ISSN: 1683-8475

E-ISSN: XXXX-XXXX

VOLUME 01 NUMBER 01 OCTOBER 2020

A Peer Reviewed Professional e-journal of the

National Defence College, Dhaka, Bangladesh
http://ndcjournal.ndc.gov.bd/ndcj/index.php
 Dedicated to the Father of the Nation
Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman
Editorial Team

CHIEF PATRON
Lieutenant General Sheikh Mamun Khaled, SUP, rcds, psc, PhD
Commandant, National Defence College, Dhaka, Bangladesh

EDITOR IN CHIEF
Professor Shahab Enam Khan
Department of International Relations, Jahangirnagar University, Bangladesh

EXECUTIVE EDITOR
Colonel M A Saadi, afwc, psc
Director (R&A), National Defence College, Dhaka, Bangladesh

ASSOCIATE EDITORS
Commodore Mohammad Atiqur Rahman, (G), afwc, psc, BN
Directing Staff (Navy)
Group Captain Muhammad Mustaqur Rahman, BPP, afwc, psc, ADWC
Directing Staff (Air)
Brigadier General Gulam Mahiuddin Ahmed, SGP, afwc, psc
Directing Staff (Army)
Lt Colonel Nizam Uddin, afwc, psc, Engrs
Senior Research Fellow-1

SECTION EDITORS
Associate Professor Dr. Md. Assistant Professor Zeba Farhana
Tanzimuddin Khan University of Dhaka
University of Dhaka
Associate Professor Mohammad Assistant Professor Kazi Rezuan
Azizur Rahman Hossain
Begum Rokeya University Begum Rokeya University
Associate Professor Dr. Niloy Assistant Professor Maria Hussain
Ranjan Biswas, University of Dhaka
University of Dhaka

ii
LANGUAGE EDITORS
Brigadier General K M Amirul Islam
Director of Education, Army Headquarters
Mohammed Jamil Ahmed
Finance Controller (Misc), Dhaka Cantonment
Associate Professor Farhanaz Rabbani
University of Dhaka
Associate Professor Bijoy Lal Basu
University of Dhaka
Assistant Professor Nishat Sultana
NDC

EDITORIAL ADVISORS
Air Vice Marshal Shaikh Abdul Professor Dr Imtiaz Ahmed
Hannan, BUP, nswc, fawc, psc, GD(P) Department of International Relations,
Senior Directing Staff University of Dhaka
Rear Admiral M Shafiul Azam, NUP, Professor Dr Sadeka Halim
ndc, psc Department of Sociology,
Senior Directing Staff University of Dhaka
Maj Gen Anwarul Momen, SBP, rcds, Professor Dr Khondoker
psc Mokaddam Hossain
Senior Directing Staff Pro Vice-Chancellor,
Bangladesh Open University
Major General Md Rashed Amin,
rcds, ndc, psc Professor Dr Mahbuba Nasreen
Senior Directing Staff Institute of Disaster Management &
Vulnerability Studies,
Major General Abul Hasnat
University of Dhaka
Mohammad Khairul Bashar, BGBM,
PBGM, ndc, afwc, psc, Professor Dr Delwar
Senior Directing Staff Hossain
Department of International Relations,
Additional Secretary Md. Mofazzal
University of Dhaka
Hossain, ndc
Senior Directing Staff Professor Dr M. Abul Kashem
Mozumder
Brigadier General Md Shamim Kamal,
Pro Vice-Chancellor,
ndu, afwc, psc, M Phil
Bangladesh University of Professionals
Chief Instructor, AFWC Wing

iii
INTERNATIONAL ADVISORY BOARD MEMBERS
Professor David Ellery Dr Pascal Vennesson
Director of Strategic Issues and Exercises, Professor of Political Science,
The Royal College of Defence Studies, UK Senior Fellow and Head of Research,
Institute of Defence and Strategic
Professor D. Robert Worley
Studies, RSIS,
Senior Fellow,
Nanyang Technological University,
Advanced Governmental Studies,
Singapore
Johns Hopkins University, USA
Professor Jonathan Gosling
Professor Tarak Barkawi
Emeritus Professor of Leadership
Department of International Relations,
Studies,
London School of Economics, UK
University of Exeter, UK
Professor David H Ucko
Professor Dr Firoz Alam
Professor and Chair,
School of Aerospace,
War and Conflict Studies Department,
Mechanical and Manufacturing
College of International Security Affairs,
Engineering,
National Defence University, USA
RMIT University, Melbourne,
Dr Thomas A. Marks Australia.
Distinguished Professor and Chair, Irregular
Professor Adnan Qadir Khan
Warfighting Strategy,
School of Public Policy and STICERD,
College of International Security Affairs,
London School of Economics and
National Defence University, USA
Political Science, UK
Professor Philip Seib
Professor Haider Ali Khan
Public Diplomacy, Journalism, and International
Josef Korbel School of International
Relations,
Studies,
USC Annenberg School for Communication and
University of Denver, USA
Journalism,
University of Southern California, USA Dr Tim Sweijs
Director of Research,
Dr Isabelle Duyvesteyn
The Hague Centre for Strategic Studies,
Professor of International Studies and Global
Netherlands
History, Institute for History,
Leiden University, the Netherlands

iv
Foreword

Since its inception in 1999, National Defence College has been relentlessly
presenting time - befitting academic curricula that testify the viability of the
academic system that has contributed to this leading institution in gaining
reputation of excellence at home and abroad. As the highest-level national
institution in Bangladesh, the National Defence College has always concentrated
on conducting research on contemporary issues of national and international
significance that have an impact on national security and development. Being a
leading Education 4.0 Institution of the country, National Defence College felt
necessity to publish an international standard E-Journal, to meet the demand of
the time.
NDC E-JOURNAL is a double-blind peer reviewed academic and professional
journal that aims to be one of the leading journals of the country and the region
in the field of security and development. The journal provides a platform for
the publication of empirical and policy-oriented research and review articles on
all aspects related to Security and Development, Leadership and Management,
Strategy, Policy, and Governance, Defence Studies, International Relation,
Social Science, Military Science and Technology, History, philosophy, Ethics of
War etc.
I am happy that we are going to publish the very first issue of NDC E-
JOURNAL. I am sanguine that the Articles included in this journal covering
varied range of topics would be of great interest to the academia, researchers,
and the ordinary readers as well. NDC E-JOURNAL website is structured to
allow easy, convenient searches, making it a source of essential, content-rich,
accessible information, and knowledge for researchers and readers.
I congratulate all authors who contributed to the very first issue of NDC-E
JOURNAL. I appreciate the sincere efforts of Research and Academic Wing
and acknowledge the hard work of editorial board to publish this journal online
within a very short time. I wish every success of NDC E-JOURNAL.

Lieutenant General Sheikh Mamun Khaled, SUP, rcds, psc, PhD

Commandant, National Defence College, Dhaka, Bangladesh
Chief Patron, NDC E-JOURNAL

v
The Editor in Chief’s Note

The NDC E-JOURNAL is a bi-annual publication of the National Defence

College, Bangladesh. The NDC E-JOURNAL provides an outstanding
opportunity to discuss, debate, and comment on national and international
security and development issues, not only from the traditional perspective but
also from the non-traditional spectrum of governance and security. The articles
are selected through a rigorous process of blind review to ensure epistemic
value, high standard, and originality to debates and discourses on a diverse
range of inquiries.
The NDC E-JOURNAL is a platform where readers can engage with the
evolving theories, policies, strategies, and discourses pertaining to security,
development and beyond. The journal has a notable reach with a significant
impact on security and strategic frameworks. We rely on our international
network of authors, advisory boards, academia, NDC faculty, reviewers, and
readers to help in identifying and exploring new areas of security and strategic
studies scholarship. Hence, the submissions to the journal have seen significant
growth and reach over the year.
We have an experienced and intellectually vibrant Editorial Board, Editorial
Advisors of global repute, a respectable and animated International Advisory
Board comprised of revered academicians and eminent personalities, and a
dedicated Editorial team comprising Section and Language editors. With the
continued support of the boards, advisors, and teams mentioned above, we seek
to maintain high standards in all aspects of this journal’s management,
credibility, and outreach.
Henceforth, with such a broad base of support, we have published this
inaugural open access e-volume, titled as the NDC E-JOURNAL, for a wider
pool of readers and researchers. This inaugural volume has included scholarly
and original articles focusing on strategic leadership, national security outlook,
post-Covid security paradoxes, cybersecurity, skilled human resources, and
military involvement in humanitarian intervention. We expect to receive more
evidence-based and intriguingly inquisitive and analytical articles for the next
volume.
We look forward to working with all of you, as we continue to make the NDC
E-JOURNAL a success. We welcome submissions, as well as feedback from
authors, readers, and reviewers of the journal.

Professor Shahab Enam Khan

Editor in Chief, NDC E-JOURNAL

vi
Editorial Thanks

The Executive Editor would like to thank the following scholars for
their precious support:

Professor Dr Pascal Vennesson Professor Muhammad Shariat

RSIS, Singapore Ullah
University of Dhaka, Bangladesh
Associate Professor Dr Ja Ian Chong
NUS, Singapore Dr Kawser Ahmed
University of Winnipeg, Canada
Dr Robert Dewar
CGSP, Switzerland Professor Priyankar Upadhyaya
Hindu University, India
Assistant Professor Dr Michael Raska
RSIS, Singapore Commodore Syed Misbahuddin
Ahmad
Professor Dr Firoz Alam
Bangladesh Navy
RMIT University, Australia
Dr Iftekhar Ahmed Chowdhury
Associate Professor Dr Md. Altab
NUS, Singapore
Hossain
MIST, Bangladesh Asif Munier
Migration Expert, Bangladesh
Dr Smruti S Pattanaik
MP-IDSA, India Professor Dr Md. Kamal Uddin
University of Chittagong, Bangladesh
Professor Dr Shuchita Sharmin
University of Dhaka, Bangladesh Associate Professor Rizwan
Khair
Professor Amir Mohammad Nasrullah
North South University, Bangladesh
University of Chittagong, Bangladesh

vii
Index

Articles Pages
1. STRATEGIC LEADERSHIP THROUGH CRISIS 01-16
Lieutenant General Sheikh Mamun Khaled, SUP, rcds, psc, PhD
National Defence College, Dhaka, Bangladesh.

2. BANGLADESH NATIONAL SECURITY OUTLOOK IN THE 17-30

21ST CENTURY
Major General Md Abdur Rouf, OSP, ndc, afwc, psc (retd)
Former Faculty Member of National Defence College, Mirpur, Dhaka, Bangladesh.

3. RECONCEPTUALIZING SECURITY: POST-CXIX 31-49

DILEMMAS FOR THE NATIONAL SECURITY
INSTITUTIONS
Shahab Enam Khan
Department of International Relations, Jahangirnagar University, Bangladesh.

4. THE DYNAMICS OF CYBERSPACE AND NATIONAL 50-67

POWER: CONTINUITY AND CHANGE
Khaled M. Khan
Department of CSE, College of Engineering, Qatar University, Doha, Qatar.

5. NEED BASED SKILLED HUMAN RESOURCES FOR 68-87

OVERSEAS EMPLOYMENT
Brigadier General Md Shahedul Islam, hdmc, psc
National Defence College, Mirpur, Dhaka, Bangladesh.

6. AN APPROACH TO HUMAN RESOURCE DEVELOPMENT 88-106

OF NUCLEAR SECURITY FORCE: BANGLADESH
PERSPECTIVE
Colonel A. B. M. Faruquzzaman, afwc, psc, G
Headquarters Logistics Area, Dhaka, Bangladesh.

7. THE MILITARY INVOLVEMENT IN HUMANITARIAN 107-124

INTERVENTION: AN ANALYSIS BASED ON THE UNITED
NATIONS (UN) CHARTER
Lieutenant Colonel Md Kamrul Hassan, afwc, psc
Military Operations Directorate, Army Headquarters, Dhaka, Bangladesh.

viii
 National Defence College E-Journal
(NDC E-JOURNAL)
https://ndcjournal.ndc.gov.bd/ndcj

STRATEGIC LEADERSHIP
THROUGH CRISIS
Lieutenant General Sheikh Mamun Khaled, SUP, rcds, psc, PhD
National Defence College, Dhaka, Bangladesh

(Received: 26th September 2020; Revised: 14th October 2020; Published: 28th October 2020)

Abstract: In the traditional sense of the term, ‘leadership’ refers to the act of
leading through different administrative functions on the way to organizational
success. In the present era of dynamic competition marked by rapid technological
advancement as well as global crises, the role of leaders has increased
substantially, necessitating the adoption of Strategic Leadership – leadership that
helps sustain and achieve competitive advantages in turbulent situations. The aim
of this paper is to identify the future challenges of strategic leadership in crisis
management and suggest measures to surmount them. The paper also attempts
to identify the leadership environment, which is necessary, besides putting
forward some suggestions, for leading effectively in the VUCA world or in the
realm of the Fourth Industrial Revolution.
Keywords: Strategic Leadership; Crisis; Environment; Challenges.
© 2020 NDC JOURNAL, all rights reserved.

INTRODUCTION
The global pandemic as well as the concomitant financial crisis has brought about
a wave of extraordinary challenges for the world’s economic and political order.
Leaders across the globe in business, government and the not-for-profit sectors
are struggling to lead through the crisis while also preparing their organizations
for the uncertain future. In the past, studies generally investigated the factors that
impacted on organizational success and how it was affected by various types of
leadership such as participative, autocratic, democratic, and so on. Today, every
situation is unique and critical. The current pace of change is way beyond what
leaders can manage. The changes that are taking place at an unprecedented speed
will affect the decision-makers and leaders of tomorrow significantly. One of the
key challenges for leaders of today and tomorrow will be to effectively deal with
and constructively manage this hyper-change. The Covid-19 pandemic is a case
in point. Hardly could anyone predict its consequences at the initial stage. Little
wonder, the whole world has been reeling under its cataclysmic impacts for
months on end.
Changes and social disruptions as well as conflicts and dislocations are inevitable.
The onslaught of such Black Swan events is becoming the new normal in the 21st

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 Khaled,
Strategic Leadership Through Crisis

century (Taleb, & Chandler, 2007). Multi-tasking, delegating and even using
algorithms and analytics are no longer enough. Therefore, future-ready strategic
leadership is the demand of the time. This calls for a revolution in thinking, a
steady stream of strategies and unexpected solutions. Leaders have to come up
not just with ideas, but how to nurture them, test them, pitch them, and ultimately
make them real and profitable. During turbulent times, leadership is one of the
key factors that can make a difference, through farsightedness and skill.
Leadership has always been considered to be the conventional act of leading a
group of individuals through various managerial functions. But today, the role of
a leader has enhanced multi-folds and requires a leader not only to lead, but also
to transform his followers into future-ready leaders. Such a transformation
among sub-ordinates is possible when the leadership role is performed
strategically, by making the subordinates develop a feeling of belongingness
within the group and in turn the organization, by making maverick decisions in
the area of needs which have not been met before, by siding with the truth even
in the face of opposition and being able to face any consequences emanating
therefrom. The broad objective of this paper, therefore, is to identify the future
challenges of strategic leadership in crisis management and suggest the way-out.
The specific objectives are to identify the necessary environment and the ways
for effective and early preparedness, against the backdrop of which, strategic
leadership is expected to sustain the complex challenges of the present and future
and uphold the expectations of concerned organizations. During any crisis they
must take the opportunity to cultivate and culture the leadership quality, to prove
their worth and to contribute to the society in general and to the subordinates in
particular.

TURBULENT TIMES BUILD GREAT LEADERS

The word ‘crisis’ has very interesting etymology. In the early 15th century, the
word ‘krisis’ – which meant to decide - was used in Greek literature. So, the word
‘crisis’ afterwards meant a critical situation that warrants or calls for a decision.
Gradually the word ‘krisis’ was used in medical dictionaries to refer to a ‘turning
point’ in a disease. At such a critical moment, the condition of the patient could
get better or worse. In modern parlance, the word ‘crisis’ means a low probability,
high impact event which calls for immediate action.
Taleb and Chandler (2007) in their book “Black Swan” discussed the low
probability and high impact events. The crisis can be likened but the Black Swan
is not always a crisis. It could even be something positive. But predominantly
Black Swan events are used and branded in a derogatory sense. So, leading
through crisis is a kind of leading propagated by Lao Tzu, who emphasized “A
leader is best when people barely know he exists, when his work is done, his aim
fulfilled, they will say: we did it ourselves” (Seamon, 2016). That is, a leader should
lead in a way that everybody will feel having accomplished the mission

NDC E-JOURNAL, Vol. 01, No. 01, October 2020 2

themselves. As Nelson Mandela said, “It is better to lead from behind and to put
others in front, especially when you celebrate victory when nice things occur. You
take the front line when there is danger.”
Sharma (2010) in his book “The Leaders Who Had No Title” mentioned in the
second principle that “turbulent times build great leaders”. Leadership in a crisis
is not different from leadership at any other time. But a true measure of leadership
can manifest itself only during a crisis. Brian Tracy, the famous motivational
speaker said, “the true test of leadership is how well you function in a crisis.” His
words have not resonated more than they do today. There is a popular English
proverb that says “cometh the hour, cometh the man” – the idea that the right
leaders will come to the fore during times of crisis. So, leaders really prove their
worth by leading through crisis, and not by leading at ordinary times. According
to John C. Maxwell, “leadership is a verb, not a noun” (Austin, 2020). What this
means is that leadership is the act of doing, it is not a static entity. Leadership is
taking the followers through the crisis. Most of the leaders who are recognized in
history proved their worth by leading through crisis, and they emerged during
crises.

LEADERSHIP CHALLENGES DURING CRISIS

IN DAY TO DAY WORK
While performing routine tasks even highly competitive, successful organizations
can and do face crises, defined as low‐probability, high‐impact events that
threaten the viability of the organization and are characterized by ambiguity of
cause, effect, and means of resolution, as well as by a belief that decisions must
be made swiftly (Pearson & Clair, 1998; p. 60). Leaders are faced with various
paradoxical situations as follows:
▪ How to be an inspirational leader while continuing to push for
performance. Setting deadlines for employees is easy but keeping them
engaged along the way is the real difference that a leader can make.
Depending on leadership, either staff burn out can set in or employees
may feel hungry for more. The right performance on the part of the
leadership remains inspirational for employees.
▪ How to respond to countless questions from subordinates when no
clear answers exist. There will be many queries for clarification
inasmuch as there will be fake news and social media propaganda that
will generate further queries, more doubts, more stress and more
uncertainty. Hence, a leader should pass on authentic information to the
people he or she leads, so that they know the fact. It is imperative that
the information be presented in a cut and thrust manner so that the
subordinates or followers know what the truth is.
▪ How to maintain visibility and influence in the organization with

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 Khaled,
Strategic Leadership Through Crisis

limited interaction opportunities. Studies have highlighted the

importance of visibility in the workplace for informal interaction that can
be used as a measurement for productivity (Motamed et al., 2013). Leaders
have to make an effort to be visible to sub-ordinates and peers alike,
notwithstanding the fact that they are often constrained by regulations
and procedures.
▪ How to keep building personal brand within the organization
without appearing self-centred. Personal branding is a way of
establishing and consistently reinforcing who we are and what we stand
for in our career and life. Leaders have their own personality, and they
should strive to develop a personal brand that lives in the minds of the
ones they lead.
▪ How to keep the team engaged while working remotely. While
working remotely has its fair share of benefits, like saving time and
money on commutes and encouraging better work-life balance, it also
has some drawbacks. McGregor and Doshi (2020) showed that
employees who work remotely are less motivated, because of lack of
personal engagement. So, a leader must engage the team effectively by
defining goals for remote workers, improving the overall internal
communication strategy, and encouraging continuous involvement
however they can.

CHALLENGES FOR STRATEGIC LEADERSHIP

DURING CRISIS
Crisis situations can overwhelm even the most experienced leaders, presenting
unexpected and complex scenarios that evolve at a fast pace and in several
directions:
▪ Detecting incoming issues in a fast-changing situation. The rapid
pace of change often gives rise to a new set of challenges, as in a VUCA-
situation. The acronym VUCA stands for volatility, uncertainty,
complexity, and ambiguity. Originating from the United States Army
War College, the term has been widely used to describe the conditions
resulting from the Cold War (Lau, 2020). There is a growing need for
leaders to be aware of VUCA situations, which could be managed with
VUCA vision, understanding, clarity and agility. So, it is important that
leaders be equipped with these skills to effectively deal with a VUCA
situation.
▪ Making sense of a dynamic threat with limited information. The
pace, nature and implications of COVID-19 have proved to be
frustratingly difficult to comprehend. There are reasons, but there is not

NDC E-JOURNAL, Vol. 01, No. 01, October 2020 4

 enough information. Moreover, there is hardly any agreement on the
escalation of rates, or on the effects of measures taken so far. The
simulation attempts that make use of controversial input variables are
focused on apparently drastic forecasts. As a result, leaders are navigating
in semi-darkness.
▪ Making life-or-death decisions. There will be times when a leader has
to assign people for any administrative or training jobs where they could
be exposed to risks. Sometimes, the leader has to make very crucial
decisions, balancing the risks to which those decisions can expose an
individual or subordinates against organizational functions and goals.
▪ Ensuring strategic coordination. In a global crisis such as COVID-
19, many governmental, private, and societal institutions will have to do
their part. As the credibility and efficiency of the overall response is
strongly contingent on them sharing their individual responses, they
must work together. For residents, all of whom are willing to volunteer,
the same is true. There is a great deal of social resilience on offer, but a
license to function by clear facilitation, public cooperation and regulatory
stability need to be granted.
▪ Keeping worried personnel on side. Crisis communication ‘best
practice’ is remarkably simple and consistent. It stresses the need to
provide trustworthy channels of simple, timely, consistent, and replicated
messaging and actionable advice. Yet how much crisis coordination turns
out to be an Achilles’ heel to crisis management remains shocking.
Leaders also struggle to communicate and may be distant from the
perspectives of people. In resisting panic among people, they can even
be too vigilant and thus fail to share the entire reality.

STRATEGIC LEADERS IN VUCA WORLD

During unfavorable times, volatile and intensely contested markets or macro-
economic crises, leaders in the VUCA world show the features of successful
leadership. Historically, when fighting the enemy on the battlefield, VUCA was
used in military campaigns around the world, where things were uncertain,
chaotic, and there was a shortage of knowledge on which to base decisions.
Nevertheless, effective strategic leaders are always able to ascertain the prospects
and make decisions accurately to lead their people forward and gain momentum
in the current situation.
In the current operating environment, the dynamics need strategic leaders to
make deliberate decisions during turbulent situations in order to manage and
develop agile organizations despite the uncertainty. In the operating environment,
changes often determine and impact how choices are made to prosper and
manage uncertainty. This needs a strong view of where we are now, and a sense

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 Khaled,
Strategic Leadership Through Crisis

of intent. Where will we go? And how are we getting there? These are critical
questions to solve uncertainty and clear confusion (ambiguity) within the
organizations or political landscape. The response to these questions is that we
need to be clear about where we are going and be flexible about how we are going
to get there. Leaders need to formulate concrete action plans about how to get
there, such as short-term and long-term priorities and goals. The second
important thing after defining priorities is to build communication techniques
that need to be synchronized to get buy-in and impact followers or team members
to get them to the desired future.
Leaders are expected to clearly express the current situation, the progress that
needs to be made, the time frame at their disposal to cross the river, possible
threats, and the advantage of intervening now in order to facilitate action among
individuals. It is crucial that everyone feels and shares the same risk of
probabilities to enable everyone to do outstanding work, with a high degree of
diligence to achieve the objectives or target set that could eventually contribute
to the creation of an agile organization. The significant events faced by many
companies, large and small, are: a significant decrease in market results, such as
volumes of sales/production, which can affect companies in terms of high
operating costs, competitiveness and profitability, and which can generate
potential uncertainties. Leaders, however, ought to make important decisions
with high levels of cautionary judgment and exercise. Most corporations have
been impacted by external factors, such as current global, regional, and local
economic vulnerabilities. However, decisions taken at the strategic level must
always represent the interests of different stakeholders. Successful leaders
typically devise a semi-risk potent strategy integrating flexibility frameworks that
empower the company to pursue different opportunities, optimize new
technologies, and utilize their professional workforce's core competencies. The
nature of their workers, direct or indirect rivalry, the political landscape
(government policies) and the general regulatory structure must be recognized by
leaders in the VUCA world. This helps leaders make smart choices when dealing
with difficult business survival circumstances.

HOW TO MAXIMIZE THE LEADERSHIP IMPACT

IN A VUCA WORLD
Today’s leaders must have an appetite to embrace VUCA. They do not have a
choice. They either prepare themselves to lead effectively in the midst of chaos
or they simply fall prey and become victims. Here are three leadership principles
that will help leaders lead successfully in a VUCA world:
▪ Principle 1: Leaders must have an unquenchable appetite to learn. They
need to have a large appetite for learning in an ever-changing world.
Futurist and philosopher Alvin Toffler once wrote: “The illiterate of the
21st century will not be those who cannot read and write, but those who

NDC E-JOURNAL, Vol. 01, No. 01, October 2020 6

 cannot learn, unlearn, and relearn.”
▪ Principle 2: Leaders must have a resolute mindset to embrace change.
A VUCA setting is all about transformation. These improvements are
imposed on us, whether we like them or not. Successful leaders may not
avoid transformation.
▪ Principle 3: Leaders must have an unwavering commitment not to
compromise values. They must do what is right. They never compromise
their faith to fit in. They do not conform to the ways of the world or
condone sin.

STRATEGIC LEADERSHIP THROUGH THE FOURTH

INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION
The 21st century is characterized by a coalescence of artificial and human
intelligence. Leaders so far have been dealing with the VUCA environment. But
now with ever-evolving technology and new processes, leaders and organizations
are facing ever-stronger challenges than they were even five years ago. The
concept of digitizing everything is becoming a reality. Automation, artificial
intelligence, internet of things (IoT), machine learning and other advanced
technologies can quickly capture and analyze a wealth of data that gives previously
unimaginable amounts and types of information to work from. In order to
generate value from the results obtained through advanced technology, the
challenge moves to the next level, changing how to think, train and work with
data. Industry 4.0 is the fourth in a sequence of technological revolutions marked
by their potential, through the implementation of new technologies and
processes, to change economies, employment and even society itself.
The first industrial revolution began mechanization in the late 18th century with
the introduction of steam power and the invention of the power loom, and
drastically altered the production of products. Electricity and assembly lines made
mass manufacturing feasible in the late 19th century, giving rise to the second
revolution. The third revolution was thought to have taken place in the 1970s,
when advances in computing allowed people to program machines and networks,
powering automation.
Professor Klaus Schwab, the Founder and Executive Chairman of the World
Economic Forum, has published a book entitled ‘The Fourth Industrial
Revolution’ in which he describes how this fourth revolution is fundamentally
different from the previous three, which were characterized mainly by advances
in technology (Schwab, 2017). Definitions for Industry 4.0 abound, but the
convergence of physical and digital technology such as analytics, artificial
intelligence, cognitive technologies and IoT is the primary transition it brings to
its heart. This physical and digital union enables a digital organization to be built
that is not only integrated, but also capable of making more comprehensive,

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 Khaled,
Strategic Leadership Through Crisis

educated decisions. Data obtained from physical structures in a digital

organization is used to push intelligent behaviour back into the physical world.
These feedback loops are the possibilities that create ample prospects for new
goods and services, improved ways of servicing consumers, new types of work,
and completely new business models.
The effect of these changes has the potential to ripple through industries,
companies, and cultures, as in the previous industrial revolutions, impacting not
just how we operate, but also how we live and relate to each other. But this time,
the revolution is progressing at incredible pace, powered by the exponential rate
of technological growth. Amongst changing demographics and unparalleled
global connectivity, either technical, social, or economic, Industry 4.0 can herald
greater opportunities than any that came before it. Future leaders will need to
adapt to these environmental changes.

HOW TO MAXIMIZE THE LEADERSHIP IMPACT IN THE

WAKE OF THE FOURTH INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION
There will be enormous strategic leadership challenges as the impact of
technology and the disruption that comes with it will result in an exogenous force
over which leaders would have little or no control at times. However, it is the role
of leaders to guide their teams and to be mindful of these forces when making
business decisions that would impact on the sustainability of their organizations.
They should thus grasp the opportunity and power so as to shape the Fourth
Industrial Revolution and direct it toward a future that reflects the organizational
values and success. Though some traditional leadership capabilities still remain
critical, the following leadership principles will help leaders lead successfully in
the digital era:
▪ Principle 1 - Mindsets not skillsets
o A lack of expertise is not what makes leadership inefficient in today's
economy. It is the mixture of a constantly evolving world combined
with a mental attitude transfixed (being stuck in non-changing
patterns of thought)
o The co-creative collective culture takes for granted a high degree of
learning versatility. People have to be able to adapt constantly and
rapidly.
▪ Principle 2 - Focus on what works
o In the economic environment, looking at the learning ecosystem, it
is easy to see that it is not cantered especially on new ways of work
and leadership.
o It will leave a huge impact on the organization by turning the

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 emphasis on achieving sustainable progress, generating progress in
innovative design systems, and motivating people to bring
improvements together.
▪ Principle 3 - Prioritize differently
o People who critically analyse their feelings and reactions without
assessment fail to comprehend the old patterns of thought that still
influence them. The brain has been conditioned in one direction and
will function in the same direction until it is retrained consciously.
o In order to be able to form relationships – both new and current
ones, it is advised to first focus on one's own personality.
Change is important, but when leading in a VUCA and digital world, good leaders
must know what should not be changed. In reality, it can be argued that it is as
necessary to know what does not change as to know what needs to change.
Modern companies in the 21st century deal with various problems that have
evolved rapidly. In Bangladesh, the situation is no different. Therefore, in the
constantly evolving organizational climate and economic model, proper
leadership is essential for organizations to succeed. The level of transition is the
driving force, while one of the essential reasons for corporate progress is good
leadership. Company leaders today need to have an appetite to accept VUCA and
the new world, so we are either planning to lead successfully in the midst of
uncertainty or only being casualties. Strategic leadership and the appropriate
investment in human resources development, particularly the leadership
development program, are factors that contribute to the creation of an agile
company.

