimator requires exogenity of the
instruments employed, hence to get consistent estimates from this estimator the
moment conditions used in the estimations have to be valid. Thus, for the
instrument validity check, here, the Arellano-Bond AR(2) test was used. AR (2)
in the first difference, tests for the absence of serial correlation in the first
differenced idiosyncratic errors. Accordingly, to check the validity of the
instrument employed in estimating equation [11] and equation [12], test for
AR(2) in the first difference is used. Using this estimator and the dataset
described in section 4.1 equation [11] was estimated, and the estimation results
are presented in table2
The table reports that the Arellano-Bond test for AR(2) in the first difference
accepts the null hypothesis that states the moment conditions are valid, which
20
 holds only if there is no serial correlation in the idiosyncratic errors, z = 0.3005
Pr > z = 0.7638. That is the test confirms the hypothesis that the instrumental
variables are acceptable for they fulfill the condition that they need not be
correlated to the residuals.
Table 2: One-step system GMM estimate of equation [11]

Model
Robust
Parameter Parameter Std. Err. z P>|z|
Estimate
HF
L.HF 0.6556 0.0614 10.6700 0.0000

Ysc -0.1363 0.0502 -2.7200 0.0070

lngdpp -0.1515 0.0995 -1.5200 0.1280

lnpop 0.2111 0.1270 1.6600 0.0970

Constant -0.1528 2.3822 -0.0600 0.9490

Arellano-Bond test for AR(1) in first differences: z = -6.439 Pr > z = 0.0000
Arellano-Bond test for AR(2) in first differences: z = 0.3005 Pr > z = 0.7638
Wald chi2(4)= 850.70Prob> chi2= 0.0000; Number of obs=901; Number of
instruments = 81=

Besides these, the table reports that for the panel group the Wald test rejects the
null hypothesis that states all the coefficients except the constant term are zero
for the equation. Moreover, the table reports that for equation [11] the
coefficient of the lagged HF, is statistically significant, z = 10.67 Pr > z =
0.0000. Based on equation [9], this statistical test result confirms the arguments
of Rosenberg (1963) and Tebaldi and Elmslie (2008) that views current
21
institutional quality is influenced not only by current human capital but also by
past stock of human capita. Regarding the subject at hand-effect of education
on institutional quality, the table reports that the coefficient of years of
schooling is negative and statistically significant, z = -2.72 Pr > z = 0.007. The
estimate suggests that for an increase in years of schooling by one year the
indicator of institutional quality will decrease ( i.e. quality improves) by 0.1363
units. This indicates that the accumulation of human capital that takes place
through education has got statistically significant effect on improvement of
institutional quality.
The table also has got some information concerning the Lipset hypothesis
indicated in section 2. The table reports that the coefficient of log-GDPP carries
negative sign, but the estimate is not statistically significant, z = -1.5200 Pr > z
= 0.1280. This result suggests that under the assumption that the marginal effect
of human capital on institutional quality is independent of time-invariant
country-specific factors; during the covered period of study there is no strong
empirical evidence that supports Lipset hypothesis. That is based on the
indicated assumption, the hypothesis that prosperity causes improvement in
institutional quality has no strong empirical ground. However, before reaching
final conclusion it would be a wise approach to relax the underlying assumption
regarding time-invariant country-specific factors.
Furthermore, the table reports that population growth has adverse but
statistically weak effect on the improvement of institutional quality. The
estimator gives a positive coefficient estimate for log-POP, but the estimate is
not statistically at 5% level of significance, z = 1.6600 Pr > z = 0.0970.
To come up with the final education-institutional quality relationship while
testing Lipset hypothesis equation [12] is estimated and the estimation results
were presented in table 3.

22
Table [3] reports that, after relaxing the underlying assumption about the time-
invariant country specific factors, the Arellano-Bond test for AR(2) in the first
difference do not reject the null hypothesis that states the moment conditions
are valid, z = 0.2165 Pr > z = 0.8286. This test results confirms the hypothesis
that the instrumental variables are not correlated to the residuals.
Besides these, the table reports that for the panel group the Wald test rejects the
null hypothesis that states all the coefficients except the constant term are zero
for the equation. The table also reports that for equation [9] the coefficient of
the lagged HF, is statistically significant, z = 11.4200 Pr > z = 0.0000. Here
again this statistical test result confirms the arguments of Rosenberg (1963)
and Tebaldi and Elmslie (2008) that views current institutional quality is
influenced not only by current human capital but also by past stock of human
capital.

Table 3: One-step system GMM estimate of equation [12]

Region Income Robust

Parameter Parameter z P>|z|
Group Std. Err.
Estimate
 0.6020 0.0527 11.4200 0.0000
SAS LIN 
11 -0.1987 0.0568 -3.5000 0.0000

LMI 12 -0.0915 0.0594 -1.5400 0.1230
SSA LIN 
21 -0.1429 0.0644 -2.2200 0.0270
LMI 
22 -0.0598 0.0543 -1.1000 0.2710

23
 
UMI 23 -0.1254 0.0587 -2.1400 0.0330
ECA 
LMI 32 -0.1142 0.0319 -3.5800 0.0000

UMI 33 -0.0687 0.0342 -2.0100 0.0450
HIO 
34 -0.1329 0.0480 -2.7700 0.0060

HNO 35 -0.1069 0.0578 -1.8500 0.0640
MNA LMI 
42 0.0157 0.0568 0.2800 0.7820

UMI 43 0.0334 0.0412 0.8100 0.4170

HIO 44 -0.0942 0.0362 -2.6000 0.0090

HNO 45 0.0217 0.0839 0.2600 0.7960
EAP LMI 52 -0.0960 0.0466 -2.0600 0.0400

UMI 53 0.0051 0.0347 0.1500 0.8820

HIO 54 -0.0914 0.0395 -2.3100 0.0210
HNO 
55 0.0316 0.0548 0.5800 0.5630
LAC LMI 
62 -0.1400 0.0325 -4.3100 0.0000

UMI 63 -0.1227 0.0436 -2.8100 0.0050

HIO 64 -0.1141 0.0331 -3.4500 0.0010

HNO 65 -0.1688 0.0482 -3.5000 0.0000
NAM HIO 
74 -0.0950 0.0426 -2.2300 0.0260
lngdpp 1 -0.1700 0.1088 -1.5600 0.1180
lnpop 2 -0.0452 0.0582 -0.7800 0.4370
Constant 0
4.0414 1.3326 3.0300 0.0020
Arellano-Bond test for AR(1) in first differences: z = -5.6956 Pr > z = 0.0000
Arellano-Bond test for AR(2) in first differences: z = 0.2165 Pr > z = 0.8286
Wald chi2(4)= 10046.57Prob> chi2= 0.0000; Number of obs=901; Number of instruments = 386
Test for i   j chi2( 21) = 281.43, Prob > chi2 = 0.000

Moreover, the table reports the statistical test for equality of the coefficient of
years of schooling across the considered sub-groups. The test rejects the null
hypothesis that states the marginal effects of years of schooling on institutional
quality over all sub-groups are equal, chi2( 21) = 281.43, Prob > chi2 =
0.0000, The likely reason for this inequality according to equation [9] is that the

24
effects of time-invariant country specific factors like geography, colonial
legacy etc have dissimilar effect in determining the institutional quality.
The estimator gives a positive but statistically insignificant coefficient estimate
for five sub groups and negative and statistically significant for fourteen sub-
groups, ranging from -0.1987 in LIN of SAS to -0.0687 in UMI of ECA. On the
one hand, the results supports the argument that institutional quality is
endogenous to human capital and, on the other hand it supports the hypothesis
that the marginal effect of schooling on institutional quality exhibits substantial
variation. Besides these, the table reports that the coefficient of log-GDPP is
negative, but here again the estimate is not statistically significant, z = -1.5600
Pr > z = 0.1180. This test result suggests that, based on the dataset during the
covered period of study, there is no strong empirical evidence that supports the
Lipset hypothesis, which considers prosperity to cause improvements in
institutional quality.
In addition to these, the table reports that unlike the result in table 2, log-pop
has negative but statistically insignificant coefficient, significant, z = -0.7800
Pr > z = 0.437. This sign is consistent with the result reported in Barro (1999).

5. Conclusion
A part of the literature informs that accumulation of human capital and
produced capital causes income growth which in turn causes improvement in
institutional quality. The improvement in institutional quality in its turn causes
accumulation of human capital and produced capital. In HPA-ECG-IIQ-HPA
cyclical order the direction of causation follows anti-clockwise direction. The
theories and hypothesis in this part of the literature predict the existence of
virtuous cycle of prosperity. However, the macro level empirical studies put
skepticism on the link between accumulation of human capital and economic
growth. The other part of the literature informs that the accumulation of human
capital and produced capital influences improvement in institutional quality

25
which in turn influences income growth. The growth of income in its turn,
through influencing rate of return on education, influences the accumulation of
human capital and produced capital. This part of the literature can be
summarized as a clockwise direction of causation in HPA-ECG-IIQ-HPA
cyclical order.
Based on the second part of the literature, this paper investigated the education-
institution nexus using a theoretical model connecting institutional quality to
human capital. The theoretical analytic result suggests that accumulation of
human capital can cause improvement in institutional quality under some
critical conditions, the conditions being determined by consistency of the blue
print institutions with the just institutional blue print, and the content of human
capital, particularly its content of blue print of institutional quality. Moreover,
the analytic result indicates that time-invariant country-specific factors can
influence the degree to which accumulation of human capital induces
improvements in institutional quality.
The empirical analytic results inform that, in general, the accumulation of
human capital influences improvement of institutional quality. However, it has
also been observed that, in line with theoretical expectation, time-invariant
country-specific factors can influence the marginal effect of human capital on
institutional quality. Moreover, the empirical analysis suggested that there is no
strong empirical evidence supporting the hypothesis that implies prosperity
causes improvement in institutional quality.
Endnotes
From income ratio of two countries one can derive that latter income ratio

 y0   yf 
 b  10  is the product of initial income ratio  a  1f  and the exponent
 y2   y2 

26
of the difference in growth rate between the two countries r1  r2 . That is

b  a en1r1 r2  for n years gap between the two reference times.

From Lucas (1988) one can derive ht  ae s t  . Using Taylor’s
 s t 
approximation one can substitute e by n-the order polynomial function.
But in empirical work only the linear approximation was found to have
significant coefficient.

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31
Implementation of Formative Evaluation in Striving for
Quality Education Assurance: The Case of Selected
Universities in Addis Ababa. By: Manaye Adela (PhD
candidate in AAU) manayeadela@gmail.com
/manaye.adela@yahoo.com Mob: +251-910-065090/
0915655734
Abstract
Formative evaluation is a means for coming up with corrective measures in the
learning-teaching process. This research targets implementation of continuous
assessment of students learning outcome with respect to quality education. In
doing so, selected private and public universities in Addis Ababa were in focus.
It was conducted by recruiting 142 university students and Likert type
questionnaire was administered. In addition, 9 instructors were interviewed.
Participants were selected using multistage sampling followed by stratified
sampling from college to department level. There is transparency of letting
students know their result but the impediment is they show the score lately so
they miss the advantage of gearing to support the learners’ progress. It was
found that there is wrong practice of continuous assessment and evaluation
practices among distance learners. The misuse was in terms cheating/ copying,
plagiarizing assignment and project/paper works, and reluctance in attempting
questions. Formative evaluation is so neglected and continuous assessment is
found as not being properly practiced. Delay and failure to immediate feedback
and insufficient advisory are major factors as per the students’ reflection. As
assessment has equivalent role with teaching learning process in quality
education, the misuse of continuous assessment and formative evaluation affect
the progress and cross checking of learning outcomes that the instructors expect
as per the statement of objectives in the course outline. Periodical short term

32
tutorial, educational measurement and evaluation trainings for teachers and
better honesty policy setting are recommended. HDP shall be extensively
considering measurement and evaluation aspects too. Instructors should give
evaluation feedback as immediate as possible.
Key Terms: meta-quality, quality education, assessment, formative evaluation
1. Introduction

1.1. Background
Education is the basis for every aspects of once country development because
all knowledgeable and skilled man powers are products of education. For the
production of these knowledgeable and skilled man powers, quality education
is mandatory. Hence, by now the federal democratic republic of Ethiopia-
Ministry of Education/FDRE-MoE/ planned quality education policy and
implement in learning institutions. In order to make an assessment about quality
education the primary technique is conducting continuous
assessment/formative evaluation (HERQA).
According to Thorndike (1997) typically, classroom teachers employ a wide
range of instructional objectives for a particular class. Cognitive objectives may
include the building of a knowledge base or the development of cognitive skills,
such as reading or writing. Affective objectives involve the development of
attitudes, values, interests and personal or social attributes. Depending up on
the area of instruction assessing achievements of these objectives may focus on
evaluation of products or performances as well as on acquired cognitive skills
and information. Different methods of assessment are often required to
determine if different types of objectives have been achieved by students.
However, it is critical regardless of the approach to assessment, that the
information collected be accurate and relevant. If the techniques used to collect
information about the achievement of an objective do not yield high-quality
information, decisions or actions based on those data are likely to be faulty.

33
The assessment of students’ learning is a not of well understood and, in most
disciplines, an under – researched aspect of higher education. According to
Wakeford cited in Fry, Ketteridge & Marshal, 2004, student assessment has of
two main importance: first, assessment is an integral component of the teaching
and learning system. Assessment may be used explicitly to guide students in
their study. But also, student perceptions of what is rewarded and what is
ignored by formal examination procedures will have a substantial impact up on
their learning behavior and thus upon the outcomes of a course. Second, for a
variety of reasons, assessment needs to be accurate. Assessment needs to be
accurate for internal and external quality assurance purposes. Thus assessment
may be seen as informal and formative – within the teaching process or
summative – making formal decisions about progress and level of achievement.
In quality assurance concerned bodies should ask the following questions
within its inspections that make it clear that assessment as a central component
of the teaching and learning process. How effective are assessment design and
practice in terms of: clarity, and students’ understanding of assessment criteria
and assignments; promoting learning (including the quality of feedback to
students); measuring attainment of the intended learning outcomes;
appropriateness of the student profile, level and mode of study; and consistency
and rigor of marking.

1.2. Statement of the Problem

Continuous assessment signifies the progress of learners. This techniques helps
to look in to the effectiveness of the method of teaching the teachers use. One
of the most important tasks for classroom teachers is to insure that students
achieve instructional objectives. Teachers must monitor the progress of the both
the class and individual students in order to make good decisions about where
to begin teaching, when to move on to the next unit of instruction, whether to
re-teach the present unit, or whether a particular student or subgroup of students

34
needs special help to master the learning task. The quality of these decisions
influences the effectiveness of the classroom instructional program (Thorndike,
1997).
A poorly constructed tool may not only be useless, but dangerous, but, certainly
high-stakes tests are carefully constructed, administered, and scored. High-
stakes testing - the use of tests and assessment alone to make decision that are
of prominent educational, financial, or social impact.
Using test to provide information relevant to this decision is usually not
controversial in and of itself. What is controversial is; that in many high-stakes
testing programs these decisions are based entirely or in large part on the results
of a single test and whether high-stakes are valid measures of learning.
Continuous Assessment
A single standardized test score provides only a portion of students’
achievement over the school year; regardless of the grade level (Kubiszyn &
Borich, 2003). Using data collected on a single day and from a single- test to
make what otherwise would be complex, time- consuming and difficult
decisions has obvious attractions.
According to Thorndike (1997) there are various categories of assessment
instruments. Standardized achievement tests can be used in the placement
evaluation phase to identify the current status of learners. At the beginning of
the school year, when he/she is facing new class, student scores on standardized
achievement test might help a teacher in planning instruction for that class. In
addition teacher-made assessment instruments are part and parcel of CA
implementation.
The five general methods of collecting data on the achievement of instructional
objectives: paper and pencil tests; oral tests; product evaluations; performance
test and portfolio assessment; and affective measures. Objective that call for
knowledge about a particular subject area, the capacity to use that knowledge

35
to solve problems, or a general educational skill such as reading can be most
reliably and validly appraised by teacher made paper and pencil test.
Unfortunately most teachers made are poor measuring instrument. There are
typically two problems with these kinds of instruments. First the items on the
tests often do not match the stated goals of the class, and second the tests tend
to have poor psychometric qualities because the items are not well written.
Teacher seldom use even minimal data-analysis procedures, such as
determining the central tendency or variability on their test results. As a result
of these weaknesses, the information obtained from such tests may be of
questionable value in making instructional decisions (Konting, Kamaruddin &
Man, 2009).
In administration of CAT 2 Reporting Academic progress is so vital. There are
three approaches to defining the merit a student’s performance to define;
performance in relation to perfection; performance in relation to par (same
expected or average level of accomplishment); and performance in relation to
potential.
Monitoring and evaluating students’ performance during tutorials can be rather
complex since many factors are involved. Some students participate more than
others, perhaps because they are better prepared, or they are just more vocal.
Hence, the frequency of participation by itself is not necessarily significant, but
it provides a basis for a behaviorally.
Quality is probably more significant than quantity, but its assessment is
considerably more intricate since student contributions vary and may involve:
seeking information; giving information; offering an opinion; arguing;
clarifying; synthesizing information; identifying problems; applying
information/formulating solutions.

2
CAT – Classroom Assessment Test
36
And within each category there may be a range. For instance, the information
sought for may be basic or something reflecting thought and intellectual
curiosity; the information given may be mere ‘parroting’ or ‘processed’; the
opinion given may be unsubstantiated or a considered one; and arguments may
be based on sound or unsound premises. It may be helpful to think in terms of
these broad headings: the kind(s) of questions asked; the quality of answers
given (the degree to which they reflect understanding); and the ability to
articulate ideas clearly and coherently. Obviously, it is not easy to monitor each
student’s performance with consistent sensitivity during group work, especially
with groups larger than ten or so. Assessing class participation can be quite an
onerous task, especially with increasing weight age placed on continuous
assessment. But difficult as it may be, the various dimensions should be kept in
mind and assessed accordingly and it is important to maintain some sort of
record-keeping system.
Establishing criteria
It seems reasonable to suggest that students should be aware of—and preferably
in agreement with—the criteria by which they are assessed. Students then know
what is expected and are more likely to accept a tool that they were partly
instrumental in creating. Hence, some discussion between tutor and students in
determining the criteria may be a good idea.
In assessing written assignments, instructors are expected to grade and return
assignments promptly; make clear the rationale for the grade given; evaluate
carefully and in some detail; and make the trouble to make some comments.
Merely giving a grade at the end is less useful to students, and even if students
do not read them with the care they should, they convey the marker’s
painstaking concern.
It is unprofessional to be sarcastic and personal. Bear in mind that students
generally take their work very seriously and what may be intended as gentle

37
mockery may be taken as scathing. Therefore, it might be better to err on the
side of the conservative and eschew possibly hurtful witticisms.
Quality Education
According to Fry, Ketteridge & Marshal (2004, p.183) the concept underpins
quality and standard related to the design, delivery, assessment and review of
educational provision. Quality is used in an even broader manner and with
which variability in meaning, and may refer to a number of things, including
individual student performance, the outcome of an educational program, the
student learning experience, the teaching experience, etc.
Quality assurance refers to the policies, processes and actions through which
quality is maintained and developed. Evaluation/assessment is a key part of
quality assurance. Quality enhancement refers to the improvement of quality,
through dissemination of good practice or use of continuous improvement
cycle.
Quality Improvement Issues in Higher Education/Assuring Quality
Managing and assuring educational quality is one of the key responsibilities of
all educational institutions and those who work in them (Konting, Kamaruddin
& Man,2009). The term quality assurance refers to the policies, processes and
actions through which quality is maintained and developed.
Evaluation/assessment is a key element in quality assurance.
It is at program level where the individual will be mainly involved in ensuring
the quality provision. All those who teach need to be committed to and
understand the purposes and context of the programs on offer, and be aware of
the elements that may comprise a ‘quality’ learning experience for students
(Konting, Kamaruddin & Man, 2009).
Assuring and enhancing educational quality and academic standards can be
seen as complex and multifaceted activities, but at the center of these are the
individual learner and lecturer.

38
Quality is always a critical issue especially in higher education institutions
(HEIs). It is expected that a quality higher education program could give a
positive impact on human capital development of its graduates in terms of
knowledge and generic skills (Fink, 2003; Walker, 2006). This down-to-earth
expectation becomes increasingly contentious at a time when many HEIs are
getting more scrutiny especially for public funding, resulting in generating
various and often contrary spheres of knowledge (Biggs, 2003). The issue of
quality becomes pertinent as the higher education sector is moving towards the
third age era; a transformation from interpretation to generation, to
commercialization of knowledge (Chartrand, 2008). The shift provides not only
a wider opportunity for diverse people especially in developing countries to
have access to higher education, but also invites eclectic and bewildering
expectation of the quality of education programs that HEIs offer.
The term quality has been defined in many but contentious ways. Joseph Juran
(2003) viewed quality as “fitness for use”. For Noriaki Kano (1984), quality
relates to a product or service that meets customer expectation, possessing both
“must-be quality” and “attractive quality”. The American Society for Quality,
on the other hand, coined that quality refers to the level of customer perception
upon which a product or service fulfills customer expectation. Though quality
is an elusive and subjective term that defies simple explanation, especially
within the framework of HEI due to the changing nature of the term “quality”
itself, quality can be defined in terms of value of a product or service rendered
as perceived by the customer. These definitions imply that quality improvement
in HEIs is a dynamic ongoing process and, to some extent, rely on the students’
perception of the value being offered by the HEIs (Konting, Kamaruddin &
Man, 2009). The HEIs, being a college or university ought to continuously
improve their services based on the stakeholders’ value. Stakeholders’
perception of the HEIs is vital to improving teaching and learning as well as

39
facilities and services being offered. While some quarters argued that quality of
the HEIs should be determined by the academic experts, most of the universities
and colleges gathered information from their students as they are the ones who
received the services rendered (Schneider, Russell & Niederjohn, 1995).
In an effort to continuously improve service quality, it is crucial to make
assessment and evaluation. The aim is to assess the quality of the academic
programs and services offered as well as the students’ satisfaction. The level of
satisfaction is measured through their opinion on teaching and learning,
management and facilities offered at faculties or colleges of the institution.
Besides, the study also assesses students’ attributes towards learning outcomes
and soft skills elements instilled through the academic studies program offered
by the university (Konting, Kamaruddin & Man, 2009).
Measuring quality education from students angle
A value added approach is the best way to assess student learning, but higher
education has not yet committed itself to developing reliable measures of the
most important dimensions of a college education. There are, on the other hand,
a few other possible strategies for assessing student learning that are worth
considering (Bennett, 2001; Konting, Kamaruddin & Man, 2009)..
Assessing Outcomes: A Second-Best Strategy
A second strategy for assessing quality is simply to measure the outcomes of a
college education: evaluate students as they graduate (or shortly after) on the
skills and capabilities they have acquired or the recognition they gain in further
competition. It is possible, for example, to look at GRE scores for those students
who take GREs, or to measure the percentage of students who go on to further
graduate study, or to look at the honors won (Rhodes, Watson, and Fulbright)
by graduates. At best, these measures evaluate the quality of an institution’s
best graduates, not the attainments of all its graduates (Konting, Kamaruddin &
Man,2009).

