Internal Security
Internal Security
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SECURITY
What is security - Security refers to an absence of objective dangers, i.e. of security ‘threats’, ‘challenges’,
‘vulnerabilities’ and ‘risks’, and of subjective fears or concerns, and to the perception thereof.
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It is a truism that underdevelopment often creates the conditions for insurgency and spread of extremist
ideologies among the people, who perceive that their needs are not being taken care of by the government.
While it has been the policy of governments around the world today to emphasize on “inclusive
development”, there are always groups in every state who feel alienated because they perceive that they
are left out of the developmental efforts. Such perceptions coupled with inefficient and corrupt governance
create an ideal condition for extremism and militancy. More than lack of development, it is the perception
of injustice, misgovernance and inability of the system to engage the disaffected lot that lead people to
violence and extremism.
An extremist individual or group is the one who holds to its ideology, does not tolerate others viewpoint and
tries to impose his philosophy/ideology through violent means or use of force. Extremism describes the
actions or ideologies of individuals or groups outside the perceived political centre of a society or otherwise
claimed to violate common norms. Not all types of extremism are terrorism. Extremism has tended to refer
to both violent and non-violent forms of political expression, whereas terrorism is predominantly violent.
Left Wing Extremism (LWE) is widely recognised as one of the most serious security threats in post-
independence India. Apart from that, it is also a politico-socio-economic challenge. Former Prime Minister
Dr Manmohan Singh had described the LWE as “India’s biggest internal security challenge ever”.
LWE is a form of radicalization that focuses primarily on anti-capitalist demands and calls for the
transformation of political systems considered responsible for producing social inequalities, and that may
ultimately employ violent means to further its cause. This category includes anarchist, Maoist, and Marxist–
Leninist groups that use violence to advocate for their cause.
1. First Stage - In 1967 a peasant uprising took place in the Naxalbari police station area of Darjeeling hills
district in West Bengal under the leadership of the local cadres of the Communist Party of India (Marxist).
Beginning from the Naxalbari police station, the peasant movement spread to several states of India and
came to be referred broadly as the Naxalite movement. In 1969, they broke off from the CPI (M) and a new
party, Communist Party (Marxist-Leninist) (CPI-ML), was formed under the leadership of Charu Majumdar.
Soon, the Naxalite movement spread to many parts of the country, especially West Bengal, Odisha, Bihar
and Andhra Pradesh. The main followers were peasants and Adivasis, or tribals, who often experienced
discrimination and exploitation from state authorities. The period 1970-71 was the peak period of violent
activities by Naxalities. A joint operation of police and army in 1971 in the worst affected areas in West
Bengal, Bihar and Odisha led to the arrest and death of almost all the top leaders of the movement. Charu
Mazumdar was caught and died in 1972 in police custody. The movement faced a severe blow during
emergency when around 40,000 cadres were imprisoned in 1975.
2. Second Stage - The movement arose in a more violent form after the Emergency. It continued to widen
its base as per the strategy of ‘Protracted War’. Their base grew from West Bengal to Bihar to Odisha and
also to Andhra Pradesh and Chhattisgarh. CPI (ML) was converted into People’s War group (PWG) in 1980
which had its base in Andhra Pradesh and struck heavy Causalities among Police Personnel. Simultaneously,
Moist Communist Centre of India (MCCI) grew in strength in Bihar and carried out large scale attacks on
landlords and other upper caste outfits. Since then Naxal movement continued to grow at a steady pace
across many parts of the country.
3. Third Stage – After the formation of Chhattisgarh and Jharkhand States in 2000, The Naxal movement has
spiked. Newly formed states were under resourced and unable to meet the demand of people. In 2004, PWG
and MCCI merged together to form the CPI (Maoist). It is the major Left-Wing Extremist outfit responsible
for most incidents of violence and killing of civilians and security forces. Other than CPI (Maoist) more than
one dozen LWE groups are operational in the region. This whole contiguous zone which is spread in West
Bengal, Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh, Odisha, Maharashtra and Telangana is known as ‘Red Corridor’. They took
hold of the forested areas in Dandakaranya region of Bastar Plateau and create a permanent base there.
They have been running a parallel government and parallel judiciary in these areas. They are expanding in
terms of indoctrination and consolidation. They are also trying to spread their ideology in the Bhil and Gond
tribes dominated area, the ‘Golden Corridor’, stretching from Pune and Ahmedabad. They are trying to
exploit new areas, various social groups and marginalized sections like Dalits and minorities through active
association with their grievances against the state.
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Even after 72 years of Independence many rural and remote regions in the country, which are otherwise is
rich in mineral resources, have not seen any development. Lack of land reforms, under development,
unemployment, poverty, un-inclusive development, lack of opportunities and multiple displacement of the
tribals were the multifarious concerns which have contributed in the engendering of Extremism. These
factors could be categorised as follows:
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old system. Also, in India, since there wasn't any distinction between class and caste relationships at that
time, class conflict was manifested as caste conflict. The manifestations of the caste struggle as part of the
Naxal movement is region specific. They oppose the prevalent caste system in vehement terms as they
perceive it as a class question.
Lack of basic infrastructure like transport, communication and electricity increased the feeling of despair
among the tribals. Lack of employment opportunities for the youth lures them towards the Naxals. Poverty,
unemployment and the lack of educational create a feelings of hopelessness and desperation among the
youth making them vulnerable to extremist groups. They can be easily manipulated to pick up arms and one
of the chief reasons of left-wing extremism in India is economic deprivation. Apart from economic security,
it gives them a sense of empowerment and dignity. The prevailing security scenario also compels them to
opt to join the Naxals for safety reasons as well. Joining a Naxalite group saves the recruit and his family
from harassment from both the government officials and the Naxalites.
Perception of exclusion and marginalization of a section of society can also push them towards extremism.
For example, in North eastern India many tribals support the insurgents because they feel their cultural
identity is under attack are from immigrants from other parts of the country as well as from outside the
country.
3. Governance Issue
Governance in these remote areas is almost non-existent absence of governance help Naxals to increase
their control of the countryside. All the regions in which the Naxal movement took hold are the ones with
alarmingly high levels of poverty. There is a failure of the administration and governance for the decades.
Corruption of the administration that have not provided the basic amenities hitherto and there is a sense
of miscarriage of justice for that along with lack of accountability . There was gross corruption and
inefficiency in Bastar district and insensitive attitude of bureaucrats towards local issues and problems
therefore local people have more inclination towards Naxals who are taking care of them. There is no Rule
of law, rights are trampled every day and justice is denied, leading to alienation of people . Moreover, they
have discontent with the State government against non-implementation of PESA . Non implementation of
FRA by state government and lack of capacity in the ministry to implement, monitor and evaluate the
program. Naxalites have their base in Chhattisgarh because it was a new state and police cannot handle
them in deep jungles.
4. Political Factors
Political factors include restriction on civil liberties and political rights for example human rights and various
fundamental rights like freedom of speech and expression, movement, and freedom of religion etc. Violation
of these rights can be used by terrorist groups to brainwasher both educated and uneducated youth of the
nation.