LEADERSHIP SKILLS FOR AN UNCERTAIN WORLD

To secure a better future, strategic leaders must seek out experiences and
opportunities to learn and apply 10 new skills:
▪ Maker instinct: Ability to take advantage of the inner drive to create
and develop stuff, as well as to interact with others in the making.
▪ Clarity: Willingness to see a future despite messes and inconsistencies
that cannot yet be seen by some.
▪ Dilemma flipping: Ability to turn dilemmas into rewards and
opportunities that, unlike problems, cannot be solved.
▪ Immersive learning capacity: Capacity to immerse oneself and learn
from them in a first-person way in unfamiliar environments.
▪ Bio-empathy: Capable of seeing stuff from the point of view of nature-
to consider, appreciate and learn from the patterns of nature.

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 Khaled,
Strategic Leadership Through Crisis

▪ Constructive depolarization: Having the ability to stay calm in stressful

environments where disagreements dominate, and contact has broken
down and leads people to constructive interaction from divergent
cultures.
▪ Quiet transparency: Capable of being transparent and genuine-without
advertising oneself on what matters to us.
▪ Rapid prototyping: Expertise in the development of rapid early
innovation versions, with the assumption that early failures would be
needed for later success.
▪ Smart mob organization: Skilled in developing, engaging, and
cultivating purposeful networks for business or social change through
the intelligent use of electronic or other media.
▪ Commons creating: Has the ability to seed, cultivate and grow
common assets that can help other players and often encourage higher-
level competition.

LEADERSHIP BEHAVIOURS TO MANAGE CRISIS

For moving forward in a crisis, leaders need to cultivate four behaviors in
themselves and their teams. They must decide with speed over precision, adapt
boldly, deliver reliably, and engage for impact.
▪ Decide with speed over precision. The situation is changing by the
day — even by the hour. The best leaders quickly process available
information, rapidly determine what matters most, and make decisions
with conviction. Leaders must break through the inertia to keep the
organization trained on business continuity today while increasing the
odds of mid to long-term success by focusing on the few things that
matter most. They should decide with speed over precision because if
leaders delay and keep thinking and get into analysis –paralysis then their
decision is so much so late that perhaps it will be counterproductive.
▪ Adapt boldly. Leaders should get ahead of changing circumstances.
They seek input and information from diverse sources, are not afraid to
admit what they do not know and bring in outside expertise when
needed.
▪ Deliver reliably. Leaders should take personal ownership in a crisis,
even though many challenges and factors lie outside their control.
Leaders should stay alert to and aligned on a daily dashboard of priorities.
They should set KPIs and other matrices to measure performance, and
keep mind and body in fighting shape.
▪ Engage for impact. In times of crisis, no job is more important than

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 taking care of the team. Effective leaders are understanding of their
team’s circumstances and distractions, but they find ways to engage and
motivate, clearly and thoroughly communicating important new goals
and information. Leaders should:
o Connect with individual team members.
o Dig deep to engage the team.
o Ask for help as needed.
o Collect and amplify positive messages.

LEADERSHIP CAPABILITIES FOR MANAGING CRISIS

Leaders managing their organizations through crisis show six distinctive
capabilities:
▪ Calm. All the while, effective leaders are able to remain calm and
maintain a sense of perspective. According to Gene Klann (2003), author
of the book Crisis Leadership, “During a crisis, your goal is to reduce
loss and keep things operating as normal as possible. The leaders should
project a sense of calmness through this difficult and uncertain situation.
Panic is contagious. It will infect the subordinates. If we feel
uncomfortable but pretend that we are calm, that will also be transmitted
amongst peers, or subordinates.
▪ Confidence. The leader should project confidence that he is going to be
able to see this through successfully. Whatever direction he is giving, he
should stick to it. If it warrants change, he should change. The fickleness
again gets people a little worried as to whether they will comply with the
instruction whole heartedly or they should still wait and see.
▪ Communication. The leader must create a sense of order in which to
communicate decisions and priorities. He should communicate with
authenticity and veracity and communicate continuously with each other
across the board.
▪ Collaboration. The leader should call on the resources and capabilities
of all his team members and bring them together. A crisis like COVID-
19 cannot be fought independently. It requires collaboration between the
health department and a host of other departments and organizations,
which will have to synergize their collective efforts with a view to
overcoming the challenges of COVID-19.
▪ Community. The leader should set an example and model behaviors
that are community friendly and supportive. The measures that we take
or the action that we prescribe must involve the community and seek
support therefrom.

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 Khaled,
Strategic Leadership Through Crisis

▪ Compassion. Compassion at a time of crisis is a very important

manifestation of leadership. We can hardly overemphasize the need for
compassion. Leaders have to be empathetic; leaders have to be
compassionate. They should demonstrate that they bear the same risk as
their followers do and they are fighting together. Only then can leaders
win over the hearts of their followers and motivate them to put their best
efforts for a common cause.

SUGGESTIONS TO LEAD EFFECTIVELY DURING A CRISIS

Leaders can step up to lead effectively and turn their teams’ attention back to the
challenges of meeting the goals. Here are some of the actions the best leaders
take during the times of crisis – some ideas for aspiring managers and leaders as
they look to strengthen their leadership muscle to prepare for an unknown and
unpredictable world.
▪ Take own energy seriously. Leaders should surround themselves with
positive minded people. Should they often have pessimists around them,
they tend to get infected and worried, thereby jeopardizing their ability
to lead.
▪ Put individuals ahead of organizations. Conflicts occur when
differences exist between the needs, values, and interests of individuals
or groups and those of the leaders of the organization. It is important to
create a win-win situation to balance the dominating needs of the
organization with those of the individuals in order to retain satisfied
employees and meet organizational goals.
▪ Cultivate hope not just confidence. Confidence is important but there
must be hope that there is light at end of the tunnel.
▪ Reduce risk to Zero. If possible, leaders should avoid taking any risk
that is not worth taking. In other words, they should try to minimize the
risk.
▪ Do not be vulnerable and be empathetic. Leaders should share their
experience with everybody. There is no sparing anyone.
▪ Do the unexpected. Leaders could sometimes do unexpected things
that help them win people’s heart.
▪ Focus on the small things. When people are stressed, just giving a call
or small things like that can be immensely helpful.
▪ Point to credibility. In the age of social media, fake news and
propaganda are rampant. Leaders must make sure whatever information
they are providing is credible and authentic. In other words, leaders must
use credibility to build trust.

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 ▪ Cater to the least fortunate. That is what the priority is. Leaders must
be able identify those who are least fortunate or most affected. The most
affected are the ones who need to be given priority because they have
the minimum capacity to support themselves.
▪ Manage stress. Stress management is important not only in a crisis
situation but also in normal times.

CONCLUSION
The world is changing at a much faster pace than before and leaders are finding
it increasingly difficult to deal with. This is further exacerbated by the fact that
each circumstance is unique, requiring a different set of measures. One of the key
challenges for leaders of today and tomorrow will therefore be to effectively deal
with and practically manage this hyper-change. Multi-tasking, delegating, and
even employing algorithms and analytics will no longer suffice. Future-ready
strategic leadership is the need of the hour. Today’s leaders will not only lead, but
also transform their followers into future leaders. Such a transformation among
sub-ordinates is possible when the leadership role is performed strategically.
Amid emergency they must take the opportunity to nurture and culture the
leadership quality, to prove their worth and to contribute to the organization in
general and to the subordinates in particular.
In day to day business, even highly competitive and successful organizations face
crises. A crisis situation can potentially overwhelm even the most experienced
leaders, presenting unexpected, complex scenarios that evolve at a fast pace and
in several directions. During unfavorable times, volatile and intensely contested
markets or macro-economic crises, leaders in the VUCA world show the features
of successful leadership. In the current operating environment, the dynamics
need strategic leaders to make deliberate decisions during turbulent situations in
order to manage and develop agile organizations despite the uncertainty. Leaders
are expected to clearly express the current situation, the progress that needs to be
made, the time frame at their disposal to cross the obstacle, possible threats, and
the advantage of intervening now, in order to facilitate action among individuals.
Leaders so far have been dealing with VUCA environment. But now with ever
evolving technology and new processes, leaders and organizations are facing ever
stronger challenges than they were even five years ago. The Fourth Revolution is
characterized primarily by advances in technology. Analytics, artificial
intelligence, cognitive technologies and IoT are the primary transition it brings to
its heart. The revolution is progressing at an incredible pace, powered by the
exponential rate of technological growth. Future leaders will need to adapt to
these environmental changes.
Strategic leaders must seek out experiences and opportunities to learn and apply
new skills to secure a better future. They should have the ability to take advantage

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 Khaled,
Strategic Leadership Through Crisis

of the inner drive to create and develop stuff, as well as to interact with others in
the making. They should have willingness to see a future despite messes and
inconsistencies that cannot yet be seen by some. They should be able to turn
dilemmas into rewards and opportunities that, unlike problems, cannot be solved.
Leaders should grow capacity to immerse themselves and learn from them in a
first-person way in unfamiliar environments and have the ability to stay calm in
stressful situations where disagreements dominate and contact has broken down
and leads people to constructive interaction from divergent cultures. They should
be transparent and genuine. They should be expert in the development of rapid
early innovation, skilled in developing, engaging and cultivating purposeful
networks, talented to seed, cultivate and grow common assets.
Today’s leaders must have an appetite to embrace VUCA. They must have an
unquenchable appetite to learn, a resolute mindset to embrace change, and have
an unwavering commitment not to compromise values. Strategic leadership must
grasp the opportunity and power so as to shape the Fourth Industrial Revolution
and direct it toward a future. Leaders must follow the suggested principles to deal
with the challenges. Change is important, but when leading in a VUCA and digital
world, good leaders must know what should not be changed. Strategic leadership
and appropriate investment in leadership development programs are essential for
creating an agile organization. Finally, the best leaders must know how to manage
stress both during a crisis and in normal times. Above all, a strategic leader must
be confident, credible, collaborative and compassionate in managing teams,
especially during turbulent times because the true measure of leadership can be
displayed only during a crisis.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
The author would like to express his gratitude to the National Defence College,
Dhaka, Bangladesh. He also presents his appreciation to the editors,
coordinators, and the anonymous reviewers of the NDC E-JOURNAL for their
insightful suggestions and inputs to the manuscript.

REFERENCES
Austin, D. (2020). Leadership Lessons Learned from John C. Maxwell. [Online]
Available at: http://deborahangelaustin.com/leadership-lessons-learned-john-c-maxwell
(Accessed: 20 August 2020).
Klann, G. (2003). Crisis Leadership. Center for Creative Leadership. Greensboro,
North Carolina.
Lau, E. (2020). Thriving is Times of Volatility, Uncertainty, Complexity and
Ambiguity. [Online] Available at: https://leaderonomics.com/business/maximise-
leadership-vuca-world [Accessed: 14 October 2020].

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McGregor, L., & Doshi, N. (2020). How To Keep Your Team Motivated,
Remotely. Harvard Business Review. [Online] Available at:
https://hbr.org/2020/04/how-to-keep-your-team-motivated-remotely [Accessed: 22
September 2020].
Motamed, H., Ansari, M., & Wahab, A. (2013). Workplace Visibility and the
Impacts on Informal Interaction. Proceedings of 4th International Graduate
Conference on Engineering, Science and Humanities IGCESH, UTM, Johor,
Malaysia. 936-941.
Pearson, C.M. & Clair, J.A. (1998). Reframing Crisis Management. Academy of
management review, 23(1): 59-76.
Schwab, K. (2017). The Fourth Industrial Revolution. New York: Crown Business.
Seamon, T. (2016), Leaders, Honor Thy People. About Leaders. [Online]
Available at: https://aboutleaders.com/leaders-honor-thy-people/#gs.h60bkq
[Accessed: 20 Auguest 2020].
Sharma, R. (2010). The Leaders Who Had No Title. Jaico Publishing House,
Mumbai, India.
Taleb, N. & Chandler, D. (2007). The Black Swan. Recorded Books, Prince
Frederick, MD.

AUTHOR
Lieutenant General Sheikh Mamun Khaled, SUP, rcds, psc, PhD was
commissioned in Bangladesh Army in 1981. Later, he successfully attained his
military training in various institutions both at home and abroad. His overseas
training includes Advanced Courses in Fort Gordon, Georgia, USA, EIPC from
Naval Post Graduate Academy, California, USA, Transnational Security
Cooperation Course at Asia Pacific Center for Security Studies in Hawaii, USA
and RCDS from Royal College of Defence Studies, London, UK.
In his illustrious career, Lieutenant General Mamun Khaled has served
Bangladesh Army in various capacities at different Units, Training Institutions,
Organizations and Army Headquarters. A few of the positions worth mentioning
are Commandant of School of Military Intelligence, Area Commander Logistics
Area, Director General of Directorate General of Forces Intelligence, Vice
Chancellor of Bangladesh University of Professionals, Commandant Bangladesh
Ordnance Factory and Commandant National Defence College, Bangladesh.
General Mamun Khaled has also served in the UN Protection Force
(UNPROFOR) in Bosnia and UN Mission in Sierra Leon (UNAMSIL),
contributing enormously to international peacekeeping.
As a knowledge seeking military leader, General Mamun Khaled completed
his Master’s in Defence Studies from the National University, Bangladesh. He

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 Khaled,
Strategic Leadership Through Crisis

also completed his first Master in Business Administration degree from the
University of Dhaka. Thereafter, he got another MBA from Bangladesh
University of Professionals. His third MBA is from the Royal Roads University,
Canada. He also completed an MA in International Security and Strategy from
Kings College London, UK. Afterwards, he earned his PhD degree on ‘Change
Management’ from Bangladesh University of Professionals and a second PhD on
‘Visionary Leadership’ from Jahangirnagar University. Moreover, he has been
awarded the ‘Army Medal of Excellence’ from Bangladesh Army for securing the
top position in three Army level courses. At present, he is the Commandant of
National Defence College of Bangladesh.

NDC E-JOURNAL, Vol. 01, No. 01, October 2020 16

National Defence College E-Journal
(NDC E-JOURNAL)
https://ndcjournal.ndc.gov.bd/ndcj

BANGLADESH NATIONAL SECURITY

OUTLOOK IN THE 21ST CENTURY

Major General Md Abdur Rouf, OSP, ndc, afwc, psc (retd)

Former Faculty Member of National Defence College, Mirpur, Dhaka, Bangladesh

(Received: 2nd September 2020; Revised: 3rd October 2020; Published: 28th October 2020)

Abstract: The essence of Bangladesh’s security paradigm originates from the

national core values, i.e. democracy, nationalism, socialism, and secularism.
Contemporary geostrategic trends together with global pandemic have led the
complex web of systematic factors, both of international and regional nature,
influence Bangladesh’s national security in one way or other. Bangladesh, to
encounter the multifarious security challenges at global, regional, and domestic
levels, needs to adopt concept of comprehensive security that would give her
the strategic space to play its own role in all situations. From a national
perspective, Bangladesh’s security is contingent on political security, military
security, economic security, social security, environmental security, and global
peace. Bangladesh needs to attain socio-political stability by creating a society in
which the rule of law, fundamental human rights and freedom, equality and
justice will be secured for all citizens. An integrated effort is necessary to
preserve sovereignty and safeguard territorial integrity by protecting national
land, maritime and air spaces, and national cohesion. Bangladesh needs to
achieve sustainable and inclusive economic growth to survive in the global
economic recession due to pandemic and trade war. As a disaster-prone
country, it is essential for Bangladesh to develop a healthy and sustainable
environment. Following the foreign policy postulated by the Father of the
Nation, Bangladesh is committed to maintain global peace. This paper attempts
to focus on the conceptual issues relating to national security of Bangladesh
relevance to global, regional, and domestic, geopolitical, and geostrategic
environment. The paper is based on data from the constitution, books,
government websites, journals, internet and news reports, attempts to assess
contemporary security issues of Bangladesh, at a time when the country is
facing the challenges of the 21st century.
Keywords: National Security, National Core Values, Socio Political Stability,
Sovereignty and Territorial Integrity, Sustainable Economic Growth,
Environmental Protection and Global Peace.
© 2020 NDC E-JOURNAL, all rights reserved.

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 Rouf,
Bangladesh National Security Outlook in the 21st Century

PREAMBLE
Security is valued by individuals, families, states, and other actors. Security,
however, is not the only thing they value; and the pursuit of security necessitates
the sacrifice of other values. Modern concepts of national security arose in the
17th century during the thirty years’ war in Europe and the civil war in England.
In 1648, the “Peace of Westphalia” established the idea that the nation-state had
sovereign control not only of domestic affairs such as religion, but also of
external security (Patton, 2019). The idea of the nation-state is commonplace
today, yet it would be wrong to assume that it is the only way to look at
international security. It would be far better to have an international system
based on the equilibrium of nation-states dedicated to the limited purposes of
national sovereignty and self-defence. The realist school of thought professed
by Thomas Hobbs (1588-1679) in his book “Leviathan”, espoused the
supremacy of the nation-state (Hobbes, 1651). However, in the 18th century this
idea was challenged by idealist school of thought by philosopher Immanuel
Kant (1724–1804), in his essay “Perpetual Peace: A Philosophical Sketch,”
outlined his idea that the system of nation-states should be replaced by a new
enlightened world order (Kant, 1795). Nation-states should subordinate their
national interests to the common good and be ruled by international law (Kant,
1795). Thus, was born the secular view of supranational institutions governing
international affairs, which today is reflected in the global world view of liberal
internationalism and most clearly manifested in the United Nations (UN).
National security is the requirement to maintain the survival of the state using
economic power, diplomacy, power projection and political power.
Contemporary geostrategic trends had led the complex web of systematic
factors, both of international and regional nature, influence Bangladesh’s
national security in one way or other (Karim, 2006). In the face of such
challenges, Bangladesh is indeed constrained to act independently on its own.
The constraint emanates not only from the confinement of state authority
within the national boundary, but as well from the resource endowment that
Bangladesh as a small and developing state lacks. Bangladesh is scarce to
accommodate the demographic pressure and it lacks adequate strategic depth.
The land-man ratio in Bangladesh is critical, therefore the question of food
security and political stability are of contextual importance here. Country’s
mineral and energy resource is meagre to facilitate her economic growth. The
country lags in connectivity, which constrains its trade and investment
(Rahmatullah, 2009). Further, it is prone to natural disaster and susceptible to
global climatic changes. Bangladesh became a nation much before it became a
state and had to endure strenuous tests of national will and cohesion to emerge
as an independent country (Hussain, 2013). Since independence, Bangladesh has
made important strides forward in several fields of national life. However, the
country is also facing number of challenges from within and without, which
must be addressed to ensure the national security of Bangladesh.
Conceptualizing security at levels other than the nation-state is not new. The

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new thinking about security focuses on conceptual issues rather than empirical
or normative issues. This paper attempts to focus on the conceptual issues
relating to national security of Bangladesh relevance to global, regional, and
domestic, geopolitical, and geostrategic environment.

STRATEGIC ENVIRONMENT
The world in the 21st century is undergoing fundamental transformations, and
has become more complex, fast-changing, and hyper-connected. Globalisation
is flattening the world by blurring geographical boundaries and increasing
connectivity, and thus enhancing mobility of people, goods, thoughts and of
infectious diseases (Fischer, 2003). The coronavirus pandemic, which was first
detected in China, has infected people in 188 countries. Its spread has left
businesses around the world counting costs and wondering what recovery could
look like. It has affected big shifts in stock markets, where shares in companies
are bought and sold, which affect the value of pensions or individual savings
accounts (ISAs). Many people have lost their jobs or seen their incomes cut due
to the coronavirus crisis. Unemployment rates have increased across major
economies as a result. According to international monetary fund (IMF) the
global economy will shrink by 3% this year due to pervading effect of
coronavirus. It described the decline as the worst since the great depression of
the 1930s. The travel industry has been badly damaged, with airlines cutting
flights and customers cancelling business trips and holidays. Many countries
introduced travel restrictions to try to contain the virus. The crude oil price had
already been affected by a row between Organisation of the Petroleum
Exporting Eountries (OPEC), the group of oil producers, and Russia.
Coronavirus drove the price down further. Retail footfall also saw
unprecedented lows as shoppers stayed at home in a bid to stop the spread of
Covid-19. However, governments around the world have pledged billions of
dollars for a Covid-19 vaccine and treatment options (Jones, Palumbo, & Brown,
2020).
Globalisation has quickened the pace of developments for many around the
globe but has also deepened and widened inequality. Despite significant
progress in attaining the Millennium Development Goal (MDG), poverty has
remained one of the greatest concerns of human security (Shangquan, 2000).
Consequently, migration has become an ever-increasing global phenomenon.
Cultural fusions have created new identities and offered new challenges to the
old ones, and eventually fomented ethno-religious intolerance. There is
inequality also in respect to causes and effects of the emerging environmental
challenges: most of those who have contributed the least to environmental
degradation are perhaps the ones least prepared to handle its effects (Mir, Qadri
& Hassan, 2015). New technologies are revolutionising social behaviour, ideas,
norms, and practices. Technology has alleviated much of human vulnerabilities
but has also introduced newer ones. Besides, developmental needs have

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 Rouf,
Bangladesh National Security Outlook in the 21st Century

increased the global appetite for energy. Connectivity on the other hand is
reshaping the knowledge-base and facilitating formation of global opinions,
faster and wider (Akhtar, 2014). People’s demand to the state is also undergoing
transformation: people around the globe are gradually forcing states to put
‘Human’ at the centre of all concerns and actions.
As people’s behaviour and aspirations are undergoing changes, so are the
concerns of the states and the norms of international relationships. While the
roles of the major global powers are gradually changing, new powers are
emerging fast on the global platform, and shifting the balance of power between
the West and the East, and the North and the South. The re-emergence of
geopolitical rivalries is signalling tectonic shifts in the international relations and
raising concerns about inter-state conflicts and weapons of mass destruction
(WMD) (McGlinchey, Walters, & Scheinpflug, 2017). Rise of a wide range of non-
state actors, on the other hand, is challenging and undermining the role of the
state, since globalisation has undermined the capacity of states to address
security challenges on their own; while strife, terrorism, unrest, radicalisation,
and a host of transnational organised crimes are defining the new range of
conflicts in the modern world. ‘Networks’ in such a complex and complicated
world has gained centrality in significance: while epistemic networks may foster
the creation of norms, covered networks can engage in illicit activities, ranging
from terrorism to the smuggling of nuclear know-how and materials (Falkner,
2011). The world today as such is not only just interconnected but also
intertwined and interdependent for both progressing developments and
mitigating vulnerabilities.
South Asia is a developing region in the fastest developing continent of the
contemporary world. Although South Asia is not amongst the best connected
or integrated regions of the world, most of the countries in the region share
common history, culture, ethnicity, and values, and also important socio-
economic concerns; some of which are competitive while most are
complementary (Thakur and Wiggen, 2004). Geographically, South Asia lies at the
crossroads of West, Central and East Asia and the Indian Ocean, and has the
potential to offer connectivity to these regions. The region also has some
natural and huge human resources to offer to the world. But there exist
diverged and contentious interests in the region which lead to geopolitical
rivalries to the extent of nuclear empowerment and increased arms race, and
involve interests of other global powers (Snedden, 2016). This adds some tension
to the regional stability and impedes/limits regional cooperation and
integration. Economically, South Asia in general consists largely of agrarian
economies with increasingly private-sector-led engagement in low-end and
labour-intensive manufacturing, and in the fastest-growing service sector. Socio-
politically also, South Asia is not the most stable regions of the world. The most
important concerns for almost all the countries in the region are the ones
related to human security. Although the South Asian countries have performed
relatively well in achieving the MDGs, a significant part of the population has

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limited access to food, shelter and safe drinking water, and the states also face
significant challenges in delivering services (Bajpai & Sachs, 2004). For many
countries in South Asia, the internal concerns weigh higher than the external
ones on the balance of security.
Bangladesh being located in between two very important regions of the globe,
i.e., South Asia and South-East Asia, is considered as bridge between them.
Since Bangladesh is the only flat territory between East-Southeast and West-
Southwest, regions in respect to her location, therefore her geostrategic
significance is very high (Karim, 2008). Bangladesh is considered the gateway to
Bay of Bengal with its 45000 square miles of sea territory. This stretch of water
gives Bangladesh an opening to the Indian Ocean and through its choke point
i.e., the Strait of Malacca to the Pacific Ocean, thereby to the Asia Pacific
Region. Consequently, Asia Pacific region, Indian Ocean region, South Asia and
South-East Asia directly or indirectly impinge on the geo-strategic disposition of
Bangladesh (Hussain, 2006). Bangladesh is the 8th largest and homogeneous
nation of the world, which amounts to huge demographic strength. Average
65% working age provides large capacity of active manpower. Its population is
resilient and hardworking to withstand any adverse situation and cope with any
situation. There has been remarkable women empowerment and gender equality
in all walks of life (GED, 2015b). Unlike many other countries, it is blessed with
common language amongst majority of the population, absence of class in the
society, and sound communal harmony. Bangladesh’s national will has proved
to be a strong force behind any national cause. This spirit of the nation provides
an intrinsic strategic strength of the country. There has been number of
innovations over the time since independence in the field social and economic
activities, which are considered as strategic soft power of the country (Barai &
Adhikary, 2015). Bangladesh’s persistent commitment to United Nations Peace
Keeping Operations (UNPKO), lauded by the entire world, has provided
diplomatic defence in its favour. Apart from diplomatic dividend, UN
assignment has enabled Bangladeshi peacekeepers to expose and educate in
global crisis environment (Zaman & Biswas, 2015). This cumulative knowledge
over the years has contributed to grow expertise in international and domestic
crisis management.

BANGLADESH’S SECURITY ARCHITECTURE

National security is a state or condition where most cherished values and
beliefs, democratic way of life, institutions of governance and unity, welfare and
well-being as a nation and people are permanently protected and continuously
enhanced (Afolabi, 2015). Needless to state, every region has its own distinct
security environment defined by its geopolitical, geo-economic and geostrategic
positions. The complicity of geopolitics and wide variety of security issues
which encompass the region today demand a holistic approach towards national

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 Rouf,
Bangladesh National Security Outlook in the 21st Century

security. Such ideas have resulted in the evolution of modern concepts of

security like collective, common, comprehensive, and cooperative security
(Kikkwa, 2010). The fundamental basis of collective security is the idea of all
against one (Kara, 2018). Common security is underpinned by the assumption
that security is best assured through cooperation rather than competitive power
politics. Comprehensive security recognises that military power, in itself, is not
sufficient to guarantee a nation’s security. Cooperative security emphasises the
importance of pursuing a multi-dimensional approach to security (Dewit, 1994).
To secure national interest of Bangladesh, its security is contingent on
comprehensive security paradigm. Bangladesh, to encounter the multifarious
security challenges at global, regional, and domestic levels need to adopt
concept of comprehensive security that would give her the strategic space to
play its own role in all situations. Comprehensive security architecture provides
a holistic view of security, as it encompasses multidimensional nature of threat
that emanates from both within and outside the border. The concept is most
widely used and most effective mechanism for managing bilateral disputes
between the neighbours. It is suitable for dealing with non-military and non-
traditional security issues involving two or more nations of the region (Schmid,
2007). Further, it allows the nations to cooperate with states, as well as non-
state actors and allow integration of extra-regional powers in a broad area of
cooperation. Finally, adoption of comprehensive security would enable
Bangladesh to get the support of extra-regional powers and other regional
partners.

FOUNDATION OF BANGLADESH’S SECURITY PARADIGM

The essence of Bangladesh’s security paradigm originates from the national core
values, i.e. democracy, nationalism, socialism, and secularism. These core values
render national aim to realize the democratic process for a socialist society,
which is free from exploitation, a society in which the rule of law, fundamental
human rights and freedom, equality and justice, political economic and social
rights are secured for all citizens. Following national aim, the national objective
is to prosper in freedom and make our full contribution towards international
peace and cooperation in keeping with the progressive aspirations of mankind
(Ministry of Law, 2009). With these, national vision of Bangladesh is to emerge as
a regionally and globally influential middle-income country, with a democratic,
secular, and inclusive identity, contributing to global peace, progress, and
prosperity (GED, 2015a). Aspiration of national vision raises the wants and
need of the nation i.e. national interest of Bangladesh, which broadly includes:
▪ Sovereignty, territorial integrity, political and economic independence,
and maintenance of identity.
▪ Strengthening democracy, rule of law and good governance.

NDC E-JOURNAL, Vol. 01, No. 01, October 2020 22

 ▪ Protecting and projecting national image and identity as a secular,
growing democracy.
▪ Seeking economic emancipation, self-reliance, and social security.
▪ Management and sharing of scarce national resources.
▪ Combat the challenges of climate change and its adverse impacts.
▪ Seeking to consolidate good international relations.
▪ Playing an active role as a responsible and contributing member of the
international community.