40
The most frequently used outcome indicator at present is the measurement of
retention rates. What percentage of those admitted to a particular institution
continues in the program or finally earns a degree? Retention rates tell us what
percentage of an institution’s students were satisfied enough to continue at a
college, and what percentage received the benefit of the institution’s full
program. But they do not tell us anything about what students actually learned
or attained on their way to a degree. Retention rates are one useful outcome
measure, but we need others. We need outcome measures that assess students’
attainments along a variety of dimensions: writing, quantitative abilities,
problem solving, understanding of their own culture and of the cultures of
others, development of a sense of civic responsibility, and the like. If we had
such outcomes measures, we could use them in the service of measuring value
added. We could simply assess student outcomes or attainments as they began
college, and again as they complete their degrees (Bennett, 2001; Konting,
Kamaruddin & Man, 2009).
Continuous assessment and quality education
Throughout the world there has been a move to mass higher education,
associated with greater diversity of institutions and program and a large increase
in the number and size of universities. This expansion of higher education has
prompted the rise of a variety of modes of course delivery, including franchising
arrangements with third parties under which the parent institution may exercise
limited control, virtual course delivery, as well as the delivery of courses. All
these developments pose challenges for the efficacy of institutional quality
controls. The key customers and quality indicators are learners and their
proficiency. Learners’ competency is nurtured through the formative evaluation
alongside the leaning-teaching activities (Thorpe, 2000; West, 1994; Kubisyn
& Borich, 2003)

41
In addition to the changes impacting the higher education sector referred to
above, other new pressures are emerging, both nationally and internationally.
Formal, transparent and credible systems of quality assurance helps guarantee
a successful future for universities in the global competency of institutions in
general and graduates in particular for further activities (Commonwealth of
Australia, 2000).
The world’s workforce is becoming increasingly geographically fluid across
national, regional and international borders due to economic globalization and
the development of advanced communications and information technologies. In
this context, knowledge has emerged as an economic commodity which has in
turn placed pressure on existing national systems to ensure they are placed
competitively in the international marketplace. There is currently a strong move
throughout developed countries towards having rigorous, internationally
recognized higher education quality assurance processes. These changes in
organization, scale and mode of delivery have led to increased public concern
about the maintenance of program quality. In response, many countries have
taken steps to establish mechanisms for quality assurance in higher education.
Governments must justify spending on higher education in competition with
other demands for public spending. Communities whose taxes must support the
system and individuals who need to be satisfied about the value and portability
of their credentials all demand external validation of the quality of their
investments (Commonwealth of Australia, 2000).
Literature Implications
Review of related literature depicted that assessment is part and parcel of the
learning-teaching process for monitoring the progress meaningfully. Classroom
teacher made tests are supposed to be ways through which instructors acquire
information for decision making as well as for intervention. It is highly
acquainted with quality also.

42
However, the implementation problems and misuses are supposed to be
pinpointed for the purpose that continuous assessment is intended. It is this gap
that issued the researchers to conduct this study.
Very often it is valuable and fair to give high credit for evaluation mechanisms
as is to the preparation of plan, course outline and even learning and teaching
process. Instructors may not do what they intend to do in assessment techniques
on their course outline and/or plan. Continuous assessment is one of
mechanisms of assessing student’s performance. As professionals assessing
student’s performance continuously is very important to get continuous
feedback for their improvement than covering the whole course by giving
exams. That is why the government gives much emphasis and implementing in
different levels of educational institutions at this time. But there is also
complainant in that continuous assessment is very difficult to perform at large
class when number of students in a big deal. So what? But which one weighs
better cope up of class size or missing the advantage of formative evaluation?
Having all these things in mind the present research tried to explore previous
researches conducted in relations to this issue, it is found to be very few
especially from the perception of the the students’ side.
Hence, efforts will be made to address the following research questions:
 Is there periodical follow up of learning outcomes?
 Does the use of continuous assessment techniques come up with
progressive teaching-learning process?
 Do students’ believe that instructors purport to insure quality
education by using proper formative evaluation (continuous
assessment) techniques?
 Are instructors implementing various continuous assessment
techniques of based on the nature of the course and learners' level?

43
  Are there faulty applications of continuous assessment techniques
in higher education?
 Do the different continuous assessment methods stimulate and
make students’ active, reflective and self- regulative in their
learning?

1.3. Objectives
The general objective of the research was to assess the proper
implementation of continuous assessment in higher education institutions in
Addis Ababa. Meanwhile, the specific objectives are:
 Identify the types of assessment tools being used.
 Distinguish the use of proper weight for assessment tools in the
implementation of continuous assessment.
 Investigate feedback loop of the instructors as per the formative
evaluation.
 Distinguish challenges of continuous assessment implementation
and their implication for quality education as per the outcomes
from students’ side.

1.4. Significance
This research is highly valuable, timely and important in various aspects. It
serves the practitioners and students to be familiar with the continuous
evaluation mechanisms. Since there is scarcity of research on this issue, this
study could serve as a benchmark reference for further empirical research works
on the same issue. The study is also believed to be initiative for concerned
bodies to give due attention for the continuous assessment mechanisms. Above
all, it contributes a lot on assurance and striving for quality education.

1.5. Operational Definition

Continuous assessment: - regular follow up on the progress and attainment of
learning outcomes by learners.
44
Formative evaluation: - ongoing assessment techniques/mechanisms to find out
learning improvement and to shape the procedures.
Quality education:- the processes through teachers use student-centered
teaching approaches in a well-managed classrooms and use skillful assessments
to facilitate learning; the outcomes encompasses knowledge, skills and attitudes
that are linked to the national goals for education and positive participation in
society.
Classroom achievement tests: - assessment tools constructed and administered
by instructors at course level.
2. Research Methods

2.1. Study Area/ Locale

This research is designed to be conducted in selected colleges and universities
in Addis Ababa.

2.2. Population
The population of the study represents all higher educational institution (college
and university both private and governmental) teachers and students in Addis
Ababa. 142 respondents were recruited from four higher institutions.

2.3. Sample and Sampling

So as to recruit participants/ respondents of this research stratified sampling
technique which is followed by systematic sampling from strata, is used. The
rationale behind this sampling technique is on the stratification and
heterogeneity of different colleges and departments as well as courses.

2.4. Instruments
In order to collect the data, Likert scale type questionnaire (with open & close
ended items) and interview were constructed and employed after validated and
check up on reliability.
2.4.1. Construction

45
After intensively reading different literatures, the aforementioned tools i.e. both
open ended and closed ended questions and focused group discussion guideline
are constructed by the researchers.
2.4.2. Validation/Piloting
Pilot test was conducted in order to check the reliability and validity of the
instruments. The reliability computed by Cronbach Alpha is found 0.79 which
is encouraged to proceed. The validity of the instruments was evaluated and
commented by other professionals in the area from Psychology department.

2.4.3. Administration
After piloting of the instruments, the investigator had given detailed orientation
to two assistant data collectors. Then, the researchers in collaboration with these
assistants administered the questionnaire to all participants. Moreover, focused
group discussions were conducted by the two investigators. Finally, all data
were collected and ready for scoring.
2.4.4. Scoring
After collecting the data, responses were scored. First, researchers checked
whether there are skipped questions in all respondents’ questionnaire. Second,
items of the instrument were grouped in to the same domains and they coded
and fed in to the SPSS 20 computer program. Finally, data quality was assured
by double data entry.
2.4.5. Analysis
For meaningful dissemination of the finding, technically enriched way of
qualitative analysis, logical flows and narrative explanations are used with
direct quotations in the data analysis procedure. Moreover, the information
collected from questionnaire is quantitatively analyzed by using descriptive
statistics (mean, standard deviation and tabular illustration of percentages) and
inferential statistics (one way ANOVA and independent t-test). Above all, all

46
quantitative analysis are made with the help of Statistical Package for the Social
Science version-20 (SPSS-20) computer program. Finally, to make the findings
more momentous and disseminate to stakeholders conclusions and
recommendations are given as per the need and usage.
3. Analysis, Result and Discussion
This chapter presents the analyses and interpretations of the data gathered from
the participants (instructors and students) through a five point Likert type scale.
This level of measurement has five scales represented by numbers that is: SD =
Strongly Disagree; D =Disagree; N = Neutral; A =Agree; SA =Strongly
Agree. Items from the scale were selected and grouped together on similar
theme for the simplicity of presenting and analyzing the data. The analyses and
interpretations are done in relation to the research questions. To this effect, it
would be more relevant to remind of the basic research questions to be treated
here.
 Is there periodical follow up of learning outcomes?
 Does the use of continuous assessment techniques come up with
progressive teaching-learning process?
 Do students’ believe that instructors purport to insure quality
education by using proper formative evaluation (continuous
assessment) techniques?
 Are instructors implementing various continuous assessment
techniques of based on the nature of the course and learners' level?
 Are there faulty applications of continuous assessment techniques
in higher education?
 Do the different continuous assessment methods stimulate and
make students’ active, reflective and self- regulative in their
learning?

47
  This is by using Frequencies Percentages, and the. Accordingly,
the data are presented in tables and analyzed through descriptive
statistics (frequency, percentage, mean and standard deviation)
and inferential statistics (One way ANOVA, Scheffe Post Hoc
Test and independent t-test). Following each table, interpretations
of data are presented in detail.

3.1. Background of the Respondents

The respondents gender, age and year level were not treated as variables.

Table 1: Respondents’ background

Institution College/Faculty No. of %

respondents

AAG1 SoC 12 26.67%

CNS 16 35.56%
CEB 17 37.77%
Total 45 100%
AAG2 CEn 20 50%
CSH 20 50%
Total 40 100%
AAP1 SBE 15 50%
IT 15 50%
Total 30 100%
AAP2 FBE 14 50%

48
 HS 13 50%
Total 27 100%

 All the respondents were second year students.

The respondents are at their junior level for they had the experiences in the
evaluation in their department. The faculties are preferred over departments
with the assumption that there is homogeneity (Manaye, 2014) within the
college/faculty in the university.

3.2. Continuous Assessment Implementation

Table 2: Presence of Periodical follows up of Students learning outcomes
in the University
Scales
S/ Items
No SD=1 D= N=3 A= SA=
2 4 5

1 Our institution uses continuous evaluation F 8 39 33 51 11

process rather than evaluating at the end of
the program/course of study % 27. 23.2 35.
5.6 7.7
5 3 9
Mean = 3.13 SD= 1.08
2 The presence of periodical follow up in our F 13 25 23 65 16
institution help to check the achievement of
learning outcomes % 17. 45.
9.2 16.1 11.2
6 8
Mean =3.32 SD=1.16
3 Our teachers should use various techniques F
in relation to the nature of the course 13 25 41 36 27
% 17. 25.
9.2 28.9 18.9
5 3
Mean = 3.28 SD=1.22
4 In our institution, continuous assessment F 11 37 37 33 24
occurs frequently in teaching-learning % 26. 23.
process 7.7 26.1 16.8
1 2
Mean =3.16 SD=1.21

49
 5 In current condition of our institution F
16 28 40 43 15
continuous assessment application, there is
integration of different tools (project work, % 19. 30.
11.2 28.2 10.6
report, assignment, oral presentation, 7 3
quizzes, tests, etc) Mean =3.10 SD=1.17
6 In the teaching-learning process of our F
13 29 42 49 9
institution, there is an ongoing assessment
% 20. 34.
9.1 29.5 6.3
3 5
Mean =3.10 SD=1.08
7 Our institution instructors give tutorial F 22 33 53 21 13
classes for needy students based on % 23. 14.
continuous assessment 15.4 37.3 9.1
2 7
Mean = 2.80 SD=1.15

As it is indicated in table 1 above, 33.1% of the respondents showed

disagreement on the implementation of continuous assessment whereas 23.23%
are not certain as the respond that they are neutral. On the other hand, 43.6%
which is below the average show their agreement level on the presence of
continuous evaluation presence on the institution. In the evaluation procedure
there is tendency of integrating different tools for assessment.
In the variability among institutions/ colleges in implementation of CA, there
are disparities. There is statistically significant differences among institutions
with regard to implementation of continuous assessment in the day to day
teaching processes to insure educational quality (F(4,137) = 2.14, P < 0.05).
3.3. Feedback for Progressive Learning-Teaching Process
Table 3: Continuous Assessment as an Advantage for Progressive
Teaching-Learning Process
Scales
S/ Items
No SD=1 D=2 N=3 A=4 SA=5
1 Instructors take corrective actions based on F 13 38 37 35 19
continuous assessment when the students’ % 9.1 26.6 25.9 24.5 13.3
experiences don’t meet their expectations
Mean = 3.06 SD=1.19

2 F 16 22 46 43 15
% 11.2 15.4 32.2 30.1 10.5

50
 Instructors use continuous assessment as the most Mean =3.13 SD=1.15
important in helping students to make progressive
improvements
3 Our institution practically implement continuous F 13 37 53 29 10
assessment in the teaching-learning process
% 9.1 25.9 37.1 20.3 7.0
Mean = 2.90 SD=1.05
4 Our institution explicitly use continuous assessment F
to monitor students learning objectives 8 49 44 28 13

% 5.6 34.3 30.8 19.6 9.1

Mean =2.92 SD=1.07

5 Results of continuous assessment help our institution F

18 37 40 38 9
students to know the extent of progress in their
learning %
12.6 25.9 28.0 26.6 6.3
Mean =2.88 SD=1.13
6 In our institution continuous assessment techniques F 10 24 67 25 16
enable the learner to continuously review and %
strengthen their own understanding 7.0 16.8 46.9 17.5 11.2
Mean = 3.10 SD=1.04

As it can be depicted in table 2, most instructors are not giving proper feedback
for the students as a result it is found that intervention on tutorial arrangement
and monitoring students' learning progress is very limited.
Table 4: Practice of Continuous Assessment in the day to day Learning-
teaching
Scales
S/ Items SD= D= N=3 A= SA
No
1 2 4 =5
1 Large class size is the obstacle to F 10 36 17 45 34
execute continuous assessment % 25. 31.
7.0 11.9 23.8
2 5
Mean = 3.40 SD=1.29
2 Teachers in our institution are F 28 43 43 20 8
comfortable in applying continuous % 30. 14.
19.6 30.1 5.6
assessment 1 0
Mean =2.56 SD=1.13
3 F 12 22 64 37 7

51
 Teachers in our institution manage % 15. 25.
8.4 44.8 4.9
large class size not to miss the 4 9
advantage of continuous assessment Mean = 3.04 SD= 1.00
4 In current condition of our F 6 56 23 41 16
institution it is difficult to give % 39. 28.
4.2 16.1 11.2
feedback to students timely based on 2 7
their continuous assessment Mean =3.04 SD=1.14
performance

It was found large class size is challenge for implementation of formative

evaluation. In addition, some teachers are not comfortable with routine tasks in
the assessment procedure. Still instructors are trying to manage large class size
to take advantage from continuous assessment for maintaining quality.
3.4. Quality Education Assurance via CA
Table 5: The Use of Continuous Assessment to Insure Quality Education
Scales
S/ Items SD= D=2 N=3 A=4 SA=
No 1 5
1 There is a strong feedback loop in the process of F 15 46 55 20 6
quality improvement in our institution % 10.5 32.2 38.5 14.0 4.2
Mean = 2.69 SD=.98
2 Our institution use continuous assessment as an F 14 41 29 49 9
important tool to improve the quality of education % 9.8 28.7 20.3 34.3 6.3
Mean =2.99 SD=1.14
3 In our institution continuous assessment is very F 12 33 46 38 13
important to get continuous feedback about % 8.4 23.1 32.2 26.6 9.1
students’ improvement than covering the course Mean = 3.05 SD=1.10
by giving mid and final exams
4 For our institution proper use of continuous F 16 45 25 40 16
assessment is tool to ensure quality education % 11.2 31.5 17.5 28.0 11.2
Mean =2.96 SD=1.23
5 Continuous assessment scores in our institution F 17 35 52 31 7
show the extent of educational quality % 11.9 24.5 36.4 21.7 4.9
Mean =2.83 SD=1.06

52
 6 The better strategy to check the knowledge, F 8 19 49 47 19
attitude and skills attained by our students is % 5.6 13.3 34.3 32.9 13.3
continuous assessment Mean =3.35 SD=1.05

7 Continuous assessment is being used as quality F 19 23 32 62 6

upgrading mechanism in our institution % 13.3 16.1 22.4 43.4 4.2
Mean = 3.09 SD=1.14
8 Instructors in our institution give academic advice F 11 47 42 34 8
and tutorial supports for the needy students that is % 7.7 32.9 29.4 23.8 5.6
used as an input for quality education Mean = 2.87 SD=1.05

It is depicted that the feedback loop is not as strong as expected to be though

there is a tendency to implement continuous assessment in formative evaluation.
In the tendency of using continuous assessment as an important tool to improve
the quality of education, the respondents show reservation. For their institution
proper use of continuous assessment is tool to ensure quality education, most
respondents (42.7%) disagree (Mean =2.96; SD=1.23).
3.6. Students Involvement
Table 6: Continuous Assessment and Students’ Active Engagement
Scales
S/ Items
SD= D= N= A SA=
No
1 2 3 =4 5
1 Different continuous assessment techniques F 15 37 20 51 19
make our students to be motivated, active, % 25. 14. 35.
10.5 13.3
reflective, and self regulative in their learning 9 0 7
in the institution Mean =3.15 SD=1.25
2 Our students are interested and satisfied with F 20 18 36 59 9
continuous assessments % 12. 25. 41.
14.0 6.3
6 2 3
Mean =3.13 SD=1.16
3 In our institution there is active engagement of F 20 47 34 31 10
learners in the process of continuous % 32. 23. 21.
14.0 7.0
assessment 9 8 7

53
 Mean =2.75 SD= 1.16
4 Students in our institution are motivated to F 5 32 49 39 17
study hard and enjoy their learning due to % 22. 34. 27.
3.5 11.9
continuous assessment 4 3 3
Mean =3.22 SD=1.04

The above table indicated students’ active engagement in continuous

assessment. The highest number of the participants, 51(35.7%), M=3.15 and
SD=1.25 agreed that students were motivated, active, reflective and self
regulative in their learning when teachers use different continuous assessment
techniques. at the same time, the largest number of respondents, 59(41.3%),
M=3.13 and SD=1.16 agreed that students were interested and satisfied with the
use of continuous assessment as assessment mechanism in teaching- learning
processes. On the other hand, 47(32.9%), M=2.75 and SD=1.16 participants
were disagreed about the active engagement of learners in the process of
continuous assessment. Moreover, 49(34.3%), M=3.22 and SD=1.04
respondents were neutral and unable to agree or disagree about the role of
continuous assessment that makes students to be motivated to study very hard
and enjoy their learning.
3.7. Discussion
Many research outputs or findings show the relevance of formative evaluation
for quality education via distinguishing quality based on student performance
and institutional effectiveness (Kubisyn & Borich, 2003; Manaye Adela, 2014;
Konting, Kamaruddin & Man, 2009). In this research finding, in the interview
the respondents stated that most instructors do not have table of specification or
test blue print to prepare exam questions. Feedback is late for letting students
know their test result so that they would have gotten chance to be in progress
by adjusting their own learning method. An interesting big picture point about
ways to think about assessing institutional effectiveness related to accreditation

54
specifically, but makes sense with regard to assessment generally. They argue
that student outcomes not be considered the only marker of educational quality.
A seventh challenge is to make certain that the multiple missions of the
institution remain at the core of accreditation. At most institutions, some
combination of teaching, research, and public service (also known as outreach,
engagement) are supported. If student performance becomes too much the focus
of defining quality in accreditation, the public good of the institution becomes
redefined in terms of the private gain of the students. Higher education makes
multiple contributions to our society, and they must be recognized in any
evaluation of quality and integrity. Practically, a multiple perspectives strategy
employing multiple indicators and measures of quality and effectiveness is
required.
Continuous assessment is expected to be carefully implemented as formative
evaluation but it is facing ample challenges. This contradicts with Bennett
(2001); virtually everyone who has thought carefully about the question of
assessing quality in higher education agrees that “value added” is the only valid
approach. By value added we mean what is improved about students’
capabilities or knowledge as a consequence of their education at a particular
college or university. Measuring value requires having assessments of students’
development or attainments as they begin college, and assessments of those
same students after they have had the full benefit of their education at the
college. Value added is the difference between their attainments when they have
completed their education and what they had already attained by the time they
began. Value added is the difference a college makes in their education. Easy
as it is to state, assessment of value added is difficult to carry through (Hiltz, &
Wellman, 1997).
According to research findings on the roles of the teachers in consulting and
providing tutorials has a gap that the student respondents stated as there is no

55
sufficient support though it is expected to develop effective interaction with
teachers and counselors (like classical learning); evaluate and judge your own
performance; and combat prejudice and communication barriers(Asthana,
2000).
Research provides data to compare effectiveness of the teaching and learning
in a great variety of situations. Learning in a high-tech, global environment
presents new roles and responsibilities for both teacher and learner. In addition;
there is a radical change in construction and delivery of course content. Media
to facilitate interaction between and among learners, teachers, and content
increases the opportunity for in-depth and meaningful learning (Guilford,
2008). Constructivist techniques support learning and teaching, self-
development and self evaluation (Hiltz, & Wellman, 1997). Constructivism is
an integral part of distance education. The focus is on the student and his active
role in learning supported by technology. Moreover, the teacher initiates
student-teacher interaction, and has communication and technological skills to
effectively implement CA; teacher constructs student-centered learning with
opportunities for interaction. Students are responsible for learning and
responsible for contacting teacher when needed; teacher collaborates with
student in self-development and responsibility; teacher provides environment,
materials, and guidance for collaborative learning, interactive discussion
groups, individual learning, and research; and teacher provides prompt and
accurate feedback to students to facilitate learning.
The roles of students and teachers under the constructivist approach are listed
above. These roles should be in the consciousness of communicators to develop
effective distance education processes and resolve interaction difficulties (Hiltz,
& Wellman, 1997). Tearchers and students need to be responsible collaborative
planners, communicators and evaluators in their distance education roles.

56
The development of specific and detailed strategies for the implementation of
distance learning in the Sub Sahara region need to occur on a country by country
basis, and, in some cases, at the institutional level. The judicious use of external
technical assistance for the transfer of required distance learning expertise, the
establishment of partnerships with established distance learning organizations,
and the creation of distance learning consortia among institutions within the
region are a number of measures that can potentially mitigate risk, reduce costs
and expedite the implementation of distance learning strategies. Most
importantly, a systematic and comprehensive planning process for distance
learning implementation, driven primarily by needs rather than technology, can
greatly assist in designing pedagogically sound and sustainable policies and
programs. The study reveals that 63.7% of the respondents have shown that
summative evaluation is preferable than CA for the reason that CA gives
additional task for teachers and stressing to the students. This outlook is
contradictory to the ample relevance of CA (Bennett, 2001).
It has been found that there is misuse of CA which supposed to been corrected
in that it affects the process and outcome. The end cannot assure quality
(Guilford, 2008) because it is late rather focus should be on the progressive,
additive, constructive and formative manner that the emphasis is supposed to
be but this is not being done is it is shown on the research finding.
The content validity of the exams matters most in the intention of assessing the
cognitive, affective and psychomotor domains change. No college or university
is trying to develop only a single capability in students; all are trying to develop
an array of capabilities. Measurements of value added must therefore attend to
a number of different dimensions of value. We probably should develop several
different measures of value added, and invite institutions to select the measures
that reflect their intentions as higher institution (Bennett, 2001).

57
4. Conclusion and Recommendation

4.1. Conclusion
Common Pitfalls in the practice of formative evaluation and/or continuous
assessment that were frequently raised by student respondents are; weight,
feedback, administration, scoring, and item type invariance.
Implementation of continuous assessment has great contribution on learners’
progress as well as change based on objectives. In the same way with integrated
contribution stakeholder, quality education can be assured. However, to the
other end in the research area, there were potential obstacles that hinder
implementation of continuous assessment and quality assurance.
Classroom achievement teacher made tests often lack content validity and
variety on the type of items. The proportion of number of items and the weight
given are critically in doubt of enabling autonomous learning and independent
performance of students.
There is researchable issue on assurance of quality education through guiding
independent learning of students which seems informal and haphazard.
These are:-
 Large class size in college of engineering and technology and
natural and computational science
 Lack of pedagogical and assessment skill are major gaps in
misapplication of measurement tools especially for continuous
assessment which affects learning outcome evaluation and later
the quality of education.
 Assessment tools are not scheduled on the course outline except
the weight and there is tendency to administer tools that are not
initially stated on the course outline.
 Most instructors and students prefer summative evaluation for
the reason that is not included in this research.