PHASES OF NAXALISM
Maoists spread their ideology very systematically and in a phased manner as mentioned below-
1. First Phase - Exposing the redundancy of the prevalent socio-economic and political structure and winning
over the people. They conduct surveys and develop an understanding of the socio-economic conditions
in a given area. Feeding upon grievances – real or perceived – that the people have against the state, they
enter those areas and gradually entrench themselves. They then mobilise the masses around specific causes
and raise their political consciousness. In the process, they identify the highly motivated people and turn
them into fighters. Their task is made easy by the absence of the structures of civil governance in the remote
areas of the country. Once they gain more than a toehold in an area, they seek to eject the rudimentary
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structures of civil governance existing in those areas to attain and retain unquestioned sway and hold over
them. They seek to declare “liberated” as many areas as possible.
2. Second Phase (Strategic Stalemate) – is that of competition between the state and the guerrillas over
establishing control over a particular area. The rebels indulge in killings of security force personnel, political
leaders and civilians who they brand as police informers. The aim of the Naxals at this stage of warfare is to
set up “guerrilla zones” in different areas, to establish a parallel administration in these areas and
finally convert them to liberated areas.
3. Third Phase (Strategic Offence) stage is the decisive stage of the revolutionary armed struggle, the
objective of which is to uproot the present democratic parliamentary structure.
2. Frontal organisations of LWE: Naxalite activity is also manifested itself through various civil society and
front organizations on issues such as SEZ policy, land reforms, land acquisition, displacement etc with the
objective of expanding their mass base and acquiring support of some intellectual elites. These organisations
generate people's sympathy towards the Naxalite agenda by over-emphasising and even misrepresentation
of violation of human rights by security forces in red corridor districts. It is a usually believe that naxalism is
limited to underdeveloped the parts of the nation which do not have roads, telecommunication means or
other kind of infrastructure, for example Dandakaranya the stronghold of naxalism at the border of
Chhattisgarh, Orissa and Andhra Pradesh is devoid of all kinds of developmental even after 72 years of
independence. But urban naxalism has been a strong part of Naxalite strategy which uses a front
organisations like human rights NGO and many academicians and activists to recruit intellectual
Revolutionaries, raise funds for insurgency and create urban shelter for underground cadres. These
organisations attempt to malign state Institutions through disinformation campaign and systemic
propaganda. They are also adept at using legal process. In many ways these organisations are more
dangerous than mainstream Naxalite cadres. For example, in 2018 five activists simultaneously arrested from
multiple cities for allegedly having Naxalite links.
3. Guerrilla warfare: It is a form of irregular warfare in which group of soldiers not belonging to a regular
Army engage in fight against typical larger regular forces. They attack on security forces and disappear into
the forest. They have an advantage of having knowledge of local terrain, making it difficult for security forces
to track and capture the Naxalites.
4. Links with other extremist groups: CPI (Maoist) has close ties with many North East insurgent groups like
NSCN (IM). It has also expressed its solidarity with J&K based terrorist groups. CPI (Maoist) is also a member
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of coordination Committee of Maoist parties and organisations of South Asia (CCOMPOSA) which includes
the 10 Maoist groups from Bangladesh, Nepal, India and Sri Lanka. Opposition to authority of Indian state is
one of the main objectives of a CCOMPOSA.
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2. Organizational strength as their tactics have been evolving and are pragmatic. While pursuing their tasks
of enlisting broader mass support, they adopt the latest information technologies to spread awareness
about their ideology and goals. Their message is reaching millions through the internet, as was
observed in the backdrop of the Nandigram incident in Bengal.
3. Lack of an Adequately Assessed and Coordinated Response from the Government - divergent approaches
adopted by different states, lack coordination among intelligence gathering agencies and the Police. Since
development of a region involves various ministries therefore coordinated efforts are required by the
ministries involved in the process. Today is an epoch of coalition government hence different take on the
issue of each Party which leads to stalemate like situation while framing a National Policy. Still Government
could not frame National Policy on Naxalism.
4. The Naxal affected states have the most adverse population-police personnel ratio which varies from
Bihar 57, Jharkhand 98, Chhattisgarh 131, Orissa 99 and Andhra Pradesh 98 per 1,00,000 population,
which is much lower than even peace-time requirements (the UN recommendation is 222). The Police
seems to be inadequate and ill trained to tackle Naxalites. Naxalites have deep understanding of the terrain,
knowledge of where the security forces are, what they must be doing and what Maoists should do. They use
terrain effectively to maintain surprise and probably the CRPF men in some cases failed to notice the
characteristics of terrain. Genghis Khan used it, Alexander exploited it and Mao employed geography as a
weapon to defeat his rivals.
5. The government has initiated peace talks twice, but in vain as the Naxals’ obsession for their ideology and
lack of faith in the present system leaves little room for a meeting ground between the state and the
revolutionaries.
6. The Naxals have been openly extending ideological support to the various secessionist armed struggles
such as those of the kashmiris, Assamese, Bodos, Mizos, Nagas and Gurkhas.
State coordination; assistance in community policing and civic action programmes etc. The underlying
philosophy is to enhance the capacity
1. Salwa Judum: Salwa judum means Peace March or Purification Hunt in Gondi language. It was launched
in 2005 by Congress leader Mahendra Karma as a counterinsurgency measure to tackle the Maoist threat in
Chhattisgarh. Government recruited, trained and armed the tribal people as Special Police Officer (SPOs) to
control the Naxalites. It was seen as a social response against the atrocities of Naxalism. In 2011 in Nandini
Sundar versus state of Chhattisgarh Supreme Court declared it illegal and unconstitutional. Arming of local
tribals resulted in violation of human rights. Supreme Court forbade the state government from supporting
any civilian vigilante force and declared that it was a responsibility of the state to prevent operation of such
group. Mahendra Karma was assassinated by Maoists in 2013.
2. Anti-Naxal operations: Operation Green hunt was an all-out operation by Indian government's
paramilitary forces and state forces against Naxalism in 2009 in 5 states along the red corridor. Recently
CRPF has launched Bastariya battalion for anti-Naxal operations in Chhattisgarh.
3. Surrender and Rehabilitation Policies: In order to facilitate the surrender and the rehabilitation of
Naxalites, the central Government has issued guidelines to be followed in the case of Surrender and
Rehabilitation of Naxalites in Naxal affected areas. The Objectives of the scheme are to discourage misguided
youth and the removal of hardcore Naxalites who find themselves trapped in the net of the Naxal Movement
and to ensure those who surrender do not join the Naxal movement again. Under this scheme training in a
trade/vocation will be given as per their aptitude and they will receive a payment of Rs. 2000/- for 2 years.
If and when the individual gets an employment, the monthly stipend will end. Moreover, Immediate Grant
of Rs. 1.5 lakh will be kept in the bank as a fixed deposit. . States have offered monetary benefits, agricultural
land, educational and health benefits to their children and immunity to prosecution.
4. Security Related Expenditure (SRE) Scheme: Under this scheme funds are provided to states for meeting
the recurring expenditure relating to insurance, training and operational needs of the security forces,
rehabilitation of Left Wing Extremist cadres (who surrender in accordance with the surrender and
rehabilitation policy of the State Government concerned), community policing, security related
infrastructure for village defence committees and publicity material.
5. Special Infrastructure Scheme: This scheme tries to cater to the critical infrastructure gaps for better
mobility for the police and security forces by upgrading existing roads and rail tracks in inaccessible areas,
providing secure camping grounds and helipads at strategic locations in remote and interior areas, measures
to enhance security in respect of police stations / outposts located in vulnerable areas etc.