NATIONAL SECURITY CONCERN OF BANGLADESH

Elements of Bangladesh national security include sovereignty and territorial
integrity, socio-political stability, economic prosperity, environmental protection
and global peace and stability. As a member of UN, Bangladesh is committed to
global peace and security, which provides her diplomatic defence. For
Bangladesh, each element of security is manifested with relevant security
concern. Geostrategic location and national power of Bangladesh impinges on
its territorial security and sovereignty (Karim, 2006). Its security mostly defines
traditional threats that include both external and internal which challenges the
nation state system. External threats posed by state actors while internal threats
originate from transnational and internal terrorism including religious
extremism. Border security of Bangladesh entails mainly border management,
which is concerned with trans-national organised crimes (trafficking-arms,
drugs, human, smuggling and money laundering). It also includes existing
border disputes concerning demarcation (Das, 2008). Illegal migration is a
growing concern for Bangladesh and presently the country maintains the largest
refugee camp in the world. Maritime boundary delimitation enables Bangladesh
to possess huge maritime space, which raises its increased security concern.
Rising tension in the Indian Ocean together with global and regional maritime
interest in the Bay of Bengal engenders Bangladesh’s freedom action in its
exclusive economic zone (EEZ) and maintenance of sea line of
communications (SLOC) at all times (Rahman, 2014). Security of maritime
resources in the EEZ, illegal fishing, sea piracy, trafficking and migration are
also growing concern of Bangladesh.
Political culture, governance, law and order and human rights are key
constituents of political security in Bangladesh. Here, political intolerance raises
social tension besides democratic institutions are yet to mature (Andaleeb, 2007).
Want of good governance, inadequate enforcement rule of law and weak social
capital lags accountability to the state. Ethno-religious aspiration, unequal access
to services (justice, education, health, food, and shelter), lack of employment
opportunities is major concern for Bangladesh’s social security (Miazi and Islam,
2012). Other growing social concerns are community security (road accident,

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Bangladesh National Security Outlook in the 21st Century

fire hazard, drowning, food adulteration etc.), pandemics, public health hazard,
urban migration, cultural invasion and abuse of cyberspace in creating social or
individual discontent, as well as in misusing services. Although Bangladesh has
seen a delayed appearance of coronavirus with the first identified case on 8th
March 2020, by now it has impacted on ready-made garments (RMG),
remittances, consumer goods, small business and start-ups including challenges
to financial sectors (Amit, 2020). Further, national security is hugely influenced
by societal impacts. It mainly involves gender discrimination, violence against
women, drug abuse and exploitation of rights of wage earners at home and
abroad (Sehgal, 2011).
Economic prosperity in Bangladesh can be assessed in terms of the condition of
having stable income or other resources to support a standard of living now and
in the foreseeable future. Threats to economic security in the context of
Bangladesh emanate from both internal and external sources. The internal
insecurity comes mainly from massive poverty and the external ones emanate
mainly from the process of globalisation, more specifically, from the effects of
the global financial crisis out of trade war and recent pandemic (CPD IRBD
2020 Team, 2020). Bangladesh is a developing country with inadequate
resources. Its resource constraints concern wider gap between demand and
supply of water sources (trans-border and inland surface and subsurface),
predicted shortfall of energy sources (coal, hydrocarbon, hydropower, gasoline
and renewable energy) and unpredicted shortfall of energy resources (SREDA
and Power Division, 2015). Though Bangladesh is a food sufficient country, with
the rise of population and reduction of cultivable land predicted/ unpredicted
shortfall of food productivity is a growing concern for food security in
Bangladesh. Despite having demographic dividend, insufficient human resource
development is a major concern for Bangladesh. Global recession indirectly
impacts Bangladesh economy as it mainly affects RMG and overseas remittance.
Present meagre domestic investment (DI) together with foreign direct
investment (FDI) inflow put constrain in growth of gross domestic product
(GDP) (BIDA, 2019). There are difficulties related to access to international
market due to imposed generalised system of preferences (GSP), tariff and non-
tariff barrier. Further Bangladesh lacks in integration with Asian and global
value chain. Inflation remains a constant headache for growing economy like
Bangladesh. Increased competitive market, inadequate infrastructure,
technological incompetency, non-compliance constrains economic growth of
Bangladesh. Inadequate protection of consumer’s rights and lack of legal
expertise in dealing with international financial dispute are also growing concern
for Bangladesh economic security (Huq et al., 2017).
Bangladesh is among the world’s most vulnerable countries to both natural and
man‐made disasters. Over the last three decades, disasters have killed huge
people in Bangladesh and inflicted colossal financial damages. The importance
of environmental protection is not only confined to manmade and natural

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disasters but also reflected on issues of environmental degradation and
sustainability. Bangladesh as a country is characterized by extremely high
environmental stress resulting from floods, scarcity of water in dry season,
growing urban population density, energy shortages, deforestation, and air
pollution (Hossain, 2011). Climate change is expected to exacerbate the existing
vulnerabilities in Bangladesh, leading to the further depletion of scarce food and
water resources, augmenting migration, and increasing the number of internally
displaced people. Ecological security concern includes unplanned urbanization,
environmental pollution due to poor waste management, natural disaster like
cyclone, fold, tidal surge, tsunami, earthquake, drought, flood etc. Deforestation
due to population growth and soil erosion and siltation is a regular challenge for
ecological balance in Bangladesh. Bangladesh is susceptible to global climate
change through sea level rise, increase salinity in river water, changing suitability
of soil and crop pattern (Mahmood, 2012).

RECOMMENDATIONS
From a national perspective, Bangladesh’s security is contingent on political
security, military security, economic security, social security, environmental
security, and global peace. Taking these into considerations following
recommendations are made:
▪ The political institutions of Bangladesh need to attain socio-political
stability by creating a balanced society that upholds the aspirations of
citizens in which the rule of law, fundamental human rights and
freedom, equality, and justice- political, economic, and social - will be
secured for all citizens.
▪ There should be an integrated approach by civil and military to
preserve sovereignty and safeguard territorial integrity by protecting
national land, maritime and air spaces, and national cohesion, from
threats emanating from within or without, so that the nation can
prosper in freedom and interact with the world on the basis of equality
and mutual respect.
▪ To face the challenges out of global economic recession, the financial
stakeholders of the country should strive to achieve sustainable and
inclusive economic growth requisite by creating an efficient, robust,
resilient, attractive, enabling, and innovative economy.
▪ Being one of the most environmentally vulnerable countries,
government and non-government organisations of Bangladesh can
endeavour to develop a healthy and sustainable environment, which is
adaptable to climate change, capable to reduce risks and mitigate
impacts emanating from disaster.
▪ Following the principles of foreign policy and as a leading peace
keeping member of UN, Bangladesh armed forces should continue to

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 Rouf,
Bangladesh National Security Outlook in the 21st Century

contribute towards international peace and cooperation in keeping with

the progressive aspirations of mankind.

CONCLUSION
Bangladesh is a small state but a large nation. It is worth saving Bangladesh.
Since independence, the country is emerging from the least developed country
(LDC) to a middle-income country despite global financial crisis, trade war,
pandemic, rise of non-state actors, natural and manmade disaster through
resilience, innovation, and national will. The geostrategic location of Bangladesh
necessitates coercive diplomacy with credible deterrence and cooperation
through a balance of power. Bangladesh as an emerging economy owns both
huge potential demographic dividend, which needs to be protected and equally
enormous challenges within and without, which needs to be addressed timely.
The world is changing every day in the sphere of political power play through
emergence of new forms of challenges like pandemic, geopolitical alignment,
political culture, democracy, economy, and media. To keep pace with these
transformations, Bangladesh needs to have an adaptive and integrated security
outlook with optimal utilization of national power, multilateral diplomacy with
smart power and good governance to secure national interest.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
The author would like to express his gratitude to the National Defence
College, Mirpur, Dhaka, Bangladesh. He also presents his appreciation to
the Editor and the anonymous reviewers of the NDC E-JOURNAL for
their insightful inputs to improve the manuscript.

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AUTHOR
Major General Md Abdur Rouf, OSP, ndc, afwc, psc (retd) was
commissioned on 19th May 1985 in the corps of engineers. He has attended
several professional courses both at home and abroad. He is a graduate of
Defence Services Command and Staff College and National Defence College,
Bangladesh. He obtained Bachelor of Science degree from Chittagong
University. He also did undergraduate and post graduate engineering from
Bangladesh University of Engineering and Technology. He attained Masters in
Defence Studies from National University of Bangladesh. The officer also
acquired Masters in War Studies and MPhil in Security Studies from Bangladesh
University of Professionals. Presently he is pursuing PhD in Social Science at
Bangladesh University of Professionals. Major General Rouf had mix of all
three types of appointment available in the Army i.e. Staff, Instructor and
Command. He commanded an operational unit in Chittagong Hill Tracts and a
Composite Brigade. As a staff he served as General Staff Officer Grade-1 at
National Defence College and Chief of Doctrine Division at Army Training and
Doctrine Command. He was Directing Staff in School of Military Engineering,
Defence Services Command and Staff College, Military Institute of Science and
Technology and twice in National Defence College at Armed Forces War
Course Wing. Major General Rouf actively took part in Counter Insurgency
Operation in Chittagong Hill Tracts, Bangladesh and Participated in two UN
assignments in the capacity of Contingent Commander and Staff at Force
Headquarters. Major General Rouf has been actively involved in drafting
Bangladesh Defence Policy during his service at NDC, DSCSC and ARTDOC
since 2007. He contributed positively to shape the policy from 1st draft to 7th
draft with a span of 11 years and as recognition of this effort has been awarded
OSP. The author actively participated in Tokyo Defence Forum as
representative of the Government of People’s Republic of Bangladesh and he
has publication in Security Studies at NDC Journal and Book published by
United Nations University, Japan on Environmental Engineering.
E-mail: rouf830@yahoo.com; abdur2756@gmail.com

NDC E-JOURNAL, Vol. 01, No. 01, October 2020 30

National Defence College E-Journal
(NDC E-JOURNAL)
https://ndcjournal.ndc.gov.bd/ndcj

RECONCEPTUALIZING SECURITY:
POST-CXIX DILEMMAS FOR THE
NATIONAL SECURITY INSTITUTIONS

Shahab Enam Khan

Department of International Relations, Jahangirnagar University, Bangladesh

(Received: 26th July 2020; Revised: 16th September 2020; Published: 28th October 2020)

Abstract: The Covid-19 (CXIX) pandemic is the greatest socio-political tragedy

of the 21st century that has significantly changed the international security
discourse. The changes have led to new debates on the depth and breadth of
security for the national security institutions. That means the concept of security
has undergone different phases in history, from Homo Sapiens to Homo
Technologicus, recreating different meanings of national security. This article
seeks to examine the concept of ‘security’ through prisms of realist and liberal
approaches, international politics, and security. The CXIX or the post-CXIX
political landscapes may lead to a fundamental reconceptualization of security,
and indeed, the dominant theories and approaches will undergo discursive
changes over the period. Therefore, the understanding of the two dominant
approaches – realism and liberalism – may allow Bangladeshi or South Asian
security thinkers to rethink security through correlative approaches that would
include a comprehensive view of what would constitute security and challenges
for the state during the post-CXIX World.
Keywords: Artificial Intelligence; bioterrorism; hegemony; neoconservatism; digital
diplomacy
© 2020 NDC E-JOURNAL, all rights reserved.

INTRODUCTION: UNDERSTANDING THE NEW

SECURITY DISCOURSE
The humankind is witnessing a paradoxical time comprising global economic
crisis to ethnic wars, radical innovation, and advancement in disruptive
technologies, newfound realpolitik, street revolution, blunt nationalist rhetoric,
and the Internet of Things (IoT). The security discourse that we had even five
years back has become significantly challenged, bearing the wildly complex
developments across the regions. Even a decade is often considered primitive in
the domain of technologies and the new phenomenon in geopolitics. The
electoral politics in Beijing, London, Moscow, New Delhi, or Washington show
that support for protective and protracted nationalism has become the new
norms after the three decades of post-Cold war. The World is increasingly

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 Khan,
Reconceptualizing Security: Post-CXIX Dilemmas for the National Security Institutions

returning to the age of the Cold War in which ideologies and geopolitical priorities
are defining national security and global tensions. Robert Kagan labelled the post-
2018 years as the era of the strongman (Kagan, 2019) where economics, a prime
branch of intellectual inquiries that was the key to understanding the last several
decades, no longer play the sole role of explaining rationality today (Zakaria,
2019). That does not mean that the role of economics has become any lesser, but
that other elements such as cognitive behaviour, diverse source of information
and misinformation, national security and popular politics have found more
substantial ground in the security discourse.
Perhaps, the trends in elections, nationalism, and exposure to virtual and
augmented realities are making irrationality as the real invisible hand that drives
human decision making (Ariely, 2009). Hence, the race for Artificial Intelligence
(AI) and predictive analytics have become new norms of scientific advancement
for political and security supremacy. The radically different views of how people
and organizations operate have further challenged the rational understanding of
security for the policymakers and decision-making actors. That means we should
be prepared for recurring political, social, ideological, and ecological cataclysms
stemming from down-to-top viz individual to the state. These sustained changes
have come along with a paradigm shift phenomenon known as the Covid-19
phenomics (hereafter referred to as CXIX). The CXIX pandemic is the greatest
geopolitical tragedy of the 21st century that has fundamentally changed the
international security discourse and environment. Perhaps, the virus that
originated in Wuhan, China, can well be seen as the World’s greatest equalizer
that has brought all the nations to cooperate yet renewed tensions and
contradictions in hegemonic ambitions based on the politics of human security,
surveillance technologies, and biotechnologies (Khan & Sharma, 2020). Indeed,
we are at a paradoxical time. While CXIX has given the birth to global race for
developing a vaccine to shape the nature of human security, parallelly the race to
develop AI is gathering momentum. Harari in his well-revered article, titled Who
Will Win the Race for AI? mentioned, “the race to develop Artificial Intelligence (AI)
gathering momentum, and as the United States and China pull ahead, other countries, especially
in the developing World, are lagging far behind. If they don’t catch up, their economic and
political prospects will be grim” (Harari, 2019). In fact, CXIX, for the Bangladeshi, or
perhaps the South Asian security thinkers, has compelled to rethink the idea of
national security which can no longer be seen through monolithic views of
realism or liberalism. The advent of the Internet, or newly emerging concepts
such as Future Integrated Soldier Technology (FIST), or even analytics to predict
social and political behaviours in advance, are affecting humans on a much higher
level – neural or biological levels. As technology, politics, economics and culture
continue to influence human life on an interrelated scale, we should consider the
possibility that current patterns, trends, and innovations may affect human
evolution generations down the line (Perkins, 2015). What it presents then is a
clear linear path of transition from Homo Sapiens to Homo Technologicus in

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which international politics and national security will be dominated by intelligence
marvels.
Henceforth, debates over the meaning, nature, and scope of security and the
future of security discourses are the critical streams of politics that must be
critically understood by the national security institutions. The emerging and new
security landscapes are firmly rooted in three theoretical approaches which
include structural realism based on Waltz’s rational actor argument which
presents both ambiguities in and wider meaning of the idea of ‘rational actor’,
regional security complex, and neorealist interaction between the individual or
human security and international or national security (Buzan, 2003; Waltz, 2010).
The state-centric social capital approach and the market-centric social capital
approach have transcended into a social dilemma leading to security challenges in
both the national and societal spheres. This article will examine two
predominantly contesting, often contradicting, approaches – realism, and
liberalism – rather than the whole spectrum of approaches existing in security and
strategic studies discourses. The scope of the paper will remain within the
evolving tensions between the state and technologies, and then the state and
individuals in which the impacts of new cognitive and intuitive technologies are
embedded.
Therefore, changes in thinking about the concept of security may lead to a
reconceptualization of realism or liberalism, but perhaps may allow understanding
security through technology approaches that would include a comprehensive
view of what constitutes security and threat perceptions associated with realist
and liberal construction of new geopolitics. Given the evolving security
landscapes and its underpinning elements, this article has been designed in three
phases to understand the evolution of security. The first phase discusses the
evolving nature of security since the earliest time till the cold war, complexities in
the post-CXIX concept of security and the emerging new strategic landscape
linking the Armed Forces, and then a brief assessment of the future of security.
In this process, relying solely on the statist security discourses may lead to
strategic mistakes. Therefore, the idea of security, precisely the idea of national
security, has become more extensive, and challenging and needs to be seen
beyond the confined binary prisms of the existing Western literature and the
Eastern ideas. What if the robots and unmanned warfare tools take over first,
indeed?

THE CHANGE FACTORS: THE EVOLVING NATURE OF

SECURITY IN INTERNATIONAL POLITICS
The concept of security has expanded and changed over the period which now
includes multiple core elements ranging from environmental and health
governance to public policy to International Development along with the

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 Khan,
Reconceptualizing Security: Post-CXIX Dilemmas for the National Security Institutions

traditional approaches to security which provides for national interest,

sovereignty, and military preparedness. However, throughout the history of
politics, security denoted multiple meanings and different definitions. The
concept of security evolved from the ancient military thoughts developed by Sun
Tzu, Thucydides, Chanakya among others, and philosophers such as Thomas
Hobbes, Niccolò Machiavelli, and Jean-Jacques Rousseau. The foundation of
realism can be found in the works from Sun Tzu to Rousseau in which state and
military featured prominently. Carr (1939) articulated security as an output of
anarchy and the absence of power to regulate the interactions between states
(Carr, 1939).
The realist and the idealist thinkers have presented multiple definitions of security
in which human existence has been an inevitable part. However, they differed on
the level of influence of the state on an individual. Classical philosophers such as
Thomas Hobbes, Immanuel Kant, and Huig de Groot identified rational
differences in different definitions of security by linking different magnitude of
violence, conflict, and peace with the state and human behaviours. The Hobbesian
approach undertakes that the World will remain violent in which anarchy will
persist, the Kantian approach presents a more optimistic view in which peaceful
existence is possible despite violence and conflict in society. The Grotian tradition
“views international politics as taking place within an international society” in which “states are
bound not only by rules of prudence or expediency but also by imperatives of morality and law”
(Bull, 1977).
Lasswell (1936) has defined security as “unavoidably political to determine who gets what,
when and how in the political world” (Lasswell, 1936). Lippman (1944) defined security
as “the capability of a country to protect its core values, both in terms that a state need not sacrifice
core values in avoiding war and can maintain them by winning war” (Lippmann, 1944) while
Ullman suggested that security is primarily about “decrease in vulnerability” (Ullman,
1983). Walt (1991) sees security as “study of threat, employment, and control of military
power” (Walt, 1991) based on the use of force to protect national interest and asset,
the behaviour of others, domestic policies and priorities, causes of peace and
cooperation, and interdependence between economy and stability. However, Walt
warned that while it is possible to include multiple elements, e.g. health and poverty,
into the framework of security, such an excessive expansion of definition could
potentially result in a disruption in understanding threats and finding solutions
arguably complex (Walt, 1991). Henceforth, from Hobbes to Walt, the concept of
security largely remained confined in the traditional approaches focusing on state
actors and their military capabilities to protect national security and interest.
However, Thomas Paine and Immanuel Kant introduced ‘perpetual peace’ as the
foundation of liberalism.
The post-Cold War period witnessed an expansion in the scope of security
accentuated by liberal globalization and rapid technological advancements. The
United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA)
introduced human security as a new paradigm of security. OCHA defined human

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security as “response to the complexity and the interrelatedness of both old and new security threats
– from chronic and persistent poverty to ethnic violence, human trafficking, climate change, health
pandemics, international terrorism, and sudden economic and financial downturns. Such threats
tend to acquire transnational dimensions and move beyond traditional notions of security that focus
on external military aggressions alone” (United Nations Trust Fund for Human Security, 2005).
Al-Rodhan (2007) identified security as a broader concept that no longer includes
states alone, but includes multiple factors such as freedom, human, health, food,
environment, national, transnational, and transcultural security (Al-Rodhan, 2007).
OCHA identifies that “Human Security complements state security, strengthens human
development and enhances human rights” (United Nations Trust Fund for Human Security,
2005). Hence, human security as a concept aligns with non-traditional views of
security in which a rights-based people-freedom approach has replaced the state-
interest-based approach. However, human security has its weaknesses since human
rights’ universal applicability has long been used as a matter of political preference
for the state leaders. One example is the contemporary US-India relationship.
President Trump’s muted response to the Indian riots or Citizenship Amendment
Act 2019 exposes the extent to which realist priorities now govern the U.S.-Indian
relationship. Ayres, in her article titled ‘Democratic Values No Longer Define U.S.-
Indian Relations’ mentioned that, “Realists on both sides of the political aisle argue that
Washington’s and New Delhi’s interests align in seeking a balance of power in the Indo-Pacific
region, with India’s heft and capabilities necessary for reaching that goal” (Ayres, 2020).
The rise of nationalism, Artificial Intelligence and cyber domain have shifted power
to the hands of individuals which, in turn, has substantially challenged the
monopoly of power by the state. Fountain (2001) argued that the state is still the
leading player in the field, maintaining (although adapting) its role as the supreme
provider of security, even in cyberspace (Fountain, 2001). However, Eriksson and
Giacomello (2006) argued that “the emergence of ‘virtual states’ and network economies imply
a decline of interstate violence, and hence that security generally plays a significantly lesser role than
in previous times” (Eriksson & Giacomello, 2006). While cyberspace is seen as a ‘zone of
international peace’, the information revolution has significantly increased the
relevance of big data and predictive analytics firms, the geopolitics of information
as a critical source of tension, technology interest organizations, social movements
and street revolutions, transnational networks, networked diaspora and individuals.
That has challenged the existing norms and standards of cooperation and
international law, and the non-state actors have emerged as both challengers to and
providers of security (Nye, 2004a; Nye, 2004b). Nevertheless, whether or not Carr’s
realist or Waltz’s neorealist or Nye’s complex interdependence between state and
non-state gave structural definitions of security; ‘virtual states’ and network
economies will reconceptualize security during the uncertain post-CXIX period.
However, until the end of the Cold War, in International Security (as an academic
discipline), the term security has been mostly associated with the theories of
international relations. The theoretical discourse has primarily been dominated by
the realist perspectives emphasizing national interest, national security, and
sovereignty, and by the neoliberals emphasizing on rational and ethical behaviour

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 Khan,
Reconceptualizing Security: Post-CXIX Dilemmas for the National Security Institutions

of states and institutions. Of course, the positioning of critical theories. i.e. from
positivism to post-positivism, cannot be ruled out as key approaches, critical
theories differed from epistemological and ontological propositions of realism and
liberalism. The idea of national power was associated mainly with realist expansion
of economic activities through multiple modes. i.e. trade, territorial presence,
political manipulation, regional-sub-regional power equations, and the formation
of strategic international alliances leading to hegemony -periphery relations that had
intrinsic links with the balance of power. External security was perceived as an
amalgamation of sovereignty, national identity, protection of borders, and
geostrategic imperatives. At the same time, internal security emphasized on the
reduction of violence and crime, often leading to human rights violation and state-
centric repression, law enforcement, and political stability.
The period between the end of the Cold War and the CXIX phenomenon focused
more on neoliberal approaches to security in which human security featured the
most. The neoliberal international order emphasized on the role of integrated and
international systems correlating institutionalism which in turn focused on liberal
trade, human rights, ethical governance, and environmental security. During these
three decades, the race for technological supremacy and the emergence of the
Internet as the biggest propaganda machine that the humankind has ever seen
accentuated the social development and changes across the regions. This broad
spectrum of change led the securitization to comprehend various dimensions
between state and individuals (Wæver, 1993). One key feature has been the link
between development and geopolitics in both the developing and the
underdeveloped countries. Globalization took a forceful shape through economic
and trade interdependence, and the strategic equations were shaped mainly by
national power and advancement in science and technologies. For the developed
countries, accumulation of wealth and the high politics of human rights and
governance are supplemented by double standards in liberal international trade
regimes and extraterritorial presence through multinational corporations, arms
market, development aid, and media. While the respect for international law varied
across the regions, international institutions such as the United Nations (UN)
witnessed fractures stemming from unilateralism, strategic preferences, or
superpower syndromes. The relationship between multilateralism, collective
security and global powers has remained ambivalent throughout history too
(Gordon, 2007).
In 2018, the UN issued 27 condemnations, and 21 of them were against Israel for
violating UN norms and resolutions (TNT World, 2018). The US-led invasion of
Iraq in 2003 has been widely debated since the UN members states questioned the
legality of such invasion, and the then UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan
mentioned: “I have indicated it was not in conformity with the UN charter. From our point of
view and the UN Charter point of view, it [the war] was illegal” (UN News, 2004), explicitly
declaring that the US-led war on Iraq was illegal. Regarding the role of the UK
armed forces in the 2003 Iraq invasion, the Iraq Inquiry Report, popularly known
as the Chilcot Report, identified: “Military action might have been necessary later, but in

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March 2003, it said, there was no imminent threat from the then Iraq leader Saddam Hussein,
the strategy of containment could have been adapted and continued for some time and the majority
of the Security Council supported continuing UN inspections and monitoring” (BBC, 2016). In
the case of Yemen conflict, backed by the Saudi-led intervention in 2015 (till now),
the International Commission of Jurists (ICJ) has accused all the parties involved
in the conflict of international human rights violation. A briefing paper published
by the Commission claimed: “States, individually and collectively, must take effective
measures to put an end to international law violations in Yemen and ensure the accountability of
perpetrators” (International Commission of Jurists, 2018). China and Russia persistently
vetoed resolutions against Syrian violation of international human rights in the
Security Council. In the case of grave violation of international human rights against
the Rohingyas in Rakhine, Myanmar, by the Myanmar Armed Forces, the report of
the independent international fact-finding mission on Myanmar mentioned that
“On the basis of the body of information collected, the mission has reasonable grounds to conclude
that serious crimes under international law have been committed that warrant criminal investigation
and prosecution” (The Human Rights Council, 2018). While the US and its European
allies supported the UN findings, Myanmar’s neighbours, i.e. China and India, along
with Russia, remained supportive of Myanmar’s causes. These recent examples are
the classic cases of misuse or abuse or bypassing of international law or human
rights norms.
The trends above demonstrate the continuing importance of the realist approach
to security despite the growth of liberal economic interdependence across the
regions. The military forces remain as an arbiter of disputes both between, and
particularly within, states, as well as the perceived importance of violence by
external forces and terrorist groups as a weapon to alter a status quo (Baylis, 2008).
The period has also witnessed shifting trajectory of security policies toward pre-
emptive action, advancement in new surveillance oriented security technologies
(SOSTs), and the growing importance of traditional trade-off between security and
liberty which has enabled complex and exhaustive security and legal measures
concerning the overall security balance of any given society (Pavone, et al., 2016). The
SIPRI report has indicated the return of geopolitical rivalries and the quest for
military power between the end of the Cold War and 2019. The global military
expenditure stood at USD917 billion, the highest since the end of the Cold War,
with 3.6 percent higher spending compared to 2018 and 7.2 percent higher than in
2010 (SIPRI, 2020a). Notably, the military expenditure decreased steadily between
2011 and 2014 following the global financial and economic meltdowns between
2007 and 2009 in which a financial crisis proliferated from the US to the rest of the
World through linkages in the global financial systems. Countries such as Saudi
Arabia, Australia, China, India and Egypt became the top five largest arms
importers between 2010 and 2018, and US, Russia, France, Germany, and Spain
remained as the top five largest arms exporters (SIPRI, 2020b).
While the global security environment did not witness significant recession in the
expansion of Western influence in military decision-making, spheres of influence,
ideology, and culture through globalization, China with its Middle Kingdom

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 Khan,
Reconceptualizing Security: Post-CXIX Dilemmas for the National Security Institutions

syndrome emerged as a counter influence. The non-Western countries are

experiencing containment by the West and the Middle Kingdom, through Indo-
Pacific strategy, the Chinese-led Belt Road Initiative including maritime silk route,
and now the vaccine silk route, leading toward strategic dilemmas. The imbalance
in the distribution of the geostrategy benefits, resulting in more considerable gaps
between the countries, has made the national boundaries weakened in which extra-
regional powers are becoming influencers. The Ladakh crisis of 2020 between
China and India, or perhaps the ‘cartographic war’ between India and Nepal, in
which Nepal redrew its map by including Indian claimed Lipulekh pass, Kalapani
and Limpiyadhura. Indeed, the rise of geo-economics corridors such as the China
Pakistan or China Myanmar Economic Corridors is the classic examples of
geostrategic imbalances which are shaping the politics of borders and liberalism.
Therefore, the idea of national power and national security has shifted in which the
weaker or less developed countries are becoming critical actors. Combining the
facts such as military expenditure, politics of territory, and geo-economics; it can be
assumed that ‘higher military expenditure’ or ‘wider military power’ does not necessarily
mean a higher military capability to define strategic environment or that the larger
armed forces would generate a more substantial real-time military effect (Markowski,
et al., 2017). In this case, the Himalayan and the Bay of Bengal regions have become
another critical geopolitical flashpoint making the entire region of Kabul to Rakhine
as an arc of instability. The meaning of security here is, therefore, more complex,
which presents a dichotomous existence of realist and liberal approaches. The
mismatch in state capabilities, human security, and political ambitions has made the
region as a geostrategic complex that includes internal threats with growing
existential influence of China and the US. While India and Pakistan consider each
other as an existential threat, with nuclear technologies as deterrence and source of
the arms race, internal challenges from their own populations and ethnic groups
loom large. Tandon and Slobodchikoff (2019) identified that “the ethnic groups have
been shown to have fewer grievances when faced with external threats, internal relations between
ethnic groups show increased tensions when there is little or no existential threat from abroad”
(Tandon & Slobodchikoff, 2019).
Perhaps, a paper commissioned by the Independent Commission on
Multilateralism (ICM) and the International Peace Institute (IPI) identified that a
new wave of technology is driving the geostrategic spheres rapidly in South Asia
(Independent Commission on Multilateralism, 2016). Hence, realism and liberal
international orders are increasingly the binary views of security. The potential to
use the data generated by billions of people connected by mobile devices, backed
by unlimited processing power, cloud computing, and access to diverse
information, for (in)security has become a significant concern. In the realist context,
technological investment and advancement will create both a democratic deficit in
which state-individual social contract will be fragile and technology deficit in which
national security will remain volatile. For the liberals, technological innovation will
lead to a supply-side miracle and help in constituting a global framework in which
transportation and communication costs will drop, logistics and global supply