58
 Misapplication of assessment in general and continuous assessment in
particular affects evaluation, decision and later quality of course
delivery which ultimately influences the quality of education in the
institution level.

4.2. Recommendations

 Continuous and periodical assessment should be implemented by

instructors as per pledge on the course outline.
 Department heads should closely make follow up on the
implementation by cross checking the attitude of students and
prevailing classroom atmosphere.
 Class size should be adjusted for easier and better implementation
of continuous assessment.
 Training and/or forum on active learning and Educational
Measurement and Evaluation should be given for all staff
members including senior instructors twice a year.
 HDP should be strengthened by involvement of professionals.
 Instructors had better attain better content validity of tests and
optimize the weight given for assignment, tests, quiz, projects,
practicum and exams.

5. Limitations
Teachers were not taken as respondents in a sufficient manner. In this study
comparison of the private and government institutions was not made.

59
6. References
_______(2005). Jigjiga University Academic Quality Audit/Assurance
Directorate (AQAD)
Asthana, B. (2000): Measurement and Evaluation in Psychology and
Education. Sikandra Ravi Mudralaya; AGR
Basom, M., & Sherritt, C. (1992). Higher Education Problems in the Twenty-
First Century: A Survey of Higher Education Administrators and
Politicians. Paper presented at the Annual Conference for International
Higher Education Administrators, Nice, France.
Bennett, D. (2001). Assessing Quality in Higher Education: Reprinted with
permission from Liberal Education, Volume 87, No. 2. Copyright held
by the Association of American Colleges and Universities,
http://www.aacu-edu.org.
Clark, T. (1993): Attitudes of Higher Education Faculty toward Distance
Education: A national survey. The American Journal of Distance
Education, 7, 19-33.
Commonwealth of Australia (2000).:The Australian higher education quality
assurance
Fry, Ketteridge & Marshal, (2004). Overview of Assessment
Guilford, J. (2008).: Psychometric Methods. Kalma Nagar surjeet publications.
Konting, M. Kamaruddin, N. & Man, N. (2009): Quality Assurance in Higher
Education Institutions: Exist Survey among University Putra Malaysia
Graduating Students. V.2, No. 1. www.ccsenet.org/journal.com
Kubisyn, T. & Borich, G. (2003). Educational Testing and Measurement;
Classroom Application and Practice (7th ed). United States. John
Wiley & Sons Inc Manaye Adela. (2014). Self-Efficacy:Self-
Esteem and Academic Achievement of Higher Education Distance

60
 Learners in Computing Courses; the Case in Addis Ababa.
Unpublished
Moore, D.R., & Lockee, B.B. (1998): A Taxonomy of Bandwidth:
Considerations and Principles to Guide Practice in the Design and
Delivery of Distance Education. Unpublished manuscript: Portland State
University.
Palloff, R., & Pratt, K. (2000): Making the Transition: Helping Teachers to
Teach Online. Paper presented at EDUCAUSE: Thinking it through.
Nashville,Tennessee. (ERIC Document: Reproduction Service No. ED
452 806)
Phelps, R.H. et al. (1991): Effectiveness and Costs of Distance Education Using
Computer-Mediated Communication. American Journal of Distance
Education, 5 (3), 7-19. Policy unpublished
Thordike, R. et al. (1997). Measurement and Evaluation in Psychology and
Education (6th ed). USA. Prentice- Hall, Inc
Thorpe, E. (2000): Mental Ability and Quantitative Aptitude. New Delhi. Tata
McGraw-Hill publishing company Limited.
West, G. (1994): Teaching and Learning Adaptations in the Use of Interactive
Compressed Video. T H E Journal, 21 (9), 71-74.

61
 Gadaa Born Indigenous Views and Practices of
Community Based Environment Management: The
Tulama of East Showa in Focus.
By: Ginbar Nagara, Adama Science and Technology
University, Division of Liberal Arts and Social Sciences,
Unit of Liberal Arts, Lecturer, E-mail:
ginbar2010@gmail.com. Cell Phone: +251911044763. P.O
1888, Adama Ethiopia.

Abstract

This research has tried to propound the views of gadaa with nature and its
practices environmental validation focusing on the Tulama of East Showa, local
cultural landscapes. It is certain that the way people perceive and do something
is determined by its worldview which would have left unavoidable direct and/
indirect impacts upon their local natural environment, be large and/or small.
Gadaa is nature centered and basic decisive factor to envisage what are
embedded at the hearts of their culture and cultural landscapes. Beyond doubt,
the Tulama Oromo of East Showa had never been ideal to their local
envelopment and thereby that they made some unavoidable effects on
environment. The findings indicate that a look into the hearts of gadaa system
entails its distinct views to nature; interrelates of various elements of
environment towards the totality which made its determinations clear. Results
also indicate that views intrinsic and extrinsic to gadaa and the
62
interrelationships among various elements in the cosmos imparted an
imperative lesson and input towards contemporary development efforts and
dual fold nature-culture centered conservations. However, this feature of gadaa
is not/little studied and covered in academic studies and discussions thereby its
past and present contributions in the area towards the general development and
knowledge formation is shadowed. As, it dealt with claims of human culture
and values the research will combine both historical and anthropological
research methodologies. The methods and techniques include gathering data
through literature analysis and oral sources in interviewing elders and custodial
leaders. So, the paper arrives at the conclusion and argues that a number of
important gadaa values are still kept far behind without integrated into state
development endeavors and seen as its collaborating agents. It recommends
that there lacks holistic approach and attentions from policy makers towards
nature centered cultural landscape conservation in the alarming views of
modernization era, effects of globalization, modern education, expanding
religions, etc eroding its autonomy.
Key words: gadaa, nature, culture,
7. Introduction
I. Background
The paper discusses on gadaa born indigenous forms of community based
environment management focusing on naturalism features, views and practices
embedded at the hearts of the Tulama of East Shewa cultural landscapes. To
do so, the local community efforts in persuasion of culture based environment
management with development will be brought to the frontline discussion
through the approach to understand indigenous society along with its
homegrown values, as emerging issue of the contemporary period. On the other
hand, it is the approach to see and place the roles of indigenous knowledge in
the circles of contemporary development agendas, mainly with related policy

63
document. Today, the term and concept like indigenous knowledge and its
experiences are arising to the lights of development programs and academic
discussion. A number of features have brought indigenous based community
development distinct from contemporary modern knowhow and ways of doing
with nature conservation (Edward, 2010). Indigenous knowledge is a way of
thinking and doing things differently of the old as well new (Marana, 2012).
Indigenous peoples have extended histories of interaction with the natural
environment. Similarly, Ethiopia is home of indigenous people each having a
long history as old as humanity itself (Edward, 2010). Indigenous governance
system is doing distinct from the modern one that it promotes place-based
consciousness of human interactions with livelihood and non-livelihood
activities. Particularly speaking as to its ethos certain natural physical resources,
sites and spaces unique from others form integral units of temporal and spiritual
culture. The knowledge, sites and associated resources are all asset of the
practicing people; produced, developed and used in common thus, collective
centered wellbeing characterize its notion. The evolvement of collective
mentality has emergent to community based development in which that their
ways of doing with nature can be given an exemplary.
Development is referring to whole rounded changes and progress in material
and economic features as well as spiritual, moral, cultural and etc life aspects.
Development opens the range of options in pursuit of mental and moral
satisfactions and a means to achieve a more satisfactory intellectual, emotional,
moral and spiritual existence as well. In this regard culture is the object of
investigation and interest as a necessary element for the full development of
people and communities (Marana, 2010; Taye, et al,. (2012). Development
reflects their needs, priorities and aspirations; is achieved largely through their
ownership and commitment to locally defined development goals; and is
sustained when they have the capacity, confidence and opportunity to plan

64
appropriate strategies and mobilize resources to fulfill their development goals
(White and Davy, 2012; Taye, et al,. 2012). Specifically speaking community
development is essentially the process through which communities address
locally defined goals and achieve improvement in their quality of life. However,
the question of inclusivity and holistic view to indigenous values are raised on
contemporary developmental programs.
With the efforts to understand humanity in its own way and cultural context
brought the study of indigenous knowledge and values emerging in all areas of
life (Edward, 2010; Temesgen, 2005). Guided by some cardinal principle of
gadaa which holds on and promotes precedence to collective being interests as
its ultimate goal, community based environmental development distinct forms
of experiences and inborn to the Tulama of east Shewa landscape is underlain
for the purposes.
Community development is the process of increasing the strength and
effectiveness of communities, improving people’s quality of life and enabling
people to participate in decision making to achieve greater long-term control
over their lives (White and Davy, 2012). As long as community development is
about the progress in life of local community through those activities carried
out at their locality it is more of proactive to collective wellbeing achievement.
In this sense the discussion goes to whom/ which practically achieved what in
between indigenous knowledge and modern exogenous values. In this regard
what is expected in and among the indigenous society and along with their
values is their multiple practices of which nature conservation is figured out. At
the hearts of indigenous people and their interactions with the resources over
their territory and driven under their cultural epistemology, there seems to be
inborn values playing pivotal roles and negative effects as well. Inarguably
convincing that indigenous knowhow is different from contemporary modern
knowledge. But, be that as it may, the compatibility of both types of knowledge

65
to cooperate and support the other centering on the community interests at a
high time development remained null. But, holding their difference beyond the
scope of this paper, among the various areas prevalent of community
development activities are environment and culture (community development,
Wikipedia).

The discussion takes detail voyage to whether the views and practices of gadaa
on nature is in pursuit of community based environment development activities
underlying the local people indigenousness and having inevitable interaction
with natural resources in their locality. This has again lent the issue to argue
further to understand the nature of indigenous knowledge led community based
nature conservation whether centered on collective endeavors and societal
wellbeing. Indigenous society and their life are guided under strong inborn
philosophy, sense of togetherness and they might have deep experiences in the
area. With this perspective, the study pays attentions to the nature of their
epistemology, their cultural ecological landscapes and the views of gadaa on
community wellbeing. This argues that whether there are indications behind
gadaa born values which is in pursuant of community development ethos and
its views success stories, if any, relevance to contemporary development circles.
Community development aims to empower and help the society to improve
their social and physical environments, increase equity and social justice,
overcome social exclusion, build social capital and capacities, and involve
communities in the strategic, assessment and decision-making processes that
influence their local conditions (White and Davy, 2012).
Today, it is an odd and irrational to plan development, whether human and/
economic paradigms, without the issues of environment management.
Development should anticipate whole rounded change and progress in life
including the cultural, spiritual and moral satisfaction. Any development

66
program and practices be conducted at national and/ at a grass root level by the
respective organ can never be attainable and justifiable without environment
conservation. Environment management is seemed to be the recurring concerns
indigenous and modern views overlapped.
Whether development is meant economic and material gain, or change in
human paradigm (human development) and ethical perspective (developmental
ethics) and the measurement in either of them does not absolutely exclude
indigenous value. Indigenous knowhow has its own contributions in all of these
forms of development and areas of life, registry in economic and material
forms, in human and ethical dimensions (Marana, 2010; Taye, et al,. (2012).
The point that both have comprehended certain complementing endeavors to
plan and organize side by side. The underlying point is, therefore, any
development view and activity exclusion of human values is no longer
considered as comprehensive, holistic and whole rounded ones (Taye, et al,.
2012). This is one way made to see the place of gadaa born indigenous values
presences and places at the hearts of state contemporary environmental policies
and in doing so the approach validity would be argued.
The talks about community development is directing on how to achieve
something for the collective group purposes and endeavors through the
participation of local community. What the local study areas culture and
indigenous values prevailed is the presence of long standing distinct
mechanisms and efforts in collective spirit, security and wellbeing secured. As
community based activities and development is the talk about collective action
being at a grass root level, as a background sources from their cultural landscape
prevails, the local study area has their own mentionable experiences on nature
conservation. Sustainable community development programs are those that
contribute to the long-term strengthening of community viability (ibid). People
participate in local development every day through their family life, livelihood

67
activities and community responsibilities. There are unforeseeable activities
undertaken at all level and registered irreversible positive and/ negative impacts
on its local environment whether through indigenous values and/ the otherwise.
The talks about collective actions and wellbeing can bring some anticipating
experiences from the local populace and their culture to the lights of today.
For this purpose some experiences imperative in providing a reasonable
comprehensive introduction are brought into discussion. However, the overall
discussion does not raise the whole experiences of gadaa with nature and
attempt to cover all aspects of the incredible complex and diverse field of the
relationships in the area. But, it will pick those fundamental views upon which
others rested. The discussion is end up only in propounding the secrecy between
gadaa and nature towards comprehensive environment development but it
argues with some insignificant underutilization on its existing capacity
prevalence in the areas and the way forward solutions.
8. The Rationality to Focus on Gadaa and Tulama Experiences
The discussion has targeted to some contemporary developmental programs
complementing views and practices of gadaa on nature given with particular
emphasis to the Tulama of east Shewa cultural landscape and their practices in
community wellbeing. Tulama is one of the major branches of the Oromo
moiety settled in Shawa. The Tulama geographical landscapes constitute some
of the major earliest socio-political and religious centers of the Oromo
(Alemayehu, 2009; xii). The Tulama of east Shewa settlement is home of many
physical cultural landscapes which represents the Oromo of nation. The area is
the seat of gadaa leaders and heads, consisted of numerous resources, spaces
and sites of modern, historical, cultural, religious and ritual significances. The
cultural ecological landscapes comprises of indigenous floras, faunas, sites,
places and spaces formed and shaped through combination of human and nature
induced forces.

68
Mentioning some of these landscapes are the Oromo annual ritual celebration,
Irreechaa (thanks-giving) center of Lake Arsadi, the center of Gada assembly
like Oda Nabe, Dongora and many other cultural-religious shows and a number
of lakes and mountains. All these characterize physical natural and provide
ecological, religious, ritual, economic, material and etc services. The area is
center of reviving Oromo culture and Oromo Indigenous Religion tent,
Waaqeffannaa. There is a long existed wisdom mentioning as the eight
mountains of God (Saddeettan Tulluu Waaqa) and the six lakes of God (Ja’an
Hora Waaqa). These include mount Cuqala, Erer, Furi, Galan, Wato Dalacha,
Foyata, Hococa, and Egdu and lake Arsadi, Kilole, Bishoftu, Kurriftu, Hadho
and Gindib (Alemayehu, 2009: 87; Temesgen, 2010:35). These and other
indigenous floras have combined multifaceted historical, cultural, esthetic,
economic and environmental values. These have been put beyond palatable
economic appetites.
The research topic and sites selection has basically considered rich and fertile
cultural landscape background of the Tulama. The numerous features and
ecological landscapes marginally evolved in the past were retained in various
forms: at the hands of elders, embedded with their day to day life activities of
the society, their production system, in their memory and other practices. Since
1990s the country has entered into re-indigenization process it relatively caused
to absorb periphery to the center of humanity, development policy discussions,
academic and research circles, environment discourses, etc. Beyond their
historical existence and cultural roles values survived and retained are seeing in
the today’s light through the study of indigenous knowhow. This is again
preceded by the efforts the local populace have shown, devoted and concerned
to protect, conserve and promote their values. The study is part of the efforts to
assist and help their revitalization, in supporting, and integrating the knowhow
into modern efforts in any possible means to ensuring their survival, escaping

69
from further threats. Revitalization is, however, limitedly undertaken in the
locality.
9. Discussion
3.1. The Oromo Culture’s Nature of Epistemology: An Overview
on Gadaa
The background history to indigenous knowledge in Oromo can be highly
nature dependent production system, livelihood practices of the nation, nature
adaptive traditional lore, long time evolved cultural landscapes, strong
affiliations with their respective culture, etc. It is now widely recognized that
humans and their cultures are an integral part of the environment. Human
activity affects the environment, which is then altered, in turn affecting human
activities. The shape and form of the environment is dependent on its history, a
history that includes humans (Marana, 2010).
Gadaa views of nature imply the religious-philosophical conception in Oromo
worldview of the universe and cosmos (Gemtechu, 1997). A given people’s
view towards nature is primarily determined by the types of worldview a group
adopted culturally. Study indicates that African worldview is the concept of the
unity of cosmos (Dereje, 2005; 2011; Samue’e 2011). This is related to the
understanding how the world relates to each other –the animate and inanimate.
Hanneh Kiniti cited in Samu’el (2011) puts that the African concept of
cosmology is described as a universe is made up of the spiritual and
supernatural realities: the human society, animals, plants, and others. Through
ritual and other forms of socio-cultural symbolism traditions African society
affirms that the essential unity derives from the primordial unit. The primordial
unit is the assumption that whiles the universe and elements have the same
source father, God (ibid: 48).
This fundamental notion of gadaa environmentalism has rooted in Oromo
organic worldview of nature. The Oromo worldview is more the organic type

70
which recognizes natural elements alike of beings having their own values to
the universe and thus, they form strong coexistence (Eshetu, 2010). This is
again constructed opposite to mechanistic worldview which primarily subjected
natural sources to material and economic satisfaction (Samue’l, 2011). The
Oromo organic view partly lifted natural resources beyond human palatable
services accessibility confining to non-economic and non-material values
orientation. The Oromo indigenous knowledge systems and activities are highly
observant of natural phenomenon and nature. Here one can make a remark on
gadaa’s egalitarianism ethos and its inclusivity, including non-human elements.
In several studies (Marana, 2010; Dereje, 2005; Alemayehu, 2009) nature
conservation is seemingly a long firm practical standing of indigenous society.
Jemjem (2011); Dereje (2005); Alemayehu (2009) explaining the Oromo
culture witnesses several nature adaptive strategies in their production and non-
production movements. They propound Oromo culture strong natural tendency.
This in lines with Jamjam (2011) explained the Oromo is a naturalism society.
Naturalism culture is evolving in organic type of worldview which centers on
inclusion of nature and natural substances as integral of the whole which is
aligned to biocentrism view. Biocentrism admits independent existence of
natural resources and their intrinsic values as oppose to anthropocentric which
diminishes and ends resources to human palatable utility (Taye, et al,.
2010:189). This is primarily coming to understand and examine nature
conservation validation of gadaa views and practices at a mid of contemporary
agenda with the need for environment conservation, and those challenging
factors increasingly rising on home grown values like globalization, expanding
religion (conversion), exogenous cultural ascendancy western education,
urbanization, etc.
3.2. Culture-Nature Blended Features and Its Desirability

71
What is nature meant to the gadaa system, the way it defines elements of the
environment and construct in a sort of interdependent-independent
interrelationships bears this discussion at a mid of contemporary developmental
validation. The way it defines the relationships among various elements in the
universe and its manners of correlations provide certain evidence to naturalism
facet of gadaa, which the paper take anticipation.
Gadaa is meant a whole thing to the Oromo in whose hearts that similarly nature
and social centeredness view made intermingling for over generations. In
several scholarly works (Jemjem, 2011; Dereje, 2005; Alemayehu, 2009) the
discussion on Gadaa has largely been focusing on its non-environmental roles.
The dynamisms in gadaa, has never been limited and confined to its cultural
and social milieu alone with that it has clear environmental and nature
tendencies. Exhibiting evidences are a number of Oromo cultural landscapes,
views, their livelihood and non-livelihood practices and etc, as the Tulama of
East Shewa case in point.
What is nature meant to the gadaa system and which elements in the cosmos
are interrelated and through what perspectives and lenses it sees organisms in
the cosmos fundamentally determine the environment and discussion. Nature is
the sources of everything in the universe and all elements and organisms in the
cosmos are interrelated in a certain manner together that a distinct form of
interrelationships among themselves and which determines others in the
universe becomes evident. In briefing the relationships among various elements
and organisms in the universe which are very essential and fundamental in the
totality that indigenous based knowledge of environment is formed.
3.3. Etymological Linguistic Meaning of Gadaa
The first and prime thing in gadaa’s nature centeredness is rested on the origin
of the term etymological linguistic definitions and its derivation from the word
gaaddisa (shading) (Dereje, 2005). Etymologically, gadaa is derived gaaddisa

72
(shelter). Shading is the environmental accession services and roles elements
like trees and forests provided to inanimate and animate organisms.
Environmentally, trees and forests served as a retreatment place, home and
dwelling center from enemy and shaded during heat and dry air as roofing,
refrigerate of temperature and getting retirement for rest. In the case of gadaa
the term communicates about sheltering received under and in connection to the
place and sites where by every activities of the system centered on and this is
the Sycamore tree, Odaa. Gadaa is whole rounded and inclusive system of the
Oromo basically conducted under the shade and roof of this sycamore tree. The
term is derived from the prime shading and sheltering provisions from the
natural tree and sites which has unalterable retreatment roles in environment
study. The concept of being roofed and shaded under the tree which is
conceptually to mediate hard weather conditions is incapable without the trees
natural green and wet foliage. Inarguably, the environmental role of any tree
including odaa is irrevocable that Gadaa has underlain tree’s environment roles
and this is time transit and its enduring values.
In this regard Odaa has overlapped dual roles: trees shading environment
services and socio-cultural valuation. Gadaa and Odaa are absolutely linked
and affiliated so as to both never dissociating. This strong affiliation of both
elevated the roles of odaa beyond the mere and conventional environmental
retreatment roles like dwelling, escaping harsh weather condition, catastrophic
and other purposes of trees but it has social justification as center of assembly,
peacemaking, egalitarian governance, sacredness. This presents the coinciding
view between gadaa social system and its natural attributes. Merely speaking,
Odaa tree, like any floras and/ different from some other majority trees has
uniquely combined social, environmental roles and ecological validation. On
other hand, unique from other trees it has elevated socio-cultural value
providing it with fullest and absolute protection from being used for economic

73
and material utility, which is palatable, caused environmental shortening and
cheapening its lofty status. The elevated meaning and roles of odaa has given
the tree with singular attentions and affiliations underlying freed from direct
physical exploitation, expropriation of its resources than its protections and
conservation.
Odaa, like any other gigantic trees, has provided shading environmental
purposes to animate and inanimate organisms but it is more than that it has
given with magnificent places association with its ecological characteristics.
Odaa’s magnificence elevated through its ability for greater and peculiar
protections coincided with its physiological biological formation and ecological
character. Odaa’s elegancy is pivotal in provision of shading over wider areas
with its extensive growing steams, branches, broader leaves, enduring green
foliage and trees climbing hordes of insects and biting gift. This in turn has
underlain the sites cleanness and free from spoiling conditions.
The sycamore Odaa has provided permanent retreatment roles seemingly for
the reason that it send its green leaves throughout the year and always wet. It is
said to be growing in hot and mild plain ecological zones. Odaa is a giant tree
grows around and closer to water and/ sufficient rain available areas and, the
tree has natural capacity to attract and absorb understory water. It is mostly
characterized with wet and green natural symbol. The background knowhow
behind the selection philosophy is Odaa natural and nature mediating quality.
So, gadaa is meant being shaded under most virtually green foliage sycamore
Odaa tree. The ultimate ecological functions and roles of any trees are
providing protection from excessive weather conditions. Here, the concept of
being roofed under trees belly for prime retreatment purposes and seeking for
protection is employed in Odaa knowledge of environment. Thus, there is a
direct environmental attributes of trees underlie in gadaa valuing of floras. So,
trees shading and refrigerating roles implied its nature adaptive strategy and

74
affiliations. According to informants and another attributes of Odaa is said to
have lightening resistant trees which is never strike on Odaa. Dereje (2005) goes
further mentioned that after every eight years rotating and recycling of gadaa
is said to be copied and replicated from blossoming period of podocarpus trees
(birbirsa). Birbirsa produces blossom and gives seeds after every eight years
which is even a scientifically proven up to seven years (Abdela, 2008).
3.4. The view on Nature with Some Major Elements of the Environment
The second point in gadaa’s view of nature is centering on and winding around
three essential elements of environment which are considered to be fundamental
in the universe and helpful in understanding about nature conservation. The
three essential elements of environment believed to be forming the centric point
and given with the roles in pursuit of health nature are rain (water), green grass,
and milk (food). Gadaa understands nature is the combining positive result of
these three elements chained with human activities without which health and
wealth universe is never realized and the concept of environment is
unforeseeable. Nature is defined as a dwelling for infinite elements which are
organized together in a sort of cause-effect relationship to human activities.
When only three of them are maintained and their relationships combined with
human activity form a distinctive sort of chain which is vital in nature
conservation. They all are linked together along with one’s functions and
services in the totality and the whole interrelating form one entire and full cycle.
Environment conservation is the positive outcome relationships among
elements in nature in accordance to the organization given.
The three fundamental elements in pursuit of nature according to the gadaa
ethos: rain (water), grass (green foliage) and milk (food for living organisms)
positive relationships determine and ensure the universe survive. In a cause-
effect relationship ties the presence of rain is basically ensuring the growth of
grass which directly marks affluent ecology and foods to the herbivorous which