1. Special Central Assistance (SCA) for 30 most LWE affected districts: This Scheme has been approved by
the Government IN 2017 as a sub-scheme of the Umbrella Scheme, ‘Modernization of Police Forces’ for a
period of 3 years i.e. from 2017 to 20. The main objective of the Scheme is to fill the critical gaps in Public
infrastructure and Services, which are of emergent nature.
2. Civic Action Programme (CAP): This Scheme has been approved by the Government as a sub scheme of
the Umbrella Scheme Modernization of Police Forces for a period of 03 years i.e. from 2017 to 2020. CAP in
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LWE affected areas is being implemented since 2010 to bridge the gaps between Security Forces and local
people through personal interaction and bring the human face of SFs before the local population. The
Scheme has been very successful in achieving its goal. Under the Scheme, funds are released to the CAPFs,
deployed in LWE affected areas, for conducting various civic activities in the welfare of the local people.
3. Media Plan: The Maoists have been misguiding and luring the innocent tribals/ local population in LWE
affected areas by their So-called poor-friendly revolution through petty incentives or by following their
coercive strategy. Their false propaganda is targeted against the security forces and the democratic setup.
Therefore, the Government is implementing this Scheme in LWE affected areas. Under the scheme activities
like Tribal Youth Exchange programmes organised by NYKS, radio jingles, documentaries, pamphlets etc. are
being conducted.
4. Road Requirement Plan-I (RRP-I) for LWE affected areas: This Scheme is being implemented by Ministry
of Road Transport & Highways for improving road connectivity in 34 LWE affected districts of 8 States i.e.
Andhra Pradesh, Bihar, Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Odisha and Uttar Pradesh.
This scheme envisaged construction of 5,422 km roads lengths in LWE affected States.
5. Road Connectivity Project for LWE affected areas (RRP-II): The Government approved this scheme in
2016 for further improving road connectivity in 44 districts of 9 LWE affected States. This Scheme envisages
5412 km roads and 126 under Ministry of Rural Development. The roads included under the scheme have
been identified by the Ministry of Home Affairs in consultation with the State Governments and the security
agencies.
6. LWE Mobile Tower Project: To improve mobile connectivity in the LWE areas the Ministry of
Communication & IT is implementing the Universal Service Obligation Fund (USOF) supported Scheme of
Mobile Services in LWE affected areas in the 10 LWE affected States.
7. The Additional Central Assistance (ACA) for the LWE affected districts, being implemented by the NITI
Aayog. The Additional Central Assistance for LWE affected districts, which focuses on creation of public
infrastructure and services, was earlier being implemented as the Integrated Action Plan (IAP) since the year
2010-11.
8. Two Skill Development Related Schemes, namely, ‘ROSHNI’ and ‘Skill Development in 34 Districts
affected by Left Wing Extremism’ are also being implemented by the Ministry of Rural Development and
Ministry of Labour and Employment respectively. ROSHNI is a special initiative under, Pandit Deen Dayal
Upadhyaya Grameen Kaushalya Yojana (Formerly Ajeevika Skills), launched in June 2013 for training and
placement of rural poor youth from 27 LWE affected districts in 09 States.
SAMADHAN - Government in 2017 has launched a new security operations doctrine called 'SAMADHAN'
.Here are 12 major takeaways from the government's new strategy to deal with Naxals. Operation
'SAMADHAN' is the Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA)'s answer to the Naxal problem. The acronym
SAMADHAN stands for
S – Smart Leadership
A – Aggressive Strategy
M – Motivation and Training
A – Actionable Intelligence
D – Dashboard Based KPIs (Key Performance Indicators) and KRAs (Key Result Areas)
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H – Harnessing Technology
A – Action plan for each Theatre
N – No access to Financing
WAY AHEAD
LWE is a threat to India's Integrity. Most of the government approaches and policies are reactive and fire
fighting rather than visionary and proactive. Innovative solutions and mechanisms are supposed to be
devised to fill the trust deficit between the government and Naxal affected people. We simply could not
pauperize the people by dislocating them. Policy Makers need to see the problem of naxalism from the prism
of geographical boundary rather than political boundary which thwart the coordinated efforts.
Accountability of paramilitary personnel deploys and make sure no human rights violation is there otherwise
further divide will be created. Government must work ceaselessly to counter the ideological dimension of
the Maoism and faith must be restore in the democracy and efforts must be made to minimize the
alienation from the government and reinstitute their faith in the ideals of the nation and they should feel a
sense of belongings.
The process of development has been set back by decades in many parts of the country under Left Wing
Extremists influence. This needs to be recognised by the civil society and the media to build pressure on the
Left-Wing Extremists to eschew violence, join the mainstream and recognised the fact that the socio-
economic and political dynamics and aspirations of 21st Century India are far removed from the Maoist
worldview. Further, an ideology based on violence and annihilation is doomed to fail in a democracy which
offers legitimate forums of grievance redressal. Also, Naxalism will remain In India as long as we see it as a
law & order problem. Today, Naxalism is no longer a law and order problem rather it is a socio-economic
problem. However, we still witness incidents like Dantewada ambush, where 75 paramilitary personnel and
one state police constable were killed. The socio-economic efficacy of the problem can be understood by
elaborating on the moot question on governance suggested by Keynes i.e. juxtaposing economic efficiency,
social justice and individual liberty. Any organization or a society seeks to achieve a combination of the
above stated three parameters and if GOI is able to displace Naxals from this combination, peace can be
established.
Government needs a comprehensive approach to address this menace. Few steps that can be taken are-
1. Learning from Chhattisgarh police- Chhattisgarh police have more experience in tackling naxalism then
the other states. This experience can be utilized by the neighbouring States where the naxalism is now
expanding.
2. Eliminate root cause- government should focus on creation of Health and educational facilities,
improvement in governance, creation of roads, Railways, communication and other infrastructure.
3. State should focus on building trust with the tribals, increasing awareness about existing welfare
programs and increase outreach of such programs to far flung areas. Some recent initiatives that have been
taken by local governments like bultoo radio, nukkad Natak by police are steps in the right direction.
4. To strengthen the country insurgency operations by security forces they should be provided with the
latest technology like UAVs, Drones etc. More percentage of lower paramilitary ranks should be recruited
from local areas which can provide the benefit of son of soils to security forces.
5. Choke funding of Naxalites: Government should crackdown on nexus between illegal mining, forest
contractors and transporters and extremists.
6. Areas under the Schedule 5 should be transferred under the Tribal Affair ministry rather than Home affair
ministry.
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1. Article 244 of Indian Constitution relates to Administration of Scheduled areas and tribal areas. Analyse
the impact of non-implementation of the provisions of fifth schedule on the growth of Left-Wing Extremism.
– UPSC 2013
2. The persisting drives of the government for development of large industries in backward areas have
resulted in isolating the tribal population and the farmers who face multiple displacements with Malkangiri
and Naxalbari foci, discuss the corrective strategies needed to win the left wing extremism (LWE) doctrine
affected citizens back into the mainstream of social and economic growth. – UPSC 2015
3. Left Wing Extremism (LWE) is showing a downward trend, but still affects many parts of the country.
Briefly explain the Government of India’s approach to counter the challenges posed by LWE. – UPSC 2018
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• The Northeast region of India comprising of eight states – Assam, Nagaland, Manipur, Arunachal
Pradesh, Mizoram, Tripura and Sikkim– a region poorly connected to the Indian mainland by a small
corridor (Siliguri corridor) and surrounded by many countries such as Bhutan, Myanmar, Bangladesh
and China.