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chains will become more productive, and the cost of trade will diminish, all of which
will open new markets and drive economic growth (Schwab, 2016).
The ICM-IPI paper has recognized that the potential use of ICTs for development,
governance, and peace is unlimited. However, the concerns remain with how to
govern the Internet, issues related to security and cybersecurity in particular
(Independent Commission on Multilateralism, 2016). Moreover, the cyber domain has
become more complex as the new warfare technologies such as armed unmanned
aerial vehicles (UAVs), drones, biotechnologies are entering service. The concept
of security has become further challenged as the use of armed drones is not illegal,
but there is no legal or regulatory or institutional consensus on how to exercise
international law on the use of unmanned technologies. Hence, both realist and
liberal approaches tend to be inadequate in explaining this phenomenon.
Cyberspace, then, constitutes ethical and normative challenges as state-sponsored
cyber hacking is increasing. The cyberspace includes many and varied actors—from
criminal hackers to terrorist networks to governments engaged in cyber espionage
to disrupt economic and commercial activity and threaten military effectiveness.
Moreover, the conflict that takes place in the cyber domain often mirrors conflict
in the physical World (Independent Commission on Multilateralism, 2016). Therefore,
cyber warfare occupies an ambiguous position in the laws of war and perhaps will
set new standards and norms in security governance in future.
Along with cybersecurity, maritime security has emerged as another critical field of
security discourse that links the protection of ecosystems, environment, supply
routes, and strategic autonomy over maritime resources. There is a widespread
discussion that the existing liberal international order in the maritime domain has
become precariously competitive by China’s rise and the US interests in the Indo-
Pacific region – historically which was under the radar of its Pacific Command
(PACOM), now Indo-Pacific Command (INDOPACOM). Halford Mackinder’s
seminal contribution to classic geopolitics was based upon the transformative
effects of railway routes, in the 21st century, China’s Maritime Silk Initiative (MSRI)
and it’s sub-branch Silk Road Economic Belt (SREB) under Chinese magnum opus
called BRI have generated persuasive discourse about transformative effects on the
global geopolitical landscape (Len, 2015). Chinese projects in the South China Sea
and MSRI provoked geopolitical competition in which the US and its allies – Quad
states, i.e. Australia, Japan, and India, and the Philippines have become a part of
realist geopolitical competition. That means the global energy transport choke
points, e.g. Straits of Hormuz, Malacca, and Bab el-Mandeb, and Suez Canal will
continue to remain as subject to security competition.
The lack of international governance in the cyber domain certainly questions the
non-realist values as anarchic governance modalities continue to cripple the ethical
use of power and a state’s capabilities to protect its values and standards from the
threat in the present and future. The issue of self-sufficiency and resource
nationalism, i.e. energy security, strategic autonomy, against the external threats and
volatilities, has long been one of the objectives of a modern state; it has become

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 Khan,
Reconceptualizing Security: Post-CXIX Dilemmas for the National Security Institutions

reinforced as the prime concern for many states, e.g. Bangladesh, India, Pakistan,
due to the anarchic nature that is persisting in international governance. The US
unilateral withdrawal from the Paris Agreement, the World Health Organization,
and the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), commonly known as the
Iran nuclear deal, has further created a vacuum in international leadership. The
West historically relied on US-NATO or EU-US equations for global leadership.
However, the vacuum has enabled China to exercise its global vision, known as Xi
Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era, that
asserts Coexist well with nature with ‘energy conservation and environmental protection’
policies and ‘contribute to global ecological safety’ and Establish a common destiny
between Chinese people and other people around the world with a ‘peaceful
international environment’ (Xinhua, 2018).
The dwindling features of the US foreign policy have perhaps paved the way for
new international economic order in which politics of aid and financial governance
is taking new shape challenging the Bretton Woods institutions – the flagbearers of
international liberalism and liberal multilateralism. The new financial order has
further come at the expense of eroding multilateral values in the US foreign policy.
Historically, the US foreign policy embraced liberal internationalism that advocated
for open markets, open polities and private sector, and multilateral institutions.
Drezner et al. (2020) argued that the Trump presidency has repeatedly challenged
“the critical pillars of liberal internationalism, from questioning the value of NATO to ending
trade agreements to insulting allies” (Drezner et al., 2020). The Chinese financial initiatives
have quickly gained weight among the developing countries during the foreign
policy recession in Washington.
The China International Development Cooperation Agency (CIDCA), formed in
2018, along with its flagship financial institutions such as the US $100 billion Asian
Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) in which India and Bangladesh acted as
founding members, the US $40 billion New Silk Road Fund (NSRF), the US $50
billion New Development Bank (NDB) and the US $100 billion Contingent
Reserve Arrangement (CRA) seek to link developing countries with its BRI strategy
(Khan, 2018). These, together with CIDCA, represent Chinese backed new financial
institutions that are not part of the existing Western-dominated financial
architecture (Khan, 2018). The new financial order has coincided at the time when
a supranational institution such as the European Union has been struggling with
the rise of nationalism, Russian geopolitical ambitions, and fractured response to
the coronavirus and European debt crisis. President Aleksandar Vučić, for example,
mentioned, lacking any real support from the EU, that, “Serbia now turns its eyes to
China’ and ‘all my personal hopes are focused on China and its president” (Simić, 2020).
Hence, the liberal institutionalism and multilateral guarantee for preserving security
have once again faltered.

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 REIMAGINING SECURITY: THE CXIX AND THE
POST-CXIX WORLD
The rise of new economic and political orders as discussed earlier, came along
with extraordinary technological challenges. Technologies are unevenly divided
across the region’s leading to ‘technology divide’ – a new parameter in determining
national power and capabilities. The unprecedented changes coincided with
another unprecedented event e.g. CXIX. The CXIX has challenged the
technological advancement, and extraordinary breakthroughs in medical science
prevailed across the World. The death toll has been equally unprecedented,
despite advancements, that has shaken the society, health systems, economies,
and governments. Perhaps this is a defining moment in history which has
presented a noodle bowl full of challenges, uncertainties, countless personal
tragedies, social and political traumas, and certainly the core values in social
systems. Hence, there has been a sharp rise in demand for realist solutions to
manage the immediate impact of the pandemic and its consequences. While
democratic systems are slow in responding to the immediate large-scale crises
such as pandemics, demand for the quick fix of CXIX has put pressure on the
concepts of ‘state’ and ‘security’. The current security decisions taken by the states
will determine the shape of the world order for the years to come. Woods (2020)
argued that “After COVID-19 there is a risk that the World could be yet more divided,
conflictual and nationalistic. But an alternative scenario is within reach. In this scenario,
collective action within communities and, where necessary, internationally, will make a more
rapid and peaceful exit from the crisis possible” (Woods, 2020). The social and
consumption behaviours are likely to significantly change, leading to toxic politics
of nationalism, protectionism, and racial discrimination. Woods further argued,
“some politicians will resort to a discourse combining fear and tribalism. This will exacerbate
discrimination at home – as seen in some parts of the United States, China and India – and
jingoistic nationalism will also make international cooperation more difficult” (Woods, 2020).
The liberal multilateralism and supranational institutionalism such as European
Union (EU) have exposed its weaknesses too. The EU has faced harsh criticism
for its slow response to the pandemic and economic crisis in the Eurozone,
reinforcing debates about whether it has a future without policy and political
reforms. That means, the concepts of ‘collective security’ and ‘balance of power’ would
require reconceptualization. Perhaps, the Chinese new form of Health Silk Road
or the Mask diplomacy will gain new paradigms in security and foreign policy
discourses. Escobar (2020) mentioned, “in a graphic demonstration of soft power, so far
China has offered Covid-19-related equipment and medical help to no fewer than 89 nations –
and counting” (Escobar, 2020). This covers not only the developing or least
developing countries but also the high-income economies such as Italy, France,
Spain, Belgium, the Netherlands, Serbia, and Poland. “But Italy, most of all, is a very
special case. Most are donations. Some are trade – like millions of masks sold to France (and
the US)” (Escobar, 2020). Hence, the competition for post-CXIX medical supplies,

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 Khan,
Reconceptualizing Security: Post-CXIX Dilemmas for the National Security Institutions

particularly CXIX vaccines and new antibiotics, will become the key features of
global security.
The politics of vaccine, leading to vaccine nationalism versus vaccine
multilateralism, has put the countries to capitalize on the politicization of supplies
of Active Pharmaceutical Ingredients (APIs). World Health Organization
(WHO) attested that “The vaccine market has very distinct features, which increase the
complexity of assessing and understanding pricing and procurement. It is made up of individual
markets for individual vaccines or vaccine types, each with their own specificities, particularly on
the supply side” (World Health Organization, 2020). An AB Bernstein report (2020)
identified that the monopolistic and oligopolistic nature of vaccine supply and
production had created a fragile balance between demand and supply in many
individual vaccine markets as “the industry has consolidated to four big players that account
for about 85% of the market — British drug-maker GlaxoSmithKline, French pharmaceutical
company Sanofi, and U.S.-based Merck and Pfizer” (Li, 2020). The report further
mentioned that “for every dollar invested in vaccination in the world’s 94 lowest-income
countries, the net return is $44”. “This oligopoly has been built through significant market
consolidation driven primarily by the complexities of the manufacturing and supply chain” (Li,
2020). While the vaccine market is 2-3% of the global pharmaceutical market,
there has been spectacular 10-15% rise in demand for vaccines (Kaddar, 2012).
The vaccine market has grown six-fold over the past two decades, worth more
than $35 billion in 2020 denoting that the discovery of new viruses and trends in
epidemiology (Li, 2020). A report published by the Council on Foreign Relations
identified that “97 percent of all antibiotics in the United States came from China” (Council
on Foreign Relations, 2019). As a result, innovation in and demand for vaccines (and
antibiotics) will continue to grow. Hence, supply and availability of new vaccines
as ‘global good’ for the mass population will remain as a subject to international
politics and governance at the national level.
CXIX has allowed the governments to use technologies and mappings in the
form of contact tracing, and a huge database of human health profiles has become
a subject to public debate. As Harari mentioned, “many governments and tyrants
wanted to do it, but nobody understood biology well enough and nobody had enough computing
power and data to hack millions of people. Neither the Gestapo nor the KGB could do it. But
soon at least some corporations and governments will be able to systematically hack all the people”
(Harari, 2020). Therefore, the CXIX has added another security dimension related
to surveillance. The spread of CXIX has led governments to undertake and
implement multiple surveillance measures including contact tracing, geolocation
data to track population, health surveillance, lockdowns, social media, media, and
online communication to mitigate the risks of spread and misinformation. This
has enabled to government control and scrutiny over the privacy of individuals.
The latest digital surveillance has further created pressure on the social contract
between the state and the citizens leading to potentials for civil discontent and
resistance in future. Balancing between measures to track and contain the virus
or future pandemics or migration and safeguarding neoliberal modes of privacy
and freedom will shape the security discourse in the post-CXIX period.

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The genesis of the evolving nature of security, and the uncertain future during
the post-CXIX World, the case of Bangladesh Armed Forces can be brought in
here. The challenges for Bangladesh’s national security will be manifold, including
the expanded role of the Armed Forces in providing the surge capacity in medical
facilities and personnel in future pandemics and climate infused disasters. That
means, a rethinking of what procedures and policies are necessary for military
preparedness and readiness to face such disasters would be essential. The Armed
Forces will then have to see security from the prism of a multi-layered approach
in which national security decision-making has to find common ground for
balancing national security, human security, and governance. Geopolitical fault
lines and national interest will continuously evolve, which would require constant
calibration of defence policies, operational capabilities, and national capacities
with international alliances and development. The issues related to ‘strategic
autonomy’ over maritime and cyber domains will continue to press the security
and legal discourses, which is intrinsically linked with privacy, freedom, and
human rights. That calls for dynamic civil-military relation along with improved
capacities to conduct comprehensive defence diplomacy. These two factors are
essential in balancing public interest and public aspiration, and global outreach
and regional stability. The post-CXIX uncertainty also denotes that the armed
forces would require to assess cyber and biological threats, whether weaponized
by state or non-state actors, on national and public security. That too will need
reforms in regulatory, legal and policy frameworks.
The CXIX has further exposed security paranoia of the state and politics. The
institutional structures and the monopoly of power which were once the sole
domain of the state or the government, e.g. law, trade and commerce, national
security, state ideologies, or micro governance has shifted to uncharted territory
and anarchic digital and cyberspaces. This diffusion of power will accelerate the
process of an intermingling of technological and social systems while encoding
inequities and cleavages therein (Saran, 2020). Therefore, two security narratives
have emerged: first, the CXIX has demonstrated the necessity for multilateralism
and exposed that nationalism, isolationism are doctrines such as Make America
Great Again or Make in India or Anti-Islamism will continue to pose threats to
civic coexistence. Second, Social media, cyberspace, and globalization will
continue to create vulnerabilities to pandemics and transborder terrorist threats.
The CXIX lockdowns and stagnant logistics supply systems of life-saving
materials require the countries to priorities their national and public interests over
collective mitigation of the crisis. That means the populations of conflict-affected
countries will likely remain vulnerable to pandemics, financial debts, and civil
strife. International crisis management, conflict resolution mechanisms and risks
to social and collective orders will require new standards and norms based on the
reconceptualized concept of security.

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 Khan,
Reconceptualizing Security: Post-CXIX Dilemmas for the National Security Institutions

CONCLUSION: THE FUTURE OF SECURITY FOR THE

NATIONAL SECURITY INSTITUTIONS
Irving Kristol saw security as an outcome of neoconservatism which can be
guaranteed by republicanism in the forms of bipartisan politics, oligarchy, and
even popular sovereignty. He said that a “neoconservative is a liberal who has been
mugged by reality” (Kristol, 1995). The neoconservative reality is a complex one
which propounds the need for liberal supply-side economics as the basis for
economic and social growth. Liberalism is perhaps ‘a sine qua non’ for the survival
of modern democracy, political and moral philosophy, and even religious
ideologies (Kristol, 1995). Michael Fuchs added to Kristol’s thoughts by linking
CXIX, “It is time, liberal internationalists must move quickly to define a new order—not least
because illiberal forces are already doing the same” (Fuchs, 2020). Fuchs and the
neoconservatives have realized that Liberal institutionalism can perhaps
strengthen global security in the post CXIX era for which Washington and its
allies must work together to strengthen multilateral institutions such as WHO,
UN and the Bretton Woods system. Multilateralism can provide platforms to
reduce inequality among countries, and within them, it positively can promote
safe migration, global climate agreements, and efforts to ensure stability in the
conflict areas. While the pandemic has paved ways for rigid orthodoxies in both
political and societal levels, it has also widened the windows of opportunity for
political optimism. Fuchs argued, the pandemic may have intensified the U.S.-
Chinese rivalry, but it has also driven home the importance of preserving some
space for cooperation between great powers (Fuchs, 2020).
The post-CXIX World can well demonstrate an unpredictable nature of security
and security threats, new security strategies and frameworks will seek to further
control unpredictability through ‘preventive’, ‘pre-emptive’, and ‘precarious’ actions.
Even foreign policy is now conducted with the assistance of technology, big data,
crowdsourced information, and predictive analytics. Algorithms are being
developed for cognitive interceptions for superiority in negotiations and to
predict the behaviours of the state leaders and diplomats. Digital diplomacy, use
of algorithms to spread narratives, online disinformation and propaganda, and
consular affairs are increasingly becoming prominent features in state and foreign
affairs. Hence, the use of information technology and data analytics have reduced
time in developing diplomatic and military responses. The strategies and
frameworks will then continue to significantly rely on the implementation and
advancement of new technological gadgets and resources, ranging from nuclear
to biometrics, biological to biotechnological, deep packet inspection to
unmanned surveillance. The challenge will be in bridging gaps in technological
advancement and ethical limitations in science. The technology industry, arms
market, and the strong relations between economic and political interests will
redefine the concept of security among the public. The national security
institutions will continue to face the dilemma between public perception of
security and the security of the state. The military and civil security markets have

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already created social paranoia and public fear that can be exploited by political
forces as well as the radical extremist entities. Hence, the concept of security will
require the national security actors to balance between the practice of mass
surveillance and pre-emptive technologies and the legal and cultural provisions
that guarantee civic rights and freedom.
Interestingly, security is now assessed through the tensions between individual
rights and national security imperatives. What remains as unaddressed factors are
the complex interdependence between security and technology and between
national security and societal security. In each case, security denotes different
meanings and priorities. As a result, the national security institutions will require
to develop defence policies, foreign policies, human security policies and
technology policies corresponding with each other. While the security agenda has
expanded, the meaning of security has expanded too. A reductionist concept of
security perhaps may encourage neglecting the importance of technologically
empowered units such as individuals, families, societies, and media. As this article
has discussed the realist and liberal perspectives and its limits in explaining the
post-CXIX world system and international politics, one should expect deeper
conundrum between national security and supranational security, and hard choice
between statist approach to security and human security based on universal values
and norms. As such, relying solely on the statist security discourses may lead to
strategic mistakes. Therefore, security and security policies need to be
reconceptualized, at least for Bangladeshi or South Asian thinkers, to facilitate
international and regional security by setting new norms and standards and
mutual reinforcement among freedom, innovation, and human security.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
The author profoundly acknowledges the inputs from the anonymous
reviewers for their valuable inputs. The author further acknowledges the
National Defence College’s pursuit of intellectual excellence that has
prompted the author to undertake an ontological approach in explaining
the changes in contemporary security affairs.

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AUTHOR
Professor Shahab Enam Khan teaches International Relations at
Jahangirnagar University, Savar, Dhaka, Bangladesh. He is a globally acclaimed
scholar with focuses on security, foreign affairs, and political institution.
Professor Khan is a regular speaker in national and international forums including
the National Defence College, Dhaka, Bangladesh.
E-mail: shahab.e.khan@gmail.com; Cc: sekhan@juniv.edu

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 National Defence College E-Journal
(NDC E-JOURNAL)
https://ndcjournal.ndc.gov.bd/ndcj

THE DYNAMICS OF CYBERSPACE AND

NATIONAL POWER: CONTINUITY AND
CHANGE
Khaled M. Khan
Department of Computer Science and Engineering, College of Engineering,
Qatar University, Doha, Qatar.

(Received: 03rd August 2020; Revised: 10th October 2020; Published: 28th October 2020)

Abstract: This paper attempts to provide policymakers with an overview of

cyberspace in support of their national power and national security preparedness.
In this regard, it presents foundational issues and the dynamic nature of
cyberspace that decision-makers often need to deal with in their policy-making
process. It discusses the main building blocks of the topic and analyses how
nation-states can effectively utilize cyberpower in cyberspace as an instrument of
national power. The paper outlines the critical challenges posed as well as
opportunities provided by cyberspace that developing countries can explore to
consolidate national power. It finally proposes a set of recommendations with
national cyber defensive and offensive protocols for nation-states such as
Bangladesh.
Keywords: Cyberspace; cybersecurity; cyberpower; cyber warfare; cyber strategy; national
power
© 2020 NDC JOURNAL, all rights reserved.

INTRODUCTION
The rapid proliferation of computers and the associated technologies in the digital
world has brought about fresh opportunities as well as challenges to nation-states.
This digital world, although virtual, is increasingly becoming a vital component
of the national power structure in the context of conflicts between nation-states.
The main communication melting pot in this digital world is called cyberspace –
a man-made intangible digital domain. During the early age of our civilization, the
main operational domains of conventional warfare were limited only to land and
sea. Nations developed their armies and navies only for these two domains
(Kaspersen, 2015, p. 1). In the Twentieth century, the invention of aircraft and later,
space rockets resulted in two more domains, air and space. Today, we have the
fifth operational domain, that is, cyberspace – a virtual world of connectivity
(Schreier, 2015, p. 10).
Cyberspace exists as a conceptual entity that is based on connectivity to create,
store, exchange and manipulate information via autonomous and interconnected

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networks using computer technologies. Cyberspace is not a physical place -
rather, it is a digital environment governed by networks of computers and
telecommunication infrastructures (Wingfield, 2000, p. 17). However, rapid
technological advancements and innovative ideas are constantly changing and
reshaping cyberspace; hence, it is dynamic. The degree of change can be
considerable, and it could be dramatic (Kramer, 2009, p. 2). These changes
introduce opportunities as well as challenges. For example, twenty years ago,
wireless communication in public places and households were unimaginable. The
introduction of wireless network has elevated cyberspace to a different height in
terms of efficiency and convenience. However, it also introduces a new set of
threats to cyberspace. The recent invention of quantum computing, which is 100
million times faster than existing computers, is a case in point. While this provides
a much higher computing power, hackers can also use the same machine to crack
securities in a faster manner, thereby altering the cybersecurity landscape to a
considerable extent.
This dynamic nature of cyberspace now demands a reassessment of the
established national cyber strategy of many nation-states. This is particularly true
for developing nation-states like Bangladesh. To utilize cyberspace as a part of
national power, it is a prerequisite for developing nation-states to understand the
dynamism of cyberspace, and other related areas such as cybersecurity,
cyberpower, cyber warfare, and cyber strategy in the context of modern conflict
(Schreier, 2015, p. 8). This understanding helps nation-states formulate their
national cyber strategy considering the evolving nature of cyberspace. Based on
the foregoing context, the objectives of this paper are set to:
▪ Discuss the main building blocks of cyberspace.
▪ Explore how and why major players in the global arena are aggressively
investing on the cyber front.
▪ Highlight the challenges and opportunities that cyberspace has brought
about, and
▪ Recommend ways for developing nation-states to explore opportunities
and tackle challenges to enhance national security.
With these objectives in view, this paper draws upon existing literature from
various fields ranging from conventional battles to modern cyber warfare. The
recent advances in computing technologies, the contemporary cybersecurity
landscape, different security policy frameworks adopted by key players in the
global stage as well as prior experience of the author in the field have significantly
contributed to the recommendations made in this paper.
The next section is on the vocabulary encompassing the topic of cyberspace.
Then, a review of cyber strategies of some nation-states is provided. Next, the
paper outlines major challenges as well as opportunities that developing countries
can explore along with a set of recommendations for countries like Bangladesh.
The paper then closes with some concluding notes.

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 Khan,
The Dynamics of Cyberspace and National Power: Continuity and Change

VOCABULARY FOR THE CYBER REALM

Beyond the daily news of cyber incidents, cyber-enabled coordinated assaults on
nation-states are real (CSIS, 2020). To tackle such assaults, nation-states should
have a good understanding of the full spectrum of the cyber realm such as
cyberspace, cybersecurity, cyberpower, cyber warfare, and cyber strategy.
Cyberspace
One can find numerous definitions of cyberspace as there is no officially agreed
definition. The metaphor cyberspace was probably first popularized in the mid-
1980s by Gibson (1984) in his science fiction book Neuromancer. Later, in the
mid-1990s, people began to use cyberspace and information superhighway
interchangeably to refer to the global digital connectivity. These metaphors were
chosen deliberately to suggest the usefulness, speed, and the nature of the Internet
(Dzieza, 2014).
Cyberspace is an information superhighway where data move, rest, and are
produced (White, 1994, p. 51). Origins and destinations of data are entities such
as machines, databases, human users, etc. In cyberspace, humans deploy and use
man-made technologies to create effects in other operational environments such
as air, land, space, and sea. The national cyberspace of a nation-state consists of
government, military, financial, telecommunication, and industrial networks; and
it is a part of a global information superhighway.
Cyberspace connects other operational domains because they need to exchange,
manipulate, and process vital critical data. Cyberspace provides huge operational
effectiveness to other domains in terms of efficiency, effectiveness, speed and
convenience. Cyberspace is the only domain in which all tools and tactics of
national power such as diplomatic, military, and economic can be concurrently
exercised through the manipulation of information (Schreier, 2015, p. 13).
However, this superhighway of digital connectivity is not free from hazards. The
most alarming of such hazards is the security issue in cyberspace.
Cybersecurity
Security is a major issue in cyberspace. Nation-states, criminals and even amateurs
can attack the flow of information in cyberspace by making data or systems
unavailable, destroying data, stealing data, and gaining control of digital entities
of others. Every component of cyberspace such as network, computers, devices,
software is susceptible to security problems due to deliberate attacks, accidents,
or malfunctions of devices. These components have vulnerabilities which
attackers exploit to launch attacks using cyber weapons. A cyber weapon used in
a cyber-attack is anything that influences, impacts, or changes elements of systems
of others.
Modern conventional military forces are increasingly becoming vulnerable to
attacks due to excessive dependence on net-centric weaponry, which utilizes
software and network to gain competitive advantages in a conflict (Andress et al.,

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2014, ch. 1, p. 5). This capability relies on open systems that require real-time
information updates using cyberspace. For example, fifth-generation multirole
combat fighters such as F-35 Lightning II, Chengdu J-20, and Sukhoi Su-57 are
open systems, meaning these aircraft depend on connectivity to update and
integrate real-time information during combat operations. This dependency
makes net-centric modern military arsenals a valuable target for cyber-attacks.
In addition to the weaponry systems, even the logistics, military command, and
control systems as well as financial systems heavily rely on cyberspace. To defend
malicious activities in these systems, nation-states deploy protection mechanisms.
The effectiveness of such defence heavily depends on cyberpower of nation-
states. To utilize cyberspace for offensive purposes, nation-states need
cyberpower too. In the contemporary world, there is a direct link among
cyberspace, cybersecurity and cyberpower. Cyberspace is an operational
environment where adequate cyberpower of nation-states could address their
cybersecurity issues.
Cyberpower
Cyberpower is the capability of an individual, an organization, or a nation-state
using cyberspace to explore advantages effectively and efficiently (Kuehl, 2009, p.
38). Cyberpower is a measure of someone’s capability of using cyberspace
(Schreier, 2015, p. 14); that is, it is the degree of ability to control, manipulate and
influence cyberspace. Cyberpower can be exercised to take advantages as well as
cause disadvantages to others (Kramer, 2009, p. 48). The magnitude of cyberpower
of a nation-state is determined by (i) its technological advancements in
cybersecurity, (ii) adequately skilled manpower in the field, (iii) a robust cyber
strategy, and (iv) its degree of dependency on imported technologies.
Cyberpower has some unique characteristics. It is ubiquitous, complementary, and
stealthy (Schreier, 2015, p. 16). Ubiquity refers to its ability to simultaneously generate
a strategic effect on other four operational domains; so, cyberpower is pervasive.
Complementarity means that cyberpower can be exercised as a supporting offensive
tool along with other military weaponry systems. Finally, stealthiness alludes to the
difficulty in identifying actual attackers and their motivation. Besides these three,
cyberpower has other properties, namely speed and zero proximity. With
cyberpower, attacks can be launched on opponents at lightning speed. It also
enables one to launch an attack at zero proximity of targets, from anywhere (Rattray,
2009, p. 255-256).
Cyberpower, an indispensable complementary component in modern military
conflicts, could be used for offensive as well as defensive purposes. From an
offensive perspective, cyberpower provides a nation-state with the necessary
capability to exploit vulnerabilities of target systems to launch an attack. The
cyber offensive can be used to punish an opponent as well as to gain political
objectives (Janczewski et al., 2007, p. xiv). Cyberpower used for offensive purposes
may have far-reaching political, tactical, and military implications if executed

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 Khan,
The Dynamics of Cyberspace and National Power: Continuity and Change

skillfully. For defence, a nation-state utilizes its cyberpower to safeguard its critical
digital assets against potential attacks. A nation-state can have cyberspace
supremacy over other nations in terms of cyberpower. Cyberspace supremacy is
based on the capability of preventing any attempted interference by opponents
through detection and mitigation.
In addition to offensive and defensive capabilities, cyberpower can provide a
nation-state with improved situational awareness about the theatre of conflict.
For example, an Advanced Battle Management System (ABMS) based on the Internet-
of-Things (IoT) combat concept provides such capabilities (Janes, 2020).
Cyberspace superiority is the operational advantage in cyberspace that can be
translated into an advantage in cyber warfare.
Cyber Warfare
The definition of cyber warfare is still debatable. In a simple term, cyber warfare
is a massively coordinated symmetric or asymmetric digital assault on a nation-
state by another state actor(s) to damage critical information infrastructure, as
defined by USLegal.com. According to the US Department of Defence (DoD),
cyber operations in cyber warfare are the exercises of cyberpower where the main
goal is to achieve military objectives or impacts in or through cyberspace (JCS,
2016). As cyber warfare is becoming more real, many nation-states are actively
arming themselves with cyberpower for potential cyber conflicts. An alarming
number of nation-states are aggressively investing more intellectual and financial
capitals in cyberspace (Robinson et al., 2013, p. ix).
Cyber warfare is an integral part of cybersecurity. Cyberspace can be the virtual
battlefield of cyber warfare. Cyberpower enables a nation-state to unleash its
cyber weapons using cyberspace on others in cyber warfare. We can see that
cyberspace, cybersecurity, and cyberpower are the central concepts in cyber
warfare. However, there is a difference between cyber war and cyber warfare.
Cyber war is a conflict entirely fought through digital means, whereas cyber
warfare is the utilization of cyberpower to achieve a political gain against an
opponent.
In cyber warfare, the attacking nation-state needs technological advances for an
offensive, whereas the defending nation-state requires robust protection
mechanisms to mitigate threats to its critical systems. In other words, the
attacking nation-state needs technological advances and skill in launching cyber-
attacks (Coughlan, 2003, p. 2). The defending nation-state requires cybersecurity
skill in managing and protecting its critical information and digital infrastructure.
One of the goals of cyber warfare is to create uncertainty and doubt in the minds
of military commanders and political leaders to slow the decision-making process
of the opponent, thereby increasing the chances of errors (Schreier, 2015, p. 25).
Misleading an opposing nation is always a part of conventional warfare; cyber-
attacks can exactly achieve this. However, cybersecurity incidents are not always
considered cyber warfare unless these are associated with political purposes.