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has turned on the availability of milk, a food for human and breast
feedings/mammalians. The philosophy is basically winding around sustaining
prosperous and green ecology with the availability of rain and water as a
primordial source of life. The essentiality of water and rain are very basic one
upon which some are direct dependent and others appeared on second level. In
the whole system the divine Waaqaa (God) causes the rain dropping down and
fill the universe with wet, green and fresh organism. Environment is determined
upon their existence and the type of relationships they made.
Three of them are the fundamental ones in nature conservation joined by other
major important elements in next formed parts of the procession. The cyclic
pattern is made with absolute presence and involvement of these elements
chained together in a cause-effect relationships and interconnections to a full-
evolved system. The entire cyclic chain has basically integrated them split into
two halves: the nature-God and social-ritual world. While the first half is the
elements combination, the second one is the human ritual procession. Along
with those three cardinal elements other absolute dependent group and class
upon those prime existences, their survival and continuance ensured. In this
regard various animate and inanimate organisms form one chain in common at
the same time tied together in cause-effect relationships. As their chain
relationship determine the surviving and shortening the self, other and the
whole system as well. The procession combined and discussed on the
inseparable roles and presence of both environment realms (natural and social)
form common points without which the realization of nature centeredness view
is implausible. Half part of the procession is composed and constituted by
human and its actions as an important causative agent contribute good and bad.
As their chain seemed to be a natural duty to every organ and the whole in
general, violations of the obligation may occur particularly from human activity
part, which is the integral unit of the process. Contrary to this is human

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intervention negative subsequent result which will drive the cause-effect
balance relationships to the otherwise and thus, why mediations through ritual
practices, religious performances, legal and social sanctioning are addressed.
Particularly speaking human activity is the most determinant factor of the
process, in both its positive and negative terms of expressions. Human is
assumed to have great role in shortening and disrupting the health function so
that its destructive part will be regulated and mediated through ritual
mechanisms. Here, it is underlain that every element in separate makes its own
independent roles and functions in relation to and among others. One the other
form of initiation and empowerment are called for mutuality as every existence
sees itself as extension of the interconnections and parts of the whole and larger
system than separate.
Human interferences both negative and positive effects are presumed through
its behavior, actions, feelings and manners in life. Human activities are
measured in terms of facilitating or making the issues goes right and normal
without unnecessary interventions or not. This is again measured and
determined in terms of causing greenery and/ or not.
Gadaa views of nature are signaled by adequate presence of these elements in
items and amount copious as opposed to shortage. How and the way gadaa
interrelates and defines the interrelatedness among three elements of the
environment, centric and fundamental to envisage nature centeredness
philosophy and ethos embedded at its hearts. The way gadaa organized three
elements at its hearts along with other major important, to a certain degrees of
understanding, prevails the inclusive nature of the knowhow. In accordance
nothing is absolutely perfect to signal health nature than abundant elements and
their mutual combination in endorsing one another.
3.5. Customary Cardinal Laws Nature Driven

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Another point to testifying the Oromo culture naturalism feature is the cardinal
laws of gadaa. The cardinal laws (seera Ikkee) of gadaa which is alternatively
named as seera walaabuu are derived from events, occurrences and causalities
in simulation of natural phenomenon and accommodative of nature. The major
indigenous cardinal laws of the Oromo under the gadaa system of governance,
presented in Tulama mainstream culture, are basically including the law of God
(seera Waaqaa) and the law of earth (seera Lafaa). The laws of margaa,
bishaan, hora, tulluu, and etc are some others made on natural resources. In this
regard natural, technological and social environments are interwoven so as to
pursuing one another in harmonious relationships and maintaining mutual cause
and effects interrelationships. Culture has strictly followed on nature in a very
positive manner and through wise adaptive strategy in which gadaa owns
itself(Alemayehu, 2009).
3.6. The Concept of Sacredness (Ulfoo) about Other Physical Sites Based
Justification
Another nature centeredness points is linked to natural physical site selections
and their sacredness entitling, Ulfoo(ibid). Particularly elements and substances
crucial to natural environment namely floras, mountains, lakes, rivers, etc are
among most qualifying elements. Sites recruitment and selection are basically
centered on unique features and natural magnificence of the area. Natural
majesty is primarily criterion taken into consideration along with the wetness,
greenness, wilderness, and resources abundance status of a site which is
common to many cultures in Africa. A given area is selected and chosen for
centers of gadaa assembly and meeting purposes centering on the areas
resources abundance, multiple rounded purposes, physiological elegance,
natural quality of forwardness, etc. As the result many of today existing cultural
landscapes of the Tulama have presented both culture and nature features and
qualities.

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The concept of ulfoo (sacred/sacredness) are embedded with those sites, events
and insignias/emblems in Tulama gadaa system. Cultural sites, events and their
celebrations and highly respected objects and material are sacred that the
concept and its practices is one way and means to promoting and elevating the
concept of environment management and indicator to naturalism facet of their
culture. In connection to this is the concept in their mainstream culture and
philosophy, The Eight Mountains (Saddeettan Tulluu Waaqaa) and The Seven
Lakes of God (Ja’an Hora Waaqaa) is one of the most prominent and popular
in Tulama history and religious-philosophical life (ibid). The tradition has
played a pivotal significant role in maintaining major mountains and lakes and
their surrounding resources.
3.7. The Conceptual Issues Embedded in Green, Wet and Fresh substances
Another overlapping to modern exogenous environmental value of the gadaa is
the place of green, wet and fresh natural substances and their representations in
the system. Still a different mechanisms responding to nature and adapting to
environment is related to their thanks giving activities conducted at varying
periods and seasons within a year. Event celebrations are season based they are
in favor of nature and its endorsement: wishing health, prosperity and wealth
for the whole universe. Thanks’ giving is an expression for what God deserved
them with sufficient rain and water causing to grow green, health, fertility,
prosperity, fertilization, peace, abundance, etc. In reverse, thanking is for
escaping and being secured from disaster, harm, drought, war, hunger, disorder,
violation, etc. For the Oromo while the abundance of rain, grass and milk
symbolize fertility, omen, etc the opposites are environmental shortening
(Eshetu, 2010; Alemayehu, 2009). Above anything, the adequate availability of
these three elements are very fundamental to sustain life, maintain healthier
universe and the environment including in regulating human relationships in
which culture and nature coupled together. This is the integrated concept of

79
development in gadaa in summoning the whole universe, organisms and
elements into a center of unity and unanimity. In studying about the Oromo
environment knowledge there needs to underlie these three basic elements in
nature.
For the Oromo green, wet and fresh natural and organic substances are beyond
what they appear to the modern society and, someone outside the culture. They
are very fundamental symbols through their actual being form presence and
involvement in non-being form. Events are incomplete and invalid without
made representation in item and non-being form symbolize heath, prosperity,
and fresh and omen which are what a wealth environment meant to the modern
world. So, the Oromo view of environment other than acting in different way
and manner from the modern exogenous knowhow, it has overlapping
determinations and standing.
Another is the institution or the strategy of problems mediation and alleviation.
Other than this is forewarning time and phase wherein some indication are
revealed to in oddity weather conditions and with the prevalence of such signals
to get time to make preparedness for early avoidance before escalating into full
. The means of avoidances could be ritual celebration, spiritual religious
performance and seeking another solution. Whatever the means is whether
secular temporal and/ religious spiritual, its presence testify an evidence to
judge on their ethos environmental justification.
10. Result
Gadaa is nature centered human values within which natural resources and
greenery have formed strong foundational base and absolute representations.
The study is necessitated through the following points. One is the actual
presence of indigenous values in the locality in contributing something worth.
Second is the presence of many ecological cultural landscapes for the purpose.
Third is underlying the nature of their knowhow and socio-cultural organization

80
itself which is convenient to community development. Besides to the people’s
indigenousness, there are a significant number of separate physical land having
a variety in categories, resources types and covering a significant portion of
their total settlement area and, hence, given with local ecological justification.
Even if that they were never retained without the knowhow, in the eyes of
protected sites like parks they are separate and fragile. Nonetheless, the need to
understand nature in culture and the vice versa relationships bear the discussion.
The argument is not merely constructed along with old aged and its historical
values. But it has underlain its intrinsic nature values towards contemporary
roles in building humanity considering its livening experiences and promising
values functional among the populace. It has addressing a number of issues
arising today and solving problems.
Before moving to the detail there needs to see the nature of epistemology which
found itself on strong egalitarian ethos and principles. Gadaa primarily believe
in decisions and activities taken through collective interests as to how possibly
promoting community wellbeing. In this sense gadaa has a lot of shared
experiences on how to promote unanimity, collective interests, sense of
togetherness and the sprit to work and develop mutually to the contemporary
society from within and outside the culture. This is the points where both
coincide in my discussions.
From the discussion there is a number of its aspects illuminate strong nature
centeredness of gadaa through which its roles in community wellbeing would
make an important point. Beginning with the etymological linguistic meaning
environmental cleanness, trees greening ecology, its shading, roofing and
refrigerating from unpleasant weather conditions and center of retreatment are
all the underlain values and pivotal in the study of environment. This is the first
prime point to spell out the convincing points about the views and practices in
gadaa complement contemporary developmental objectives.

81
What the discussion has presented is about those fundamental elements in the
assertion of environment and time transitory attributes of gadaa along with
contemporary views of development. In both terms greening ecology is the sign
of maintained ecology. Nature is in portrait of green and wet ecology; the
manner of approving and sanction populace behavior, feeling and action has
direct and open environmental validation. Gadaa has underlain the
impossibility to maintain healthy environment unless each and every one
performs its own duty in proper manner and reserved from making intervention
in the other.
The concept of environment and its management is rounding around these basic
elements and upon which their relationships can be maintained. The result
oscillates between the availability and shortening of rain, which determines
greenery, wet, freshness, beauty, richness, and etc. The interference disturbs the
natural flow of relationships and communications as human action becomes
non-holistic or outside the expected standard and manner which again can make
solutions. This realizes culture-nature interwoven relationships and ones
conserved is determined on the partner. One never realizes itself dissociate from
the other.
Gadaa through nature-culture centered forms of human development efforts
promotes social cohesion and mobility in unanimity towards the realization of
community wellbeing. As one hinges on the ultimate motto to conform
unanimity between culture and nature and among human beings it limits
environment determining factors like human interference beyond the expected
line. As culture is an agent mediating between human and nature and towards
the overall complementary services. In this regard the Tulama gadaa born
existing cultural landscapes are the central meeting points and playing unifying
roles between culture and nature in maintaining strong social cohesive purposes
across other differences.

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Today, it is an odd and irrational to plan development, whether human and/
economic paradigms, without the issues of environment management.
Development should anticipate whole rounded change and progress in life
including the cultural, spiritual and moral satisfaction. Any development
program and practices be conducted at national and/ at a grass root level by the
respective organ can never be attainable and justifiable without environment
conservation. Environment management is seemed to be the recurring concerns
overlapped in indigenous and modern society. Whether development is meant
economic and material gain, or change in human paradigm (human
development) and ethical perspective (developmental ethics) and the
measurement in either of them does not absolutely negate indigenous driven
philosophy. Indigenous knowhow has its own contributions in all of these forms
of development and areas of life, registry in economic and material forms, in
human and ethical dimensions (Marana, Taye, et al,. 2012). The point that both
have comprehended certain complementing endeavors to plan and organize side
by side. The underlying point is, therefore, any development view and activity
exclusion of human values is no longer considered as comprehensive, holistic
and whole rounded ones (Taye, et al,. 2012). This is one way made to see the
place of gadaa born indigenous values presences and places at the hearts of
state contemporary environmental policies and in doing so the approach validity
would be argued.
a. Demerits
The study on indigenous knowhow has captured greater opportunity than before
as re-indigenization and decentralization policies have entered into the political
landscape and pursued cultural performance. The mountains, lakes, physical
assembling sites, indigenous trees, central gadaa sites, and etc are the major
significant physical landscapes and sites claimed by the local people and their
tradition as sacred centers. They have dual faces: anchored culture and nature

83
values together in unanimity and formed unison. These cultural and
environmental/ecological embedded features almost typically characterize the
Tulama landscapes are also distinct from protected areas tenured by the state.
They are the consequences and outcome of long time intricate process and
relationships with nature, guided under the gadaa ethos.
But, beyond its merits indigenous knowledge is not beyond limitations and
weakness. The merits and demerits both from in and out are challenging beyond
words. This is varying from its nature of epistemology, issues of management,
administration, evolvement, etc. As indigenous knowledge is labeled as more
of particularistic than contemporary modern one which is universal.
When it is seen in the eyes of modern forms of community development
approaches and its tools it might have lacking a number of significant scientific
elements not known to it varying from systematic planning, organizing,
decision making and evaluation. Seeing the community development tools for
elevated purposes and development its endeavors are not extended beyond due
to the relationships with contemporary polices in the country, mainly including
cultural and environment conservation. Some of its prevailing limits are due to
the relationships existing between the indigenous hold in the hands of the local
people and modern state.
Those physical sites retained through its long time engagement and
involvement with nature is given little attentions in policy practices of both
culture and environment management endeavors. The cultural policies both at
local and federal level including environment conservation plan of the country
seemed to be inactive at legally protecting those sites and the knowhow through
legal frame endorsement. There are no/strong legal frameworks set along with
their conservation and enable them evolve into full grown ones. As the sites are
parts of their long historical process and evolved values and but the cultural
policy does not guarantee regulatory legal frameworks alienations rise high.

84
It is widely agreed that for holistic sustainability there should be devises
ensuring indigenous values and enabling conditions to cop up those reducing
issues further. A clear standing from the concerning body including government
in setting culture regulatory frame works in the policy of the country which will
empower and make the local populace assume full control and ownerships
rights over their cultural ecology, their resources (both nature and culture),
associated values, etc. In this regard among the various cultural landscapes
except a pocket of land around Lake Arsadii the rest are openly accessible and
the populace have denied the right to conduct their cultural and ritual
performances. An example in this regard is Mount Cuqqaalaa, which access
prohibition to irreecha tullu and the destruction of the statue of Nabee over the
area. Over all, Lake Arsadii is one of the most potential centers in generating
tourism based economic service, its intricate ties among culture, nature and
human being are not considered.
Secondly, beyond its socio-cultural wellbeing security gadaa’s environmental
pacification roles has been little covered in academic discussion.
11. Conclusion and Recommendation
It is a trend of the day that before coming into action and implementation any
developmental policy planning needs to make considerable effort in
contextualize local and cultural environment. As the main target of the paper is
to bring human livening experiences and time transit values which served
humanity across generation gadaa and its naturalist features. .
As there are various mechanisms and devises used to upholding, representing
and maintaining nature in views, wishes, behaviors, and practices the manner
on how to mediating problem occurs and happens is also the other aspect of the
subject under discussion. The devices also include the manner and forms of
regulating, sanctioning and controlling human behavior, action and views
towards them. Besides to explicating nature centeredness of gadaa and the

85
extents that this opportunity is being exploited for community wellbeing it
discusses on the various aspects of indigenous values whether they are being
used and exploited for human development paradigms so that a comprehensive
and inclusive type of change which corporate of local values is in apparent.
A comprehensive proactive policy framework is the best way to conserve
indigenous knowledge that has helped produce, use and maintain diversity in
the region. A strong sustainability connection needs to exist between indigenous
and modern knowledge. Time-tested ancient wisdoms combined with modern
approach can create solid foundations for sustainable development should not
end at bay.
Gadaa’s revitalizing effort needs a holistic realization and approach from
within and out. The grass root level society stored knowledge and skills with
environment need to be collaborated with contemporary developmental
agendas for common benefit ends. This, on the other hand, bears wise use of
resources from over exploitation and underutilization. Beyond the unfriendly
relationships scenario between the two views widened exclusionary policies
indigenous knowhow demerits remained on the environment. As exclusion
impedes interests, inclusion can end up to holistic mobilization of people into
developmental activities. In any conditions its impacts are inevitable; both
unpleasant embark and silence can no longer kill gadaa system.
The study on indigenous system is underlying the need to inform policy makers
about actually existing thing at a grass root level although only little integration
is made in practical sense. The Tulama is home of diverse ecological cultural
and historical landscapes which are never been achieved without the views and
practices of gadaa. Given by only little practical attentions in environment
development circles their actual roles remained vacant, unknown, etc that they
are receiving mistreatment, abuse, misuse and wastage.

86
There should be measures to be taken in favor of revitalization varying from
policy integration in making legal regulatory frameworks to changing wrong
views through curriculum in education. The way to save should include the
adoption of landscape management, delineate and define their physical
territory, conducting extensive study and making to be known to the public,
introducing new programs like local environment knowledge, etc.
In general landscapes’ and non-negligible geographical land with their
resources are not centric to environmental policy formations. This would
change the status of sites and their resources administered under cultural
autonomy lacking regulatory legal framework. Measures to be taken in favor of
its support will elevate community development endeavors beyond its current
conditions and what it appears to be now.

12. References
Abdella Gure (2004): “Seed-borne Fungi of the Afromontane Tree Species
Podocarpus falcatus and Prunus africana in Ethiopia”, Doctoral thesis Swedish
University of Agricultural Sciences Uppsala. Retrieved 20-04-2013
Alemayehu Haile. Gada System: The Politics of Tulama Oromo, First Edition.
Oromia Culture and Tourism Bureau V.1, 2009
Bezuayehu Tefera.et. al. Nature and causes of land degradation in the Oromia
Region: A Review. Socio-economics and Policy Research Working Paper 36,
ILRI (I. L. R Institute) Nairobi, 2002
Dereje Hinew: “Historical Significance of Some Major Gadaa Centers in
Oromia”, .A.U School of Graduate Studies, 2005.
Edwards, Sue(ed.). Ethiopian Environment Review No. 1. Forum for
Environment, Addis Ababa 2010

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Eshete Gemeda: “Oral Literature as Field of Scholarship: Folklore
Genres in Socio-Cultural and Political Environment”, PhD dissertation,
University of Frankfurt, 2008.
Gemechu Megersa: ‘The Oromo world-view” In First interdisciplinary seminar
of the IES. Nazareth. 1998.
Kalbesa Wakuma.( 2012). Ethiopian environmental Policy: Challenges and
Prospects on Sustainable Societal and Economic Development, Barkley
Publisher.
Taye Demissie,Tadesse Aklog and Desalegw Mesfi. (2010): Module on Civics
and Ethics. Bahir Dar Univerty,
Temesgen Chibsa. The Oromo Indigenous Knowledge and Practices:
Implications for Environmental Conservation: The Case of the Oromo of
Adama, Eastern Shawa Zone, Ethiopia, VDM, Verlag, 2010
Samu’el Yonas. (2011). Cultural Ethics and Interreligious Coexistence and the
Ethiopian Context: The Case of Karayyu Oromo. Mekane Yesus Seminary,
Addis Adaba.
Marana, Maider. (2010). Culture and Development: Evolution and Prospects.
UNESCO Etxea
Working Papers No. 1. http://creativecommons.org
White Claire and Davy, Aidan.(2012): Community development toolkit:
Introduction. ICMM. A set of 20 revised and updated tools intended. London,
UK. Available from: ICMM, www.icmm.com Retrieved, 2015. PDF

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 The Indigenous Knowledge of Conflict Resolution
Mechanisms in Federal Ethiopia: Case Study of Rayan
Oromos. By: Sisay Mengistie Addisu
Abstract
Customary conflict resolution mechanisms otherwise management systems are
important traditional instruments to ensure peace, order and security and
thereby maintain stability in the country in general and in the concerned society
in particular. Above all systems of customary conflict management have their
own established customary tribunals which have a good potential to reduce
delay of justice, as "Justice delayed is justice denied." As they are more
accessible to members of the concerned society and less costly, the members of
such society frequently opt to use these traditional systems of conflict
management. Besides, customary conflict management help to avoid the
sentiment of revenge between the disputing parties and among their close
relatives. However, such kinds of system of conflict management by themselves
have their own weaknesses (disadvantages) and create a negative influence up
on certain members of the society and sometimes contradict with modern laws.
Because of this, customary conflict management in some cases also transgresses
the constitutionally guaranteed rights of members of such particular society like
that of the right to movement and presumption of innocence. In Raya-Rayuma
there are many types of customary laws and traditional conflict management
systems that are highly influenced by the Oromo Gada system. The reason is
the whole Raya-Rayuma was controlled by Awash Oromos since 16 th century
and developed the Gada system harmonizing with its indigenous knowledge of
conflict management. These customary conflict management tribunals basically
use the same principles and procedures of conflict management and traditional

89
practices including the arrangement of customary tribunals. The Rayan bylaws
and their customary tribunals have also similar arrangements and follow the
same conflict management procedures as well as apply common moral and
cultural values of Rayan community. The Rayan system of conflict
management mainly focus on settling the conflicts and redressing the victims
of the same as well as have a great role in governing the Rayan society in order
to live in peaceful and stable manner in its respective locality although there is
a need of some legal and administrative adjustments. The objective of this
research is therefore to examine the strengths and weaknesses (advantages and
disadvantages) of such system of conflict management by referring some
literatures and conducting field work in the area and concerned.
Key words: Rayan Oromos, Customary Tribunals, Revenge, Conciliation,
conflict management
1. Introduction
In any kind of society conflict will happen and hence it is impossible to stop
although usually human beings can minimize its damage or extent of
destruction, so is in Rayan Oromos. Because of this, the Rayan Oromos mainly
use their indigenous knowledge of customary conflict resolution mechanisms.
This knowledge helps them to maintain their internal solidarity and
belongingness among themselves and create durable peace and order in their
locality. It also helps them to strengthen their smooth relationship with the
neighboring people of mainly Afar nationality, Tigray and Amhara nations.
This indigenous knowledge of customary conflict resolution mechanism of
Rayan Oromos also plays an important complementary role in maintaining
peace and order among the society as well as it helps to maintain a strong tie
with the concerned organs of government institutions although the support of
those administrative agencies is not as such commendable. Customary conflict
resolution mechanism of the Rayan Oromos is also a very decisive instrument

90
for the people of Raya to live with a stable manner and maintain its smooth
relationship with its neighbours.
The word Raya refers to both the name of the area and the distinct identity of
the people of the same. It is also located mainly in both southern Tigray and
north east part of Amhara national regional states. Therefore, the people of Raya
have their own characteristics in terms of culture, religion, customary conflict
resolution mechanisms and psychological makeup as well as ritual practices
among others. Hence this paper tries to reveal the important instrumentality of
the deep-seated traditional institutions of Rayan Oromos in maintaining peace
and stability as well as fostering cohesive coexistence among Rayan Oromos
and with their neighboring peoples.
The main objective of this paper is therefore to investigate whether the
indigenous knowledge of customary conflict resolution mechanisms of the
Rayan Oromos has been practiced and being practiced in the area helps to the
concerned community and comply with the fundamental principles of the
constitution of the country and other state made laws. In order to meet this
objective and carry out the research, the writer of this piece employs mainly
qualitative research method using primary and secondary data sources.
Of the techniques, interviews and personal observations served as the main
source of primary data. Besides, the secondary data sources were both published
and unpublished material. Therefore, the writer of this paper mostly uses both
descriptive and analytical method to develop this research paper based on
history, law, custom and the existing social realities and practices of the Rayan
society.
The paper mainly comprises five sections, the first section talks about
theoretical and conceptual frameworks of law in general and its related concepts
in particular. In this section the nature and definition of law, the relationship
between customary law and state made laws and test of recognition of