• After the partition in 1947 with the creation of erstwhile East Pakistan or modern-day Bangladesh,
North Eastern states physical connectivity with the mainland India. Interestingly, 99 percent of the
Northeast’s boundaries is international and only one percent is domestic boundary. Maximum land
border is shared with Bangladesh (2700 km), Myanmar (1643 Km), china (1345 Km) and Bhutan (700
Km).
• The NE Region covers 8% of the country’s landmass and has 4% of the national Population. The total
population of the region is 45 million. Over 68% of the population of the region lives in the State of
Assam alone.
• The overall density of population is 159 persons/km2, though Assam, the principal state of the region,
has a population density of 397 persons/km2. In contrast, the state of Arunachal Pradesh, occupying
the foothills of the Himalayas, has an average density of 17 persons/km2.
• The terrain is predominantly hilly in all states except Assam. Apart from the Brahmaputra, Barak and
Imphal valleys and some flatlands in between the hills of Meghalaya and Tripura, the remaining two-
thirds of the area is hilly terrain.
• The north-eastern region predominantly has a humid sub-tropical climate with hot and humid
summers, heavy monsoon and moderate winter. The region has mostly rainforests and a variety of
flora and fauna.
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SOCIETY OF NORTH-EAST
• The society is predominantly rural, with over 84% of the population living in rural areas.
• The region has over 160 scheduled tribes and over 400 other tribal and sub-tribal communities and
groups. They have a rich culture heritage with a variety of languages and customs. The region is a
host to an overwhelming proportion of tribal population ranging from 19.3% in Assam to 94.5% in
Mizoram.
• The northeastern states of India have witnessed great changes in their religious demography during
the last few decades. Northeast India forms a major region of Christian concentration in India today.
Of the 2.78 crore Christians counted in 2011, 78 lakh are in the northeast. This is the largest
concentration of Christians in India after the coastal region stretching from southern Tamil Nadu and
Kerala to coastal Karnataka, Goa and Maharashtra. But unlike other regions, the spread of Christianity
in the northeast is almost entirely a phenomenon of the twentieth century. Much of the Christian
expansion in the northeast occurred during 1931-51. This expansion has continued unabated since
1951. The tribal populations of Mizoram, Manipur and Nagaland have now become almost entirely
Christian.
• In Assam, according to the 2011 census, 61.67% were Hindus, 34.22% were Muslims and Christian
minorities (3.7%) are found among the Scheduled Tribe and Schedule Castes population. Out of 32
districts of Assam, 9 are Muslim majority according to the 2011 census of India.
• The average literacy rate in most of the states is higher than the national average of 74% like Mizoram
– 91%, Tripura – 87%, Nagaland – 80%, Manipur – 79% literacy rate.
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ECONOMY OF NORTH-EAST
The region has a very high dependence on agriculture and allied activities which comprises over 80% of the
region’s GDP. The rapid development of tea gardens in the 19 th century followed the establishment of the
first tea garden in 1835. The first commercial discovery of crude oil was made in 1889 at Digboi in Assam
and Asia’s first oil refinery was set up at Digboi. Thus, the tea gardens and oil refinery laid the foundation
for the development in the region. Global trade was conducted through the sea-route via Chittagong port,
which was connected through a network of inland waterways, road and railways.
HISTORY OF NORTH-EAST
The colonial rulers (British) took nearly a century to annex the entire region and administered the hills as a
loose ‘frontier area’, with the result, that large parts of the north eastern hill areas never came in touch with
the principle of a central administration before. The British gave a special administrative status to these
areas. The British government did not disturb their socio-political structure and followed a deliberate policy
of excluding the outsiders. Non-tribals had not penetrated these areas to any significant extent. Outsiders
were not allowed to acquire land in the tribal areas. There was a virtual absence of any political, cultural,
social, geographical, religious or business contact of the tribals in the North-east with the rest of India. So
India’s freedom struggle had very little impact on the tribals.
At the same time, the British government also supported the Christian missionaries to move in and establish
schools, hospitals and churches. The missionaries introduced remarkable changes in the north-eastern
society and modern progressive ideas prevailed amongst the tribal youth. It also helped the British in keeping
the nationalist influence out of the tribal areas. This policy resulted in their isolation from the rest of India.
POST-INDEPENDENCE DEVELOPMENT
Partition and the creation of East Pakistan virtually disconnected the north-eastern region from rest of India,
with the only link being 27 Km Siliguri corridor. Natural sea routes through the port city of Chittagong was
lost. It thus sealed both land and Sea routes for commerce and trade and severed access to traditional
markets in India, East and South East Asia. The physical dis-connectivity with the mainland of India and
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restriction offered by international frontiers checked the economic opportunities of the north-eastern
region.
There were only three states at the time of independence covering the entire region. The three states were
the princely states of Tripura, Manipur and some regions of Assam Province that was otherwise under the
British rule. After independence, all these British administered regions and princely states put under a single
state of Assam and one Union Territory, NEFA (North East Frontier Agency) which was later renamed as
Arunachal Pradesh and granted the status of separate state in 1987. While NEFA was developing comfortably
and in harmony with the rest of the country, problems developed in other tribal areas which were part of
Assam administratively. In mid- fifties, insurgency broke out in Nagaland and later spread to Mizoram,
Manipur, Tripura and Meghalaya.
In 1960, Assam was made the sole official language of the state. It led to an immediate and strong reaction
in the tribal districts. Various political parties and groups of the hilly tribal population began to feel alienation
from Assamese and bengali residents of the plains. The tribals were afraid of losing their identity and being
assimilated by the policy of Assamization in government jobs and other professions. There were
demonstration and agitation all around the region. In the election of 1962, an overwhelming majority of the
Assembly seats from the tribal areas were won by the advocates of a separate state. Under these
circumstances, Assam was reorganised into new states on the linguistic and ethnic lines.
In 1963, Nagaland was created. In 1972, Meghalaya, Tripura and Manipur were granted the full statehood
status. In 1987, Arunachal Pradesh and Mizoram were granted statehood.
Though the conflict in the region is mired with complex political-economic issues, such as, struggle over
natural resources, migration related issues, displacement, social exclusion, and the politics of identity. The
poor connectivity, perceived isolation, insurgency in some states, growing vulnerability to terrorism, ethnic
conflicts, cross-border linkages including cultural connect with countries like China, Myanmar, inter-tribal
feuds for dominance, poor economic development are some of the strategic concerns which make prevailing
security situation in this region extremely complex to deal with, but strategically inescapable to be tackled.
These issues have been discussed under different heads mentioned below.
1. Geographical factors and Economic Factors – The topography of the north east is predominantly
mountainous along with humid climate. These climatic and geographical conditions ceased the development
opportunities in the region. Coupled with factors related to geographical isolation, connectivity,
international border after the creation of erstwhile East Pakistan in 1947. There is a gross lack of
infrastructure like roads, railways, energy and absence of industrialization because of which educated youth
is not getting adequate economic opportunity. Moreover, because of infrastructural bottleneck further
development is inhibited. The youth are getting attracted towards the Insurgent groups not because of the
ideological inclination but die to lack of employment opportunities in the region.