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The success of cyber warfare mostly depends on two things: means and vulnerability
(Lewis & Timlin, 2011). The trained workforce and required computing tools are
the means that can be utilized for offensive as well as defensive objectives in cyber
warfare. The vulnerability is the weakness of the opponent’s system that can be
exploited. Given the potentially damaging impacts of cyber warfare, at present,
there is no international treaty or pact in place to police these (McConnell, 2017).
Therefore, every nation-state needs to have its cyber strategy on how to acquire
cyberpower and how to utilize it wisely for their national security.
Cyber Strategy
A cyber strategy is a national policy that actively governs the development,
deployment and exercising of cyberpower in cyberspace, and prepares a nation-
state for cyber warfare to achieve national strategic objectives. It binds
cyberspace, cybersecurity, cyberpower and cyber warfare with the strategic goals
of a nation-state. Cyber strategy embodies a set of fundamental principles and
beliefs by which a nation-state guides its operations in cyberspace to support its
national security objectives. To formulate a cyber strategy, policymakers can use
the traditional military tactics, techniques, and procedures (TTPs) that their
military has been using for a long time (Andress et al., 2014, p. 70).
Usually, cyber strategy is defined under the umbrella of national security policy.
Once developed, the cyber strategy needs to be validated by analyzing three
properties of any military strategy: ends, ways and means (Lykke, 1989, p. 3). Ends
define the objectives or goals in cyberspace, for example, intercepting enemy’s
command and control messages. Ways formulate how the cyber strategy is to be
implemented; and means spell out the required resources such as manpower,
equipment, technology to execute the strategy. Cyberpower without any specific
cyber strategy means that it merely exists without any specific purpose.

Figure 1: A Framework connecting cyberspace, cybersecurity, cyber power, cyber warfare, and
cyber strategy.
Based on the preceding discussion, we can formulate a conceptual framework
that connects cyberspace, cybersecurity, cyberpower, cyber warfare and cyber
strategy, as shown in Figure 1. According to this framework, cyberspace is a digital
operational environment where nation-states, individuals and organizations can
exercise cyberpower governed by their cyber strategy, to control, influence and
participate in cyber warfare, which is a part of cybersecurity.

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 Khan,
The Dynamics of Cyberspace and National Power: Continuity and Change

CYBER STRATEGIES OF SOME NATION-STATES

Some nation-states continue investing huge resources not only for cyber
defences, but also for cyber offences. It was reported in 2016 that the US, the
UK, Russia, Israel, and China were believed to be the cyber superpowers because
they had acquired significant cyberpower. In a rare acknowledgement, the US
announced that its military Cyber Command can mount effective cyber-attacks
against its opponents at any time (Breene, 2016).
The Cybersecurity and Cyber Warfare: Preliminary Assessment of National Doctrine and
Organization is a useful compendium for various cyber doctrines and strategies
(UNIDIR, 2011). The report compiled cyber policies of 133 nation-states and
pointed out that a total of 33 nation-states included cyber warfare in their national
security strategies, and another 36 nation-states did not have any public discussion
about cyberspace and security. A similar research sponsored by Sweden was
conducted on the cyber-security strategies of ten countries (Robinson et al., 2013,
p. x). At this stage, we are going to have a quick look at the key aspects of cyber
strategies of four nation-states, namely France, the USA, China, and the Russian
Federation.
The Cyber Strategy of France
On January 18, 2019, France unveiled its cyber strategy, consisting of a defensive
cyber policy and a partially unclassified offensive doctrine. This strategy confirms that
the French approach to cyberspace demonstrates a separation between offensive
and defensive cyber operations. Its defensive strategy is limited to reacting to and
attributing attacks on its systems and data. The offensive strategy is based on
stealthy operations targeting the enemy’s cyberspace. The offensive strategy
seems to emphasize pre-emptive neutralization of enemy’s systems (Laudrain,
2019).
France has made it clear that it will launch offensive operations on its opponents
if necessary. The French offensive doctrine places great emphasis on the principle
of risk balancing against the possibility of an escalation in an asymmetric conflict,
or the risk of collateral damage on civilian infrastructures (Laudrain, 2019). The
main factors for choosing such an offensive doctrine are probably driven by
relatively low operating cost, zero proximity and stealthy characteristics of
cyberpower in cyberspace along with its technological advancements and
capability.
The Cyber Strategy of the United States
The US cyber strategy includes the Comprehensive National Cybersecurity Initiative
(CNCI), National Cyber Incident Response Plan (NCIRP), Homeland
Security/Presidential Directives (HSPDs) and National Institute of Science and Technology
(NIST). This strategy focuses on creating and sharing situational awareness of
network vulnerabilities and threats and deploying protection mechanisms against
the identified vulnerabilities and threats. These defensive objectives were adopted
due to weaknesses of the US digital infrastructure.

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In 2018, the US Senate Intelligence Committee pointed out that the US was
unprepared for cyber espionage and cyber warfare. It was also acknowledged that
the opponents of the US were working with a different playbook, and the US
failed to put together a comprehensive cyberspace policy (Fish, 2018). The main
reasons for such unpreparedness include out-dated cyber strategies of the US, a
large number of its private cyberspace, the existence of several nation-states and
non nation-state actors, the low-cost entry by other nation-states into cyberspace,
and continued difficulty in attributing the source of cyber-attacks (Weber, 2018).
Considering these weaknesses, later in 2018, the US Department of Defense
(DoD) reviewed its cyber doctrine. Since then, the US Cyber Command has been
taking a more aggressive approach by getting into the enemy’s national
cyberspace. The offensive principle is based on the notion of persistent
engagement so that the opponent never rests (Pomerleau, 2018). This line of
offensive thinking is pretty much close to the approach taken by France discussed
earlier. Both France and the US have acknowledged that offensive cyber
operations are not ruled out in conflicts (Taillat, 2019). However, the DoD always
acknowledges the reality that it is impossible to maintain permanent global
cyberspace superiority due to the dynamic characteristics of cyberspace. Unlike
the French approach, the US cyber strategy integrates offensive and defensive
cyberspace operations.
The Cyber Strategy of China and the Russian Federation
In contrast to the openness of the US and French cyber strategies, it is virtually
impossible to locate details about cyber strategies of China. In 1999, Chinese
strategists prepared a document called Unrestricted Warfare, which discussed some
insightful thoughts about the value of network warfare (Liang & Xiangsui, 1999).
This policy document suggests that China is more aggressive in utilizing
cyberspace due to its large skilled manpower. Many suspect that China officially
and unofficially maintains many skilled cyber hacker groups or cyber warriors. In
a time of cyber conflicts, these could serve as a reserve militia and engage in cyber
warfare. Patronizing cyber warriors by China would be a part of cyberpower.
In the case of the Russian Federation, its cyber strategy hints at the fact that they
are in an ‘information war’ with the Western nations (McConnell, 2017). Russia
does not use the term cyber security, instead, they only talk about information
security, which makes it challenging to reach cybersecurity agreements with other
nation-states. The Russian Federation has adopted several high-level information
security strategy documents in the national and international contexts. However,
information about the adopted strategy and policy is not publicly available (Lewis
& Timlin, 2011; Robinson et al., 2013).
Reasons for Investing in Cyberpower
The cyber strategies of four major countries discussed in the foregoing section
suggest that the key players in global power politics have taken cyberspace quite
seriously. They have aimed to utilize cyberspace as much as possible as a part of

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 Khan,
The Dynamics of Cyberspace and National Power: Continuity and Change

their national security framework. Interestingly, many such nation-states have

adopted cyber offensive along with defensive measures as their national security
policy. A deeper analysis of various cyber strategies of different nation-states
suggests that specific reasons have driven these nation-states to adopt their
aggressive cyber strategy. Some of these reasons are outlined below:
▪ Firstly, nation-states have realized that they may experience cyber-attacks
of varying scales today or tomorrow. To address such potential threats,
they have kept their pre-emptive options open for cyber offensive on
their suspected opponents.
▪ Secondly, one of the main reasons for adopting offensive strategy is a
lack of international act or treaty to prevent, deter, or even stop cyber
warfare. In cyber conflict, the involved nation-states had to handle this
with their available means without being policed by any international
organization like the United Nations.
▪ Thirdly, these nation-states find cyber-attacks on other nation-states
mostly covert, meaning the attacking nation-states could not be
attributed. The ability of the attacking nation-state to hide its identity
makes cyber offensive more attractive. This characteristic of cyberpower
makes it difficult for the defending nation-state to determine how, when,
and where to retaliate and respond (Weber, 2018).
▪ Fourthly, to wage cyber warfare on a nation-state, the attacking nation-
state does not need to be at closed proximity of the victim state.
Cyberspace has removed the distance, time, and space between
opponents regardless of their actual physical proximity. This capability is
attractive to many.
▪ Fifthly, obtaining and maintaining cyberpower is less costly compared to
advantages gained in terms of offensive as well as defensive capabilities.
▪ Finally, cyber offensive is easier than defence in cyberspace. Cyber
conflict favors the attacker; cyber-attacks may inflict massive systems-
level destruction on a society-wide scale (Schreier, 2015, p. 104).
These nation-states are fully exploiting the opportunities that are available in
cyberspace. They are leveraging and transforming the opportunities in full into
their national power.

CHALLENGES AND OPPORTUNITIES FOR

DEVELOPING NATION-STATES
No nation-state can afford inaction in the digital era these days. A militarily strong
nation-state cannot easily underestimate a militarily weaker opponent with
considerable cyberpower. However, developing countries usually face some

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common challenges in formulating their cyber strategy; these are outlined here:
▪ Lack of clear vision of cyber affairs at the national level. Most developing nation-
states do not have any cohesive national policy regarding cyberspace and
cyber preparedness.
▪ Heavy reliance on imported hardware and software. A considerable number of
nation-states depend on imported computing technologies, which are
used in their critical entities such as defence, financial and government
organizations. This dependency is a serious threat to their national
security.
▪ Inadequate budget allocation for cyber operations. Governments are reluctant to
grant adequate funds to relevant organizations for cyber issues due to a
lack of understanding of cybersecurity seriousness at the national level.
▪ Absence of an appropriate national structure to deal with cyber warfare. Many
nation-states do not have any national level institute that could govern
cyber issues at the highest national level.
▪ Absence of persistent cybersecurity culture within government bodies. Most
developing nation-states do not have a regular threat monitoring policy
on their critical infrastructure such as banks, telecommunication
networks, government organizations, and energy sectors.
▪ Perceived resistance to change and reassessment of national security issues in light of
the new reality. Governments of developing nation-states seem reluctant
to initiate any drastic change to the existing policy and government
apparatus.
▪ Difficulty in adopting rapidly changing technologies in a timely manner. Most of
these nation-states spend considerable amount of time in making
decisions on technology transfer and adoption of new technologies.
▪ Lack of research and development initiatives for home-grown digital products.
Research and development is virtually non-existent in most developing
nation-states.
▪ Lack of efforts to tap into expertise available in the nation-state. Many developing
nation-states already have a sizeable segment of their population who are
skilled in computing and cybersecurity. These nation-states do not have
any policy in place to tap into these ingenious talents.
Despite these challenges, cyberspace also offers opportunities for developing
countries as well.
▪ Acquiring cyberpower can be relatively less costly than conventional military
weaponry systems. The entry into cyberspace is relatively cheap because
inexpensive dual use computing technologies enable nation-states to
utilize cyberspace. For example, a low-cost laptop used for daily routine

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 Khan,
The Dynamics of Cyberspace and National Power: Continuity and Change

tasks can be used to launch an attack on an opponent in cyberspace.

▪ Developing skilled manpower is a common challenge for developing nation-
states. Proper training and motivation could make a large portion of
population skilled in cyberspace and in cybersecurity.
▪ Identifying talents in computing technology, especially in programming and
networking, could boost the cyber capability of nation-states. Most
developing countries have a treasure of such untapped talented
manpower.
▪ Developing home-grown technology could provide much better defence. The
ingenious technology invented by local talents could be used to exploit
vulnerabilities of other countries to gain supremacy and influence over
their rivals. A right policy could initiate this most important ingredient
of cyberpower.
Need for a Cyber Strategy
It is evident from the preceding analysis that no nation states can afford to be
lagged when it comes to take advantages of the cyber world. However, the
question remains: how should developing countries like Bangladesh move
forward? The immediate step would be to develop and follow a comprehensive
cyber strategy that defines a national security goal including the major milestones
with specific timeframe required to reach the goal by leveraging the perceived
opportunities to gain cyberpower. The milestones are intended to address the
challenges posed to the nation-state. Examples of milestones in the strategy could
include the following:
▪ Formulation of a set of principles that serve the interests of the nation-
state best. These could be based on the TTPs of the nation-state.
▪ Establishment of a robust governing regime with adequate power and skill to
manage cyber affairs.
▪ Plan for a systematic approach to building national capacity in cyber security
by identifying and training talented personnel in the nation-state.
▪ Creation of mass awareness about cybersecurity at the national level.
▪ Development of home-grown innovative digital technologies.
These are the keys in a cyber strategy to achieve sufficient cyber strength that can
boost national power. The reasons behind the massive cyber-armament of some
key nation-states discussed earlier are also worth considering. Those nation-states
are actively seeking to further acquire and consolidate cyberpower to utilise fully
the advantages offered in cyberspace. Similarly, developing nations can learn from
their experience. Despite some challenges, developing countries such as
Bangladesh can leverage the opportunities that are already available to them to
explore.
Protocols for Cyber Operations
Considering the challenges, opportunities coupled with the identified reasons for
key nation-states arming themselves with cyberpower, this section frames some

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specific recommendations at the operation level for senior military tacticians,
planners, and political leaders of developing nation-states like Bangladesh to go
forward. Two distinct generic protocols are recommended here; one for
offensive, and the other for defensive operations. Either of the two pyramid-
shaped protocols embodies ten specific steps in sequential order, grouped into
four successive stages: Plan, Operations, Resources, and Innovation. See Figures 2 and
3.
▪ Plan: The first four steps in this stage spell out the preparation for the
cyber actions defined in the next stage.
▪ Operations: This stage includes three steps dictating what to be executed.
▪ Resources: This involves two steps relating to cyber capacity building.
▪ Innovations. This stage deals with the innovative aspects of cyber
technology, that is, the relentless effort to develop home-grown
independent cyber weapons and defensive technologies to support zero
trust principle, which means that no foreign-made or supplied digital
products such as computers, programs, network devices and smart-
phones should be trusted.
All these steps are governed and executed by the principles defined in the national
cyber strategy. We now briefly outline the two protocols.
Cyber Defensive Protocol
This proposed protocol is intended to be used for defensive purposes. It has ten
steps, as depicted in Figure 2.
1) Identify critical assets: This step involves identifying three types of critical
assets of a nation: (i) Critical systems such as computers and servers; (ii)
Critical networks such as sensitive national intra-organizational network
topology and corporate network layout; and (iii) Critical data such as
sensitive information and authentication data.
2) Assess vulnerabilities and threats: Conduct monitoring and testing of the
identified critical assets using practices such as ethical hacking, intrusion
detection, penetration testing and vulnerability analysis.
3) Deploy protection mechanisms: Deploy protection mechanisms such as
defence-in-depth, intrusion prevention, appropriate access control
regime and intelligent firewall to mitigate threats identified in the critical
assets.
4) Monitor critical assets: Assess the impact and effectiveness of the deployed
defensive measures to mitigate identified threats.
5) Implement disaster recovery: It is essential to have a disaster recovery plan if
attacked. The recovery plan should dictate the resources that need to be
deployed in the aftermath of an attack.

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The Dynamics of Cyberspace and National Power: Continuity and Change

Figure 2: Cyber Defence Protocol

6) Deploy built-in redundancy: To be a resilient nation-state, the identified
critical assets should be supported with cutting-edge technologies like
self-healing capabilities, built-in redundancies, and autonomic
computing.
7) Install early warning system: These systems are essential because once a
system is attacked, other systems or other parts of the system are
automatically alerted by early warning systems.
8) Train cyber personnel: A nation-state may already have a sizeable, trained
cybersecurity workforce serving in government and non-government
organizations or as self-employed or free-lancers. They need to be
included in a national cybersecurity resource ledger. Once the nation-
state is at cyber warfare, these people can be sought for technical
assistance. Covertly patronizing cyber warrior groups could also be an
option.
9) Launch awareness program: During a cyber conflict, a nation-state needs
support from its population to enhance its defensive efforts. The
population could only contribute if they have elementary knowledge of
cybersecurity. Massive Open Online Courses (MOOCs) on cybersecurity
could be offered to the population free of charge. Regardless of age or
educational background, every citizen should avail himself or herself of
these online short courses. This results in a cyber security-aware nation.
10) Research and development: A nation-state should have a cyber R & D wing
at the national level to innovate home-grown ingenious cyber defensive
technologies. This supports the Zero Trust objective. Most hardware,
software and control systems used these days by developing nation-states
are manufactured by others. This makes developing countries too
vulnerable due to possible hidden malware-spyware in those products.

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Cyber Offensive Protocol
The cyber offensive protocol, as shown in Figure 3, also includes ten steps that
are self-explanatory.
1) Identify target assets: This step selects the target system(s) of the opponent
and finds rationale for selecting those targets.
2) Find out vulnerability: To launch attack, it is necessary to find out
vulnerabilities of the target systems.
3) Devise offensive protocol: It includes selecting the timing of the attack,
evaluating the current political environment, mode of attack, etc.

Figure 3: Cyber Offensive Protocol.

4) Estimate impact: It is quite vital to estimate and assess expected damage
on the target system, anticipated reactions, and collateral damages.
5) Select cyber weapon: The choice of cyber weapon is to be made in this step
along with reasonable justifications for the selected weapons.
6) Execute operation: This step fires the cyber weapon on the target system.
7) Quantify impact: Gather information about the post-attack scenario and
the impact of the attack.
8) Train cyber personnel: The step is identical to that we have already discussed
in relation to the defence protocol.
9) Increase reconnaissance capability: It involves activities such as capacity
building for cyber espionage, reconnaissance, and surveillance on the
enemy’s digital systems.
10) Research and development: This step involve researching, innovating and
developing home-grown niche technologies for advanced offensive
operations based on the principle of Zero Trust.

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The Dynamics of Cyberspace and National Power: Continuity and Change

Governing Cyber Affairs

Management of cyber affairs requires a thoughtful approach. Different nation-
states have taken different approaches and management models of response to
cyber warfare at the national level. For example, in some nation-states, the police
department is responsible for dealing with cybercrime; national security agencies
look after cyber espionage and surveillance activities; an inter-departmental
committee tackles issues related to cyber warfare (Robinson et al., 2013). The task
of formulating a national cyber strategy is usually allocated to a national
coordinating authority composed of military and non-military government
agencies. In some cases, newly created offices, and in others, the existing
departments are assigned the cyberspace affairs. All these vary from nation to
nation. There is no uniform structure followed by nation-states.
For example, the US has the National Cyber Security Division under the Department
of Homeland Security, and Cyber Command (CYBERCOM) is under the
Department of Defense. France has created Strategic Commission for the Defense of
National Information Systems under the Ministry for Homeland Security and the
National Agency for Information System Security. Germany has formed the
National Cyber Response Centre under the Federal Office for Information Security
and the National Cyber Security Council.

CONCLUSION
The paper has discussed the dynamic nature of cyberspace and the major building
blocks related to cyberspace along with some case studies of cyber strategies. It
has also pointed out possible reasons why some nation-states have invested
aggressively for cyber offensive operations. The paper has identified major
challenges and opportunities that developing nation-states could explore. It has
finally tabled a set of recommendations for developing countries to consider on
how to obtain cyberpower by leveraging opportunities and addressing challenges.
Rapid technological innovations and operational creativity have transformed
cyberspace into an influential phenomenon of the national power structure of
nation-states. Denying this reality by a nation-state may result in not-so-good
consequences. We have seen in this paper a global cyber arms race among some
nation-states. Cyberspace is not technically flawless, many security vulnerabilities
plague cyberspace. These are difficult challenges. The emergence of cyberspace
not only raises challenges but also provides opportunities for developing nation-
states. Developing nations can aim to utilize this dynamic space and tackle the
challenges for national interests.
Cyberspace has several intrinsic properties suggesting its evolution in the future
may differ considerably from its current state. Decision-makers are therefore
advised to formulate cyber strategies for a dynamic context. This approach
requires developing a cyber strategy that is sufficiently flexible to adapt to changes

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in the future. The power of human invention of technologies ultimately
influences the dynamism of cyberspace.
We can postulate that any future conflict between nation-states will likely use
cyberspace as a part of their theatre of conflict. In this context, developing nation-
states cannot afford to opt out of national cyber preparedness by underestimating
the notion that cyberspace can be used as a theatre of conflict. Nation-states need
practical-oriented cyber strategy aligned with their national security priority,
policies, and interests. The ultimate objective of developing nation-states is to
formulate their cyber doctrine – a comprehensive manual that guides their cyber
affairs.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
The author would like to express his gratitude to the Department of CSE, College
of Engineering, Qatar University. He also presents his appreciation to the
Editors, coordinators, and the reviewers of the NDC E-JOURNAL for their
insightful inputs to improve the manuscript.

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AUTHOR
Dr. Khaled Khan is an Associate Professor in the Department of Computer
Science and Engineering, Qatar University. Before this, he served Western
Sydney University (Australia) as a Senior Lecturer and the Head of postgraduate
programs for several years. Dr. Khan received his BS and MS in computer science
and informatics from the Norwegian University of Science and Technology. He
received his Ph.D in computing from Monash University, Australia. He has a
second bachelor degree from the University of Dhaka.
He also completed some intensive courses such as Cybersecurity Risk
Management offered by Harvard University; a course on the Economics of
Blockchain provided by Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT); and
another course on Blockchain technology offered by the University of California,
Berkeley.
Dr. Khan has published more than 100 technical papers, four books, and
holds a U.S. Patent. He was the founding Editor-in-Chief of the International
Journal of Secure Software Engineering (IJSSE) from 2009-2017. He is a senior
member of IEEE.
E-mail: khaled.sydney@gmail.com

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 National Defence College E-Journal
(NDC E-JOURNAL)
https://ndcjournal.ndc.gov.bd/ndcj

NEED BASED SKILLED HUMAN

RESOURCES FOR OVERSEAS
EMPLOYMENT

Brigadier General Md Shahedul Islam, hdmc, psc

National Defence College, Mirpur, Dhaka, Bangladesh

(Received: 15th July 2020; Revised: 22nd September 2020; Published: 28th October 2020)

Abstract: The Government of Bangladesh had been promoting overseas

employment to the Middle East and other developed countries since the 1970s.
The trend is still on the rise, but unfortunately most of its overseas workers are
unskilled or less skilled migrants who remain vulnerable to job termination,
low wage, and demeaning working environment. Nevertheless, there are
enormous employment opportunities for the skilled human resources (HR).
To maintain the momentum of migration and remittance earning, Bangladesh
must identify skills needed to prepare its HR accordingly. Thus, the main
purpose of the study is to determine required skills to prepare need based
skilled HR in Bangladesh for overseas employment. The paper has been
constructed with the combination of qualitative and quantitative methods. A
stratified sampling technique was used to collect quantitative data from
Bangladeshi expatriates (𝑛 = 102) through convenience and judgemental
techniques via pre-coded survey opinions in the Likert’s scale and qualitative
data were collected through FGD and KII. Secondary information was
collected from books, journals, reports, and relevant websites. The research
hypothesis- ‘the more need based skilled human resources, the more there will
be overseas employment opportunities’ was analysed and tested using SPSS
software. The study found that there is a direct relationship and effect of need
based skilled HR on overseas employment (𝛽 = 0.569). The study also found
the most significant causes which are, a mismatch between training provided
and skills requirement in the job market, obsolete training discourses and lack
of proper education of the expatriates. The research suggests developing
infrastructures to impart market-oriented training on communication and
analytical skills, interpersonal behavioural skills, legal knowledge, hygiene, and
sanitation practices, learning to learn, and proficiency in life skills and so on.
Keywords: Overseas employment, Need based skilled HR, Overseas workers, Skilled
human resources, Education, Technology
© 2020 NDC E-JOURNAL, all rights reserved.

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 INTRODUCTION
Background of the Study
Bangladesh is the domain of 50 million youngsters aged between 15 and 29
accounting for 30% of the 163 million population with 11% youths unemployed
(Mostafiz, 2018). The country is facing the scourge of 4.2% unemployment
accounting to 2.6 million which further rises to 13.8 million if underemployment1
is added to unemployment (Molla & Habib, 2017; Byron & Alamgir, 2019). On the
contrary, Transparency International Bangladesh (TIB) reports (Staff
Correspondent, 2020) over 0.16 million foreign workers mostly from India (41%)
followed by China, Japan, South Korea and Malaysia siphon off 3.1 billion USD
through employment in the high skilled technical and managerial appointments
in sectors like apparel, chemical, pharmaceutical and other export oriented
manufacturing industries (Staff Correspondent, 2020). People are forced into
underemployment as the number of workers is more than the vacancies. Besides,
mismatch between skills demand and skills supplied by the educational and
technical training system is one of the prime causes of unemployment and
underemployment. Unemployment incites frustration and leads to deviant habits
like drug addiction and other anti-social behaviours.
Sensing the urgency, the Bangladesh Government started promoting overseas
employment since the 1970s. The trend is still on the rise, presently Bangladesh
stands as the sixth largest migrants’ origin countries in the world (The Business
Standard, 2019). 9.5 million Bangladeshi migrants’ remits over 18 billion USD
from 160 countries (BMET, 2020) which is the second highest contributor to
national Gross Domestic Product (GDP) after apparel sector. There are further
opportunities to increase the remittance inflow, if one takes lessons from the case
of Philippines as an example. Only 5.2 million Philippines skilled HR remit over
34 billion USD (The Business Standard, 2019). The secret to Philippines’s success
is the need-based employability2 skills such as continuous learning habit, self-
awareness, initiative, image, and interpersonal skills (Torres, 2014). On the
contrary, in Bangladesh, universities and specialist institutes do not update
curriculum and continue to conduct age old traditional theoretical courses
without realizing skills demand of the 4.0 Industrial Revolution (IR) (KII).
Besides, its technical training system is not technology-based. Due to this fact,
almost 75% KSA employers have no confidence on the skill training system.
Thus, Bangladeshi workers are employed in the low priority indecent jobs like
construction workers, tea boy, etcetera with low wage and compensation package
(City and Guilds & IOM, 2017). Further, Bangladeshi migrants are vulnerable to
severe exploitation posed by unscrupulous recruiting agencies, middlemen and
employers.

1
Underemployment may be defined as insufficient opportunity regarding use of education, knowledge,
skills, and time.
2
Employability skills are the skills those help get employment.

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Need Based Skilled Human Resources for Overseas Employment

The situation is so precarious that it cannot be allowed to continue any further.

Advent of 4.0 IR replacing man with machines, threats of new entrants, global
economic contraction, and image crisis pose serious threats to overseas
employment and remittance earning of Bangladesh. Nonetheless, emerging
opportunities are also knocking. If a huge unemployed population could be given
need-based training, challenges would turn into opportunities as developed
countries need skilled HR to keep their economic wheel rolling. In this backdrop,
this research intends to ascertain skills needed to prepare need based skilled HR
in Bangladesh for overseas employment.
Rationale of the Study
Overseas employment has been a prime contributor to keep the unemployment
rate stable for a long time. The remittance contributes 5.5% in the national GDP
(Hussain, 2020). But unfortunately, the sector is not immune from challenges of
new entrants, job cut, and job losses etcetera. Additionally, most of the
Bangladeshi migrants are unskilled or semiskilled who are highly vulnerable to
termination due to rapid growth of technology, digitalization, and automation.
Bangladeshi migrants are also exposed to exploitation due to illiteracy and lack of
essential soft and hard skills. Hence, it is significant to ascertain skills needed to
prepare need based skilled HR for overseas employment and remittance earning.
Research Questions
• What are the skills needed for most promising overseas employment?
• What is the skills gap of Bangladeshi migrants?
• What skills training need to be imparted to prepare need based skilled
HR for overseas employment?
Hypothesis
• H A1. The more the number of need-based skilled HR, the more there
will be opportunities for overseas employment.
• H O1. More number of need-based skilled HR will not create
opportunities for overseas employment.
• Independent Variable. Need based skilled HR
• Dependent Variable. Overseas employment
Research Objectives
• Broad Objectives: The broad objective of the research is to ascertain
training needs to prepare need based skilled HR in Bangladesh for
overseas employment.
• Specific Objectives.
o To ascertain skills needed for overseas employment.
o To analyse skills gap of Bangladeshi migrants and challenges ahead.
o To determine training needs to prepare need based skilled HR for
overseas employment.