91
customary caw are dealt with. The second section mainly focuses on Historical
Background of Rayan Oromos and the nature, sources, management of conflict
and the role of customary law in maintaining peace and stability is discussed
under section Three.
The notion, jurisdiction and mode of execution of the customary tribunals of
Rayan Oromos are dealt under section Four. Section five discusses about
strengths and weaknesses of customary conflict resolution mechanisms in light
of the state made laws and tries to find out the existing gap between state made
laws and customary practices of Rayan Oromos. Finally, conclusion id drawn
and recommendations are forwarded.
Section One: Conceptual and Theoretical Framework
This section deals with the background of the study, definition of law and its
nature in general, the position and arguments of different schools of thought in
particular are shortly discussed as well as the researcher's position towards the
issues under discussion is clearly incorporated under this section as well.
Besides the relationship between positive (state made) laws and customary laws
as well as test of recognition of customary law are sufficiently dwelt with.
1.1 Background
Ethiopia has adopted a new constitution in 1995, which recognizes legal
pluralism and alternative dispute resolution mechanisms. The new constitution
also laid dawn federal system of government structure at national level in the
country that can be considered as a good base for the full acceptance and
implementation of customary laws and traditional practices that are not contrary
to the constitutional principles. Customary rules and practices are responsible
in handling cases in the given area and se
These traditional dispute resolving mechanisms are also applicable by elected
or selected elderly people or religious leaders/fathers. Thus, every member of a
given society supposed to respect these customary rules and practices that are

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developed by the same society and regarded the social control as the asset of
the society. Rayans too have their own developed customary rules and
traditional practices that are significantly serving as a normative legal
instrument in resolving conflicts among individuals and between groups. The
Rayans customary laws have different nature (approach) from other dispute
settlement systems that take place in the country.
Accordingly, this fact initiates this writer to conduct his research work on this
more or less untouched area of customary conflict resolution mechanisms in
order to examine customary laws and practices of Rayans and subsequently to
recommend solutions to the existing problems in the area. Hence it is obvious
that problem exists everywhere in social life although the degree of the problem
may vary from place to place and from society to society. Hence the legal
system of a given country is expected to be problem solving as well as the
practices those take place in the country should also be legally acceptable and
effective in resolving the problem of the society. Normally customary rules are
unwritten and kept in the memory of a few elders and religious leaders as they
pass through oral communication from generation to generation. And these are
implementing in different areas of the country. However, it is usually left to
those peoples who are using the customary rules and traditional practices.
1.2 Definition and the Nature of Law
There is no one and the same definition of law. This term is open to different
interpretation and definition. Because of this we do not have a single definition
of law in the world that is acceptable at international level. That is why some
writer strongly forwards the following statement "law can never be defined with
equal obviousness, however, it could be said that the adherents of the legal
institution must never give up the straggle to define law, because it is an
essential part of the ideal that is rational and capable of definition…"

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However, law can be described as a rule of human conduct, imposed upon and
enforced among the members of a given state. According to natural law
perspective "True law is right reason in agreement with nature; it is of universal
application, unchanging and everlasting." Moreover, it should be just in order
to be considered as law and respected by the people who use that law. The law
must also fulfil moral validity, because "there is an essential, conceptual, logical
and necessary connection between law and morality." St. Augustine on his part
clearly stipulates that an unjust law is not law at all. So for naturalists moral
validity is one and the strongest requirement.
People are by their nature social animals desiring the companionship of others,
if so some forms of social order are necessary in order to make sure that the
social relationship must be smooth and free of disturbance. In this regard H.L.A.
Hart stipulates that "Law is clearly a device for social control, a device for
getting people to do things they would be unlikely to do if left to personal
inclination alone." Therefore, from the aforementioned definition of law one
can undoubtedly say that law is the most important instrument to ensure such
kinds of social interactions and to live as well as to work together in an orderly
and peaceful manner. Professor Hugh E. Will's on his part defines law in the
following wider and stronger position. According to him law is scheme of
social control which, by means of legal capacities backed and sanctioned by
legal redress, delimit personal liberties for the protection of social interest.
From this definition we can understand that law is a tool for the body that has a
legal capacity that such legal capacity could be also gained through coup,
revolution or democratically arranged election. So the main massage of the
aforementioned definition of law that we will perceive from is in its nature law
can restrict personal liberty in the name of the interest of the society and there
is a sanction imposed against the wrong doer if that wrong doer, whether a
person or a group of persons violates that law which may be legitimate or not.

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In other words according to Hugh social interest prevails over individual
interest since that social interest has got a legal support and the victim of the
wrong doing should get remedy in whatever forms if there is damage caused by
that act. Sociologists too define law in the same way. According to them law is
a social force and its function is that of imposing norms of conduct or patterns
of social behavior on the individual will. For Savigny law is an expression of
the most important expressions together with language of the 'spirit of a people.
Hence according to Savigny law is not simply a collection of rules rather it has
its own wide scope as the emphasis is given to the spirit of the people in
whatever way expresses that law.
Moreover, Roger Cotterrell shares Savigny's definition of law as he clearly
states that law is much more than collection of rules or judicial precedents. It
also reflects and expresses a whole cultural outlook of a given society. Besides,
sociologists strongly believe that law is not a unique instrument of social
institution rather unnecessary tool for maintenance of societal interest.
According to them there is a belief in the non uniqueness of laws, a vision of
law is considered as one method of social control.
They also reject that the belief of naturalism that an ultimate theory of values
can be found, they see the reality as social construct with no natural guide to
the solution of many conflicts. Sociological jurists also strongly believe in the
importance of harnessing techniques of the social sciences, as well as the
knowledge culled from sociological research, towards the erection of a more
effective science of law. This definition clearly shows that law is a part of social
science and it needs an intensive scientific research by sociologists in order to
have an effective legal validity.
The world book of Encyclopedia defines law as a set of enforced rules under
which a society is governed. Law is of the most basic social institutions and one
of the most necessary instruments. So according to this book no society could

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exist if all people did just as they pleased, without regard for the rights of others.
And nor could a society exist if its members did not recognize that they also
have certain obligations towards one another. On the other hand positivists
believe that law is not God given, divine in its nature and it does not govern all
nations as well as peoples in the same manner as naturalists slogan propagates;
rather it is manmade and different from nation to nation and from society to
society based on their cultural value, socio-economic development and other
reasons as law is the product of social interaction for positivists.
According to Positive school of thought "Law is an assemblage of signs
declarative of a volition conceived or adopted by the sovereign in a state,
concerning the conduct to be observed by persons who are supposed to be
subject to his power." Furthermore, law is an exclusive, systematic and unified
hierarchical ordering of normative propositions, which can either be looked of
either from the top downwards as depending from sovereign command or from
the bottom up ward. Law for Marx is an instrument for the ruling class since
the ruling party enacts it for its own purpose rather than to serve the society at
large. "The Marxist doctrine of law as the tool of the ruling classes carried out
by the state as the executive committee of the ruling class, leading to a strongly
positivist and instrumentalist perception of law." In other words law comprises
all the principles, rules and enactments that are applied in the courts and
enforced by the power of the state. From the positivists’ point of view, we can
safely conclude that law is a creation of human beings and it is an instrument
governing the society in order to make smooth the social relationship. And it is
also exposed to change when necessary as societal development is not static
rather it is dynamic process. However, according to naturalists, it is a sin to try
to alter this law, nor is allowable to attempt to repeal any part of it. Therefore,
it is impossible to abolish it entirely.

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According to naturalists’ concept of law "There will not be different laws at
Rome and at Athens, or different laws now and in the future, but one eternal
and unchangeable law will be valid for all nations and times and there will be
one master and ruler, that is, God, over us all, for he is the author of this law,
its promulgator, and its enforcing judge." When we examine the views of both
natural and positive schools of thoughts there is a clear contradiction between
the two, which is irreconcilable by any means. Their contradiction as mentioned
above clearly seen in terms of who made that law? Who is responsible for
enforcing it? Is it changeable at any time based on societal needs? Whether it
governs the nations and peoples in the same manner or not and other definitional
as well as in terms of validity requirements they are using.
So the positive definition of law and its conceptual analysis seems plausible
when compare with natural law theory as it is manmade and open to discussion
and change. However, the positive definition of law does not fully as well as
properly reflects the real societal behavior and the interest of the whole existing
as well as future societies. Moreover, it lacks strong support from the people
concerned as it is a tool mainly for sovereign power and ruling classes rather
than the people as a whole at large as customary law do.
1.3 Relationship between State Made Law and Customary law
‘Deeply rooted custom is observed as a statute, not undeservedly, and this is
what is called law established by usage." For since statutes themselves bind us
for no other reason than because they have been accepted by the judgment of
the people, then deservedly those things which the people have approved
without writing will bind all." Both Customary and state made laws should be
the reflection of a given country socio-economic development, cultural values,
and political interactions.
And they are also laws, which have to a certain extent binding nature, as they
are accepted norms by that particular society though the degree of acceptability

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and binding nature differs. Moreover, technically, both laws have their own
different characteristics in terms of development, acceptance and the position
they possess upon the same society. Hence state made law comes from
intentional declaration of certain body that has a power or capacity to legislate
it. Because of this a statute derives from the pre determination of human beings
that have political power to formulate it.
In other words, statute is enacted by the decision of a legislature, or legislative
body and it also comes into being at a determinate time; carrying a date which
tells us precisely when it became effective and mark off the time in the past
when it did not exist. Its terms are to be found in the words of a statute itself."
Whereas customary law comes into existence spontaneously as well as in an
unconscious manner through a long period of time the society practiced. It has
no definite legislature rather develops from the society's practical application of
things and day today forwarded opinions, repeated activities as well as socio-
economic interactions of the same. In this regard Lon L. Fuller clearly stipulates
that:
Custom is not declared or enacted, but grows or develops, through
time. The date when it first came into full effect can usually be only
within broad limits. Though we may be able to describe in general the
class of persons among whom the custom has come to prevail as a
standard of conduct, it has no definite author; there is no person or
defined human agency we can praise, or blame for its being good or
bad.
Customary law therefore consists of customs accepted by members of a certain
community as binding among themselves and its rules are created by the actual,
visible critical behavior of the group, and most importantly, by the internal
aspect by which people consider the conduct or particular behavior to be
dictated by an existing rule by notion of right and wrong, ought, must and

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should. Furthermore for Austin all laws consist, directly or immediately, of
rules laid down by a sovereign power enjoying the habit of obedience within a
given society.
However, customary law is a general conviction of law; hence it corresponds to
what people generally do. People conform to customary law because it is the
law failure to conform would be an unacceptable deviant act contrary to such
law. From the above conceptual explanation of both state made and customary
laws we can understand that they have the same function in maintaining peace
and stability as well as social relationship and control the deviant behavior of
individuals so as to make smooth interaction among the people concerned. A
statute may contain a preamble explaining the evil it was intended to avert or
the good it was designed to promote.
But customary laws are not first brought into being and projected to regulate
the people. The purpose of such rules never comes to explicit expression.
Therefore, from the aforementioned statement we can safely conclude that
customary law comes into existence through practical application of a society's
different values, and it does not have a pre planned activities that consciously
intends to govern future situations.
However, positive law (state made law) mostly intends to solve the existing
problems as well as devotes to facilitate the future conditions of a country and
its people unlike customary law. Customary law can be however an important
source of state made law as it is one of the very crucial social values. In this
regard some writer clearly stipulates that the colonial authorities subordination
of customary law into the body legal. The aspiration was to promote genuine
legal pluralism rather than a stratified dualism with one source dominant and
other subservient. In the new order customary law was to be a primary source
of law. Abera Jembere on his part also clearly stated that "In Ethiopia during
the codification process in 1960s the customary law-so to speak, "the pure

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peoples' law was largely scrapped." In other words though customary laws and
practices have their own important role in governing the concerned societal
relationship and can serve as source of statute in the modern legal system their
status would be determined by the will of the sovereign power.
1.4 Test of Recognition of Customary Law
Law can be imposed from above by some coercive authority, such as a king, a
legislature, or a Supreme Court, or law can develop; from the ground as customs
and practice evolve. When law imposed from the top, authoritarian law
typically requires the support of powerful minority; however, if law developed
from the bottom up for example customary law strictly requires widespread
acceptance of the concerned society. Furthermore, customary law is recognized,
not because it is backed by the power of some strong individual or institution,
but because each individual members of a certain society recognizes the
benefits of behaving in accordance with other individuals' expectations - given
- that others also behave as he expects.
Alternatively, if minority coercively imposes law from above, then that law will
require much more force to maintain social order than is required when law
develops from the bottom through mainly mutual recognition and acceptance.
The aforementioned statement shows that customary law can easily be
recognized by the concerned society than positive law. Because customary law
develops with mutual consents of the society practicing it as well as customary
law has a strong support from the societies at large as it mostly reflects the
people's interest and day today life of the community.
However, the state made law requires imposition upon the society as it does not
necessarily consider the agreement of the people concerned though it depends
according to the type of the government follows legislative policy. As the
source of recognition of customary law is reciprocity, it is also the basic source
for both the recognition of duty to obey law and law enforcement in a customary

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law system. Fuller in this regard states that “… the relationships within the
society must be sufficiently fluid so that the same duty you owe me today, I
may owe you tomorrow; in other words, the relationship of duty must in theory
and in practice be reversible.”
Customary law can be also recognized by positive laws as well. "Customary
laws may be given recognition in almost all areas of law, public and private."
The only requirement it needs in this case is not to be contrary to the
constitutional principles of a given country as well as international human rights
conventions. For instance, Article 27 of the ICCPR clearly states that
governments are duty bound to recognize the existence of customary laws and
practices as well as to promote their importance since they are not contrary to
human rights principle. To strengthen this situation seminar held under
UNESCO in 1965 strongly urged that:
Recognition of the importance of maintaining permissible legal
traditions in fields such as laws of succession, marriage and dietary
law... nothing should be prohibited unless it threatened the freedom of
others or was contrary to public order, morality or health in the sense
of constituting an offense to the law or conflicts with the technological,
social or economic advancement of the nation as a whole.
Besides, Article 9 of the constitution federal Ethiopia impliedly recognizes the
customary law and cultural practices so long as they are not contrary to the
same. In this regard sub Article 1 of the same provision clearly stipulates that
"… any customary practices that are inconsistent with this constitution shall be
invalid." Moreover, Article 34 (5) of the same constitution clearly stipulates its
stand towards customary law by saying that this constitution shall not preclude
the adjudication of disputes relating to personal and family laws in accordance
with religious or customary laws, with the consent of the parties to the dispute.
Furthermore, Article 78 (5) of FDRE constitution underlines that pursuant to

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sub Article 5 of Article 34 the House of Peoples’ Representatives and State
Councils can establish or give official recognition to religious and customary
courts. Besides, it extends its guarantee by imposing an obligation on the
government stating that government shall have the duty to support, on the basis
of equality, the growth and enrichment of cultures and traditions that are
compatible with fundamental rights, human dignity, democratic norms and
ideals, and the provisions of the constitution.
From the aforementioned provisions of FDRE constitution we can infer that
there are several customary laws and practices in the country and some of them
are consistent with the principles of the constitution and the government can
give due recognition and strong support for customary laws as they are more
accessible for the society. On the other hand customary laws have also been
described as that which is recognized as law by members of a particular group
or society as they are mirrors of accepted usage of that particular society. So
giving recognition and support to such customary laws and their tribunals which
are not contrary to the constitutional provisions, based on their important role
is a wise action as far as the present situation is concerned.
Because such customary laws and cultural practices are serving in several
societies and communities as an alternative means of conflict resolution
mechanisms and as a problem solving legal instruments. And they are also
increasingly being used in various dispute resolution practices like tort claims,
divorce actions; other individual and group conflicts that would likely otherwise
involve formal court litigation.
Section Two: Nature, Source and Management of Conflict
This section mainly deals with nature, source and management of conflicts in
general and it also emphasizes on the customary conflict resolution mechanisms
being practiced in Raya Oromo in particular. Moreover, this section discusses
the process of conflict resolution held in the area, preventive measures being

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taken by the traditional institutions, and the ways of implementation of the
decisions of such customary tribunals of the same. It also devotes to evaluate
customary laws and practices in light of the laws of the country in general and
the FDRE constitution of 1995 in particular.
2.1 Nature of Conflict
Conflict is usually understood as situation catering for discomfort or stress of
individuals with more than two incompatible interests. It is also inevitable
phenomenon in all human society’s sphere of life since the entire life of
mankind is manipulated by the prevalence of conflict within the society when
people set opinion against opinion, run interest against interests. On the other
hand conflict has been seen as kinds of link existing between, at least two parties
and as a means of expression of dissatisfaction or disagreement of these parties
have in the fields of conflicts.
To this effect some writers strongly believe that conflict is used as a means to
cause or modify interest groups, unifications or organization and designed for
achievement of some form of unity in the society via resolution of divergent
dualism away from the society. In other words, every interaction among the
members of the society is meant association which is impossible to be
conducted by a single individual alone rather entails cooperation of men to up
the interaction.
Conflict also plays an important part in creating threat among the members of
a given society and to the group at the time when conflicting parties hate each
other which exposes the group’s preservation to the danger so that the tension
between intra-group antagonism and group continuation gives rise to persistent
conflict. Of course such disputing parties may have objective interests or
conflicting interests demanding abrogation for the interests of other disputant
which in turn leads to violence in the absence of any controlling devises.Thus
from the aforementioned statements one can easily understand that such kinds

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of conflicts may threaten the unity of the society and call any form of resolution
mechanisms to avert the conflicting situation and maintain the smooth
relationship of the same.
Conflicts within the society are therefore prevalent in many forms and they may
exist between individuals, families or between groups ranging from verbal
abuse to physical violence including death of parties to the conflict. Therefore,
conflict can either be individual or group in its nature. In this regard Louis
Kristberg who is the proponent of the aforementioned statement clearly
stipulated that in social life, conflicts are inherent and inevitable, hence they
occur within and among organizations, communities, social classes and even
countries.
2.2 Sources of Conflict
Conflict is an inescapable phenomenon in every sphere of life of the society
either industrious or non-industrious. Because of this, such kind of conflict
emanates from various sources and thus it is impossible to escape from
conflicting situation and also enumerate exhaustively the causes as sources of
conflict. For example individual conflicts may stem from his/her enthuse to
power like the need to be a village head man or between different groups from
need of resources control like the right to water or to pasture or boundaries.
Besides there is also want of possession on land, abundant of interests of man,
sentiment of honor and self-esteem, demand of resources (water, grazing land
etc.) are usually the main reasons for hostility and source of antagonism within
the society to come about. In other words, Thomas Hobbes has clearly indicated
three principal causes of conflict which includes the aforementioned situations
in the nature of human being that is competition made for gain, difference for
safety, glory for representation/esteem. Societal interaction is an additional
element for conflict to take place when the parties contesting are not subjected
to the same common authority. As a result, hate, envy, need, desire and

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competition manifested within such parties gives rise to unnecessary conflict
which can destabilize the society at large. Particularly, unnecessary competition
over the scarce resources of the society ensues serious conflicts and brings a
disastrous result among the societies. Besides, availability of diversified culture
within the same society and when a certain group demands to dominate the
culture of the other conflict might be erupted.
Change in a certain society also alters the existing pattern of social, cultural and
economic relations and thus transformation of a society can produce conflict
when some members of the existing society become reluctant to the new
developments and insist on the changing environment. Another important
source of conflict is strong demand for social justice; power and authority of
certain part of the concerned society as well as the domination of the other
segment of the same society may create disputes.
Moreover, economic interest disparities and the continuation of such disparities
cause conflicts among the society. Therefore, disparities of economic interests,
diversity in socio-cultural pattern of the society, political antagonism, scarcity
of resources, demand for social justice, societal change and the need to maintain
special social status etc are the main sources of conflict and they contribute to
break out conflict within the same society or between different groups of the
neighboring community.
2.3 Conflict Management: Short Overview
Conflict management involves certain stage of controlling or resolution of the
existing conflict. The very motive behind conflict management in general and
resolution of conflict in particular is therefore “Longing for peace”. There are
certain techniques which are important for the resolution of conflict and they
essentially reflect the needs of the world community. They commonly serve to
handle cases of conflict among or between the societies. These are mainly
known as judicial process, arbitration, conciliation, mediation or good office

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and negotiation. In judicial process the power to decide on the case rests on the
authority of the judiciary which response cannot be predicted with high degree
of certainty. Arbitration on the other hand is the settlement of disputes by
voluntary participation of third party based on the existing laws of the country
whose decision is however remains binding on the parties of the dispute like
that of the judiciary.
In conciliation, activities that lead the disputing parties to an agreement are
mainly performed by third parties involvement. Such activities focuses to obtain
and clarify facts that cause such conflict and finally directs some
recommendation to the disputing parties which may acceded or rejected by the
same disputing parties. Mediation is also one of the alternative dispute
settlement mechanisms referring to wide range of third party intervention,
especially when the dispute is more serious and the parties are not totally willing
to meet for negotiation.
This mechanism necessitates the fulfillment of two important conditions i.e.
existence of willing and qualified mediators on one hand and the mediator
should be acceptable by both disputing parties on the other. Hence if the
mediator is accepted by parties to the conflict, the mediator leads the situation
to the agreed solution through compromise. Negotiation may be used to include
non-judicial and arbitral processes like conciliation as well as mediation, but
for simplicity, be it restricted to the process of exchange between the disputing
parties in the absence of any kinds of third party mainly having some regard to
the common interest while conflicting interests are prevalent.
Moreover, good offices can be also considered as part of alternative conflict
resolution mechanisms that help the disputing parties to get an opportunity to
discuss on the matter without strict intervention of third party. The good office
organizer can observe their discussion and ensures the appropriate as well as
useful procedures of negotiation with a limited role in providing comfortable

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places for meeting or in certain situations serves as chair person of the same
meeting, but it could not pass a resolution to be imposed upon the disputing
parties. Therefore, the effectiveness of conflict management relies mainly upon
the results of dispute resolution efforts and the positive impact of such effort on
the relationship of the disputing parties.
Accordingly most of the aforementioned techniques usually fail to resolve the
existing conflict since most of them involve third party and leads to
compromised solution of the conflicting parties and this situation never satisfy
both disputants equally. Considering this the international community seeks to
develop procedures that help to promote approaches to “increase the size of the
cake” so that all conflicting parties can avail themselves to the benefits of
alternative conflict resolution mechanisms. From the aforementioned
statements we can understand that conflict persists whether it is easily
manageable or not. In this regard Paul Buchanan strongly noted that “we shall
never banish conflict.
Indeed it is wrong heeded and blind of us to think that we should. Rather conflict
must be controlled and utilized profitably in order to create more and better
cultural means of living and working together.” This statement reveals that
absolute avoidance of conflict from the society is unthinkable but it is possible
to regulate in such a way that it can create conducive environment to the society
both for peaceful living and working conditions.
2.4 Roles of Customary Laws in Maintaining Peace and Stability
Customary law plays a tremendous role in maintaining the solidarity of a given
society since social behavior is required to conform to the rules of custom for
which each member of the society felt bound. Because fidelity of the rule of
law demands the government to abide not only by its “verbalized and
publicized” rule but also respects the justified customary laws of its citizens.
Besides, it serves as a gap filling instrument in situations where the legislation