2. Historic Reasons - The historical connections among the traditional tribes in the Northeast are largely of
Tibeto-Burman/Mongoloid race and closer to Southeast Asia than to South Asia. It is ethnically, linguistically
and culturally very distinct from the other states of India. Though cultural and ethnic diversity per say are
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not causes for conflict, but one of the major problem areas is that the Northeast is territorially organized
in such a manner that ethnic and cultural specificities were ignored during the process of delineation of state
boundaries in the 1950s, giving rise to discontentment and assertion of one’s identity. Whereasthe colonial
rulers took nearly a century to annex the entire region and administered the hills as a loose ‘frontier area’,
with the result, that large parts of the north eastern hill areas never came in touch with the principle of a
central administration before. Hence, their allegiance to the newly formed Indian nation-state was lacking
from the beginning – accentuated by the creation of East Pakistan (today’s Bangladesh)
3. Societal Reasons - North eastern Region presents an intricate cultural and ethnic mosaic with over 200
hundred ethnic groups with distinct languages, dialects, and socio-cultural identities. The reasons for the
respective conflicts are wide ranging from separatist movements, to inter-community, communal and inter-
ethnic conflicts. The regional aspirations of the different groups pose a great challenge in the development
of this region which is the major cause of insurgency in the region. There is change in demographic pattern
due to infiltration from across the borders and other states of India. Prominent examples of this is the Bodo
vs outsider clash of 2012 in Assam, Clashes in Tripura and Manipur. The Manipur is encountering an
indiscriminate rise of non-natives from Bangladesh, Nepal, and Myanmar which has contributed in the rise
of insurgency in the region. Influx from Bangladesh is a major problem for the Northeast. There are estimated
to be 15 to 18 million illegal Bangladeshi immigrants in India who have spread all over in the Northeast with
the bulk in Assam.
4. Governance Issues - The Indian government’s past and ongoing processes of national integration, state-
building and democratic consolidation have further aggravated the conflict scenario in the region. For
instance, the eight states comprising the Northeast is populated by nearly 40 million inhabitants who vary in
language, race, tribe, caste, religion, and regional heritage. Therefore, most often, the clubbing of all these
states under the tag of ‘northeast’ has tended to have a homogenizing effect with its own set of implications
for policy formulation and implementation; not to mention local aversion to such a construct.
The politico-administrative arrangements made by the Centre have also been lacking. For instance, the
introduction of the Sixth Schedule Autonomous Councils (currently there are ten such Councils in the region
and many more demanding such status) ended up creating multiple power centres instead of bringing in a
genuine process of democratization or autonomy in the region. It is even alleged that it is “a mere platform
for aspiring politicians who nurture ambitions to contest assembly polls in the future”.
5. Dissent against AFSPA (Armed Forces Special Power Act) – The application of AFSPA in the region shows
the inability and reluctance of the government to solve the conflict with adequate political measures. The
AFSPA was passed in 1958, as a short-term measure to allow deployment of the army to counter an armed
separatist movement in the Naga Hills, has been in place for the last six decades and was extended to all the
seven states of the Northeast region in 1972 (with the exception of Mizoram). It was part of a bundle of
provisions, passed by the central government, to retain control over the Naga areas, in which the Naga
National Council (NNC) demanded further autonomous rights. The AFSPA became a powerful measure for
the central and the state government to act against actors challenging the political and territorial integrity
of India. As a result, the Indian army for the first time since its independence was deployed to manage an
internal conflict. But, instead of resolving the problem, it led to an ongoing escalation of the conflict by
bringing it on a military level. The regular violations of human rights has led to a radicalization and
militarization of the region and also weakened the supporters of a political solution. According to the Human
Rights Watch Report (August 2008), “The Act violates provisions of international human rights law, including
the right to life, the right to be protected from arbitrary arrest and detention, and the right to be free from
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torture and cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment. It also denies the victims of the abuses the right to a
remedy.” A fact-finding commission, appointed by the government in 2004, complained that the “AFSPA has
become a symbol of oppression, an object of hate and an instrument of discrimination and highhandedness”.
6. Failure of Centre government to integrate the entire North-East with South Asian and South East Asian
economies. The look East Policy was proposed in early 90’s with has not exhibited any remarkable change
in the region.
Historically China has played a strong role by covertly supporting various armed groups of this troubled
region. It has provided crucial support in the form of logistics, arms through illegal market to majority of the
armed organisations since their inception. Some have speculated that ULFA chief Parash Baruah lives in and
operates from south-western province of Yunnan. China had arranged for the training of Manipur’s People’s
Liberation Army (PLA) in Myanmar with the assistance of the Kachin Independence Army (KIA). Weapons
from China continued to be delivered frequently to the ULFA and other insurgent groups in the region. This
was not a policy aimed at arming only the insurgent groups from India’s Northeast; Chinese weapons have
also been purchased by the Taliban and the Maoists when they were waging war against the government in
Nepal. Moreover, investigations by the NIA have revealed that the NSCN-IM and NDFB have been in touch
with Norinco, which is one of the largest state-owned weapons manufacturers in China.
Rebel functionaries from India’s Northeast are the “eyes and ears” of the Chinese government in the region.
“They could also be utilized for a variety of purposes including spying and subversive activities if the need
arises. There is new face of insurgency or strategy of China in creating disturbing environment especially in
NE. China had been influencing popular opinion on progressive policy of the (Indian) government in the
region. It has been operating through pressure groups here and delaying the developmental projects. “As it
remains impossible to create hurdles directly from a foreign country, so they mislead our own (Indian) people
for their propaganda.
Operation Pin Code' is motive of Pakistan ISI to pan-Islamise the Northeast. The aim is to first raise a Jihadi
group to carve out the Bangladeshi dominated border areas of Assam as new districts of Bangladesh.
Bangladesh has become very important to forces linked to al Qaeda. They have also managed to pool in ULFA
leaders into this. Inside Bangladesh there are a number of training, liaison camps and safe houses for the
underground insurgents of the Northeast India like ULFA, Muslim United Liberation Tigers of Assam, NDFB,
NSCN (IM), PLA, KYKL etc. ULFA leaders permanently reside in Dhaka and Chittagong. They are running
lucrative business in Bangladesh and are living a luxurious life. ULFA seems to have a working relationship
with the present Bangladesh Government. Recent Indian intelligence reports have indicated that there are
at least 190 militant camps inside Bangladesh which train and house Northeast militants with the help of ISI
and al Qaeda. From Bangladesh, the ULFA has made contacts with arms dealers in Cambodia and Thailand.
Cox's Bazaar became a transit route of weapons. Bangladesh also served as a place for currency conversion
and flowing finances out of country. As a result of harbouring insurgents, Bangladesh has been flooded with
small arms specially the Chittagong Hill Tracts.
8. Presence of so manty Non-state actors – NSCN-IM, NSCN-K, ULFA, PLA, NFDB etc
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GOVERNMENT INITIATES
1. Constitution provision for the development - The 6th Schedule contains provisions as to the
administration of tribal areas in the states of Assam, Meghalaya, Tripura and Mizoram. The aim of a
constitutional set up for the tribal areas of the Northeast was to “see that the aspirations of the people of
the area are met, on the one hand, and on the other, that these areas are assimilated with the mainstream
of the country”.