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 LITERATURE REVIEW
Islam (Islam, 2012) states, Bangladeshi migrants are classified as professionals,
skilled, semi-skilled, and less skilled. The professional group consists of doctors,
engineers, teachers, lawyers, ICT specialists, and pharmacists, etcetera. Drivers,
cooks, plumbers, masons, electricians, tailors, etcetera professionals fall within
the category of skilled HR. Domestic aid, gardeners, farmers, etcetera category
are grouped as semi-skilled HR. Construction workers, field workers etcetera
category fall within less-skilled or unskilled category. Unskilled manpower is
officially called as less-skilled in Bangladesh. (The Business Standard, 2019)
Bhuyan (Bhuyan, 2019) points out that, there is a gradual shift of manpower
requirement from unskilled labours to skilled HR. Hence, there is a resolve to
transform employees into skilled HR. Skilled HR enjoy more employment
opportunities and higher wages. World Bank (World Bank, 2018, pp. 28-33) report
highlights, high income destination countries depend on foreign workers to
create and sustain many of their industries including knowledge creation centres.
In 1990, 27% of world migrants had tertiary education which rose to 50% in 2010
accounting for 43 million migrants. The top 10 world destination countries
account for 75% high skilled migrants and the USA alone is the home to two
third of all high skilled migrants (World Bank, 2018, p. 31). Better employment
opportunities, higher wage and salary structure, freedom, provision of permanent
settlement and citizenship attract most of the skilled HR for migration to
developed countries. Besides, high skilled migrants can easily overcome physical
distances, linguistic differences, and policy barriers.
According to Wilson (Wilson, 2012, p. 124), the Prime Minister of Singapore Goh
Chok Tong in 1997 emphasized on providing the young with the core
knowledge and core skills, and the habit of learning that enable them to learn
continuously throughout their lives. According to Torres (Torres, 2014),
discipline-based knowledge for a job is no longer relevant as the knowledge will
be outdated as new technology emerges. But the habit of continuous learning will
keep people abreast with the latest innovation and prepare them suited for any
job.
Rosenberg (Rosenberg, 2019) reports citing Population Reference Bureau
presented that at least 20 countries3 of the world are facing negative or zero
population growth rate. These countries welcome foreign migrants to
compensate shortage of manpower. Zaman states (Aminuzamman, 2007, pp. 5-20),
people above 80 years of age are increasing in some developed countries4. These
aged people stay alone at home and they need constant support from professional

3 Countries like Ukraine, Russia, Belarus, Bulgaria, Latvia, Lithuania, Hungary, Romania, Estonia,
Moldova, Croatia, Germany, C’ Republic, and Japan are facing negative growth rate of population
(Rosenberg, 2019).
4
Countries like Canada, USA, Denmark, Norway, and Sweden have a greater number of aged
population (Aminuzamman, 2007).

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care givers. As a whole, there are huge opportunities for skilled HR in the
developed countries. Hence, all efforts must be directed to training HR on need-
based skills.
Hossain5 states, as reported by Quayyum (Quayyum, 2019), almost 60% of
Bangladeshi population are of working age and 35% of them consists of the
youth. Only 1.07% of those 35% possess skill development training and even
these 1.07% are not properly skilled. Hence, Bangladeshi workers are often
denied desired employment and due wages without proper certification. Wilson
states citing Obama6 (Wilson, 2012, p. 124), the most valuable skills which can be
sold is knowledge, ‘a good education is no longer just a pathway to opportunity -
it is a prerequisite. The countries that out teach us today will out compete us
tomorrow’.
Hoque (Hoque, 2019) states, rural economy, living standard, and purchasing
power of the common people are growing due to inflow of remittance. There are
more employment opportunities for need based skilled HR. Bangladesh also has
vast number of unemployed graduates who are not qualified enough with need-
based skills. Tourists-dependent economies like Maldives, Nepal, Bhutan and
Indonesia demand hotel management experts. Japan welcomes professionals
from Bangladesh. Therefore, need based skill training should be imparted to the
potential aspirants to exploit emerging employment opportunities.
Research Gap
There are plenty of research works on overseas employment, migration, skill
training, remittance, and contribution of remittance to GDP. A substantial
amount of literature is also available on skill training infrastructure, impacts of
remittance, and difficulties faced by Bangladeshi migrants. Most of the research
has been done in isolation by different writers, organizations, and departments.
Very few writers made a comprehensive focus linking entire gamut to ascertaining
global skills need, skills gap of Bangladeshi migrants, and training needed to
prepare need based skilled HR for overseas employment and remittance earning.

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
Research Design
The research followed a combination of qualitative and quantitative method of
research technique. The data was collected through a sample survey method. The
survey population is 9.5 million overseas employees working in 160 countries and
persons involved in skill training and overseas employment. Population who had
previously worked in overseas countries were also considered as survey
population.

5
Md Faruque Hossain is the executive chairman of NSDA.
6
US President Barack Obama’s speech on 24 February 2009.

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Sample Design
The sample was drawn following stratified sampling technique on convenience
method to ensure representation from all strata of population, i.e. professionals,
skilled, semi-skilled, un-skilled or less skilled, and other group. Since the
population are Bangladeshi expatriates living in various parts of the world,
samples are drawn on convenience method using electronic media. The total
sample size was 105 covering different socio economy of the world. Each
individual’s country of work has been recorded. However, for ease of data
compilation, those countries have been grouped into 04 regions keeping
socioeconomic condition of those countries in view. Americas, Europe, Australia,
and countries like South Africa, Japan, Korea and Singapore have been grouped
as developed countries. Countries of MENA have been placed in the same group
considering similarity of their socio-economy. Thailand and Malaysia have been
grouped as South Asian Countries, and the remaining countries are grouped as
‘other countries’.
Survey Questionnaire Design
A pre-coded survey questionnaire was designed to draw valuable inputs from the
respondents. Survey questionnaire had 02 parts i.e. demographic details of the
respondents and survey opinions. Survey opinions were calibrated on a five-point
Likert scale of strongly agree to strongly disagree value from 5 to 1 respectively,
based on their attitude towards opinions.
Data Collection
In addition to survey questionnaire, primary data were collected through KII and
FGD to validate and substantiate data collected from various sources like books,
journals, reports, and internet sources. High officials of MoEWOE, recruiting
agency, Bangladesh Technical Education Board (BTEB), Technical Training
Institutes (TTI), Councillor of Bangladesh High Commission abroad,
academicians, and representatives of ILO formed part of the key informants. 02
FGDs have been organized to gain first-hand information from the expatriates.
Drawbacks of the Study
Almost all the survey populations are Bangladeshi expatriates, hence, all of them
were communicated through electronic means, and thus face to face contact was
missing. There were some compromises done during the FGD sessions as they
were held under the supervision of dedicated coordinators during COVID
situation.

FINDINGS ON SURVEY POPULATION

Workplace of the Sample Population
Specific county-wise participants’ workplace has been recorded. For ease of data
analysis, the sample populations have been grouped into 04 regions based on the

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Need Based Skilled Human Resources for Overseas Employment

socio-economic condition of the country they represent. Workplace of the

sample population is shown in Table 1 below.

Table 1: Region of Work of the Survey Population

Frequency Percent Cumulative Percent

Other Countries 6 5.8 5.8
South Asian Countries 15 14.7 20.5
MENA Countries 26 25.4 46.0
Developed Countries 55 53.9 100.0
Total 102 100.0

Occupation of the Sample Population

Occupation of the sample population is shown in Table 2 below:

Table 2: Category of Occupation of the Survey Population

Frequency Percent Cumulative Percent

Other Category 5 4.9 4.9
Unskilled 19 18.6 23.5
Semi-skilled 15 14.7 38.2
Skilled 23 22.5 60.8
Professional 40 39.2 100.0
Total 102 100.0

Region and Occupation Cross Tabulation

Region and Occupation cross tabulation of survey population is presented in
Table 3.

Table 3: Region and Occupation Cross Tabulation

Occupation Category
Total
Others U-skilled S-skilled Skilled Professional
Other Countries 0 1 1 1 3 6
SA Countries 0 7 3 3 2 15
MENA Countries 0 4 5 10 7 26
Developed Countries 5 7 6 9 28 55
Total 5 19 15 23 40 102

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Measure of Scale Reliability
Measure of the scale reliability/consistency test through Cronbach Alpha has
been done to measure how closely different items are related. According to Glen
(Glen, 2014), Cronbach Alpha value above 0.7 is acceptable. In this case,
Cronbach Alpha yielded a result of 0.930 which indicates excellent internal
consistency as shown in Table 4 below:

Table 4: Reliability Statistics

Cronbach's Alpha N of Items

0.903 19

SKILLS NEED FOR OVERSEAS EMPLOYMENT

In the last 20 years, the world experienced more transformation and rapid
technological innovation than the preceding 100 years. The next five years’
technology transformation is likely to be even more rapid than the previous 20
years. The most pronounced and dominating technology of today will be obsolete
tomorrow. Hence, no technological knowledge or skill will remain relevant for
ever. Torres (Torres, 2014) reports, the future employers will look for the
employability skills7 instead of specific knowledge. This implies, even if the
academic credentials do not directly match with the job description, the
employees will be hired based on their employability qualities and skills. The
concept of discipline-based knowledge for a job is no longer relevant as the
knowledge will be outdated frequently. But the habit of continuous learning will
keep people abreast with the latest innovation and prepare them suited for any
job.
Opportunities in Different Skills Category
During interview, one of the key informants informed that, MoEWOE has
recently received huge offer in the field of nursing, age care, wielding, care giving,
pipe fitting, and plumbing etcetera from countries like Japan, Korea, Qatar, Hong
Kong, and Hungary. In addition to the skills needed for respective field of work,
language is a prerequisite for countries like Japan and Korea. Countries like
Austria, Germany, Albania, and Poland demanded skilled HR of different
disciplines in varying number to the MoEWOE. Opportunities for the skilled HR
is also emerging in Latin America and Caribbean, East European, ASEAN, and
in African countries (KII). Besides, Artificial Intelligence (AI), computer systems
analysts, robotics, genetic engineering, big data analysts, security experts, and

7
In addition to understanding about subject matters, employability skills are a set of skills that employers
want from an employee to carry out their role to the best of their ability.

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culinary service, etcetera professionals and high skilled HR will enjoy high
demand for employment. Above 80% survey respondents either agreed or
strongly agreed that, skilled HR has more employability than unskilled and 89.9%
respondents either agreed or strongly agreed that, skilled HR able to earn more
wages compared to unskilled HR.
Universal Skills Need
In addition to the skills needed for specific profession, some skills are universal
requirement. Those skills enrich one’s professional excellence and facilitate to
adjust and adapt in any cross-cultural environment. Some of the most
pronounced skills needed are enumerated below (Torres, 2014), (FGD, KII):
• Communication and interpersonal behavioural skills
• Self-awareness and confidence
• Learning ability and adaptability
• Ability to work in a team
• Working under pressure
• Maintaining the deadlines
• Initiative
• Computer literacy
• Ability to work in a cross-cultural environment

SKILLS GAP OF BANGLADESHI MIGRANTS

Declining Trend of Skilled Category HR
The trend of sending professionals and skilled HR is declining in Bangladesh. In
1990, 5.7% migrants were skilled whereas in 2019, the percentage of skilled HR
consists only 0.27% (ADB, 2016, p. 2; BMET, 2020). The trend envisages two
alarming fallouts, firstly, declining trend will adversely affect remittance inflow
and image of the nation, and secondly, unskilled labours are vulnerable to
repatriation as most of the developed countries are rapidly resorting to hi-tech
automation and digitalization. Declining trend of Bangladeshi skilled HR is
shown in Figure 1. Though most of the MENA countries especially KSA looks
for less-skilled labours for their construction works (KII), efforts should be taken
to gain access for skilled HR:

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 Figure 1: Declining Trend of Skill category (ADB, 2016; BMET, 2020)

Skills Gap
According to City and Guilds (City and Guilds & IOM, 2017), KSA is the prime
overseas destination accounting for 31.98% wage earners from Bangladesh. KSA
being the largest source of remittance and migration destination, plays a leading
role in shaping overseas employment and skills development in Bangladesh.
Therefore, it is of paramount importance to know, how KSA employers view
Bangladeshi workers. KSA employers’ perceptions about Bangladeshi
construction workers are as follows:
• Lack of cultural awareness
• Poor communication skills
• Poor language skills
• Untrustworthiness
• Poor behavioural issues
• Moral issues
• Physical unsuitability for construction work
• Lack of technical skills prior to migration
• Willing to accept low pay
Most of the key informants and FGD participants highlighted following skills gap
(KII, FGD):
• Lack of exposure to modern gadgets
• Poor interpersonal behavioural skill
• Lack of professional skills
• Lack of understanding about host country’s legal system
• Low hygiene and sanitation practice

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Gaps in Educational Qualification

Educational qualification is at the epitome and bedrock of all kinds of
qualifications including self-confidence and national image. Lack of basic
education is the primary causes of exploitation in the overseas countries (KII,
FGD). 43.50% survey respondents agreed, and 25.90% respondents strongly
agreed that, lack of basic education is the primary causes of exploitation in
overseas countries. Gender-wise educational qualification of migrants is shown
in Figure 2.

Figure 2: Educational Qualification of Bangladeshi Migrants

(BBS & BIDS, 2015, p. 14)

Gaps in Skill Training

Some of the key informants (KII) believe that most of the existing training
infrastructure has limitations on instructors, instruments, and training facilities.
Age old training courses and syllabus, lack of technology, and modern gadgets
are some of the shortcomings in Technical, Vocational, and Education Training
(TVET). Most of the high skilled professional institutes do not review their
courses and syllabus to match with the demand of 4.0 IR and international
requirement (KII, FGD). Bidisha (Bidisha, 2012) states following training gaps
and challenges:
• Lack of interest among young population to undergo technical training8
• Mismatch between training provided and skills need in job market
• Poor quality and age-old training offered by most of the TTIs

8
Total number of students being educated in primary, secondary, madrassa, and technical education is
27,172,545; out of which 506,556 are engaged in technical and vocational education making it only
1.8% of the total students (Barkat, & Ahmed, 2014).

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Challenges Ahead
The 4.0 IR is happening at an unprecedented whirlwind pace paving the way for
radical transformation in every sector. Rapid growth of AI, robotics, 3D printing,
big data analysis, quantum computing, genetic engineering, and the Internet of
Things (IoT) are the trends of the day. The migration destination countries being
rich and developed in technology, are in the process of automation and
digitalization. The COVID 19 situation has further accelerated the process of
digitalization. Hence, Bangladesh needs to identify most promising skills needed
and train its HR to be compatible in global workplace. The consequence of failure
to match with 4.0 IR will exterminate the country from global workplace.

TRAINING NEEDS FOR SKILLED HR

Training Needs
To remain relevant in global workplace, Governments should listen to the voice
of labour market in designing high skilled immigration policies (WB, 2018, p. 33).
In consonance with the call of the WB, most of the key informants (KII) opined
that, international skills demand to be ascertained first to provide need-based
skills training. During the survey, 55% respondents agreed and 32.1%
respondents strongly agreed that, considering the emerging requirement of skilled
HR in developed countries, Bangladesh Government should take effective
initiatives for developing skilled HR for overseas employment. After a threadbare
analysis of the most promising global skills needed and skills gaps of Bangladeshi
migrants, the following training needs have been identified as the most important
skills requirement for smooth flow of migration:
• Basic Education
• Communication skills
• Technical know-how in respective field
• Interpersonal Behavioural skills
• Basic hygiene and sanitation practice
• Learning to learn skills
• Basic knowledge on host country’s legal system

Impact of Training on Overseas Employment

If Bangladesh could prepare need based skilled HR through appropriate training,
it will enjoy enormous overseas employment opportunities. During the survey,
most of the respondents either agreed or strongly agreed that proactive initiative
by the employers to hire need based skilled HR would be the most important
upshot of need-based skills training.

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HYPOTHESIS ANALYSIS
The research hypothesis ‘the more the number of need-based skilled HR, the
more there will be opportunities for overseas employment’ has been analysed
using SPSS software. There are 02 variables i.e. need based skilled HR
(independent variable) and overseas employment (dependent variable). In line
with the variables, 02 constructs have been formulated as follows.
Construct 1 - Need based skilled HR
A list of most essential skills needed were short listed and circulated to the survey
population for their opinion in a Likert scale from strongly agree to strongly
disagree (value from 5 to 1). Descriptive statistics on the skills needed is shown
in Table 5.

Table 5: Descriptive Statistics on Skills Need (Survey Results)

N Mean Std. Deviation

Education 102 3.15 1.164
Communication skills 102 3.91 0.913
Confidence 102 3.72 0.948
Technical know-how 102 4.18 0.776
Interpersonal Behavioural skills 102 4.08 0.841
Knowledge on host country’s legal system 102 3.74 0.954
Hygiene and sanitation practice 101 3.74 1.101
Learning to learn skills 102 3.95 0.837

Construct 2 – Overseas Employment Opportunities

Descriptive statistics on the impact of need based skilled HR on overseas
employment is shown in Table 6.

Table 6: Descriptive Statistics on Impact of Need based Skilled HR (Survey Results)

N Mean Std. Deviation

Increased demand of workers 102 4.09 0.891
Enhanced wage and compensation package 102 3.79 1.066
Improved working environment 102 4.06 0.865
Proactive initiative to hire HR 101 4.14 0.884
Increased flow of HR 101 4.07 0.816
Increased flow of remittance 102 4.05 0.927

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Statistical Analysis
Relationship between constructs have been analysed with various tools using
SPSS. Analysis and results of various tests are appended below:
Linear Regression Analysis: To measure relationship between need based
skilled HR and opportunities for overseas employment, linear regression analysis
has been done through SPSS. According to model summary (R = 0.812), there is
a strong relationship between need based skilled HR and overseas employment
opportunities. R Square, the coefficient of determination, is the squared value of
the multiple correlation coefficient. It shows that 65.9% of the variation in time
is explained by the model. Model summary is shown in Table 7.

Table 7: Linear Regression Analysis

Model Summary
Model R R Square Adjusted R Square Std. Error of the Estimate
1 0.812a 0.659 0.628 0.44542
a. Predictors: (Constant), Need Based skilled HR

ANOVA: The ANOVA table is used to check whether there is a statistically

significant relationship between variables. The Sig. 0.000 value is < 0.05 (Table
8). This implies (Sig.) that there is a statistically significant relationship between
skilled HR and overseas employment opportunities.

Table 8: ANOVA Table

ANOVAa
Model Sum of Squares df Mean Square F Sig.
Regression 16.945 1 16.945 46.477 0.000b
Residual 35.365 97 0.365
Total 52.310 98
a. Dependent Variable: Opportunities for Overseas employment
b. Predictors: (Constant), Need based skilled HR

Coefficients: The coefficients table provides information to predict dependent

variable from independent variable. The Table 9 shows that, 01 (one) unit
increase in need based skilled HR will result to 0.769 increase in opportunities for
overseas employment. According to Glen (Glen, 2014), standardized beta
coefficient compares the strength of the effect of independent variable to the

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dependent variable. In this case, there is a strong effect of need based skilled HR
to overseas employment as Beta value is 0.569 (Table 9).

Table 9: Coefficients
Unstandardized Standardized
Model Coefficients Coefficients t Sig.
B Std. Error Beta

(Constant) 1.109 0.435 2.550 0.012

Need based skilled HR 0.769 0.113 0.569 6.817 0.000
a. Dependent Variable: Opportunities for Overseas employment

Correlation between Variables: The table 10 below shows Pearson Correlation

value 0.569, which means that there is a strong uphill positive linear relationship
between need based skilled HR and opportunities for overseas employment
(Kentstate, 2020). The significance value 0.000 indicates a significant correlation
between variables:

Table 10: Correlations between Independent and dependent variables

Correlations
Need Opportunities
based for Overseas
skilled HR employment
Pearson Correlation 1 0.569**
Need based skilled HR Sig. (2-tailed) 0.000
N 101 99
Pearson Correlation 0.569** 1
Opportunities for
Sig. (2-tailed) 0.000
Overseas employment
N 99 100
** Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed).

One Sample T Test (Hypothesis Testing): One sample t test for both the
constructs at 95% confidence level has been done (Table 11). Mean values of the
constructs are 3.80 and 4.04 for need based skilled HR and opportunities for
overseas employment, respectively. In a 05 (five) point Likert scale, the mean
value between 3.41 and 4.20 indicate population ‘agreed’ with the statements that,

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‘the more the number of need based skilled HR, the more there will be
opportunities for overseas employment’.

Table 11: One Sample Statistics

N Mean Std. Deviation Std. Error Mean

Need based skilled HR 101 3.8057 0.54843 0.05457

Opportunities for Overseas
100 4.0433 0.72692 0.07269
employment

In Table 12, Sig. (2 tailed) or p value for both the construct is 0.00. Ideally, p value
lower than 0.05 indicates less support for the null hypothesis (a greater number
of need-based skilled HR will not create more opportunities for overseas
employment), hereby null is rejected. As 0.00 is < 0.05, so the alternate hypothesis
is proved.

Table 12: One-Sample Test

Test Value = 0
95% Confidence
Sig. Mean Interval of the
t df Difference
(2-tailed) Difference
Lower Upper
Need based skilled HR 69.739 100 0.000 3.80569 3.6974 3.9140
Opportunities for
55.623 99 0.000 4.04333 3.8991 4.1876
Overseas employment

In the light of the above scientific analysis, it is proved that ‘the more the number
of need-based skilled HR, the more there will be opportunities for oversea
employment’, thus alternate hypothesis is proved. On the contrary, null
hypothesis, ‘the greater number of need-based skilled HR will not create
opportunities for overseas employment’ is rejected.

CONCLUSIONS
Bangladesh Government had been promoting overseas employment since the
1970s. So far, Bangladesh had been doing well and presently stands as sixth
largest migration origin country. But unfortunately, it is not within 10 largest

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 Islam,
Need Based Skilled Human Resources for Overseas Employment

remittance earning countries. So, the country needs to go a long way to maintain
a balance between its migration and remittance growth rate. While the country is
struggling to increase its remittance earning, it is also facing the challenges of
technological paradigm shift from man to machine. Challenges bring
opportunities as well. Many developed countries are facing shortage of
population, so they need skilled HR for nursing, age caring, and medical support.
Besides, professionals and high skilled HR in the field of AI, robotics, data
analysis, genetic engineering, and culinary service would find themselves ever
demanding in the global workplace.
On the contrary, Bangladeshi youngsters suffer from lots of skills gap such as
poor educational background and communication skills, lack of knowledge on
internationally accepted rules of behaviour, and poor hygiene and sanitation
practices etcetera. They need training on the above-mentioned skills to remain
relevant. Unfortunately, the skills training infrastructure in Bangladesh faces
numerous challenges like lack of interest among young population to undergo
technical training, mismatch between training offer and skills needed in job
market, poor quality and age-old training system etcetera. Hence, efforts need to
be taken to facilitate need-based skills training infrastructure.
Most promising skills needed for Bangladeshi aspirants have been ascertained as
education, communication skills, confidence, technical know-how, interpersonal
behavioural skills, knowledge on host country’s legal system, hygiene and
sanitation practice, and learning to learn skills etcetera. If youngsters of
Bangladesh could be trained on the above-mentioned skills, there would be ample
of overseas employment opportunities. The Pearson Correlation yielded a value
0.569 indicating strong positive uphill relationship between need based skilled
HR and overseas employment. Therefore, the research concludes, ‘the more the
number of need-based skilled HR, the more there will be overseas employment
opportunities.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
The author would like to express his gratitude to Additional Secretary (now
secretary) Dr. Ahmed Munirus Saleheen, Additional Secretary Mr. K M Ruhul
Amin, Additional Secretary Mr. Md Saiful Islam Badal of Ministry of Expatriates
Welfare and Overseas Employment, Dr. Md Murad Hossain Mollah, Chairman
of Bangladesh Technical Education Board, Professor Dr. S M Mostafa Kamal
Khan of North South University, Colonel Syed Md Rafiqul Islam, Lieutenant
Colonel A K M Azam Chowdhury, Mr. Md Nazrul Islam, Engineer Md Mamun-
Ur-Rashid, and Engineer Md Saiful Islam for their immense contribution in
preparing the paper. He also presents his appreciation to the editors,
coordinators, and the reviewers of the NDC E-JOURNAL for their insightful
inputs to improve the manuscript.

NDC E-JOURNAL, Vol. 01, No. 01, October 2020 84

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AUTHOR
Brigadier General Md Shahedul Islam, hdmc, psc is presently
undergoing National Defence Course in National Defence College, Bangladesh.
He received Master’s in Defence Studies from National University, Bangladesh,
Master’s in Business Administration from Dhaka University, and Master’s in
Management Studies from Osmania University, India. He is presently undergoing
MPhil in Business Faculty, Dhaka University. He has 02 publications on defensive
operations and military intelligence. His research interest includes training,
development, management, and Organizational Behaviour.
E-mail: majshahed@yahoo.com

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National Defence College E-Journal
(NDC E-JOURNAL)
https://ndcjournal.ndc.gov.bd/ndcj

AN APPROACH TO HUMAN RESOURCE

DEVELOPMENT OF NUCLEAR SECURITY
FORCE: BANGLADESH PERSPECTIVE

Colonel A. B. M. Faruquzzaman, afwc, psc, G

Headquarters Logistics Area, Dhaka, Bangladesh.

(Received: 30th June 2020; Revised: 22nd September 2020; Published: 28th October 2020)

Abstract: Bangladesh, the 33rd Member State of Global Nuclear Club, is

committed to establish Nuclear Security Regime before commissioning its first
Nuclear Power Plant (NPP) in 2023. Therefore, Bangladesh has formed
Nuclear Security and Physical Protection System Cell (NSPC) under Bangladesh
Army in 2017. However, NSPC could not formulate a formidable Nuclear
Security Force (NSF) yet. Absence of an appropriate Human Resource
Development (HRD) model for NSF in literature, heterogeneous force
composition, feeble legal and regulatory framework, scanty HRD
infrastructures and expertise in the field of Nuclear Security, insignificant
research in Bangladesh caveat, etc. are generally identified as major
impediments. At this backdrop, a non-experimental, exploratory research has
been conducted to explore HRD modalities for NSF of Bangladesh. Available
literary contents, international, and International Atomic Energy Agency
(IAEA) guidance, global best practices, opinions of the Subject Matter Experts
(SME) and structured response of the Key Informants (KI) were the basis of
the research. Both primary and secondary data sources had been accessed
applying cross-sectional non-probability purposive sampling techniques. Based
on the research, this paper has proposed an HRD model and suggests
modalities appropriate for HRD of NSF in Bangladesh caveat. Proposed model
is structured as a networked-wheel model centering Nuclear Security Strategy of
Bangladesh. It has three interrelated functional pillars: Training and
Development, Workforce Development, and Organization Development.
Eighteen elements of these pillars are interconnected through a comprehensive
Knowledge Network. It has also proposed modalities for restructuring existing
system, inter-agency collaboration, international cooperation, technology
integration, mass awareness, security mind-set and culture, etc. Propositions of
this paper may immensely assist Bangladesh in developing Human Resource
(HR) of its NSF.
Keywords: Nuclear Power Plant, International Atomic Energy Agency, Nuclear
Security Regime, Nuclear Security Force, Human Resource Development,
and Nuclear Security and Physical Protection System Cell.
© 2020 NDCE-JOURNAL,all rights reserved.

NDC E-JOURNAL, Vol. 01, No. 01, October 2020 88

 INTRODUCTION
Bangladesh has taken a courageous step in conceiving nuclear power as a
component of National Energy Policy through commencement of Rooppur
NPP project and aspires to excel this initiative further. Construction of NPP
has three intermingled dimensions: functional/operational, technology and
technical including nuclear safety, and nuclear security/physical protection.
IAEA’s milestone approach suggests a holistic progression of all three
dimensions (IAEA, 2013a, p. 2). Within these dimensions, IAEA delineated
Nuclear Security as the State’s responsibility (IAEA, 2013b, p. 4). Therefore,
Bangladesh has established NSPC under Bangladesh Army in 2017 for ensuring
Nuclear Security of Rooppur NPP (Ministry of Science and Technology, 2018, p. 34).
Though apparently, ‘Nuclear Security’ seems as ‘gun-guard-gate’ model, it is far
beyond that in current time. IAEA defines ‘Nuclear Security’ as “the prevention
and detection of, and response to, theft, sabotage, unauthorized access, illegal transfer or other
malicious acts involving nuclear material, other radioactive material or their associated
facilities” (IAEA, 2015, p. 18). State needs to establish a Nuclear Security Regime
through critical nurturing of interdisciplinary approach. Nuclear Security
Regime encompasses number of elements and activities including Human
Resource Management (HRM). IAEA guidelines have directed HRD, a function
of HRM, as an essential element for ensuring sustainable Nuclear Security
Regime of a State (IAEA, 2018b, p. 11). Though other sectors of nuclear power
infrastructure have progressed substantially in Bangladesh, it lacks in developing
HR of NSF.
Organization and employment of NSF varies from country to country.
Landscaping global guidance and best practices in Bangladesh parlance, NSF
can be defined as “a disciplined force competent with required skills and expertise on
ensuring security to nuclear materials and installations within the state regulated through an
organization legally authorised to regulate Nuclear Security aspects of the State”. NSPC is
tasked to ensure Nuclear Security and organize NSF well before the
commissioning of Rooppur NPP. However, HRD related infrastructures for
NSF has not progressed substantially. Nuclear Security is a classified State affair
and preparedness of NSF is specific to national threat assessment (IAEA,
2018b, pp. 9). Therefore, State needs to generate HRD modalities for its NSF
indigenously. Being incumbent, Bangladesh needs to address multifaceted
requirements that necessitate a wide-ranged research on the question: “How the
HR of NSF can be developed in Bangladesh?” Therefore, a comprehensive non-
experimental, exploratory research has been conducted in quest of answering
the question. The research identified major impediments to develop HRD
related infrastructures for NSF. Addressing those impediments, this research
could explore an appropriate and applied HRD modalities for NSF of
Bangladesh.