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of the state permits certain area of societal interest to be covered by customary
law. For example the continental law leaves spheres of commercial law and
civil law on marriage, family, and succession for the application of customary
law. As it is part and parcel of continental legal system Ethiopia too permits the
limited application of customary law in civil matters so long as it does not
contravene the provision of the constitution and civil code of the country as one
can easily understand from the simple reading of both legal instruments.
Because for instance Civil Code of Ethiopia clearly says that “unless otherwise
expressly provided all rules whether, written or customary previously in force
concerning matters provided for in this code shall be replaced by this code and
are hereby repealed.”
That means the phrases “concerning matters provided for in this code” limits
the repeal provision only to matters regulated by the same code. Hence
customary law is still applicable in Ethiopia on matters falling out of the ambit
of the civil code unless they are inconsistent with other legislations. When we
see this statement and the provision of the same code the repeal is not total as
the later permits the application of customary law as it provides that unless
otherwise expressly provided.
Because of this, there are some ways by which the application of customary law
comes to picture. As mentioned above customary law plays an irreplaceable
role not only in maintaining peace and order in the concerned society but also
it helps to supply important inputs in law making process of a country, filling
gaps of state made law and in interpretation of the same.
So considering the role of customary law is a very important precondition for
policy makers and practitioners of both federal and regional state governments.
Particularly customary law and its traditional tribunals contributes more in
resolving the existing conflicts in harmonious and smooth manner in preventing

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further conflicting circumstances as they are part and parcel of the society and
their decision and advising is highly respected by the concerned society.
Section Three: Historical Background of Rayan Oromos
In the forgoing sections attempts were made to briefly discuss the nature of law
and its definition in relation to the status of customary laws including the
Nature, Source and Management of Conflict. This section mainly focuses on
historical background of Rayan Oromos since it has its own impact on the
present day conflicts that take place among Rayans and between the
neighboring peoples of Afar nationality and Enderta of Tigray nation as well as
on the method of conflict resolution they are practicing. The name Raya
otherwise Raya-Rayuma is the combination of the former Rayana Qobo and
Rayana Azebo Awurajas.
Because of this currently it represents southern Tigray and northeast part of
Amahara national Regional States. That means when we talk about Raya we are
referring to the specific area situated in both Tigray and Amhara National
Reginal States. The present day Raya-Rayuma covers the area that was known
previously by the name Doba, Angot and Qeda. According to Professor Merid
Wolde Aregay “In the more fertile plains of Azabo, immediately to the south of
Wajarat lived the pastoralist Doba… The Doba spread in to the plains of the
nearby provinces of Angot and Qeda … immediately to the east of Baguna and
South of Azebo plains was Qeda, comprising the mountains of Zabul and the
surrounding low lands.”
He further describes the area that the lowlands were inhabited by the Doba and
other pastoralists related to them… Angot, relatively the largest of these
provinces, began somewhere near to the Alamata River. Alamata Town was the
political centre of the former Rayana Qobo Awraja and now the capital city of
Raya-Alamata woreda of Tigray Region. Therefore, one can assume that the
Doba people lived in the present day Raya particularly, in the then Rayana

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Azebo Awuraja, whereas, certain parts of Angot and the whole Qeda people
lived in the former Rayana Qobo Awraja. Before Baeda Mariam came to power
the area was not effectively administered by central governments. However,
during Baeda Mariam (1468-1478) the government had shown an interest to
occupy this area and he led an expedition as well as subjected to him its some
Islamic population of the area. When King Baeda Mariam conducted this
expedition he used the two well-known regiments named Jan Qantefa and Jan
Amora. Making their base at mount Zobel, these regiments looted and destroyed
the whole indigenous people of Doba. Later on after acknowledged the king's
power the Dobas were converted into Christianity and they were rewarded by
the king in the form of cattle for their return into Christianity and loyalty to the
king. Hence the king stationed his strong regiments there so as to maintain
effective control over the area.
Later King Libne Dingil (r.1508-1540) found a temporary sanctuary in this area
under discussion during the wars of Ahmad Gragn and according to tradition
the emperor kept cattle during his stay in the area. Because of this the place that
the king had been stayed has given the name Atse Beret by the people living in
the area. However, the king had fled to Tigray after he made unsuccessful
attempt of fighting against Ahmad Gragn's aggression using Fitawrari Tushu of
Afar. And then Ahmad Gragn had got an opportunity to control Yeju and the
people of Doba as well as camped on mount Zobul. This situation allowed the
Oromo people to occupy the region as they were moving towards the eastern
part of Ethiopia.
The Oromos were divided into two main groups known as Barayntuma and
Borana and they had also many sub clans of the two main groups and hence
Barayntuma only had six sons called Kereyu, Merewa, Ittu, Akechu,
Worentesha and Humbana. According to Aleqa Taye Humbana is the father of
Rayana Azebo who became the clan chief of that particular group. Today the

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name Rayana Azebo serves as the name of the main part of Raya as indicated
before. On the other hand Abera Gessesse on his part clearly stated that the
word Azebo was derived from the Christian chief known as Azebo who was
defeated by the Oromos.
Therefore, Azebo's origin seems to some extent arguable although both writers
have agreed on his ascendants, as they believe that the ascendants of Azebo are
part of Oromo nation. Getachew Meresa on his part clearly stipulates that
“Abera's argument must be more plausible than Aleqa Taye's for none of
Barayntuma's sons except for Merewa did actually go to the area under
discussion. It seems that it was only Merewa, not the rest of Barayntuma's sons,
who came to this area”. The name of Merewa still serves as the name of the
western part of Raya, and the people living in that specific area strongly believe
that he is the forefather of the present customary conflict resolution mechanisms
applicable in Raya-Rayuma.
However, the Rayan Oromo found themselves in between two distinct peoples
with different culture, language and political system. These were Amhara and
Tigray peoples and they had powerful religious and strong military traditions.
But the Oromos were administering themselves using the leadership of elderly
people among them. Traditional belief collected by C. Conti Rosni revealed that
the most famous Oromos who were considered as leaders of the native Oromo
were came from "Hawash" the original place of Oromo migrants and their name
were Kube Abba Bona around Qobo, Abba Seru at Alamata, Wodajo Mengesha
around Dayu, Bori Yaya at Worabaye, Wodi Dime at Tulus, Waya Galmecha
around Mohoni, Hambul Galla at Zobul and descendants of Liben Ali around
Worqe.
These names of the elderly peoples and their destinations possess the same
name even now adays either as the name of the locality or a person living in
that locality. In this regard Trimingham stated that Tribes [the Oromo]

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travelling up the Hawash ascended into the Danakil depression… and those by
the Ala and Golina are the Raya. Ala is the river, which serves as a borderline
of Yeju and Rayana Qobo Awrajas. Golina is also a river, which is found still
in Rayana Qobo Awraja particularly near to Qobo Town. As these Oromo
migrants were traditionalists, they retained some of their own ethnic and
cultural values which express their identity though they were surrounded by
highland Christians of Amhara and Tigray peoples and low land Muslim Afars.
However, the original and strong cultural way of life becomes assimilated with
native people of the area as well as through time they lost some of their
traditional self governing system. Moreover, according to Getachew Meressa
through time, however, they adopted ways of life of their neighboring people,
the Tigreans and the Amhara. And because of this continuous assimilation, the
Oromo of Raya have lost their ethnic cohesiveness, and either Tigrigna or
Amharic language replaces the Oromo language. Traditionally, the Oromo
people are known for their popular and republican political system that is called
the Gada system.
The Raya Oromo too, still maintaining this tradition although it is not strong as
it was before. They were trying to administer their own affairs through the
leadership of elders whose number was not fixed as such. The most elderly
person of every group had the right to participate in the affairs of the whole
community. A leader was elected from within the group on the basis of the
following attributes that “Old age with superior wisdom or judgment,
outstanding intelligence, reputation and responsibility acquired while leading
successful raids, wealth in cattle and influence extended kinship. Hence one had
to fulfill one or all of the attributes to be elected the leadership of his
community.”
These elected elderly people were responsible to administer justice and other
political affairs of the society. Hence the Raya Oromo too followed this

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traditional self-administering system since then and until they significantly
assimilated with neighboring native peoples Amhara and Tigray. The whole
organization of the Gada system of Raya Oromo was therefore called Gada
Merewa. This was a committee of elders elected by the people living in the area
and who are the same ethnic group. As mentioned above Merewa is the son of
Barayntuma who is one of the two main groups of Oromo migrants and came
to settle in the area under discussion.
Section Four: Institutional Development of Rayan Customary Conflict
Resolution
In Raya-Rayuma as mentioned above, Zewold, Keflo, Senyesegad, Mezard,
Tedla and Gebre Medhin are the most renowned and commonly recalled
customary tribunals having their own local and judicial jurisdiction. Gebre
Medhin and Tedla are responsible for Tigrigna and Afan Oromo speaking
Rayans whereas others are for Amharic speaking people of Rayan society.
Zewold, Keflo, Senyesgad and Mezard are considered as chiefs of Chawa
regiments of Baede Mariam (r. 1468 –1478) and his father Zerayakob (r. 1434-
1468). The narration in the chronicle of Baede Mariam is backed by strong
belief in the tradition that those forefathers are said to have come from Gonder
particularly from Jan Amora.
Moreover, oral tradition in Raya-Rayuma clearly states that Zewold, Keflo,
Senyesegad and Mezard were brothers and the eldest of all was Zewold
followed by Keflo, Senyesegad and Mezard. Because of this Zewold became
the supreme customary tribunal of others based on his age status, and according
to the tradition this hierarchy was continued until the 1970s. On the other hand
in 1899, Tedla who was the son of Dajiazmach Gebre Wahid of Tigray became
a dominant figure in Raya Azebo of Charcher Woreda after assimilating himself
with the native Rayans.

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From 1899 on, he has taken the name of the former customary councils of elders
and even he has got an unexpected acceptance by Rayans unlike his unpleasant
action of the society and considered as a respectful man. Then after, the name
Tedla serves as a name of such customary tribunal. The supreme council of
Tigrigna speaking Rayans was/is called Abogereb (Father of the river)
conceptually, it refers to a body of persons who are elected or selected by the
people directly in order to resolve serious community problems which could
not be easily resolved by such individual tribunals.
However, due to the rise of revolt in 1935 in Raya, which is known as “First
Wayane Movement”, the government of Emperor Haile Slassie disintegrated
the existence of Tedla and Abogereb considering their function as part of the
movement and to the extent taking them as an instance of organized opposition
party. Later when the Dergue regime came to power it allowed the people of
Raya to exercise their customary practices including their traditional conflict
resolution mechanisms using their customary tribunals.
Nevertheless, this permission or recognition of such customary laws and
practices was not genuine rather superficial and has not continued for a long.
According to Rayans the Dergue regime did not give any attention to such
customary tribunals’ activity rather strengthening its organizational structure in
the area so as to control the Rayans in effective manner.

Even though as mentioned above these customary conflict resolution

mechanisms along with their institutional set ups were endangered, they were
not totally dissolved since they had got strong support at grassroots level.
Sometimes, the government law enforcement agencies give support when their
role is needed and seem very necessary in resolving conflicts, especially if the
conflict seemed out of government’s control.

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Section Five: Strengths and Weaknesses of Customary Conflict
Resolution Mechanisms
This section deals with mainly the strengths and weaknesses of customary
conflict resolution mechanisms in general and its comparative analysis with the
modern legal system of the country in particular. As mentioned elsewhere,
customary conflict resolution mechanism has its own important and positive
contribution in protecting the interests of the concerned society by maintaining
peace and stability. Moreover, customary laws and their tribunals are more
accessible to the conflicting parties and less costly as well as they have
conducted the open trial system in the speedy manner compared to regular court
proceedings.
However, they have also some drawbacks when we see their traditions and
customary practices in light of modern laws and regular court litigations. The
Rayan Oromos customary conflict resolution mechanism has significant
contribution in maintaining peace, security and stability in the area as well as
in resolving the existing disputes in amicable way, and in developing problem
solving methods. Nevertheless, it is not free from problem as it follows
traditional way of conflict handling systems. Therefore, the strong and weak
sides of Rayan Oromos’ customary conflict resolution mechanisms are the
following.
5.1 Strengths of Customary Conflict Resolution Mechanisms
Customary conflict resolution mechanism in most cases fulfils the requirement
of access to justice, which is guaranteed as fundamental rights of Ethiopian
peoples, under Article 37 (1) of the FDRE constitution and other substantive
and procedural laws. Because in customary system of conflict management
justice is always made in each localities of Rayan community and judges are
elected or selected by the people concerned through direct participation of every
individuals of Rayan society.

115
Moreover, it avoids unnecessary delay of justice as there is no any bureaucratic
procedure in such customary laws and tribunals rather everything may be
resolved within a short period of time at their village and using their own
vernacular. Hence people of such specific locality are not required to bring
legal advisor and language translator as well as to wait a long period of time so
as to get solution for such particular case. Furthermore, justice is made less
costly in the case of customary conflict resolution mechanisms since such
customary tribunals entertain cases without fee which is necessary for court
proceedings. The parties can appear with their own case and answer before
such tribunals and present their case orally. Besides, this traditional conflict
resolution mechanism allows direct participation of the people concerned living
in the area. These customary tribunals are also trying to perform their function
in the open trial. Hence everyone of the Rayan community can attend the
proceeding and even be invited to give his/her own suggestions about the
process in general and on the present case in particular.
The processes of open trial conducted by these customary tribunals coincide
with the requirement of access to justice required in modern legal systems.
Hence these customary tribunals and their traditional conflict resolution
mechanisms are contributing a lot in resolving disputes at their locality of
conflicting parties and facilitate access to justice for them that is required and
guaranteed by international human rights instruments as well as Ethiopian
constitution and other substantive and procedural laws of the country. In
addition, these customary practices support the law enforcing government
institutions in maintaining peace and stability in the whole localities of Raya -
Rayuma and their neighboring peoples.
Customary laws and traditional practices found in the area have ability to stop
the existing conflicts and make them cool down as well as avoid the sentiment
of revenge than the government institutions do. For instance if there is a murder

116
committed by someone and the murderer is caught by the police and brought to
a court of law, the court after examining the case and proved his guilt it will
punish him. However, the sense of retaliation is still there and the dispute
between the victim's and the other party's relatives would continue unless the
elders intervene and attempt to settle such problem through traditional way.
Therefore, customary conflict resolution mechanisms and its customary
tribunals are very important institutions in avoiding the sense of revenge and
unnecessary consequences of conflicts. In other words, it also meets the purpose
of maintaining peace and stability between the disputing parties in particular
and it helps to achieve the aim of the criminal law that underlined under Art 1
of the 1996 Penal Code of federal Ethiopia.
5.2 Weaknesses of Customary Conflict Resolution Mechanisms
The right to movement and the right to choose residential area guaranteed by
the constitution and Civil Code of Ethiopia are highly affected sometimes by
the decision of such customary tribunals. Because in some cases, if customary
tribunals believe, it is necessary, or if relatives of the victim request to be exile,
the perpetrator will be obliged to leave his locality for certain period of time or
for good by the order of elders.
Criminals may also be set free from prosecution and punishment by the
decisions of customary tribunals. Because if the problem is once resolved
through erq (conciliation), the elders immediately trying to challenge the court
proceeding either directly by requesting the public prosecution office to
withdraw the charge instituted against the perpetrator or through hiding
evidences and ordered witnesses not to give their testimony in favor of the
prosecution in the court proceeding. If witnesses disobey the elders' order and
testify against the perpetrator, they will be excluded from social interaction
since they are disobedient of the elders' order and violates the norms of Rayan
society.

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According to heads of justice Bureau of the Amhara national regional state and
North Wollo High Court the main problem of such elders is their reluctant
position towards the suspected criminals of traditionally resolved conflict.
Those elders do not want a suspect criminal to be prosecuted since the problem
is once resolved through the efforts of such customary tribunal. The punishment
given by customary tribunals is not deterring and rehabilitating the wrong doers
rather it punishes their pocket and not the evil mind of the same. Thus, those
who have enough wealth may involve in conflict and commit crime repeatedly
as they have much money to pay the compensation decided by such tribunal.
Besides, the compensation payable to the victim is not directed to only against
the pocket of actual offender although he is identified but also the relatives of
him actually did not directly or indirectly involve in the commission of that
specific offence. Because of this, we can conclude that customary tribunals fail
to individualize punishment against the offender. In most cases the members
of such tribunals are not aware of modern criminal laws that are found in the
country and they would not care of human rights of a person that guaranteed by
the constitution of the country rather they only seek to settle the existing
problems through peaceful and amicable manner and give remedy to the victims
of such conflicts. Although the members of customary tribunals are elected
directly by the people concerned and perform their duty permanently at least
one day in a week, there is no any kind of incentive for instance per diem for
them and even nothing budgetary support for their day to day activities from
both the people and the government institutions. Due to this reason elders that
are part and parcel of such customary tribunals sometimes become less sensitive
to the cases brought before them especially for individual disputes.
Generally what the writer of this paper observed and realized in this study is
that the organizational structure of these customary tribunals that are found in
the whole Raya-Rayuma were/are more or less participatory and democratically

118
formulated. They also perform their function based on the established
customary laws and traditions ratified by the assembly and approved by the
people concerned through their direct participation in their respective locality.
Conclusion and Recommendations
Customary conflict resolution mechanisms help to ensure peace and security
thereby to maintain stability in the country in general and in the concerned
society in particular. As stated above it is also accessible to members of the
society. Above all such customary tribunals’ activities reduce delay of justice,
as "Justice delayed is justice denied." And customary conflict resolution
mechanisms help to avoid the sentiment of revenge among the disputing parties.
Moreover, it assists to reduce the load of courts as it entertains many cases
otherwise would be brought to regular court proceedings.
However, customary conflict resolution mechanisms have their own defect and
sometimes contradict with modern laws and court proceedings as they support
suspected criminals not to be prosecuted since customary tribunals resolve the
problem. The other shortcoming of this system clearly seen is trespassing of
the constitutionally guaranteed rights like that of the right to movement and
presumption of innocence. In Raya there are almost the same customary laws
and traditional practices irrespective of the existence of many customary laws
and tribunals. These by laws and customary tribunals have similar principles,
procedures and common moral order.
Moreover, in treating cases and solving problems in Raya-Rayuma, the
procedure and conduct of hearings throughout the area remain the same.
Generally, the Rayan customary conflict resolution mechanisms mainly focus
on settling disputes and redressing the victims of the conflicts. Therefore, the
Rayan traditional methods of problem solving and customary laws have a great
role in governing the Rayan society in order to live and work in its respective
locality in peaceful and stable manner.

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Conflict is complex, dynamic and part of life of a society. Hence conflict
transformation needs a holistic and multifaceted approaches and efforts.
Conflict transformation basically aims to reduce violence as well as bring about
sustainable peace, stability and order. It too, requires a great and continuous
effort in all spheres, at all levels of social structure and with all stakeholders.
Conflict transformation is therefore an ongoing process of changing
relationships, behaviors, attitudes and structures of the society from negative to
a positive situation.
As conflict is dynamic and its transformation is ongoing process learning is a
vital component to bring behavioral change upon the concerned society and its
traditional institutions. Therefore, the concerned governmental institutions and
non-governmental organizations in general and educational institutions in
particular should give due attention to these customary rules and their
traditional tribunals. They should also make an effort to identify the negative
practices from the useful traditions and thereby maintain their positive role.
Moreover, awareness creation in the society, through education and training in
general and the members of such customary tribunals in particular is an
essential task to be performed by those concerned federal, regional, and local
governments.
Furthermore, the support of government law enforcement agencies and other
non governmental institutions as well as individuals should be strengthening
these customary tribunals by giving skills to the elders. Finally giving due
attention to these customary laws and their tribunals means facilitating the
justice system, speedy trial and access to justice to the people living in that
specific locality.
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 The Role of Language Pluralism in Promoting
Multinational Integration and Equitable Development in
Federal Ethiopia.
By: Milkessa Midega (Lecturer, Department of Political
Science and International Relations, Dire Dawa
University, Ethiopia). (PhD Candidate, College of Law &
Governance Studies, Addis Ababa University) E-address:
milkessam@gmail.com Cell Phone: +251922859607

Abstract.
The monolingual old assumption, backed by public policy, for the promotion of
multinational integration and equitable development has been rebutted by
multinational federalists and multiculturalists, both in the West and in the rest.
In Ethiopia too, the state official mono linguicism, which oppressed and
suppressed non-official languages for a century, was seen as one of the bedrocks
of deep-rooted poverty and human rights violations thereby threatening the
country even to disintegrate by the late 1980s. Self-determination (and language
rights) demands, which became the cornerstone of the 1995 Constitution of
Ethiopia, broke out in 1960s spearheaded by the Ethiopian Student Movement
(ESM) sawing the seeds of the current multi-ethno- linguistic federal
experiment aiming to enhance multinational unity of, and equitable
development among, "nations, nationalities and peoples of Ethiopia". The
question remains whether or not the current Ethiopia's language policy
experiments have brought multinational integration and equitable development.
Consequently, the post-Dergue politics and public policy researches had to face
the challenges of searching for a (new) functional nexus between language

123
pluralism on the one hand and multinational unity and equitable development
on the other hand in Ethiopia, which this paper attempts to address. To this end,
both primary and secondary data are utilized. For qualitative analysis and
interpretation purposes, multinational federal theories and theoretical debates
surrounding language functions are used. The finding shows that federalism, if
founded on language pluralism principles, had potentials of promoting
multinational integration and equitable development in multinational countries.
Moreover, Ethiopian politics of language suggests that there are competing
language policy alternatives to foster multinational integration and equitable
development –the ruling party approach, the one-language-one-country and the
multiple-language language policy perspectives. Finally, the finding
substantiates that, since 1991, Ethiopia has been experiencing enormous
language pluralism (autonomy) for regional development; but it also has a long
way to go in order to materialize the constitutional vision of multinational
integration and equitable development at the federal level, which requires
language pluralism.
Keywords: Ethiopia, federalism, language, multinational integration

1. Introduction
The role of language pluralism in promoting multinational integration in
multilingual society and thereby guaranteeing equitable socio-economic
development is one of the least studied areas. For instance, Yonatan T. Fiseha
(2009) compares language rights regimes in South Africa and Ethiopia at a very
general level and suggested the potential of re-introducing Amharic as an
“official language” or “as a cohesive force” both at the federal and regional
levels (ibid: 519). For him, only Amharic promotes multinational integration in
Ethiopia at both levels. Yonatan did not even question the current status of
Amharic which came about through linguistic impositions and injustices of the
124
past; he instead endorses history of inequality as advantage and opportunity for
the language in question to thereby retain its old status.
Finally, Yonatan tends to underestimate the inequitable development effects of
a monolingual government in a multilingual society like Ethiopia by saying “It
is not at all clear how the language policy will have the effect of compromising
the capacity of individuals from a non-Amharic-speaking group to access the
state, thereby continuing their historical marginalization. In fact, the reverse
seems to be true in present-day Ethiopia (2009: 521). As opposed this shallow
claim, a simple look at the federal employment annual reports can tell us the
consequences of the monolingual federal government. On average, about 50%
of the federal employees continued to be Amharas: “If the two major ethnic
groups, Oromo and Amhara, are to be compared with regard to access to federal
government employment opportunities across years, the latter are hired three
times do the former mainly for linguistic reason” (Milkessa Midega, 2011: 154).
Yared Legesse tried to explain this unfair access to federal developments of
non-Amharic speakers this way: “Focusing on their own languages ... might
lock non-Amharic linguistic groups up in regional politics and matters since
Amharic is the language of the federal government and business in Addis Ababa
where the bulk of the government’s currency circulates” (p.215). i Thus, it
appears important to pay better attention to examine the potentials of language
pluralism in promoting equitable development and multinational integration
through analyzing the existing literature as well as conducting language policy
impact assessments using empirical, historical and comparative perspectives.
Ethiopia is a common-home to multiple diversities; however, as is
formally highlighted, the polity is constituted of particularly the “Nations,
Nationalities and Peoples” (Preamble of the Constitution of Ethiopia, 1995).
One of the defining elements of the nations, nationalities and peoples of
Ethiopia, according to the constitution (Article 39), is a shared language. So,
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language as an identity marker is recognized. It is also one of the bases used to
reconfigure Ethiopian state into a federation of nine member states (Article 46).
The other, but very important, general language policy response to the linguistic
plurality of the society is provided in Article 5 of the Federal Democratic
Republic of Ethiopia’s (FDRE) Constitution (1995). It states that all Ethiopian
languages enjoy equal state recognition. It however selects Amharic as the sole
working language of the Federal Government of Ethiopia, while offering the
member states the opportunity to choose their respective working languages.
There are several confusions surrounding the interpretation of this
constitutional provision. The first misunderstanding is related to the implication
of ‘equal state recognition' particularly for multinational integration. In a
country where language inequality was the prevailing principle of language
governance, affirmative action for the historically disadvantaged languages is
common after independence (see for instance, the South African Constitution,
1996: Article 6). Equal status declaration therefore may inevitably favor the
already privileged language unless affirmative action precedes it, which affects
the country's unity. The other confusion is associated to the clause ‘working
language of the federal government’. Some wrongly see it as a “national
language of Ethiopia”, others take it as an “official language of Ethiopia”, and
still others write it as a “working language of Ethiopia”. “Why only Amharic”
question is also being widely discussed from equity and unity perspectives. All
these confusions shall be discussed later in this piece.
Accordingly, the paper is organized into four general points of
discussions. It starts by casting a light on the notion of linguistic pluralism and
the role of language in society. Second, it tries to find conceptual links between
languages, multinational integration and federal equitable development in
comparative perspectives which further helps identify the social inequality and
disagreement causes of monolingual government of multilingual societies. The
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third section of the paper offers a brief historical outline of Ethiopia's one-
language-one-country policy (1855-1991). Section four, which is the main
analysis part of the paper, discusses the current federal monolingualism and its
inequitable access to development effects, the regional language developments,
as well as the prospects of multinational federal integration of Ethiopia.
Methodologically, data are collected from both primary (four
interviews and one focus group discussion with government officials, experts,
elders and opposition leaders on purposive sampling) and secondary document
analysis. For the data analysis and interpretation, a brief theoretical lens on
language roles in society and multinational integration within federal theories
is constructed.