2. The Ministry of Development of North Eastern Region is responsible for the matters relating to the
planning, execution and monitoring of development schemes and projects in the North Eastern Region. Its
vision is to accelerate the pace of socio-economic development of the Region so that it may enjoy growth
parity with the rest of the country. It acts as a facilitator between the Central Ministries/ Departments and
the State governments of the North Eastern Region in the economic development including removal of
infrastructural bottlenecks, provision of basic minimum services, creating an environment for private
investment and to remove impediments to lasting peace and security in the North Eastern Region.
3. The North Eastern Council (NEC) is probably one of the most important bodies through which
development work is intended to flow. It is basically an advisory body for the Central Government discussing
the socio-economic development of the Northeast. Furthermore, it acts as the main regional planning body
for the region.
4. The Government has recently enacted a Bill in the Parliament for taking out bamboo from the tree
category, where it is grown outside forest areas. This will encourage people to grow bamboo on private
lands, which will be helpful in increasing the livelihood opportunities for farmers and also enhance the green
cover and carbon stock of the country.
5. Under NITI Ayog government is facilitating the optimization of benefits of appropriate water
management in the form of hydro-electricity power, agriculture, bio-diversity conservation, reduced flood
damage erosion, inland water transport, forestry, fishery and eco-tourism.
6. Myriad of initiaives are taken under the Policy of “ Northeast Hill Area Development” Programme.
7. Government is trying to promote entrepreneuship and start up in the North eastern region under
“North East Calling”.
8. India’s ‘Act East’ policy is a diplomatic initiative to promote economic, strategic and cultural relations
with the vast Asia-Pacific region at different levels. India’s Act East Policy is closely connected with its long-
term vision of developing its Northeastern region (NER) which is considered as a gateway to Southeast
Asia. Prime Minister Modi has shown a strong commitment to developing the infrastructure of the
region in transport, highways, communication, power and waterways.
9. North Eastern Region Vision 2020 document provides an overarching framework for the development
of the North Eastern Region to bring it at par with other developed regions. Strengthening infrastructure
and connectivity is a major thrust area identified by the Vision document. Several connectivity initiatives
have been undertaken in the recent past.
Under Bharatmala Pariyojana (BMP) roads stretches aggregating to about 5,301 km in NER have been
approved for improvement. Out of this, 3246 km road length has been approved for development of
Economic Corridors in the North East. Under Pradhan Mantri Gram Sadak Yojana (PMGSY), road length of
20,708 km has been constructed, thereby connecting 3,123 habitations in North Eastern Region. In respect
of Rail Connectivity, during the last four years the entire North East Region has been converted to the
Broad Gauge (BG) network. In respect of Air Connectivity, modernization and development of Airports
have been taken up. This includes construction of a new integrated terminal building at Guwahati, Imphal
and Agartala Airports; Extension of Runway at Dibrugarh Airport; Strengthening of Runway, Taxiway at
Dimapur Airport; and upgradation works at Tezu Airport. Moreover, Regional Connectivity Scheme (RCS-
UDAN) has been launched to provide connectivity to unserved and underserved Airports within the
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country and to promote regional connectivity by making the airfare affordable through Viability Gap
Funding (VGF).
Under Swadesh Darshan Scheme of Ministry of Tourism, projects worth Rs.1400.03 crore have been
sanctioned for the North East Region. Other major initiatives taken up in the North-East Region inter alia
include Promotion of MSMEs in North Eastern Region.
WAY AHEAD
Government should Support, facilitate and contribute to civil society engagement, participation, and
intervention in the region with regard to conflict prevention. Thereby, facilitating intermediation between
the various stakeholders involved in the diverse conflict constellations in the region, be it the public, civil
society activists, state representatives, journalists, academicians and researchers; and contributing to the
promotion of integration and socialisation into a democratic political culture through dialogue and civic
education. The overall objective of the HBS programme is to promote the peaceful coexistence of conflict
affected ethnic groups through strengthened democratic processes, with gender being a cross-cutting issue.
1. The north-eastern region of India has been infested with insurgency for a very long time. Analyse the
major reasons for the survival of armed insurgency in this region.
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ASSAM
GEOGRAPHY OF ASSAM
Assam is a state in north-eastern India, situated south of the eastern Himalayas along connects the state to
the rest of India. Assam is known for Assam tea and Assam silk. The state was the first site for oil drilling
in Asia. The Assamese economy is aided by wildlife tourism to Kaziranga National Park and Manas National
Park, which are World Heritage Sites. With the tropical monsoon climate, Assam is temperate and
experiences heavy rainfall and high humidity. Every year flooding from the Brahmaputra and other rivers
such as Barak River etc. deluges places in Assam.
SOCIETY OF ASSAM
In 2011, the literacy rate in the state was 73.18%. According to the 2011 census, 61.67% were Hindus,
34.22% were Muslims and Christian minorities (3.7%) are found among the Scheduled Tribe and Schedule
Castes population. The Scheduled Tribe population in Assam is around 13%, of which Bodos account for 40%.
Bodos, who are numerically the largest tribe in the state, comprising just over 5% of the total population.
The Bodos are primarily Hindus (90.31%), but also include a significant number of Christians (9.4%). The
population growth in the western and southern districts was high primarily due to the influx of people
from East Pakistan, now Bangladesh. Out of 32 districts of Assam, 9 are Muslim majority according to the
2011 census of India. The districts are Dhubri, Goalpara, Barpeta, Morigaon, Nagaon, Karimganj, Hailakandi,
Darrang and Bongaigaon. Assamese is the official language of the state. Additional official languages
include Bengali and Bodo languages. Bodo in Bodoland Territorial Council and Bengali in the three districts
of Barak Valley where Sylheti is most commonly spoken.
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According to the language census of 2011 in Assam, out of a total population of around 31 million,
Assamese is spoken by around half that number: 15 million. The various Bengali dialects and closely related
languages are spoken by around 9 million people in Assam, and the portion of the population that speaks
these languages has grown slightly. Hindi is the third most-spoken language.
HISTORY OF ASSAM
In 1889, oil was discovered at Digboi giving rise to an oil industry and there was a decrease in the indigenous
population, which was more than adequately compensated by the immigrant labour. Colonialism was well
entrenched, and the tea, oil and coal-mining industries were putting increasing pressure on the agricultural
sector which was lagging behind. Between 1939 and 1947 Muslim communalists encouraged Bengali Muslim
migration to create a better bargaining position in case of partition of India.
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opportunities for native Assamese. This led to the alienation of some tribal districts. In addition, many in the
tribal districts were demanding independence from India. Thinking it would satisfy the tribals, the Indian
Government partitioned former Assamese territories into the tribal states of Nagaland, Mizoram,
Meghalaya, Manipur and Arunachal Pradesh over the next twenty years. This was seen by Assamese leaders
as a deliberate division of their constituency.
Assam is one of the most backward states of the Indian Union. The state society is severely affected by
insurgency, economic backwardness ethnic movements and unabated foreign influx. Democracy is also
severely injured here due to gross negligence of the centre and inefficiency of the state government. Though
once, the Assamese people became the single largest group both numerically and politically in Assam at the
advent of independence, and became most dominant in the state political apparatus, later, the high caste
Asamiya dominance declined to a large extent and instead, non-high caste groups emerged as influential in
the scene. The pace of development is extremely slow that generates a peculiar discontent which results in
the growth of the Assam movement followed by innumerable ethnic and sub-nationality movements
destabilizing the entire social and economic fabric of the state. The autonomy movements virtually result
in the consolidation of regionalism and resurgent sub-nationality questions. More significantly the
insurgency problem added fire to the fuel which needs closer national attention. Finally, the unabated illegal
infiltration of the foreigners into Assam from neighbouring Bangladesh creates great havoc and poses a great
existential problem for the native people. Now the Bangladeshi immigrants almost become the determinant
factor in the politics of Assam that generates a fear psychosis in the Asamiya minds that they would soon be
the minority and numerically insignificant group in their own historic homeland.