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 Faruquzzaman,
An Approach to Human Resource Development of Nuclear Security Force: Bangladesh Perspective

Findings of the research are the constituent of this paper. This paper firstly
highlights the methodology followed throughout the research. It then discloses
research results in the form of describing explored NSF structure and HRD
model for NSF of Bangladesh. Finally, it discusses the mending modalities of
identified challenges in implementing the explored HRD model in Bangladesh
perspective. It also put forward a few recommendations on HRD of NSF and
scope for further research in this field.

REVIEW OF LITERATURES
Universally accepted definition for HRD is not available in literature due to its
dynamic evolutions. Throughout eighteenth and nineteenth century, developing
HR evolved through ‘Apprenticeship Training’ programs, DeWitt Clinton’s
‘Vocational Education’, ‘Factory Schools’ programme and Charles Allen’s four-
steps instructional method - “show, tell, do, check”. In late 1930s, ‘Human
Relations’ was included in describing organization as a ‘Social Structure’. During
the World War II, HR training was established as a profession and by 1970s it
expanded beyond classroom to include ‘Interpersonal Skills’ within it; the term
‘HRD’ came into being (Werner and DeSimone, 2012, p. 4).
Often HRD and HRM are synonymously used though HRM is broader in
scope. HRM can be defined as “the effective selection and utilization of employees to best
achieve the goals and strategies of an organization, as well as the goals and needs of employees”
(Werner and DeSimone, 2012, p. 8). HRD is either one of the primary functions or
a stand-alone function within the HRM department. Distinctions between
HRM and HRD minimized when Pat McLagan proposed a major shift of HRD
from traditional Training and Development (T&D) through integrating ‘Career
Development’ and ‘Organization Development’ issues (McLagan, 1989, p. 49).
Thus, HRD was defined as “a process for unleashing and developing human expertise
through organizational development and personnel training and development for the purpose of
improving performance” (Torraco and Swanson, 1995, p. 10). Paul Bernthal et al.
further portrayed an expanded view of HRD where T&D, the core functions of
McLagan’s HR wheel, was extended by ‘Learning and Performance’ (Werner
and DeSimone, 2012, p. 8). This expansion could establish more vivid relation
between organizational functions and HRD (McLean, 2010, p. 318). In later
days, Svensson, et al. proposed ‘Strategic HRD’ concept involving HRD
professionals into strategic functions of the organization (Svensson, et al., 2009, p.
772). Recent evolution of Industry 4.0 concept added ‘External Partnerships’ as
a new dimension to the sustainable HRD (Stachová, et al., 2019, pp. 1-5). Through
repeated evolution, HRD has become a function of organization, human, social
and strategic domain in the present-day context.
HRD in the field of Nuclear Security is complex in nature as it bears global
scope and deals with multidimensional physical threats. Allocation of sufficient
HR is an essential element for sustaining a Nuclear Security Regime (IAEA,

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2013, p. 5) of a user State and developing those HR is one of the vital national
sustainability objectives (IAEA, 2018b, p. 4). HRD in Nuclear Security primarily
includes education, training, exercise, awareness raising, workforce
management, knowledge management and knowledge networks (IAEA, 2018c,
p. 7). HRD is a long-term activity (Akbar and Jolly, 2013, p. 19). Therefore,
IAEA milestone approach on developing nuclear infrastructure may be a
preferred option for any State (IAEA, 2013, pp. 1-3). However, modalities for
HRD of NSF in Bangladesh caveat is absent in literature.
Due to the varying threat scenario in States, various nuclear user States are
following indigenous HRD systems. Indonesia follows layered education and
training approach applying indigenous Systematic Approach to Training (SAT)
model and conducts exercises involving all stake holders of the State
(Haditjahyono, 2014). Vietnam’s education and training system is monitored by a
National Steering Committee. It integrated indigenous nuclear institution and
departments of five general universities in nuclear education discipline (Nguyen
& Vuong, 2016, p. 6). Pakistan conducts courses for NSF personnel on fixed
installations protection, transports escort and emergency response (Iftakhar &
Noor, 2017, p. 5). Philippines and Thailand are frontrunners in HRD
programmes within Southeast Asia (Trajano, 2019, p. 1703). Many nuclear user
States have adopted indigenous force-on-force exercises as a tool to HRD
(Bunn, Roth, & Tobey, 2019, pp. 62-63). As Nuclear Security is a classified State
affair, modalities of these indigenous approaches are not available in public
literature. However, due to the growing demand of trained Nuclear Security
workforce, various global universities are also offering Master’s and PhD degree
following IAEA education program (Islam & Ahmed, 2016, p. 2) to establish a
global common platform.

METHODOLOGY
Study Area and Target Population
All concerned Nuclear Security stakeholders of Bangladesh were the target
population of this research. SMEs of this research were the members of
Bangladesh Atomic Energy Commission (BAEC), NSPC, National Working
Group for developing Physical Protection System (PPS) of Rooppur NPP,
Nuclear Power Plant Company Bangladesh Limited (NPCBL), Military Institute
of Science and Technology (MIST), Bangladesh Army, Atomic Energy Research
Establishment (AERE) and military forces operating at Rooppur NPP.
Contents of national and international best practices (Russia, China, Japan,
India, Pakistan, Indonesia, and Vietnam), related books, journals, guiding
instruments, IAEA publications, etc. were studied for the purpose of this
research. Military officers with the experience and/or knowledge on Nuclear
Security were the KIs for this research. However, due to the non-availability of

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 Faruquzzaman,
An Approach to Human Resource Development of Nuclear Security Force: Bangladesh Perspective

NSF in Bangladesh, this research could not access real-time working

information related to the NPP.

Research Questions
This research primarily focused to obtain answer of the question “How the HR of
NSF can be developed in Bangladesh?” In doing so, it also sought for the answer of
following secondary questions:
⁃ What is the appropriate HRD model for NSF of Bangladesh?
⁃ How national and international NSF are developing their security related
HR?
⁃ What are the HRD related nuclear security infrastructures available at
Bangladesh?
⁃ What are the initiatives that Bangladesh has undertaken to enhance its
HRD capabilities for NSF?
⁃ What are the challenges in implementing HRD process for NSF in
Bangladesh?
⁃ How the challenges can be mitigated to develop HR of NSF?

Data
Both qualitative and quantitative data were collected. Primary data were
collected through informal interview of SMEs. These were the key sources of
qualitative data. Quantitative data were collected through structured
questionnaire survey conducted on security experts of Bangladesh Army.
Secondary data were obtained through content analysis of various national and
international regulations, guidelines, recommendations, best practice sharing,
etc. with special emphasis on IAEA. This research applied Non-probability
Purposive data sampling technique and each sample were accessed following
Cross-Sectional method.

Research Methods
Mixed methods were followed in this research. Quantitative data were analysed
through descriptive statistical method using Statistical Package for the Social
Sciences (SPSS) Version-23. For qualitative data analysis content, narrative and
discourse methods were followed.

Personal Experiences
The researcher himself had experience of working in the field of Nuclear
Security in Bangladesh. As professional commitment, he had visited various
nuclear related installations of Russia. He also represented Bangladesh in a
technical meeting on SAT at IAEA Headquarters (HQ), Vienna. These were

NDC E-JOURNAL, Vol. 01, No. 01, October 2020 92

highly contributory to carry out this research in a more authentic tone and
proposals/recommendations were more practicable.

Research Design
It was a non-experimental, exploratory, and applied research. Initially the
researcher explored a suitable HRD model for NSF of Bangladesh through
analysing contents of existing literature and views of the SMEs. The researcher
then collected data to identify impediments, in its implementation at
Bangladesh. Based on the identified impediments the researcher sought for
mitigation means through accessing SMEs, KIs, and global best practices.

RESULTS
Outcome of the research was a comprehensive ‘HRD model’ for NSF of
Bangladesh. It also explored an appropriate NSF structure for Bangladesh.

Proposed NSF Structure for Bangladesh

Bangladesh has identified HRD as a priority area (Shahid, 2019), however, it is
yet to finalize its NSF structure. Therefore, a functional structure for NSF is
proposed in Figure 1. According to this proposition, the Honourable Prime
Minister may command and administer all site-specific NSFs through the Chief
of Army Staff (CAS). CAS may be answerable to Bangladesh Atomic Energy
Regulatory Authority (BAERA) for all Nuclear Security affairs of the State.
Each NSF may broadly be categorized into three units: Security Management
Unit (SMU), Security Operations Unit (SOU) and Technical Security Unit
(TSU) (IAEA, 2018a, pp. 50-51). Force HQ of NSF at sites should be
considered as SMU. Units directly or indirectly engaged to on-site security of
nuclear facilities may be considered as SOU and the establishments that will
provide technical and other administrative assistance to the on-site force may
fall under TSU. Unit members should be categorized in four groups:
management level leaders (senior leaders beyond unit commanders), operation
level leaders (officers as unit/subunit/detachment commanders), supervisors
[Junior Commissioned Officers (JCO) and Non-Commissioned Officers
(NCO)], and soldiers.

Proposed HRD Model for NSF of Bangladesh

Figure 2 is the proposed HRD model for the NSF of Bangladesh. It is a
networked-wheel model. Nuclear Security Strategy of the State is the foundation
of this model. It has three core functional pillars, and each pillar is composed of
numbers of related elements. Synergy among these functions and elements is
accomplished through a comprehensive ‘Knowledge Network’.

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 Faruquzzaman,
An Approach to Human Resource Development of Nuclear Security Force: Bangladesh Perspective

Figure 1: Proposed Command and Control Structure of NSF

Figure 2: Proposed HRD Model for NSF of Bangladesh

NDC E-JOURNAL, Vol. 01, No. 01, October 2020 94

Training and Development
T&D is the most important functional pillar for developing HRD of NSF. It
will generate a competent person through imparting layered education and
training as shown in Figure 3.

Figure 3: Layard Competence Development for NSF

Education: Education may be provided in the form of general awareness

education through national education curriculum; occupational education
programmes in the form of undergraduate education through technical or
vocational institutions, graduation and advance degree through universities; and
individual career development programmes including instructional ability
enhancement programme. Bangladesh should conduct a need assessment and
formulate national policy and strategy for Nuclear Security education
encompassing all mode of education. NSPC and stakeholders should also
formulate their education policy to strengthen Safety-Security-Safeguard (3S)
interface. Soldiers of NSF should be educated through various cadres run by the
NSF organization and Nuclear Security training institutions. Supervisors (JCOs
and NCOs) should be either directly recruited with prerequisite undergraduate
degree or made competent through technical and vocational institutions.
Nuclear Security training institution may have the capability to run up to
postgraduate programme. Officers should obtain minimum graduation on
Nuclear Security discipline. Educational institutions of Bangladesh Armed
Forces, i.e. MIST, Bangladesh University of Professionals (BUP), etc. may be
utilized for such education. IAEA guidelines should be the basis of all
education. NSPC, in collaboration with the Government, should establish

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 Faruquzzaman,
An Approach to Human Resource Development of Nuclear Security Force: Bangladesh Perspective

regional and international cooperation in the form of sending NSF members

abroad and/or hiring foreign specialists. Distant learning may also be arranged
with international network-based institutions.
Training: NSF training may be classroom and practical training, on-the-job
training, train the trainer, virtual training, and collective training. Units may have
adequate training aids to organize periodic refresher training. Separate wing of
NSPC may monitor, coordinate, and assist training curriculum, and develop
virtual training system in cost-effective manner. Collective training may
integrate all stakeholders for enhanced 3S interface. Few military training
institutions may be utilized for initial HRD. Nuclear Security training
institutions may be established as a priority with assistance of Russian
Federation, IAEA, and/or other countries. Selected NSF members may be sent
abroad for ‘Train the Trainer’. All training initiative should follow a functional
SAT model.
Exercise: Exercises may be in the form of tutorial exercise, table top exercise,
workshops, map exercise, communication exercise, decision making exercise,
contingency plan validation exercise, tactical exercise without troops, force-on-
force exercise, emergency response exercise, situation exercise, general field
training exercise, etc. NSF may conduct standalone exercise and/or sometimes
integrate on-site and off-site stakeholders, other related national agencies,
regional or international alliances, etc.
Awareness Raising: BAERA may implement national awareness raising
programmes focusing public, policy makers, operators, and authorized persons.
Information sensitivity and ‘need-to-know’ rule should get preference.
Awareness raising programmes of NSPC should develop desired behaviours
and beliefs among NSF members and stakeholders. NSPC may adopt ‘Centre of
Excellence’ approach to implement awareness raising through knowledge
sharing.
Knowledge Management: BAERA may formulate National Nuclear Security
Knowledge Management strategy and Ministry of Science and Technology
(MOST) should operate a National Knowledge Database. NSPC should
develop inter-connected knowledge management system including individual
and organizational knowledge. Knowledge databases may have the capability to
archive, retrieve, transform, interpret, disseminate, and protect acquired
knowledge. It may connect education and training systems with controlled
access.

Workforce Development
BAERA may define level of competences for NSF and NSPC should develop
tailored strategies for workforce development. Strategy may ensure long-term
availability of key HR in the nuclear facilities.

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Workforce Planning: Planning should address both short and long-term
needs. It may include recruiting-to-retirement cycle, force development,
additional force requirement for emergency situation management, succession
planning, etc.
Workforce Management: An independent board may initially recruit members
from all the law enforcing agencies of Bangladesh with majority force from
Bangladesh Army. Subsequent recruitment may be institutionalized through an
independent in-house recruiting organization. Candidate may undergo a
software and hardware based qualitative and quantitative examination that
includes physical, educational, and psychological test. Both Intelligence
Quotient (IQ) and Emotional Quotient (EQ) test should be given preference
for selecting officers. Criminal records or tendency may be verified by
Bangladesh Police and Directorate General of Forces Intelligence (DGFI).
Recruiting strategy may attract competent and intellect candidates to join NSF
through promoting opportunities and remunerations. Workforce may be
regulated and managed through Nuclear Security Act and organizational
Standard Operating Procedures (SOP). Stable and secure employment
environment should be ensured through digitized HRM system.
Performance Management: NSPC may periodically evaluate performance
needs, gaps, and reasons. Evaluation system should encompass long-term
perspective to evaluate uneven development of individual skills. It may also
identify functional deficiencies in the workforce management system and
suggest corrective measures.
Career Planning: NSF career may be organized in various tiers following rank
structure of Bangladesh Army, controlled by a separate wing at NSPC. “One
must have institutional education and training on Nuclear Security” - should be
a basic rule for leaders’ career progression.
Career Management: NSPC may arrange appropriate remuneration and
reward that commensurate employees’ contribution. It may design and forecast
clear career path towards higher positions to set individual professional goals
and to strive for promotion. It may also organize competence-based assignment
and skill development opportunities for NSF members.

Organization Development
Bangladesh may emphasize on developing organizational infrastructure for NSF
to establish a sustainable Nuclear Security Regime.
Policy and Regulations: Bangladesh may enact Nuclear Security Act
immediately. NSF should be authorized by law as ‘Competent Authority’, which
will operate under the CAS. NSPC mayformulate related SOPs for force
management and pursue the Government for enacting subsequent laws and
acts.

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 Faruquzzaman,
An Approach to Human Resource Development of Nuclear Security Force: Bangladesh Perspective

Infrastructure Development: Bangladesh may establish an indigenous Nuclear

Security training institution; a university for educating all disciplines on nuclear
science and technology, and 3S; and one or more vocational training institutions
on nuclear disciplines. Nuclear Security department may also be opened in
existing education institutions. Military and other law enforcing agency’s
training institutions may be equipped and staffed for ad hoc training of initial
NSF members. International cooperation is necessary for foreign training,
training aid procurement and hiring foreign trainers.
Leadership Development: NSF leaders should be both intellectually and
emotionally robust. They should attain adequate knowledge on 3S, technology,
national and international rules, and regulations, etc. Officers should attain
graduation whereas JCOs and NCOs should have diploma degree on Nuclear
Security. Soldiers should be trained on elementary leadership to independently
manage crisis.
Management Development: Management system of NSF may ensure
coherent and congenial relation among leaders and led to work in utmost
synergy as a spirited team. Management may strike a balance between strictness
to task performance and compassion to human problems.
Professional Society: BAERA, through other related ministries, may undertake
national action plan for developing macro-level professional society on Nuclear
Security. NSPC may develop micro-level professional society at facility sites
through fostering Nuclear Security culture within the facility and its peripherals.
Learning Environment: Bangladesh may establish “Centre of Excellence” and
connect with regional and international organizations. NSPC may conduct study
period, seminar, training, workshops, etc. at facilities integrating local people
also. Digital gadgets and secured network may be utilized for sharing knowledge
among stakeholders.
International Cooperation: Bangladesh may extend international cooperation
in the form of education, training, joint exercise, seminar, workshop,
presentation, visit, procurement, etc. at various levels.
Equipment and Technology: HRD for NSF may be state-of-the-art
technology driven. NSF members may be trained in handling modern
technology-based equipment. Civil intellects may also be integrated in
indigenous equipment development.

Knowledge Network
Bangladesh may develop National Knowledge Networks in the form of Nuclear
Security Support Centre (NSSC), involving all stakeholders and specialized
groups, for enhanced cooperation, coordination, and knowledge sharing. It may
also be connected to the global knowledge networks on Nuclear Security. NSPC

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may develop Organizational Knowledge Network for sharing knowledge among
NSF members with common roles, responsibilities, good practices, etc.

DISCUSSIONS
This paper has proposed an HRD model for NSF of Bangladesh through
conducting a comprehensive non-experimental exploratory research. Basis of the
research was the available contents, international and IAEA guidance, global best
practices, opinions of the SMEs and structured response of the KIs. Proposed
HRD model for NSF has three interrelated functional pillars: Training and
Development, Workforce Development and Organization Development. All
elements of these three pillars are interconnected through a comprehensive
Knowledge Network. It has also proposed a hierarchy of NSF structured under
the Honourable Prime Minister through the CAS. In implementation of the
proposed HRD model and NSF structure, Bangladesh is likely to overcome few
of the challenges. This research has also identified the challenges and their
mitigation means. These are discussed in subsequent paragraphs.

Challenges in Implementing HRD System for NSF

Bangladesh faces following major challenges in establishing Nuclear Security
Regime and implementing HRD model for its NSF:
⁃ Security overlooking psyche of the policymakers.
⁃ Absence of inter-agency cooperation and coordination mechanism.
⁃ Absence of holistic qualification requirements for initial NSF.
⁃ Dilemma on carrier-cycle of initial NSF members.
⁃ Insufficient international cooperation.
⁃ Ad hoc structure and inadequate staffing of NSPC to address HRD
issues.
⁃ Inadequate focus and absence of Nuclear Security experts in BAERA
and BAEC.
⁃ Absence of joint working environment between BAEC and NSPC.
⁃ Absence of an effective legal framework.
⁃ Absence of education programmes and indigenous institutions.
⁃ Training institutions of Law Enforcing Agencies are not equipped and
staffed to train on Nuclear Security.
⁃ Absence of a definite recruiting system.

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 Faruquzzaman,
An Approach to Human Resource Development of Nuclear Security Force: Bangladesh Perspective

Ways Ahead for Bangladesh in Implementing HRD Modalities

for NSF
Mending modalities of identified challenges to functionally implement proposed
HRD model in Bangladesh caveat are highlighted in subsequent paragraphs.

Awareness Raising
BAERA and BAEC may minimize security overlooking psyche of top leaders
and policymakers through undertaking a comprehensive awareness raising
programme which may include various seminars and workshops, visit to nuclear
facilities abroad, etc. 70.5% respondents opine that proactive engagement of
NSPC with policymakers will raise awareness among senior leaderships on
Nuclear Security issues (Figure 4). At organization level, NSPC may ensure flow
of information through evaluation, remuneration and punitive measures.
Awareness raising programme may be incorporated through training, motivation,
poster, leaflets, e-message, etc.

Figure 4: Respondents’ Views on “Awareness Raising Needs Proactive Engagement of

NSPC with Policymakers”.

Formulating Legal and Regulatory Framework

Bangladesh, through Ministry of Law, may enact Nuclear Security Act on priority
basis. BAERA, in coordination with BAEC and NSPC, may formulate
supplementary regulations related to the HRD of NSF. Bangladesh may appoint
Bangladesh Army as the ‘Competent Authority’ for Nuclear Security affairs of the
State by law. Law may delineate the command and control structure in line with
the proposition of this paper.

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Restructuring BAERA and BAEC
Both BAERA and BAEC need to be restructured and adequately staffed with
Nuclear Security experts (Figure 5). Mission and role of both these organizations
should incorporate Nuclear Security issues in clear terms including HRD aspects.
Nuclear Security experts from Bangladesh Army, serving/retired, may also be
deputed and/or appointed to BAEC and BAERA.

Figure 5: Respondents’ Views on “Nuclear Security Experts at BAERA is Inadequate to

Address HRD of NSF”.

Establishing Indigenous Training and Education Infrastructures

Generic Nuclear Security awareness lessons may be included into the textbooks
of secondary and higher secondary standard (Figure 6). Ministry of Education
may arrange diploma on Nuclear Security to few technical or vocational
institutions, and graduation and advance degree in few public or private
universities with preference to military institutes. Bangladesh should also establish
indigenous Nuclear Security education and training institutions on priority basis
with the assistance of IAEA and other expert countries.

Figure 6: Respondents’ views on “Nuclear Security Lessons need to be included in National

Education Curricula”.

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 Faruquzzaman,
An Approach to Human Resource Development of Nuclear Security Force: Bangladesh Perspective

Framing Inter-agency Coordination Mechanism

Bangladesh should initiate a functional mechanism for inter-agency coordination
on Nuclear Security (Figure 7). Stakeholders may meet periodically to share their
knowledge, observation, and concern. Inter-agency coordination may be
enhanced through holistic training, social interactions, coordination cell at NSPC
and BAERA, inter-agency posting, flow of information, publishing journals and
periodicals, etc.

Figure 7: Respondents’ Views on “Bangladesh Needs an Inter-agency Coordination

Mechanism for Nuclear Security”.

Restructuring NSPC
NSPC needs to be restructured and adequately staffed for managing all HR
aspects of NSF (Figure 8). It may have various wings for addressing all HRD
related activities as proposed in the HRD model for NSF.

Figure 8: Respondents’ Views on “NSPC Needs Restructuring to Accommodate HRD

Aspects of NSF”.

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Planning and Management of Initial NSF
Initial workforce may be generated through permanently recruiting from feeder
organizations. Engineer Centre and School of Military Engineering (ECSME),
Electrical and Mechanical Engineering Centre and School (EMEC&S),
Bangladesh Infantry Regimental Centre (BIRC), East Bengal Regimental Centre
(EBRC) and School of Infantry and Tactics (SI&T) may be equipped to train this
workforce by procuring training aids on priority basis, hiring foreign trainers,
‘train the trainer’ abroad, etc. A common platform may be created to
accommodate recruited members from diverged agencies.

RECOMMENDATIONS
From the findings and discussions of this research, followings are recommended
for the HRD of NSF in Bangladesh:
⁃ Bangladesh, through its various organs, may implement the explored
HRD modalities of this research for developing its NSF.
⁃ NSPC may generate NSF for Rooppur NPP on immediate basis
following proposed NSF structure.
⁃ Ministry of Law, as a priority, may formulate Nuclear Security Acts and
designate Bangladesh Army as ‘Competent Authority’ for Nuclear
Security by law.
⁃ Ministry of Education and NCTB may restructure existing education
system of Bangladesh to integrate and accommodate Nuclear Security
education at various tiers of national education curricula. NSPC may
develop indigenous education and training infrastructures as a priority.
⁃ BAERA, BAEC, and NSPC may be restructured for accommodating
Nuclear Security aspects.
Followings are recommended for further outlook and research:
⁃ Once NPP is operative, modalities proposed in this research may be
revised incorporating opinions and experiences of nuclear workforce.
⁃ Modern HRD encompasses cognitive domain, i.e. attitude and behaviour
of the workforce and organizational culture. Further research may be
conducted on cognitive domain of NSF.

CONCLUSION
Any State wishing to peacefully utilize nuclear power is legally obligated to the
international forum for ensuring its security in global terms. It may, therefore,
establish a comprehensive Nuclear Security Regime within the State. Construction
of NPP needs a balanced approach among all its dimensions. Though Bangladesh

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 Faruquzzaman,
An Approach to Human Resource Development of Nuclear Security Force: Bangladesh Perspective

could substantially progress in developing other dimensions of NPP, Nuclear

Security aspects need expedite attention to harmonize overall efforts.
Nuclear Security is a classified State affair. Again, threat patterns are State/region
centric and geo-politic dependent. Therefore, States need to develop HRD
modalities for its NSF indigenously. To assist Bangladesh in developing its HR in
the field of Nuclear Security, this paper proposed an HRD model explored
through a systematic research. It also proposed a hierarchy of NSF structured
under the Honourable Prime Minister through the CAS. The research identified
that the proposed HRD model and hierarchy structure of NSF is the most
appropriate approach in Bangladesh caveat.
This paper highlighted a few challenges in implementing the proposed HRD
model that encompasses: policymakers’ psyche, inter-agency cooperation and
coordination, holistic qualification requirements, carrier-cycle of initial NSF
members, international cooperation, structure and focus of NSPC, BAERA and
BAEC, legal framework, recruiting system, indigenous education and training
support structures, etc. It also articulated mitigation means for identified
challenges. Mending modalities emphasized on awareness raising initiatives at all
level, legal and regulatory framework formulation, indigenous training and
education infrastructures development, coordination among concerned agencies,
restructuring NSPC, BAEC and BAERA, and management of initial NSF.
Developing HR of NSF involves integrated effort of all related stakeholders
where holistic planning, coordination, management, and implementation are
essential ingredients. Drives of the policymakers and top-level management, and
institutionalization of Nuclear Security culture into the members’ behaviour and
attitude can develop a functional HRD system for NSF of Bangladesh.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
The author would like to express his gratitude to the National Defence
College (NDC), Mirpur, Dhaka, Bangladesh. He also presents his
appreciation to the Editors and the anonymous reviewers of the NDC E-
JOURNAL for their insightful inputs to improve the manuscript.

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AUTHOR
Colonel A. B. M. Faruquzzaman, afwc, psc, G received his BSc degree
in Computer Science and Engineering (CSE) from Dhaka University,
Bangladesh. He received three MSc degr ees: in Military Studies from
Bangladesh University of Professionals (BUP), Bangladesh; in Military Science
and Applied Gunnery from BUP; in Military Science and Management from the
University of Peshawar, Pakistan. Presently, he is pursuing MPhil degree in
Security and Development under BUP. He is a former member of the “National
Committee for Designing and Implementation of PPS of Rooppur NPP”. He
represented Bangladesh in a Technical Meeting at IAEA Headquarters, Vienna.
He has published several scientific and non-scientific articles on image
processing and national security in national and international journals and
publications. His research interest includes national security and defence,
nuclear security, computer science and global strategy.
E-mail: abmfaruquzzaman@yahoo.com

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National Defence College E-Journal
(NDC E-JOURNAL)
https://ndcjournal.ndc.gov.bd/ndcj

THE MILITARY INVOLVEMENT IN

HUMANITARIAN INTERVENTION: AN
ANALYSIS BASED ON THE UNITED
NATIONS (UN) CHARTER

Lieutenant Colonel Md Kamrul Hassan, afwc, psc

Military Operations Directorate, Army Headquarters, Dhaka, Bangladesh

(Received: 09th August 2020; Revised: 04th October 2020; Published: 28th October 2020)

Abstract: Does humanitarian intervention necessarily involve military

intervention within the purview of the United Nations (UN) Charter? This
paper argues the existence of military involvement within the UN Charter's
purview. The concept of humanitarian intervention is noble. This noble
humanitarian approach may not always involve military forces. However, over
the history of humanity, military involvement has appeared to be an inevitable
humanitarian intervention phenomenon. In this paper, qualitative methodology
has been adopted for data collection and analysis. In the contemporary
literature, the increased trend of military involvement has triggered
philosophical debate regarding humanitarian intervention's nobility. In this
context of contemporary literature, this paper has attempted to analyze military
involvement within the broader purview of humanitarianism through classical
and liberal schools of thought. Finally, this paper's key findings revealed a
manifestation of noble cause and discriminatory motives of different actors for
the military involvement in humanitarian intervention.
Keywords: Humanitarian intervention; military intervention; human rights;
international law; the UN Charter; International Relations
© 2020 NDC E-JOURNAL, all rights reserved.