2. Linguistic Pluralism and the Role of Language in Society

The word plurality literally refers to co-existence of diversity, such as ethnic,
linguistic and religious groups. For scholars of federalism, “pluralism” mean an
ideology or political theory that emphasize the value of promoting distinctive
identities such as ethnic, language, region or religion, implying that public
policies should promote social diversity (Connolly, 2005). Diversity is
approached not as a threat but as a resource. In this regard, it is related to
multiculturalism. To this end, political processes maybe divided into policy
areas to accommodate group diversity (the relative power of central government
versus state or local governments) (Elazar, 1987). The federal arrangement of
self-rule and shared-rule does also mean self-rule and shared-rule in the
languages of their respective preferences. Therefore, in linguistically diverse
society, federalism tends to promote linguistic pluralism. In this section, four
competing assumptions on the role of language in society including
primordialism, instrumentalism, cognitive and social constructionism are
discussed. This paper does not aim to delve into presenting the controversies or
seemingly unending debates between127
them. It rather briefly touches upon very
important aspects of the debates which are believed to be explaining the
Ethiopian languages politics and policy contexts from equitability and unity
perspectives.
(1) Primordialism: “A people without a language of its own are only
half a nation […] to lose your native tongue […] is the worst badge of conquest”
(Thomas quoted in Edwards, 1984: 2). As could be understood from this classic
primordialist quote, the symbolic identity marker role of language in society is
emphasized. Primordialists tend to treat language as natural and inevitable
phenomenon: “Language is not invented, nor is it a matter of choice. It is a
gradual constitutive legacy, or… language and the nation are natural
organisms” (Williams, 1984: 188). Abraham Demoz further argued that “A
language is in a sense a flag representing a particular nationality” (1990: 71).
By taking the imperial language policy of Ethiopia as a case study, Abraham
arrived at a conclusion that “there is a sense in which we can say that in most
societies a person is what he or she speaks (emphasis added)” (ibid: 71).
According to notable sociolinguists such as Fishman (2001a), those who
continue to use a language for its symbolic meaning speak of its “sacred
heritage,” their “roots” or “the language of their forefathers,” as a result of
which many continued to die defending it.
There are tendencies among the primordialists to equate language with
ethnicity. Herder, for instance, radically poses essentialist question: “Has a
nation anything more precious than the language of its fathers?”(quoted in
Edwards, 1984: 2). As to whether language is the sole symbol of ethnicity,
Fishman (1977: 25) has pointed out the likelihood:
Language is the recorder of paternity, the expresser of matrimony and
the carrier of phenomenology. Any vehicle carrying such precious
freight, indeed, is precious in and of itself…Anything can become
symbolic of ethnicity, but since language is the prime symbol system
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 to begin with and since it is commonly relied upon so heavily (even if
not exclusively) to enact, celebrate and ‘call forth’ all ethnic activity,
the likelihood that it will be recognized and singled out as symbolic of
ethnicity is great indeed.
Language thus could be singled out as a symbol of ethno-national identity.
Thus, conflicts over language status and choice tend to take the shape
of conflicts over identity and symbolic matters. The theoretical implication of
this perspective is obvious: the necessity to extend equal recognition and
supports to, and development of, all languages, and affirmative action to
historically disadvantaged languages, for better harmonious co-existence
(unity) of multilingual societies. The major critique against the accounts of
primordialists was advanced by instrumentalists who, for example, say a child
with certain ethnic identity may happen to know a different mother tongue
which is not the language of its ethnic group.
(2) Instrumentalism: Language is treated as a mere means of
communication, according to instrumentalist version of language usages.
Language is not an identity marker, proponents argue, but is rationally chosen
for material, "nation-building"/"multination-building" or other purposes
(Lagerspetz, 1998). Language can thus be changed at any time through personal
conscious choices or imposition by systematic state policy. Lopez (quoted in
Gebre Hishe, 2008: 13) found that since “language shift doesn’t imply anything
about loosening ethnic bonds”, language maintenance was not even required for
maintaining one’s ethnic identity.
A more moderate primordialist instance was presented by Eastman
(1984: 259) who suggests that despite the fact that language is one of the
defining features of ethnicity, ethnic identity does not always coincide with the
language used. He maintains that the relationship between language and an
ethnic identity is one of association: “A particular ‘associated language’ is a
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necessary component of ethnic identity but the language we associate ourselves
with need not be one we use in our day-to-day lives” (ibid.). Instrumentalists
could be criticized on many grounds such as from minority rights, language
rights, and indigenous rights points of view. It is usually accused of ignoring
group identity questions. Even if instrumentalists press on the functional roles
of languages, they predominantly fail to recognize language as resources or
means of getting access to such resources as political power, employments,
media, wealth, national pride and education derived from the official status of
a chosen language (Weinstein, 1983).
(3) Social constructionism: The third approach to defining the roles of
language in society is known as social constructionism. It has to do with the
usage of one or two language (medium of communication) to create or construct
an artificial society, some call it "language for nation-building". Building a
society or a nation on the basis of one language criteria goes as far back as
Westphalia Treat of 1648 which brought up the notion of nation-state theory. It
is usually referred to as one-language-one nation-one state approach of nation-
building, i.e., one language for national unity. Fernand de Varennes observes
that “using the language of one ethnic group as the language of government and
administration is often seen as part and parcel of nation-building” (2006: 1). A
notable study in this regard was presented by K.W. Deutsch who defines a
nation as “people who have learned to communicate with each other and to
understand each other well beyond the mere interchange of goods and services”
(1953: 65). Moreover, Talleyrand claims that “the unity of language is the
fundamental condition for the unity of the state” (quoted in Weinstein, 1983).”
So, in many cases, language is seen as means of social cohesion and national
integration.
Those social constructionists who propose one language for national
unity have been challenged by the practical unity in language diversity as
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experienced by many multilingual federations and non-federations (Elazar,
1995). A serious pitfall of this approach was uncovered by Walker Connor
(1972) in his argument that nation-building was partly nation-destroying. In the
US context, constructionists had believed that “the key to equal opportunity for
non-English speakers is a shift to English as rapidly as possible” (Ricento, 2006:
7). Therefore, according to this group of rather assimilationists, policies that
might encourage non-English speakers to continue to rely on their native
languages, such as “bilingual education, bilingual ballots, etc., are actually
hindering their chances of achieving social equality” (ibid.). As a response to
this, Thomas Ricento (2006: 4) discusses the notion of linguistic imperialism
where “big” languages – such as English – expand its functional jurisdiction
across the country or the world, “in killing other languages.” In contrast, Brian
Weinstein (1983) points out that “the strongest elite or government cannot
decree a language out of existence or into existence, at least in its spoken form”
while assimilating linguistic groups for political expediency purposes. Thus,
one-language-for-national-integration approach of social constructionists goes
against language human rights.
(4) Cognitive role: Finally, language in society has a cognitive role in
sense that mother tongue “facilitates thinking and action for individual”
(Carroll, 1964: 4). The structure of mother tongue language channels thought
and cognition for efficiency and accuracy: “thinking aided by language is called
reasoning” (ibid: 93). Therefore, an attempt of preventing members of a
national group from using their language, for instance, in the court may amount
to an attempt of preventing them from precise thinking, reasoning and action.
To conclude, the assumptions on language functions are not totally
exclusive of each other. Primordialists use language for communication as well.
But they do not stop there; they argue that language signifies ethno-national
identity which they do not compromise. There are scientific findings which
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firmly establish that our mother language structures our thinking, speeches and
arguments. Instrumentalists build their arguments on what they perceive the
weaknesses of primordialist roles of language. Social constructionism shares
arguments with instrumentalism and primordialism for language is instrumental
to build a (multi)nation.
For the purpose of Ethiopian context, language has been functioning
as a means of communication, symbol of ethnic identity, instrument of nation-
building, and regulator of human thought. An excerpt from the work of Eastman
appears worth quoting: “When we stop using the language of our ethnic group,
only the language use aspect of our ethnic identity changes; the primordial sense
of who we are and what group we think we belong to for the remainder remains
intact” (Eastman, 1984: 260).
The debate between the assumptions has made language one of the
most indispensable, politically negotiable resources in the contemporary
political discourse, which is likely true for Ethiopia as well. The role of
language in Ethiopia has been debated from all perspectives discussed above
(Dirribi Demissie, 2011; Mesfin W/Mariam, 1999). For instance, Mesfin
Wolde-Mariam argues that “strictly speaking language is an instrument of
communication. But there are people who attach very strong feelings to their
languages as manifestations of their identities. It is not useful to argue against
such purely subjective feelings (1999: 31). Other scholars observe that
“language is a key defining feature of each group” of nations, nationalities and
peoples of Ethiopia (Assefa Fiseha, 2012: 438). Historically, Ethiopian regimes
had attempted to build one nation using Amharic language throughout the
empire state; however, the current regime recognized equality of language both
as means of communication and symbol of identity, as is argued in other section
of this paper.

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 2. Language, Multinational Integration and Federal Equitable
Development
Tocqueville observed that “the tie of language is perhaps the strongest and the
most durable that can unite mankind” (quoted in Laitin, 1977: 3). True, speaking
the same language unites people. But that may not often work in multilingual
societies. It is universally agreed (by UNESCO) that in multilingual countries,
the protection of language rights can serve to unite plural societies, whereas
violations of such rights can trigger and inflame nationalistic conflicts (Kontra
et al, 1999; de Varennes, 2012; Patten & Kymlicka, 2003; Rannut, 1999). It is
often argued that lack of language rights is one of the causal factors for ethno-
national movements, group conflicts and instability particularly in multilingual
countries (Paulston, 1997). When it comes to group conflicts over the status,
usage, equality and rights of their languages, federalism, in terms of
accommodative language choices, is believed to advocate language rights,
thereby promoting multinational integration (Mitra, 2002).
Language choices are ought to promote language rights and equitable
developments in all domains of language use. Fishman (2001a) divides these
language for development domains into powerful domains (including
employment, higher education, mass media and government institutions) and
less-powerful domains (include family, friends, neighborhood, community and
pre-school or elementary education). Language determines who should (and
should not) be able to have access to both domains (Weinstein, 1983).
According to Eerik Lagerspetz (1998), expanding bureaucracies (public and
private), cultural developments, political participation, and many roles and
professional developments are open to the people only if they have a perfect,
or nearly perfect, command of the chosen language. Brian Weinstein (1983: 3)
points out that “the ability to manipulate worlds in order to persuade the voters
is one method to obtain and hold on to power; we admire oratorical and writing
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skills as gifts”. That shows the chosen language role as a unique resource to
those who possess it as determined by language policy.
2.1 Language Policies in Multilingual Federations
Language policy of a given jurisdiction is part of the public policy which
regulates the functions of, and statuses given to, each language. More generally,
a language policy could be designed and implemented with an overt legal status
(de jure) or covert language politics and practices (de facto) (Bender, 1985).
The concept of language policy, for the purpose of this paper as well, is mainly
related to decisions, rules, regulations and guidelines about the status, use,
domains and territories of languages and the rights of the speakers of the
languages under question (Schiffman, 2005). It is therefore a policy subset of
planning, language planning, which determines the relative language status
within a polity. It determines the nature of inter-language relations on the one
hand, and state-language relations on the other hand. In this regard, there are
confusions as to the usage of such terminologies as “official language”,
“national language” and “working language”, which should be briefed at this
juncture.
An ‘official language’ is usually understood as a language that is given
“legal recognition of an elevated status” in a particular administrative unit or
jurisdiction (courts, parliament and administration) (de Varennes, 2012: 4). In
addition, official status can also be used to give a language (often indigenous)
a legal status, even if that language is not widely spoken. This is so because
official status is connected to the wider political issues of sovereignty,
multinational integration, and the rights of indigenous peoples and ethnic
minorities, including immigrant communities in development matters (Patten
and Kymlicka, 2003). On the other hand, the term ‘national language’ especially
when used in the very constitution of a jurisdiction, raises the language in
question to the status of national identity, national flag and national anthem
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(Mputubwele, 2003). Thus, the term implies that any one “who does not know
or use the so-called national language is somewhat less than loyal or patriotic
and that his or her status as a national of the country is somehow deficient”
(Abraham, 1990: 73-74). Finally, a ‘working language’, also known as a
procedural language, is a language that is given a unique legal status in a
jurisdiction or an organization as its primary means of communication (de
Varennes, 2012). It is simply the language of the daily correspondence and
conversation in an organization since it often has members with various
differing language backgrounds. For a given organization or a state, a working
language may or may not also be an official language or a national language
depending on approaches employed to promote social unity and equality
(Abraham, 1990).
Usually, literatures on Ethiopia regard Amharic as a ‘national
language’ of Ethiopia, other times as ‘official language’ of Ethiopia. These
terminologies frequently appeared to have been confusing for elites of political
parties as well (TVO, April 2015, Election Debate).i The tendency of regarding
a working language as a national one could be argued as the policy legacy of
the imperial regimes of the country, for the clear fact that the federal constitution
of Ethiopia designates Amharic as the working language of the Federal
Government (FDRE 1995, Art.5). Therefore, contrary to the past language
policies of Ethiopia, the new federal and regional constitutions of the country
provide a ‘working language’ policy model. Amharic is not the working
language of Ethiopia, but of the Federal Government since regional states,
special zones and some special districts have adopted their own working
languages. Ethiopia has several working languages. Fernand de Varennes
identified that “countries such as Canada, India, and Ethiopia have a much
larger number of official languages once one considers the regional/provincial
languages: around 50 for India, 11 for Canada, and 8 for Ethiopia” (2012: 11).
135
All languages in Ethiopia are officially declared equals and are national
languages.
Furthermore, there are also confusions among the society as well as
scholars on the applications of bilingual or multilingual working language
policies. For Mengistu Arefaine, for instance, “each and every Ethiopian should
learn at least three or four languages depending on how many languages are
going to be added to Amharic as working languages of the federal government
for the future” (2015: 23). This means that, if the federal working languages of
Ethiopia are four in number, according to his understandings, citizens would
learn all of them. However, international experiences show that working
languages by definition are not the languages that each citizen should learn, but
the languages that the government should use to provide public services
according to the language preferences of the people in question (de Varennes,
2012). For instance, the Government of the Republic of South Africa has 11
official languages that do not imply that every South African has to know all of
them. The European Union (EU) has 24 official languages, which does not
mean that EU citizens are expected to know all of them. In Canada, citizens are
expected to learn either of the two official languages or for bilingual offices,
both. Article 5 of the Bolivian Constitution (2009) lists 37 languages as its
unitary state’s official languages. What makes Bolivian language policy so
special is that it has included extinct indigenous languages in the lists of
declared “official languages”.
The declaration of 37 languages as “official languages” does not in
any way show that Bolivians should learn all of them. It instead refers that all
native nations and peoples receive public services in their own respective local
languages. So, adding one or more languages to the working language of the
federal government does not imply additional burden or imposition over the rest
of the citizens. It only means that the federal government exercises it powers
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and responsibilities in one of the chosen languages in accordance with the
language preferences of the people in question. Citizens are expected to know
one or two of the working languages as may be required by the constitution.
The underlying philosophy of multilingual governments is that it is not
the attitude in speaking one language but it is the attitude in providing public
services in many languages depending on the need of a particular people, which
promotes social cohesion and equitable development in multilingual societies.
Multilingual provision of public services include, among others, education in
mother tongue (UNESCO, 2005), courts proceedings, administration, mass-
media, health services, and other state duties in mother tongue languages. Based
this basic principle, Canada has bilingual Federal Government (English and
French); Switzerland has three official (Germany, French and Italy) and four
national languages (Germany, French, Italy and Romansh); Belgium designated
three working languages (Dutch, French & Germany); South Africa has
endorsed eleven official languages; India has had two Union Government
working languages (Hindi and English), Nigeria opted for its former colonial
language (English).
2.2 Monolingual Governments in Multilingual Societies: Social
Inequality & Conflicts
The choice of one language as a government working language of a given
jurisdiction, where language diversities and potential language struggle for
similar status exist, would result in challenging consequences: social inequality
and disagreements. Alan Patten and Will Kymlicka, for instance, observe
that:
[T]he very process of selecting a single language can be seen as
inherently exclusionary and unjust. Where political debate is
conducted in the language of the majority, linguistic minorities are
at a disadvantage, and must either invest the time and effort needed
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 to shift as best they can to the dominant language or accept political
marginalization (2003: 16).
Similarly, Abraham Demoz (1990) contends that as soon as one language is
designated the working language of a jurisdiction, it thereby gives a major
competitive advantage to the native speakers of that language. Therefore,
selecting only one working language for a government of a multilingual society
does not guarantee equal opportunity in state development activities.
As a result, language choice questions at the shared-rule can have
audible resonances for the broader issues of federalism: local participation,
power sharing, equitable development and multinational integration. Language
problems limit citizen’s fair access to state resources: It can “erect or tear down
barriers to power, wealth, and prestige at the center of a political system”
(Weinstein, 1983: 100). Turgeon and Gagnon suggest that “the inability of
members of a linguistic minority to be served in their own language can lead
to serious challenges to the legitimacy of the state” (2013: 407). The
legitimacy crisis of the state due to under-representation of the groups whose
languages were not chosen, suggests policy revision so as to build a more
inclusive state that is equitable as well as united. That is why Canadian
language policy was reformed as argued by the Canadian Royal Commission
on Bilingualism and Biculturalism (Government of Canada, 1969: 95):
The possibility of national disintegration has forced a re-examination
of the linguistic policies of the Public Service. The debate is no longer
about efficiency, merit, patronage, and representation, but rather
between thoroughgoing reform and schism. Change is imminent and
no institution requires reform more urgently than does the federal
administration.

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In a nutshell, choosing only one working language for official purposes in
multilingual societies would cause social inequality and instability.

3. Ethiopia's One-Language-One-Country Policy of the Past

(1855-1991)
In this section, we shall see how one-language-one-country policy of the past
led to social inequality, thereby causing national disintegration of Ethiopia
(Eritrea seceded in 1991). The modern multilingual Ethiopia was built mainly
through wars of conquest and occupation (Teshale Tibebu, 1995). Language
policy was central to the making of modern multiethnic Ethiopia (ibid.). As a
result, there are now more than 80 languages spoken in Ethiopia that can be
categorized under different language families (i.e. Semitic, Cushitic, Omotic,
Nilotic). Of these languages, the major five include Afaan Oromo (33.8%),
Amharic (29.6%), Somali (6.1%), Tigrigna (5.9%) and Sidama (4.0%)
languages (CSA, 2010). Despite this diversity, previous regimes of Ethiopia
had oppressed non-Amharic languages: “During the reign of Menelik II, who
expanded the Ethiopian empire to today’s borders, Amharic was given a new
status as a symbol of unification for the people in the multilingual Ethiopian
society” (Meyer, 2006: 120). Amharic language was imposed upon all
nationalities that were forcibly incorporated into the empire state, and thus
Amharic linguistic imperialism implemented. Language conquest and language
defeat evidently dehumanized all of the conquered nationalities.
Linguistic homogenous policy was the primary aim of the language
policy of the imperial regime of Ethiopia. The imposition of Amharic on the
various ethno-linguistic groups in the empire state was designed as a primary
tool of ‘one nation-building’ project (Donham, 2002). Amharic was promoted
as “lesanenegus” (the language of the king) (ibid.). Tedla Haile (1930)
specialized (M.A. thesis) on the national unity creation lessons from French
139
colonial assimilation policy for Ethiopia and recommended the following
policy:
The policy of assimilation should be at the top of our reforms; for,
without the union of the Amhara and [Oromo], it is impossible to
visualize the future with certainty or enthusiasm. The two peoples who
are allowed to evolve separately will end up forming two different, and
perhaps antagonistic, nations (quoted in Bahru Zewde, 2002: 132-
133).
That was assimilation policy as a means of national integration. As to who is to
assimilate who, Tedla has no doubt: “It is for the [Oromo] to become Amhara
(not the other way round); for the latter possess a written language, a superior
religion and superior customs and mores” (ibid: 132). Then, in 1933, Sahle
Tsadalu, the then Minster of Education decided the following:
The strength of a country lies in its unity, and unity is born of
(common) language, custom, and religion. Thus, to safeguard the
ancient sovereignty of Ethiopia and to reinforce its unity, our
language and our religion should be proclaimed over the whole of
Ethiopia. Otherwise, unity will never be attained…Amharic and
Ge’ez should be declared official languages for secular as well as
religious affairs and all pagan languages should be banned (quoted
in Bahru Zewde, 2002: 140).
Thus, the imperial regime of Ethiopia intensified its linguistic assimilation
policy and practices through various means such as formal education, religious
institutional teachings, army establishments, public services and others. Lionel
Bender (1985) considered the entire socio-linguistic policy substance and
processes of the empire of Ethiopia as a formal Amharaization.
The Italian intervention (1936-41) only interrupted the imperial
linguistic policy of homogenization project (ibid.). For instance, Italians built
140
schools which used non-Amharic languages as medium of instruction in the
non-Amhara regions. Mekuria B. (1997: 98) wrote:
They [Italians] were interested in winning the trust of non-Amhara
peoples through the elimination of the Amhara claim to superiority
over them. Therefore, employment of Amharas in government offices
and using Amharic language in non-Amhara territories was prohibited.
Afaan Oromo, Kaficho, Somali and Adare languages were used as
medium of instruction in government schools in the South. In Addis
Ababa schools, Afaan Oromo and Amharic were used.
Whatever the motives one may associate with Italian colonial language policy,
Ethiopia had briefly experienced language policy pluralism.
Following the defeat of Italians, Haile Selassie restored his power in
the country and re-introduced his linguistic homogenization policy. One of the
laws he passed for this purpose was the Imperial Decree, No. 3 of 1944 which
required Amharic to become the exclusive medium of instructions throughout
Ethiopia (Government of Ethiopia, 1944). Article 125 of the revised Imperial
Constitution of Ethiopia (1955) declared that “the official language of the
Empire is Amharic,” and accordingly, Amharic became the language of
administration, courts, mass-media, health services and medium of instruction
in schools throughout Ethiopia. Not only it became the instrument of public
service delivery, as Alelign Aschale observes, “Amharic had been regarded as
a language of national symbol and unity” (2013: 1).
One of the leading causal factors for the outbreak of the Ethiopian
Student Movement (ESM) was the quest for language equality and justice
(Donham, 2002). Walelign Makonen, a leader of the ESM of the 1960s, is often
quoted: “To be a ‘genuine Ethiopian’ one has to speak Amharic, to listen to
Amharic music…In some cases to be an ‘Ethiopian’ you will even have to
change your name” (1969: 6). Therefore, the 1974 Ethiopian Revolution and
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the subsequent wars by national liberation movements were partly caused by
the language factor.
The Derg military rule did not peacefully respond to language
questions of nationalities. It rather opted for mainly military responses to
language autonomy questions. Thus, no genuine language policy reform was
made. Lionel Bender states it as “a defacto continuation of the old policy of
Amharization” (1985: 276-77). The Derg Constitution of Ethiopia declared that
“in the People’s Democratic Republic of Ethiopia the working language of the
state shall be Amharic” (1987: Art 116). Even though this provision reviewed
the status of Amharic to the “working language of the state”, it generally
allowed the continuity of Amharic linguistic hegemony across the empire state
of Ethiopia. Art 2(2) of the same Constitution stated that “the People’s
Democratic Republic of Ethiopia shall ensure the equality, development and
respectability of the languages of nationalities.” This clause only provided lip
service for the age-old language questions. As Lahra Smith correctly argued
“Amharic knowledge remained a prerequisite of political or economic
participation,” and language policy thus remained virtually unchanged.
In nutshell, literatures on the status of Amharic languages during the
previous Ethiopian regimes (1855-1991) could be categorized under three
general interpretations: language of national unification, language of national
oppression, language of national colonialism (Bahru Zewde, 2002; Merera
Gudina, 2003; Assafa Jalata, 2007).