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The Muslim United Liberation Tigers of Assam (MULTA), established in 1996, advocates a separate country
for the Muslims of the region. The United People's Democratic Solidarity (UPDS) demands a sovereign nation
for the Karbi people. It was formed in March 1999 with the merger of two militant outfits in Assam's Karbi
Anglong district.
There is a history of violent conflict over land in Assam between the indigenous Bodo tribals and ethnic
Bengali Muslim settlers dating back to 1952, with subsequent violent clashes occurring in 1979-1985, 1991-
1994, and 2008. The most recent riots and violence between Bodos and Bangladeshi Muslims erupted in July
2012 in the BTAD districts of Kokhrajar, Chirang, and Dhubri.
The Assam Accord (1985) was a Memorandum of Settlement (MoS) signed between representatives of the
Government of India and the leaders of the Assam Movement in New Delhi on 15 August 1985. A six-year
agitation demanding identification and deportation of illegal immigrants was launched by the All Assam
Students’ Union (AASU) in 1979. It culminated with the signing of the Assam Accord. The accord brought an
end to the Assam Agitation and paved the way for the leaders of the agitation to form a political party and
form a government in the state of Assam soon after. In 1985, a treaty was signed by the Assamese and the
Government of India.
Reasons for its genesis - In the late 1970s and early 1980s, there were persistent disputes between the
government and Assamese students and some Assamese political factions over the rights of illegal
immigrants to citizenship and suffrage. The grass-roots political movement demanding safeguarding of the
interests of the natives was peaceful and was whole-heartedly supported by almost all native people of the
state. The natives considered it as a war for survival against the onslaught of uncontrolled migration of
millions from Bangladesh and elsewhere. The state government and the Government of India responded by
the use of force to suppress the movement. Many demonstrators were killed. This led to some of India's
worst communal violence since Partition toward the end of the movement.
Regions of Influence - ULFA draws its main support from the upper Assam districts of Lakhimpur, Jorhat,
Sibsagar, Tinsukia, Dibrugarh, Karbi Anglong, Golaghat and Sonitpur. Many of the ULFA leaders are from
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these districts. A large number of ULFA cadres have been recruited from the upper Assam districts. In the
west, its activities and presence was low. The western districts of Assam was dominated by Bodo militants.
In the districts of Kokrajhar, Barpeta and Darrang ethnic Bodo rebels such as NDFB and Bodo Security Force
(BSF) militants have control over the areas. In the Southern parts of Assam, ULFA has also a low presence.
The front cannot take up any activities in lower Assam districts due to lack of support base.
Training Camps - In 1986, ULFA first established contacts with the then unified National Socialist Council of
Nagaland (NSCN) and the Kachin Independent Army (KIA) of Myanmar for training camps and arms.
Subsequently, the front shifted to Bangladesh its training camps. ULFA's training camps have been
functioning since in the Bangladeshi soil since 1989. But its main training camps are located in Southern
Bhutan that borders with Assam's Nalbari district.
Command Structure - ULFA has a three-tier organizational structure namely (i) Central Unit, (ii) District Units
and (iii) Anachalik Units. The ULFA has a civil and military wing. The district units are led by district
Presidents/district Commanders. A district was further divided into Anchals which comprise a number of
villages headed by an Anchalik President. For operational purposes, ULFA has divided entire Assam into four
zones. Each zone has further divided into four regions. The ULFA’s main source of income comes from
extortion from businessmen, politicians, government employees, industrialists and tea companies. It also
indulges in bank robberies and drug trafficking to finance its activities.
The 1990s have seen the demand for the independence of Assam from the centralized Indian government
by organizations such as the militarized group called ULFA, The United Liberation Front of Asom. Many
other groups have come up demanding autonomy or independence. The Indian government has responded
with widespread use of extra-ordinary force and other measures. There have been many armed encounters
between the Army and the groups seeking independence.
Current position of ULFA - The mushrooming of secessionist outfits dedicated to armed guerrilla methods
gradually consolidated into two comparatively well-organised outfits, the ULFA and the Assam People’s
Liberation Army (APLA). The APLA was larger and better organised at first, and it concentrated on cadre-
formation. Most of the APLA leaders gave up the path of armed secession following the Assam Accord and
installation of the Asom Gana Parishad (AGP) government under Prafulla Kumar Mahanta. In fact, the general
feeling among the Assamese after the perceived victory of the agitation, with the agitation leadership
controlling government, was that everybody should return to their normal lives. APLA vanished with the
majority of its member returning home and a few obstinate ones joining the ULFA, which had declared that
the Accord and the AGP government were of no consequence to their goal of a separate and sovereign
Assamese state. The ULFA leadership painstakingly mobilised recruits from different parts of Assam and kept
sending fresh batch of trainees to the NSCN camp.
With rising disenchantment against the AGP regime, ULFA was able to regain some amount of public support
and sympathy for their ‘cause’. The year 1988 saw a spectacular rise in the popularity and influence of the
ULFA amongst the Assamese. The state of affairs, however, abruptly changed after the Union government
dismissed the AGP government in the State, imposed President’s Rule and commenced counter-insurgency
operations by the Army in the last days of the year 1990. By 1992, the ULFA was on the run, with many
cadres, including scores of district level leaders and a few central committee members surrendering before
the government. In the immediate aftermath of the 1992 surrenders, ULFA appeared to be a spent force.
It regained strength, however, to become a force to reckon with after a downswing that lasted no more than
a couple of years. It has been forced to abandon its previous high-profile ‘social-reform’ activities, but has
continuously engaged the security forces, primarily through hit and run tactics. The Assamese, who have had
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to face the brunt of unabated counter-insurgency operations through over a decade, now increasingly wish
to see a negotiated settlement between ULFA and the GOI. Furthermore, terrorist actions by ULFA have led
to a further erosion of its already emaciated support base.
Though very few support the use of terror tactics by ULFA, there is a general feeling that ULFA’s demand for
sovereignty is understandable, given the unacceptable attitude of the Union government towards Assam.
And if the ULFA has lost popularity amongst the Assamese, this does not mean that the GOI has won wide
acceptability either. The Counter Insurgency operations of the last three years, while succeeding in
debilitating the ULFA, have also, unfortunately but inevitably, sharpened the feeling of alienation amongst
the common people through the use of counter-terror through ‘secret killings’, a term used in Assam to
describe ‘mysterious’ lethal attacks on supporters and relatives of ULFA leaders and members. Nearly 200
young men have ‘disappeared’ after being picked up by unrecognised persons, reportedly security forces
concealing their identity, aided by the SULFA (Surrendered ULFA militants).
The most worrying probability is that of the transformation of ULFA into a purely terrorist outfit. An
insurgency cannot survive without popular support, a terrorist outfit does not depend on such support. A
handful of terrorists are enough to create chaos. Terrorism undermines democratic processes and vitiates
the political atmosphere, bringing society to a virtual standstill. The resultant stagnation leads to disruption
of economic activity leading to a chronic lack of development. With foreign bases and foreign friends, ULFA
is in a position to carry out terrorist activities against the Indian state for an indefinite period. If MHA
entertains the fond belief that the ULFA leadership may lose steam with the aging of the top leadership, it
should also keep in mind that, with continuous recruitment to the ULFA cadre, fresh and young insurgents
are coming up, who would be only too willing to step into the positions of an ageing leadership. Though the
actors would change, the morbid saga would continue.