INTRODUCTION
Humanitarian intervention, an action undertaken by an organization or state or
coalition of states to alleviate extensive human suffering, has generated an
academic debate from Classical1 and Liberal2 Schools of thought regarding the
issue of using military forces and state sovereignty. The term 'humanitarian
intervention' lacks clarity from conceptual and practical viewpoints, as identified
by scholars and policy practitioners (Trim & Simms, 2011). Throughout
humanity's history, a humanitarian emergency had existed either due to natural

1 Classical Theories of International Relations edited by Clark and Neumann (2016).

2 A Brief Understanding of Liberal Theory in International Relations by Binu Joseph.

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 Hassan,
The Military Involvement in Humanitarian Intervention: An Analysis Based on the United Nations (UN) Charter

calamity or human-made disaster, as observed by Salvatici (2020), and others. A

response to such an emergency had come in different forms of assisting the
affected people. Over the years, the forms of humanitarian response have been
transformed due to various socio-politico-economic motives that occurred from
purely humanitarian purposes to military domination (Sullivan, 2008). In the
realm of humanitarian intervention, the involvement of military forces has led
to a philosophical confusion as scholars and practitioners have different
conjectures and disciplinary perspectives (Ticktin, 2014). This confusion exists
due to the blurred distinction between the altruism and motive, in case of a
military involvement for any humanitarian intervention.
The literature of humanitarian intervention reflects a wide range of ‘perspective’
that has emerged as a relatively new term in the context of humanitarianism.
According to Scheffer (1991), the humanitarian intervention involves a state or
states or the international community for delivering humanitarian support once
the affected group of people falls under ignorance, abasements, and other forms
of marginalization. These acts of human sufferings may be conducted either by
non-state actors or state actors or by both. As a noble responsibility for
discharging assistance for eradicating the sufferings of affected people, the
international community may have the scope to intervene in a situation where a
government is either unable to protect or unwilling to protect its people.
Humanitarian intervention initiates the debate between the concept of state-
sovereignty and a state’s responsibility to protect its people. This type of
intervention further challenges the legal involvement military forces questioning
very fundamental aspects of state-sovereignty that has been endorsed in the UN
Charter3. Referring to the Human Rights Watch World Report, Heinze (2006:
20) has observed a redundancy of using military forces in humanitarian
intervention. Williams and Pearlman (2019) further argue regarding the
indiscriminate use of military forces that do not support military forces as an
inevitable humanitarian intervention tool. However, over time, military forces
have become the prime component of humanitarian intervention. However,
there are debates over who can authorize such intervention. The UN Charter
has prohibited aggression on another state's internal affairs, but Chesterman
(2001) argues that the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) has the
authority to make an exception to the charter if a situation arises that threatens
world peace and security. Chesterman's argument is further complimented by
Welsh's (2004) preference that identifies the UNSC as a deciding authority for
such intervention. However, Ayoob (2002) views that the international
community's military involvement, including the UNSC and other entities, is
motivated by either national interest or humanitarian obligation or both.
The humanitarian intervention, within the purview of international law, typically
refers to the threat of using force by a state or states or international
organizations (Yoshida, 2013). No particular or standard delineation has been

3 Article 2 of the UN Charter.

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found in the literature regarding the only definition of humanitarian
intervention. This has prompted varying perceptions among scholars and
practitioners regarding definition, scope, and other contextual peripheries of
humanitarian intervention. Primarily, the purpose of such intervention is to
protect the people of a particular state or community from widespread
deprivation of internationally recognized human rights, including genocide and
crimes against humanity (Andonovska, 2019). The use of force does not
necessarily implicate a military intervention since using force or threat of using
force can be projected through preventive diplomacy, economic sanction, and
other means (Murithi, 2009). However, Schubert and Smith (2007) have
anticipated that military forces' use would become an inevitable phenomenon in
humanitarian intervention. Identifying the 'Peace Support Operations' (PSO) as
an emerging trend of military involvement in humanitarian intervention, Pugh
(1998) observed military involvement's inevitable existence for attaining the
ultimate objective of a humanitarian intervention. According to Tom
Woodhouse and Oliver Ramsbotham, narrated in the edited seminal work of
Woodhouse, Bruce, and Dando (2016), increasing military involvement has
been observed during the humanitarian interventions in the post-cold war era.
Considering the philosophical debate, this paper attempts to rationalize the
necessity of military involvement in the broader purview of humanitarian
intervention that prioritizes the classical school of thought over the liberal
school of thought in contemporary IR literature.
Research Objective: The purpose of this paper is to review the necessity of
military involvement, within the overall purview of humanitarian intervention,
from the perspective of the UN Charter.
Research Question: To what extent is military involvement necessary in
humanitarian intervention within the context of the UN Charter?
Research Methodology: Complying with the paper's objective, this paper has
followed qualitative analysis. The research has followed content analysis on
both primary and secondary resources that facilitate the research's application
with the abstracts of representative studies. A wide range of secondary
resources has provided expert opinions and insights for the qualitative
improvement of the analysis. While following content analysis on primary
resources, the UN Charter, the Humanitarian Charter and different resolutions
of the UNSC have proved particularly beneficial for consulting various aspects
of humanitarianism regarding different articles and chapters of the UN Charter.
Besides this primary source, this research has conducted a systematic and critical
review of varieties of secondary resources that include related documents,
policies, case studies, published articles, journals, books, periodicals, and other
web-based resources. Considering the study's scope and purpose, the research
method prefers inductive reasoning through Research Question to validating
Research Hypothesis. The use of multiple sources has facilitated further scrutiny
to avoid possible biases of different information. Various primary and

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 Hassan,
The Military Involvement in Humanitarian Intervention: An Analysis Based on the United Nations (UN) Charter

secondary sources have been accessed online through Google Scholar and the
‘Web of Science’ search engine.

AN INTROSPECTIVE STUDY ON HUMANITARIAN

INTERVENTION
To understand the underpinnings of ‘humanitarian intervention’ in the context
of international relations, it is necessary to investigate the defining parameters of
two words: humanitarian and intervention. ‘Humanitarian’ is concerned with
humanity that promotes human welfare (Jones, 2016). Ways and means of
attaining such welfare are elaborate, exhaustive, and contentious (Weiss, 2016).
However, in general terms, an action that is prompted for the betterment of
humanity can be termed a humanitarian act. An intervention is an act of
directing resources through coercive approaches or pacific settlement or a
combination of both (Kritsiotis, 1997). Such intervention aims to contain or
improve a deteriorating situation in a humanitarian disaster in the IR literature.
Thereby, an intervention can be considered an act of interference to attain a
humanitarian aspect's desired effect. In a broader sense, humanitarian
intervention has been defined from classical and liberal perspectives by scholars
that denote differences in insight. Classical and liberal definitions differ
concerning theoretical aspects and practical implementation.
From the empirical understanding, as Tesón (1988) viewed, humanitarian
intervention is the assistance rendered to an individual or group, or community
who are being denied from their fundamental human rights. Tesón’s view has
further been complemented by Wheeler's (2003) understanding that points out
such activities in the context of severe violation of human rights. While these
scholars of classical school have been more focused on humane aspects,
Orford’s (2003) critical narrative prefers using force to protect human rights in a
humanitarian intervention that places purpose of interest over morality.
According to Knudsen (1996) and other scholars of the classical school of
thought, humanitarian intervention necessitates using force. Other scholars
from classical thought have also accepted Verwey's definition with the
agreement of involving coercive and forcible measures mentioning that an
intervention does not essentially implicate the use of military forces; instead, it
may involve non-forcible military means such as political, diplomatic and
economic pressure (Miskel, 2000). In contrast, liberal scholars have viewed an
intervention from a humane perspective indicating that humanitarian
intervention may take various forms ranging from mild and non-violent means
through applying either use or non-use of force (Kwakwa, 1994). Referring to
Kwakwa, other scholars from the liberal school of thought further prefer public
criticism, media campaign, political reform, and other forms of non-military yet
forcible means of intervention (Harriss, Hunter, & Lewis, 1995). Besides these
thoughts, a few liberal school scholars have found a classical form of

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intervention in liberal context as they indicate coercive means as an alternative
in case of unavoidable circumstances (Davidson, 2012). However, scholars from
the liberal school of thought opine that major international institutions' support
remains obligatory for the recipients as they have either no choice or minimal
option but to accept.
The humanitarian emergency requires a response to provide relief goods,
medical supplies, or even military equipment. Davey, Borton and Foley (2013)
have found such a response in a broader sense of either religious or military or
purely humanitarian viewpoints. From a religious perspective, a humanitarian
response comes from the charitable obligation of different religious beliefs
(Alger, 2002). The tradition of ‘zakat’ in Islam is one such response offered to
the underprivileged people from the religious obligation. A Christian idea of
charity has been observed in particular geographical locations like Europe,
North America and Africa. Indicating a complicated relationship between
religion and geographic location, Thomas (2000) has expressed that such
religious response usually appears charitable and ends in capitalizing an interest-
based motive. In Europe, during various disasters and calamities, rendering
humanitarian assistance had been recognized as a symbol of charity from
Christian ideology. Nevertheless, rendering such assistance was limited within
the religious purview once there had been conflicts between different religious
values. During a series of religious wars between the Christians and the
Muslims, often referred to as the Crusades, the provision of humanitarian
assistance was confined within the respective religious groups (Tyerman, 2018). It
implicates that the Christians in Europe were ready to provide everything
available to them to win the war against the Muslims. On the other hand, the
Muslims had been desperate for rendering whatever they had to win over the
Christians in establishing footsteps in Europe. Though such assistance, during
the Crusades, can be argued as a humanitarian intervention or not; scholars
perceived a transforming notion of humanitarian intervention from
humanitarian assistance (Kayhan, Camela, & Al Moghabat 2018). Keulman (2018)
has further termed this transforming phenomenon as a merging trend of
humanitarian intervention initiated from relief, aid, and other humanitarian
assistance forms. As such, the ‘Crusading Philosophy’ of military intervention
had experienced significant transformation primarily through the ‘Grotius
Concept’ of individual freedom and human rights, and then through the
ideology of Westphalia. With the emerging notion of humanitarianism at the
beginning of the 20th century, humanitarian intervention becomes more
prominent in safeguarding social justice and protecting human rights. In Africa,
delivering humanitarian assistance was initiated as a noble gesture from the
Christian Churches and ultimately ended in sectorial domination, which has
been viewed by Smock (1996) as the foundation of 'imperialism' in Africa by the
Europeans. Referring to the UK's military involvement and other western
powers in the Nigerian Biafran War, Heerten (2009) has indicated that the
Western role was more of attaining political gain than that of providing

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 Hassan,
The Military Involvement in Humanitarian Intervention: An Analysis Based on the United Nations (UN) Charter

humanitarian assistance. Thus, the essence of humanitarian assistance had been

transformed from a purely noble gesture to the point of interest in the context
of political interest.
The modern age of humanitarian intervention has begun with the end of the
Cold War as the world has observed more numbers of humanitarian
interventions after the cold war era (Welsh, 2004: 11). However, the concept
dates back to the 17th century when Hugo Grotius introduced customary
international law (Brett, 2019). The Dutch philosopher also significantly
contributed to the evolution of human rights in the framework of
humanitarianism. In the 18th and 19th centuries, the European expeditionary
forces undertook the endeavor for searching new countries or localities. Wilkins
and Nash (2008) argued that these voyages were undertaken to find to find new
business opportunities, while Grove (2020) saw this as an opportunity for
colonial expansion. European and American interventionist posture continued
up to the early 20th century as some western powers intervened in different
countries disguised in humanitarian motives. To give a few examples, the
Belgium intervention in Congo (1960), the US intervention in the Dominican
Republic (1965), French intervention in Central Africa (1978), Belgium and
French intervention in Shaba Province (1978, the US intervention in Nicaragua
(1970-1987) and in Grenada (1983) that is mentioned in various literatures
(Amer, 1994; Amer, 2007; Weiss, 2016). Most of these interventions were
politically motivated with the active involvement of military forces. Indicating
this trend of military-dominated humanitarian intervention, Maxey (2020) has
criticized these western interventions that violate the norm of state-sovereignty
and adherence to the principles of non-interference.
Norm of humanitarian intervention has got different dimensions during the
cold war and in the post-cold war era regarding the use of force in military
involvement. Scholars and practitioners argued about military forces' legitimate
involvement in humanitarian intervention (Chomsky, Barsamian, & Zinn, 1997).
In the cold war period, world politics revolved around two major superpowers
(the USA and the USSR) that used to dominate world affairs. Humanitarian
aspects had been ignored as countries were not interested in involving in such
an issue with the fear of getting trapped in the rivalry into the rivalry of either of
these two superpowers (Schmidt, 2013). As a result, humanitarian intervention
had been deeply constrained to avoid confrontation either with the US-led
NATO block or the USSR-led WARSAW block. States did not act as part of
the international community unless they had attained consent from their aligned
blocks. Military intervention had been mainly in low profile in fear of falling
prey to the opposing side (Hoffmann, 1998). However, during the cold war era,
state sovereignty had been respected among the states and within the NATO
and WARSAW block. With the departure of the USSR, bi-polar world politics
had shifted to unipolar world politics. At the same time, individual states had
come out of the shadow of bipolar world politics. With the former USSR's
breakup, democratic ideology prevailed over communism that focused more on

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humanitarian issues. The international community could raise a stronger voice
on the humanitarian aspect as some individual states took the initiative to
uphold human rights. Despite the significant transformation from bi-polar to
unipolar world politics and initiative from states and the international
community to uphold the humanitarian issue, military intervention had
appeared as a definite tool for humanitarian intervention (Voeten, 2007). The
world has experienced an upward trend of military intervention in the post-cold
war era. The first humanitarian intervention in the post-cold war era was the
Iraq invasion by the US-led coalition forces in 1991. Though the fall of Saddam
Hussain was viewed as a relief for the USA and its allies, the intervention was
demonstrated as an urge to restore the human rights of Iraqi people. Since then,
states and the international community have conducted several humanitarian
interventions where military forces had been the prime movers (Von Hippel,
2004). The increasing trend of military involvement in humanitarian
intervention has raised the legacy and legitimacy of such intervention (Hopf,
2005). Evolving norms related to human rights and the use of force have
sparked normative and empirical debates over the legality, legitimacy, ethics of
using military forces to respond to human rights violations. In the context of
such debates, scholars and practitioners argued over the application of
humanitarian intervention, questioning when to intervene, who to intervene and
how to intervene, and finally whether such intervention is effective or not
(Macfarlane, Thielking, & Weiss, 2004).

THRESHOLD CRITERIA FOR HUMANITARIAN

INTERVENTION
Humanitarian intervention is by-default humane and universal, rather than
interest-biased. Therefore, such intervention should be launched only in
extreme circumstances with strict adherence to customary international laws
prohibiting state-sovereignty and non-interference. In international norms, an
intervention is carried out with the authorization of the UNSC. A resolution
approved by the UNSC gives the international community the mandate to
intervene in a particular humanitarian crisis. Here, the UNSC acts as credible
and legitimate stature for authorizing any humanitarian intervention. A state-
initiated and executed intervention, without the approval of the UNSC, lacks a
legal justification for conducting the intervention. In case of any intervention
without the approval and consent of the UNSC, the overall involvement is
likely to be questioned as intervening power gets involved in 'pick and choose'
approach (Weiss in Ayoob 2002, 86). Credibility and legitimacy are compromised
once the national interest of concerned coalition state or international
community prevails over noble humane intentions. The threshold step of any
humanitarian intervention usually starts through diplomatic negotiation,
continues through economic sanctions and other coercive diplomacy tools, and
finally ends with the military intervention (Fixdal & Smith, 1998). Regarding the

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The Military Involvement in Humanitarian Intervention: An Analysis Based on the United Nations (UN) Charter

mode, type, and means of intervention, scholars and practitioners of

humanitarianism have different understandings while defining the intervention's
threshold level. Preferring military intervention before economic sanctions and
other kinds of interventions, Skocpol and Finegold (1982) have opined that the
absence of an initial robust approach would make futile the nobility and the
international community's overall objective's involvement. Considering the
institutional framework of the UNSC, Evans (2004: 82) has established a set of
threshold criteria for humanitarian intervention that are:
▪ The scale of the crisis must encompass either mass atrocities or the
inability to maintain law and order.
▪ The purpose of the intervention must be humanitarian.
▪ There should be multilateral action to diminish the incidence of
national agendas.
▪ Military intervention should be a last resort, only instigated when
diplomatic talks and economic sanctions have failed.
▪ Force should be proportional, not excessive, to ensure a better
outcome than harm.
The essence of the threshold criteria mentioned above has been further
explained in the literature of Atack (2002) who supports humanitarian
intervention as a responsibility to protect (R2P) the affected communities. The
R2P is a doctrine which was recognized by the members of the UN in 2005 for
protecting people from the gross violation of human rights4. The R2P Doctrine,
related to the protection of human rights, is particularly essential for the
humanitarian literature since the UN Charter confirms safeguarding the
fundamentals of human rights that has been further elucidated in different
chapters of the UN Charter (Article 1 of Chapter I, Article 12 of the Chapter
IV, Article 55 of the Chapter IX, Article 62 and 68 of the Chapter X and Article
76 of the Chapter XII). However, Newman (2013) has criticized the UN for not
doing enough to protect human rights, within the purview of R2P. Such
involvement of the UN was observed in Rwanda, Kosovo, Libya, and elsewhere
once the UNSC authorizes its humanitarian intervention resources. Referring to
Somalia's mass starvation during the civil war and atrocities of Haiti, Holzgrefe
and Keohane (2003) contradict with Newman's argument expressing that R2P
does not address all issues within the framework of the UN Charters. Pattison
(2011) observed the same by referring to Gaddafi's threat to his community.
Therefore, Chapter VII that deals with the international peace and security is
trapped between the R2P and the state-sovereignty notion. Ayoob (2002: 87)
have termed such standoff as an indicative politics between interest and nobility
of different actors, states, or coalition. The other peripheral issue of threshold

4 The Report of the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty

(ICISS)

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criteria is the limitation of R2P regarding the international community’s
involvement and human rights violations through the use of force. In such
discourse, the use of military force remains arguable, demanding the legal
existence of military involvement. While the responsibility to protect the
affected community remains a moral obligation for the international
community, their use of force and human rights violations to other
communities calls into question the legitimacy of such intervention. In the case
of military intervention in the name of humanitarian perspective, human rights
violation of the rest of the community remains a significant concern identified
by Bellamy (2005: 33) while referring to the humanitarian crisis in Iraq.
Humanitarian interventions are supposedly incited on behalf of benevolent
interest (Newman, 2002). Therefore, the greater good for the affected
community remains futile if the broader community cannot reap the benefit
from an intervention.
The other threshold criteria for humanitarian intervention are the legal
authorization by the UNSC and the acceptance of legitimacy either by the
affected community or by the part of the international community not involved
in it. The involvement of Acemoglu’s (2005) powerful states and weaker states
merits a state's existence based on economic and political stability. As
intervention usually takes place by powerful states or coalition in weaker states'
affairs, such intervention has been termed as 'Trojan Horse' by Bellamy (2005),
terming the UNSC initiated intervention as legal yet not legitimate. On the other
hand, military intervention becomes redundant if the situation can be solved
without using force with all parties' consent to the conflict. Again, the use of
force sometimes appears inevitable despite the absence of a legal consent by
either a local or regional or international actor as has been experienced during
the Kosovo crisis (Auerswald, 2001). In such a case, moral obligation supersedes
the legal aspects. However, the use of force does not always necessarily mean
the military involvement, since the threshold criteria of using military in any
humanitarian intervention have been viewed as the last resort (Pugh, 1998: 341).
Here, ways and means of attaining humanitarian objectives remain vague and
obscured in the context of motive and purpose. Referring to the R2P document
and other policy guidelines, theorists and practitioners have preferred specific
parameters (the Three Pillars Theory of R2P) 5 for humanitarian intervention
that have been further identified by Acharya (2013) and specified by Bellamy
(2005). This scholarly review supports the UNSC-initiated threshold criteria
wherein both military involvement cases happen to be the last preference for a
humanitarian intervention. The use of military forces marks the imperative
approach in the threshold of human rights abuses, over the rights of state
sovereignty.

5Enhancing Protection Capacity: Policy Guide to the Responsibility to Protect and the
Protection of Civilians (Page 09)

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The Military Involvement in Humanitarian Intervention: An Analysis Based on the United Nations (UN) Charter

THE LEGAL AND LEGITIMATE NOTION OF

MILITARY INTERVENTION
During the cold war period, the bipolar world order relied more on ideological
value than humanitarian issues. Within the purview of humanitarian
intervention, military involvement has experienced a significant transformation
in the post-cold war era (Shibusawa, 2016). The Balkan crisis was such an
example where the international community's intervention had been in the
status quo due to the superpower's difference of perception regarding settling
the ethnic issues. Though the Balkan crisis occurred immediately after the post-
cold war period, indicating the event as a transition point of two distinct epochs
(post-cold war and cold war), Kuperman (2008) has indicated the Balkan Crisis
as a historical lesson. The Balkan crisis can be analyzed further through the
philosophical perception of Hugo Grotius. Grotius philosophy of
humanitarianism, which has been accepted as a customary dogma for years, has
been ignored during the cold war era due to the politically inclined ideology of
bi-polar order (Brett, 2019). However, Grotius’s philosophy of humanitarian
intervention, proposed in his three theories, experienced a paradigm shift in the
post-cold war era as the perception regarding moral and ethical values has
altered from the cold war ideology. According to Criddle’s (2015: 474) claim, a
state’s intervention in another state's affair for protecting people from
intolerable sufferings has been legitimized by Grotius’s interventionist theories
that validates the legacy of humanitarian intervention terming it to be a legal
obligation for protecting humanity. However, none of the Grotius’s theories
essentially propagates military involvement violating the norms of IR. The
Westphalian humanitarian concepts inherited the Grotius’s philosophical legacy,
which is also reflected in the UN Charter and the Humanitarian Charter6. In this
regard, the articles of the UN Charter are particularly significant due to its
dominant focus on the disputed issues like state-sovereignty and human rights
violations. The varying explanation, existing in the different articles of the UN
Charter, caused a disputed explanation regarding the military involvement in the
humanitarian intervention (Koh, 2017). At one end, the UN is obliged to
safeguard individual states' sovereignty, while on the other, the UN is
determined to endorse the fundamentals of human rights 7. According to the
purpose and the principles of the UN Charter, the UN is organizationally
obligated upholding the principle of sovereign equality of all its member states
(Article 2 of Chapter I). This organizational responsibility may impede the UN
while defending the human rights issues through military and other coercive
approaches. Identifying this critical trend of military intervention, Kier and
Mercer (1996) commented that a military intervention might lack legitimacy,
even the intervention is a legal one. Conversely, a military intervention may not
be a legal one, yet can be legitimate to serve humanity's purpose.

6 The Universal Declaration of Human Rights 1948.

7 The UN Charter.

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In case of any humanitarian intervention, the debate of legality and legitimacy
plays a vital role in shaping up the humanitarian approach. Military involvement
in a humanitarian intervention further obscures humanitarianism's overall
notion (Luckham, 1971). Knudsen (1996) and Hehir (2012) observed the
existence of the legality vs. legitimacy debate throughout the history of
humanitarian intervention, while Buzan (2008) witnessed the meaningful
existence of this debate in the post-cold war era due to an increased trend of
military intervention. In the post-cold war era, the world experienced the first
humanitarian intervention in 1991 as the US-led coalition force intervened in
Iraq after Iraq had invaded Kuwait. The Iraqi invasion of Kuwait had been
legitimized by the Iraqi government but not by most of the world (Weston,
1991). According to the UN Charter, Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait was not
legitimate since the invasion breached the norm of state sovereignty of an
independent country without the consent of the UNSC (Kreps, 2019). Therefore,
the UNSC had approved the use of force to restore the situation8. In this case,
the military intervention by the US-led coalition force had legal approval by the
UNSC and also attained legitimacy as Niblock (2004) has endorsed the world's
consensus for taking a punitive measure of such misdeed of Iraq. The case of
the US-led Iraq intervention in 2003 was quite different from the previous one
that drew criticism from many countries and international bodies. The
intervention with an allegation on Iraq for possessing weapons of mass
destruction (WMD) failed to attain a legal mandate from the UNSC, and
thereby lacked the moral reasoning of legitimacy (Gillespie, 2006). In the absence
of a legal UNSC mandate, the UK-initiated and the US-led coalition force had
found a legitimate cause of saving the Iraqi people from a state authority alleged
for not complying with its people's usual humanitarian standard (Scott & Ambler,
2007). However, according to Asada (2008), the US-led coalition force failed to
justify their legitimacy of intervention as WMD could not be found in Iraq.
Thereby, the US-led Iraq invasion of 2003 had lacked both legal and legitimate
mandate, while the coalition intervention of 1991 could attain both a legal
verdict from the UNSC and consensus of legitimacy from the rest of the world.
The US-led military intervention in 1991 had been inevitable from both legal
and legitimate viewpoints, while the military intervention in 2003 was criticized
for not complying with the ‘Purposes and Principles of the UN Charter
(Chouliaraki, 2005; Garey, 2020). Thus, a military intervention may not be
necessary for attaining the desired objective of humanitarian intervention yet
may be directed to establish a self-proclaimed legacy to serve self-interest.

CONCLUSION
The history of humanitarian intervention is intermingled with the international
humanitarian system, an age-old issue. In humanity's history, the humanitarian

8 The UNSC Resolution 678

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 Hassan,
The Military Involvement in Humanitarian Intervention: An Analysis Based on the United Nations (UN) Charter

intervention had been impelled as a response to a humanitarian crisis. In

response to such a crisis, humanitarian intervention has been universally
accepted as a noble norm of protecting human rights. Defending human rights
can be ensured through different tools of humanitarian intervention. Military
involvement often has been used as a tool for humanitarian intervention. Once
the military means is used as a humanitarian intervention tool, it initiates the
debate between the legal and legitimate existence of using military power within
the purview of the United Nations (UN) Charter. As humanitarian intervention
has been universally accepted as a benevolent approach; therefore, such an
approach may be enacted with a strict adherence to international norms so that
no question arises regarding its motive and purpose. However, military power in
a humanitarian intervention raised criticism regarding its motive of biased-
interest over benevolent motives. Though the humanitarian intervention had
been directed at securing a political agenda, the military power had been used as
a tool for attaining that particular political agenda. Such use of military power
generates the criticism regarding its necessity to attain greater good for any
humanitarian intervention.
The criticism regarding the inevitability of military power also invites the debate
between legal involvement and legitimate acceptance within the UN Charter's
purview. Several humanitarian interventions have been observed in the post-
cold war period where military involvements ignored either legal stature or
legitimate acceptance. In the Iraq War of 1991, military intervention was
inevitable as all other approaches had failed. Nevertheless, such was not the
case for the Iraq War of 2003, protracted against customary legal and legitimate
norms. If the Iraq War of 1991 is supported by the Chapter VII of the UN
Charter, then the Iraq War of 2003 breached the norm of Article 2 of Chapter 1
of the UN Charter that proclaims the principle of state-sovereignty. Besides
deviating from the UN Purposes and Principles (mentioned in Chapter I of the
UN Charter), the Iraq invasion has also breached Articles 42 of the UN Charter
that prohibits any use of force without the legal consent of the UNSC.
However, non-intervention of military forces may not be successful always as
has been observed during the Kosovo crisis, where humane factors superseded
the legal binding of international norms. Thousands of innocent people of
Kosovo had been trapped due to the international community's indecisiveness,
which had failed to make a bold decision as the UNSC could not come to a
common consensus for launching an effective military intervention. In the case
of humanitarian intervention in Kosovo, the US-led coalition forces ignored the
legal stature of the UNSC yet could save thousands of people while placing the
morality-driven legitimacy over the legal condemnation of the UNSC. In the
case of the Iraq War of 1991, the US-led military intervention was legal and
legitimate. However, the Iraq War of 2003, the UK-initiated and US-led
intervention on Iraq, lacked both legal and legitimate discourse despite of self-
proclaimed legitimacy declared by the UK and the USA. However, the Iraq War
of 2003 created much chaos in the international arena. The military

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interventions in Iraq and Kosovo indicate how legal aspects and legitimate
acceptance are being influenced by the noble cause and biased notion of
different actors involved in humanitarian interventions.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
The author would like to express his gratitude to the editors and
anonymous reviewers of the NDC E-JOURNAL for their worthful
suggestions to improve the content of the article.

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AUTHOR
Lieutenant Colonel Md Kamrul Hassan, afwc, psc, joined Bangladesh
Army in the year of 1996 and was commissioned on 03 December 1998. He is
a graduate of ‘Defence Services Command and Staff College’, Mirpur, and has
obtained his MSc on Military Studies from the Bangladesh University of
Professionals. The officer is also an alumnus of ‘National Defence College’ and
completed the Armed Forces War Course (AFWC). During his military career,
he has served in various Staff and Command appointments in different
capacities. The officer has served in the United Nations Peacekeeping Mission
in Cote d’ Ivoire and Darfur (Sudan) as a contingent member. At present, the
officer is serving as Grade-1 Staff Officer of Military Operations Directorate at
the Army Headquarters, Dhaka Cantonment, Bangladesh.
He has attended several professional courses both at home and abroad.
Besides his military profession, the officer has a unique opportunity to conduct
extensive research on Peace and Conflict-related affairs under the parasol of the
prestigious Chevening Scholarship Program. As a Chevening Scholar, the
officer has obtained an MA in ‘Peace and Conflict Studies’ from the University
of Manchester, UK. As part of the research work, the officer has undergone
extensive fieldwork on ethnic conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). He has
authored numerous articles that have been published in reputed National
Dailies and Peer Reviewed Journals.
E-mail: kamrul568@gmail.com

NDC E-JOURNAL, Vol. 01, No. 01, October 2020 124

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