4. Ethiopian Federal Monolingualism, Regional Language

Development and the Prospect of Multinational Integration
The current Ethiopia’s language policy foundation was laid down during the
transitional period as the de facto federalization policy began in 1991 with the
adoption of the transitional charter. Put differently, the current ethno-linguistic
142 language policies were already in
based regional states and their respective
practice before the new federal constitution came into effect in 1995. The late
Prime Minister of Ethiopia, Meles Zenawi, when the Transitional Charter was
ratified in 1991, made the following speech (quoted in Aalen, 2002: 40):
The key cause of the war all-over the country was the issue of
nationalities. Any solution that did not address them did not address
the issue of peace and war… People were fighting for the right to use
their language (emphasis added), to use their culture, to administer
them-selves. So without guaranteeing these rights it was not possible
to stop the war, or prevent another one coming up.
This quote implies that the protection of language rights was taken as one of the
politically significant issues for the new government of Ethiopia. As a result,
language became one of the factors used to delimit the territorial boundaries of
the fourteen regions of the Transitional Government of Ethiopia (TGE) (see
Proclamation No. 7/1992). The 1995 constitution of the country formally
endorsed by in large the transitional language policies and practices, however
by reducing the number of the transitional constituent units from fourteen to
nine. Thus, in the making of the borders of the member states of the federation
(Art 46), special zones and districts, the language factor has been determinant.
Even though the current language policy of Ethiopia particularly at
the regional level has radically changed from the past, this does not imply that
the country has a comprehensive language policy document. Nonetheless,
language laws, rules, principles and regulations are her and there in separate
documents: federal and regional constitutions, education policy, cultural
legislations, media laws, and other legal documents.
2.3 Federal Monolingualism & Inequitable Access to the Federal
Developments
The Federal Constitution of Ethiopia as a mega-policy of the country clearly
stipulates the language policy guidelines and principles. The key clause remains
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Article 5 (FDRE, 1995) which states that: “All Ethiopian languages shall enjoy
equal state recognition. Amharic shall be the working language of the Federal
Government. Members of the Federation may by law determine their respective
working languages.” First, the “equal state recognition” clause signifies the
national status that all Ethiopian languages should enjoy. Thus, it is
constitutional to say that all Ethiopian languages are today national languages,
for which, the knowledge of one indigenous language is a prerequisite to be an
Ethiopian citizen (Government of Ethiopia, 2003). Second, the role of Amharic,
as a ‘working language’ of Ethiopia, is limited to the Federal Government since
the regional governments have their respective working languages.
Moreover, the cultural policy of Ethiopia (2003) highlights its
commitments to promote multilingual developments in this way:
[All] the languages…, literature… of the nations, nationalities, and
peoples of Ethiopia receive equal recognition, respect and chance to
development. Creating a favorable situation to carry out scientific
research and inventory of the languages, oral literature…of the
nations, nationalities, and peoples of Ethiopia and make them useful
in development endeavor, providing the necessary professional
assistance to the various nations, nationalities and peoples while
making their choice of language.
The other policy document which deals with language rights is the Federal
Education and Training Policy (2002) which provides "Cognizant of the
pedagogical advantage of the child in learning in mother tongue and the rights
of nationalities to promote the use of their languages, primary education will be
given in nationality languages". The 1994 Ethiopian Education and Training
policy has also promised that “Students can choose and learn at least one
nationality language and one foreign language for cultural and international
relations.” Federal media such as EBC (Ethiopian Broadcasting Corporation)
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has had its own language usage guidelines. In general, these and other policy
documents provide language policy directions on the use and status of
languages at the federal level.
The working language of the federal government has been only
Amharic. It means that “as the federal government has only one [working]
language, there is no territorial limit to its use - but this is only true in relation
to matters falling within federal jurisdiction” (de Varennes, 2012: 15). The
choice of Amharic has often been justified on an ‘accident of history’
advantages (“betarik agatami”) (Minutes of Constituent Assembly, 1994). But
it is known that Amharic was imposed and promoted across the country at the
expense of non-Amharic languages (ibid.). Since Amharic became the sole
working language of the empire state by design and conscious state policy, the
idea of ‘accident of history’ thus seems disingenuous. The historical advantages
accrued to Amharic that came about through linguistic injustices should not
have been used as criteria for language choice. According to Idil Boran (2001),
if there was inequality between languages, then providing equal status will work
in favor of the already advantaged language and reinforce the existing relational
inequalities. The case of Ethiopia shows that historically suppressed languages
are not given federal affirmative action. The South African Constitution (1996)
provides affirmative action benefits for those historically disadvantaged
indigenous languages. Following the designation of French as the other co-
equal working language of the Canadian Federal Government, there was 'the
language normalization process', aimed at elevating the status of the newly
chosen language (Yonatan, 2009: 507). Selecting only one federal language in
multilingual society like Ethiopia would obviously discriminate non-native
speakers of the chosen language. Thus, it causes inequitable access to federal
developments, i.e. participations in bureaucracy, parliamentary debates, courts
and media, schools, hospitals and others (Abera, 2009; Milkessa, 2011). For
instance, the following table shows the inequitable access to the federal
Government of ethnic groups.
Table 1: Inequitable Access to Federal Institutions of ethnic groups
(2003- 2008)
Ethnic June 2003 June 2004 June 2006 June 2007 June 2008 Average
groups

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 Number % Number % Number % Numb % Number % %
er
Amhara 23964 52. 25141 54 24753 46 28539 50.1 28669 50.2 50.88
65 .4 .8 5 9
4 5
Oromo 8149 17. 8719 18 9206 17 10103 17.7 10434 18.3 18.05
90 .8 .4 5 0
8 2
Tigrayan 3423 7.5 2968 6. 3533 6. 4951 8.70 4439 7.79 7.43
2 43 69

Guraghe 2148 4.7 2101 4. 2222 4. 2425 4.26 2433 4.27 4.41
5 56 21

Walaitta 464 1.0 533 1. 687 1. 779 1.37 829 1.45 1.26
2 15 30

Sidama 175 0.3 166 0. 206 0. 223 0.39 234 0.41 0.38
8 36 39

Somali 53 0.1 64 0. 47 0. 54 0.09 66 0.12 0.11

2 14 09

Not 5337 11. 4607 9. 10152 19 7692 13.5 7441 13.0 13.49
stated 73 95 .2 2 5
2
Others 1801 3.9 1879 4. 2027 3. 2145 3.77 2467 4.33 4.00
6 07 83

Total 45514 10 46184 10 52833 10 56911 100 57012 100 100

0 0 0

Source: Ministry of Civil Service, 2003, 2004, 2006, 2007, 2008 (computed
by Milkessa, 2011)
According to the government reports, on average, the Amhara controls 50% of
the Federal Government manpower, while the Oromo, the largest group of
Ethiopia, gets only 18% of it. This unfair access to federal socio-economic
development is the result of the Amharic-only language policy of the Federal
Government. As we can see, the percentages of Tigrayan's and Guraghe's access
to federal employment are greater than their percentage share of population.
The federal share of Somali and Sidama are at a critical stage. As to the civil
service participation of Somalis, there is an opinion that believes that they are
146
not even employed in their own regional state, let alone in the Federal
Government. Whatever the cause might be their marginalization speaks loud.
In conclusion, if some nationalities are under-represented or under-served at the
federal level due to language problems, the very purpose of the federation, i.e.,
shared-rule and shared economy might be threatened.
Furthermore, Abera Degefa(2009) observes that English has, without
any constitutional ground, tended to become a de facto working language of the
federal institutions. It is also argued that “English has gotten an increasing
power over Amharic in Education since the introduction of modern education,
and in business, since the enthronement of the incumbent political power”
(Amsalu, 2010: 1). It is practically true that the contemporary education policy
of Ethiopia provides that “English will be the medium of instruction for
secondary and higher education” (Article 3.5, MoE, 1994). Thus, the
importance of English as a means of communication appears to have been rising
than ever before among the literate citizens of Ethiopia as higher educational
institutions expand rapidly.
The federal language policy of Ethiopia could further be critiqued for
the constitution does not select a specific language for the conduct of
intergovernmental relations (IGR) in the federation both vertically and
horizontally. The practice, however, shows that Amharic is a de facto working
language of IGR. For instance, the Indian Constitution identifies a working
language for IGR: “The language for the time being authorized for use in the
Union for official purposes shall be the official language for communication
between one state and another and between a state and the Union”(Article 346,
1950).
In conclusion, the federal language policy seems to have brought
mixed results: (1) the concept of ‘working language’ seems to have been
deliberately chosen to imply ‘a mere means of communication’ or to imply all
147
Ethiopian languages are equally national languages; (2) one language choice
(using its historical hegemonic status as a special criterion) in a multilingual
society would not serve all citizens equally and fairly affecting the unity of the
federation.
2.4 Regional and Sub-regional Language Developments
Pursuant to Article 5(3) which offers member states the opportunity to choose
their own working
languages, and reinforced by Article 39 (2) which states every nationalities of
Ethiopia with the right to speak, to write and to develop its own language
(FDRE Constitution, 1995), the constituent units of the federation have adopted
their respective regional language policies in their respective regional
constitutions. The application of the current regional language policy, however,
precedes the official declaration of the federal constitution as discussed above.
Thus, one may argue that the new constitution in 1995 only legalized the de
facto regional language policies the Transnational Government of Ethiopia.
Table 2: State Member Working Language

Regional No. Member States Working Language/s

1 Tigray Tigrigna

2 Afar Afar

3 Amhara Amharic

4 Oromia Afaan Oromo

5 Somali Somali

148
 6 Benishangul-Gumuz Amharic

7 SNNP Amharic

8 Gambela Peoples Amharic

9 Harari People Harari &Afaan Oromo

According to this table, regions recognized to be constituted of diverse

linguistic groups selected Amharic as their working languages for convenience
purposes. There are five regional states which opted for non-Amharic working
languages. Harari remains the only bilingual regional government in Ethiopia.
The federal constitution mentions nothing about language policy of Addis
Ababa and Dire Dawa; however, both city charters select solely Amharic as
their working languages despite their multilingual and multicultural
compositions.
As far as sub-regional language policy is concerned, different working
languages are adopted at the special zonal and wereda levels, especially, in the
South Nations, Nationalities and Peoples (SNNP), Benishangul-Gumuz,
Gambela and Amhara Regions. For instance, Article 5 of the revised
Constitution of the SNNPRS (2001) provides that “All languages in the region
shall enjoy equal state recognition. Amharic should be the official working
language of the regional state. Zones and special woredas may determine their
respective working languages in their own councils.” Accordingly, some of the
SNNP sub-regional working languages include, “Sidama Afo, Kambata,
Kafinoono, Hadiyyisa, Gamonso, Gofa, Wolayta, Dawro, Silti, and Gedeo”
(Alelign Aschale, 2013: 3). Therefore, Amharic is not the working language of
the region, but it is the working language of the regional government.
149
 The practice of language policy of a given jurisdiction should be
analyzed in terms of its effects on school medium of instruction, languages of
administrations, councils, courts, media and others. For instance, different
regional states have freely chosen different scripts for usages. For the languages
including Amharic, Tigrigna, Gurage, and Harari, Ge’ez script have been
developed, whereas for the languages such as Afaan Oromo, Somali, Sidama,
Afar, Gamo, and many others, Latin alphabet is preferred.
Diverse languages have been developed for primary schools in
Ethiopia as a result of the education and training policy that endorsed primary
education to be given in nationalities’ languages (MoE, 2002). Consequently,
“there are twenty one languages, excluding Amharic, which are currently used
as media of instruction at primary school level” (Alelign Aschale, 2013: 3). In
this regard, except for Tigray and Addis Ababa, all regional states and city
administration of Dire Dawa provide primary schools in more than one
nationality language (Heugh et al., 2007). This means, Tigray and Addis
Ababa’s public primary school medium of instructions are only Tigrigna and
Amharic respectively.
Amharic language is being delivered as a subject everywhere in
Ethiopia because it is the sole working language of the Federal Government of
Ethiopia. As a result of this, except in Amhara Region, Addis Ababa City
Administration and other cities where only Amharic and English (bilingualism)
are being taught, all regions and Dire Dawa have been practicing the policy of
trilingual education provision (mother tongue, Amharic & English). This shows
that citizens in some areas required learning only two languages, while the rest
had to learn three languages.
In addition to education, regional governments, special zones and
weredas admins have selected their own working languages (of councils, civil
services, media, and courts). Moreover, the regional governments’ working
150
languages are sharing airtimes from the federal broadcasting media such as
EBC. The overall impact of the new regional language policy of Ethiopia since
1991 is that non-Amharic languages got the space to develop for which the
major mother tongue distributions radically changed. For instance, according to
the 1994 census, Amharic was the biggest mother tongue (32.70%) followed by
Afaan Oromo (31.58%); however, the 2007 census showed a shift of linguistic
order which made Afaan Oromo the biggest mother tongue in Ethiopia (33.8%)
followed by Amharic (29.3%), Somali (6.2%), Tigrigna (5.9%), Sidama
(4.0%)(CSA, 1994; 2007). In fact, today, the working language of the Federal
Government is not the biggest mother tongue of Ethiopia.
In conclusion, Ethiopia retained monolingualism for the jurisdiction of
the centre (continuity), while promoting regional language pluralism (radical
change from the past).
5.3 Language and the Prospect of Multinational Federal Unity in Ethiopia
Since the introduction of federalism in Ethiopia, the significance of language
for the promotion of national unity has remained an aspect of national political
controversies interpreted in various ways. Put differently, which language(s)
have to be chosen at what level of government for the national integration
purpose remains the major policy controversy. Avoiding subtle variations, four
competing approaches can be identified on the role of language in promoting
multinational federal integration in Ethiopia: the ruling party, the one-language-
one-country, the multiple-language and the colonial language.
(1) The ruling party approach: According to the ruling party
approach, pre-1991 Ethiopia was characterized by linguistic inequality due to
the official promotion of Amharic hegemony over the rest of languages. It
argues that non-Amharic speaking nations, nationalities and peoples of Ethiopia
were forced to abandon their languages, and fluency in Amharic was made the
symbol of civilization.i The previous regimes’ efforts to linguistically
151
homogenize Ethiopia did not result in national integration but instead caused
social mistrust and civil wars (ibid.).
This perspective contends that Ethiopia’s national integration problem
was resolved by the overthrow of the Derg and by the adoption of federal
constitution in 1995. The EPRDF believes in principle that at the core of the
current multinational unity is the free will as well as equality of nations,
nationalities and peoples of Ethiopia.i The ruling EPRDF party advances that
nothing has gone wrong in the selection of Amharic as the sole federal working
language because it was chosen only as a means of communication designed
neither for the promotion of oneness among Ethiopians nor for disintegration
(ibid.). Generally, the proponents of this perspective advance that national
consensus was brought through the current monolingual federal and diverse
regional language policies.
(2) The one-language-one-country perspective: This approach to the
promotion of national unity in Ethiopia is typically advocated by unitarist
Amhara political forces such as the Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD),
the Unity for Democracy and Justice (UDJ), the All Ethiopian Unity Party
(AEUP), Ethiopian Democratic Party (EDP) and other Moa Anbessa forces.
This group accuses the EPRDF of dividing the unity of the country along what
they call “bezer/race”, language, “neged/tribe”, “gosa/clan”, and ethnicity. To
restore their version of 'national unity', they suggest geographical federalism
than the current ethno-linguistic based federalism. They tend to focus on the
role of Amharic as a symbol of overarching identity of Ethiopia and recommend
it to become at least a co-official language of Member States (Yared, 2009;
Yonatan, 2009). This approach basically opposes the current regional mother
tongue language policies in general and adoption of Latin alphabet in particular
which it says hurts national feelings (hagerawisimet).i
This approach claims that only Amharic promotes national feeling and
152
prevents what it calls “mandertagnenet” (localism); which means non-Amharic
languages are thought to work against unity of the country (Mesfin W/Mariam,
2012: 67). Yonatan Tesfaye( 2009) argues that to create one political community
with a distinct constitutional identity requires forging an overarching loyalty,
identity and democratic space using one language (i.e., Amharic) out of the
diversity in the country. This is similar to Sahle Tsadalu's political stand: "to
safeguard the ancient sovereignty of Ethiopia and to reinforce its unity, our
language and our religion should be proclaimed over the whole of Ethiopia"
(quoted in Bahru, 2002: 140).
Finally, this approach puts that the best way to maintain and promote
multinational integration is to abandon the current language based federalism
and to restructure regions based on geography or other non-ethno-linguistic
criteria. The one-language-one-country approach does not criticize the current
monolingual federal government but recommends Amharic to become a co-
working language of the regional states (Yonatan, 2009).
(3) The Multiple-Language Language Policy Alternative: This is the
third approach to multinational integration discourse in Ethiopia. It advocates
multilingual government for multilingual society. Political representative of this
model has been the Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC), a member of the
Ethiopian Federal Democratic Unity Forum (Madrek). The political program of
Madrek states that “In addition to Amharic, the language spoken by large
number of population of the country shall be designated as the working
language of the Federal Government” (2008: Article 6).i Federal language
policy should promote equal access to federal resources, power, prestige,
education and generally to the state development activities. Merera Gudinai
argues that since the day modern Ethiopia was created, it has been thought that
one language, one culture, one religion; one flag would promote unity of the
country. However, the reverse has been proved that it had never brought
153
national integration (ibid.). It caused disintegration. The multiple-language
approach contends that the choice of Amharic at the federal level neglecting the
other competing languages will never promote unity and social cohesion.
This approach seems more federalist than others because it suggests
two or more federal working languages to promote multinational consensus and
unity. It supports the current regional mother tongue language policy. Bulcha
Dammaksa stresses that “Afaan Oromo and Amharic are natural for the
Ethiopian unity to come.”i While protesting against the Addis Ababa Master
Plan in 2014, 2015 & 2016, one of the several demands of the Oromo protests
was “Afaan Oromo to be the other working language of the Federal
Government”. Mengistu Arefaine suggests that "at least Afaan Oromo,
Tigrigna, Somali should be adopted, in addition to Amharic, as working
languages of the federal government" (2014: 41). Mengistu opts for
multilingual federal government to promote equitable development among
groups.
(4) Colonial language perspective: There is a perspective which
argues that it is highly unlikely to bringing about multinational integration and
equitable development in Ethiopia through language pluralism. According to
this approach, Ethiopia has always been a colonial state. This group, usually
known as ‘colonial thesis’, continued to view Amharic as ‘colonial language’,
and recommends for ethno-linguistic total independence (Asafa Jalata, 2010).
Finally, it seems that the ruling party is reacting to some of these
critiques. Some of the websites of federal institutions have recently started to
report its activities in four languages: English, Amharic, Afaan Oromo &
Tigrigna. If these developments suggest the future prospect of language
pluralism at the federal level, then, the third competing viewpoint discussed
above will be proven successful.

154
5. Conclusion
This paper has argued that Ethiopian federalism has essentially turned the old
assimilationist policy that was meant to build one-language-one-country. This
is because of the constitutional equal recognition extended to all languages of
Ethiopia as national languages, and the concomitant freedom given to regional
states to develop their respective working languages. Practically, Amharic is no
more the sole official language of Ethiopia; it instead is the procedural language
of the federal institutions. Now, there are several working languages of Ethiopia
–Federal Government working language of Ethiopia (Amharic), Tigray
Regional Government working language of Ethiopia (Tigrigna), Afar Regional
Government working language of Ethiopia (Afar), Oromia Regional
Government working language of Ethiopia (Afaan Oromo), Somali Regional
Government working language of Ethiopia (Somali language), Harari Regional
Government working languages of Ethiopia (Harari and Afaan Oromo), and the
other four (Amhara, SNNP, Benishangul-Gumuz and Gambela) regional
governments working languages of Ethiopia (Amharic). The federal working
language is also Addis Ababa and Dire Dawa city administrative working
language of Ethiopia (Amharic). There are also several special zonal and district
working languages of Ethiopia. Thus, the practice of language policy of
Ethiopia since the introduction of federalism has resulted in one federal, five
regional and many zonal and district working languages of Ethiopia. Therefore,
Ethiopia has several working languages.
From the historical comparative policy analysis, the current Ethiopian
language policy could be placed between continuity and change: continuity due
to the retention of Amharic as the sole working language at the centre without
any affirmative action offered to those historically disadvantaged languages on
the one hand, and radical transformation from the past due to the sub-national
language pluralism, on the other. Amharic has been retained at the federal level
155
on “historical accident” account, which neither could be sustainably taken as a
democratic guiding principle in the choice of working language in multilingual
federations nor aims to rectify historical linguistic injustices perpetrated against
non-Amharic languages in the past. From comparative international
experiences, Ethiopia’s choice of the working language federal government
seems unreasonable and potentially arbitrary for the simple fact that, now,
Amharic is no more the largest mother tongue of Ethiopia.
The finding shows that Ethiopia has not yet prepared a comprehensive
language policy document. Like in any other multilingual countries, in Ethiopia
too, language functions as a symbol of identity, means of communication and
thinking (working language is also part), and nation-building purpose. English
language remained a de facto working language of the Federal Government. In
order to promote multinational integration and equitable access to central
developments, this paper finally suggests that democratic, reasonable and fair
language policy be considered while choosing working languages in
multilingual federations. Especially the linguistic demographic factor might be
helpful for the future language planning of Ethiopia both at the federal and
regional levels in order to respond to some of the compelling demands. The
concept of the working language should still be understood correctly; and the
working language of the conduct of IGR needs to be legalized. If Ethiopia
selects, for instance, additional two or three languages as co-working languages
of the federal government, that does not imply in any way that citizens should
learn all the four working languages as the working language policy experiences
of multilingual countries show. Besides to their own mother tongue languages,
citizens may get the opportunity to learn one additional indigenous language
from among the working languages as may be required by the constitution or
other law. It means that all citizens would learn only three languages
(nationality language, one working language and English) as majority of
156
Ethiopian citizens have already been doing since the coming into power of the
current regime. Having two or more federal working languages would not only
enhance the right to obtain government services through the medium of one's
own language and improve participation in the federal government, but would
upgrade horizontal inter-regional social mobility, multinational integration and
equitable access to federal cakes. A federal language policy reform would in
turn contribute for the success of a language policy reform for regions where
linguistic minorities demand linguistic accommodations. In a nutshell,
Ethiopian federalism itself must above all be seen as a process.

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