The Bodos are an ethno-linguistic community native to the Brahmaputra Valley in Assam state of India. In
the mid-1980s, Bodo politicians, alleging discrimination against Bodos in Assam, intensified their campaign
for the creation of Bodo-majority Bodoland. While majority of the Bodos envisaged Bodoland as an
autonomous territory or state within India, a small section demanded complete sovereignty. The National
Democratic Front of Bodoland (NDFB) is an armed separatist outfit which seeks to obtain a sovereign
Bodoland for the Bodo people. It is designated as a terrorist organisation by the Government of India. NDFB
traces its origin to Bodo Security Force, a militant group formed in 1986. The group has carried out several
attacks in Assam, targeting non-Bodo civilians as well as the security forces. In particular, it has targeted
Santhal, Munda and Oraon adivasis (tribals), whose ancestors had been brought to Assam as tea labourers
during British Raj. During the 1990s, NDFB established 12 camps on the Bhutan-Assam border. After suffering
major reverses during Royal Bhutan Army's Operation All Clear, NDFB signed a ceasefire with the Indian
authorities in 2005.
The main grievances of the group are the under-development in the region and the influx of immigrants. It
aims to address these issues by seceding from India, and establishing a sovereign Bodoland. The promotion
of the Roman script for the Bodo language is also a significant objective of NDFB and are against the use of
Devanagari script for the language.
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The Bodoland movement was mainly led by the political organisations All Bodo Students Union (ABSU) and
Bodo Peoples' Action Committee (BPAC). In 1993, these two groups signed the Bodo Accord with Indian
government, agreeing to the formation of Bodoland Autonomous Council within Assam. BdSF opposed this
Accord and renamed itself to National Democratic Front of Bodoland (NDFB) in 1994.The NDFB then
launched an ethnic cleansing campaign, attacking non-Bodo communities in these villages. During the 1996
Assam Legislative Assembly elections, it killed hundreds of Santhal, Munda and Oraon adivasis (tribals),
whose ancestors had been brought to Assam as tea labourers during British Raj. In response, the tribals
formed Adivasi Cobra Force, their own militant group.
The group primarily operates in the region to the north and north-west of the Brahmaputra river. It is active
in the Bongaigaon, Kokrajhar, Darrang, Barpeta, Dhubri, Nalbari and Sonitpur Districts of Assam. It has also
been active in the Garo Hills region of Meghalaya. It has used the neighbouring Bhutan as a refuge, crossing
the border in the Manas National Park area. After the Operation All Clear in 2003 the then united NDFB
decided to go for ceasefire and talk to resolve the political issue in the year 2004.
Recently in January 2020, the centre and the Assam government signed an accord with Bodo insurgent
groups with an aim to bring permanent peace in Bodo-dominated areas in Assam, the government on
Monday signed an accord with the dreaded insurgent group National Democratic Front of Bodoland. The
accord was signed between the government and four fractions of National Democratic Front of Boroland
(NDFB), All Bodo Students' Union (ABSU) and United Bodo People's Organization (UBPO).
As per the accord, 1,550 militants belonging to the NDFB lay down their arms on January 30, an economic
programme of Rs 1,500 crore will be implemented in the next three years. Around 1,550 cadres of NDFB(P),
NDFB(RD) and NDFB(S) will be rehabilitated by the central and state governments. The existing structure of
the Bodoland Territorial Council (BTC) will be strengthened with more powers and its seats will be expanded
from 40 to 60. A commission will be set up for inclusion of Bodo-dominated villages in the BTC and exclusion
of those where Bodos are not in majority.
This was the third Bodo accord to be signed in 27 years. The first accord was signed with the All Bodo
Students Union in 1993, leading to the creation of a Bodoland Autonomous Council with limited political
powers. In 2003, the second accord was signed with the militant group Bodo Liberation Tigers, leading to
formation of a Bodoland Territorial Council (BTC) with four districts of Assam -- Kokrajhar, Chirang, Baska
and Udalguri -- called Bodoland Territorial Area District (BTAD). The BTC currently has control over 30
subjects such as education, forests, horticulture but no jurisdiction over the police, revenue and general
administration departments, which are controlled by the Assam government. The BTC was formed under
the 6th Schedule of the Constitution. The Assam government will soon notify Bodo language as in
Devanagari script as an associate official language of the state. The state government will give Rs 5 lakh each
to the next of kin of those who lost their lives during the agitation for a separate state, criminal cases with
non-heinous charges against NDFB members will be withdrawn while heinous cases will be reviewed case-
to-case basis as per the existing rules, according to the pact.
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MANIPUR
GEOGRAPHY OF MANIPUR
Manipur is strategically located in India’s northeast. It is the gateway to the economies of Southeast Asia.
Manipur may be classified into two distinct physical regions – an outer ring of rugged hills and narrow valleys,
and the inner area of flat plains. These two areas are not only distinct in respect of physical features but also
in terms of development and employment, wherein the valley area is much better off in both these contexts.
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SOCIETY OF MANIPUR
Manipur is multi-ethnic, multi-linguistic and multi-religious, comprising of the Meiteis (the majority ethnic
group), Kukis, Pangals (Manipuri Muslims) and Nagas. The Meiteis are mainly concentrated in the Imphal
Valley, and the Kukis and Nagas in the hills. Manipur has a diverse ethnic population with Meitis
controlling the Valley, Nagas on the surrounding hills and Kukis interspersed in between. There are
competing interests between the Nagas and Meitis. The demand for Nagalim or Greater Nagaland
includes the Naga inhabited areas of Manipur. In fact, Muivah, the leader of the most powerful Naga
insurgent group NSCN (IM), belongs to Manipur. On the other hand, the Meitis want to preserve what
has been a single geographic entity for centuries. They have also traditionally controlled both the
political and economic power in the region. Even amongst the Meitis there are different groups
supporting insurgent groups which further their interests. The insurgent groups are also affiliated with
political parties which makes it a marriage of convenience between the gun and political power as well
as funding. Thus there are vested interests in keeping the insurgency going. Insurgency is also
increasingly seen as a profitable business and insurgencies have in reality morphed into criminal
activity.
Manipur has a population of almost 3 million. The Meitei ethnic group represents around 53% of the
population of Manipur state, followed by various Naga tribes at 24% and various Kuki -Zo tribes at 16%.
Majority of meitei tribe are Hindu while others are Muslims and Christians. The main language of the
state is Meiteilon (also known as Manipuri). Tribals constitutes about 41% of the state population (2011
census) and are distinguished by dialects and cultures that are often village -based. Manipur's ethnic
groups practice a variety of religions. According to the 2011 Census of India, about 41.39% of the
Manipuri people practice Hinduism, and 41.29% Christianity. A large minority of the Meitei practices
Sanamahism. The Hindu population is heavily concentrated in the Manipur valley, among the Meitei
people. The literacy rate is 80% which is higher than the National literacy rate that is 74%.
Urban Population is just 26%.
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HISTORY OF MANIPUR
BRITISH ERA
In 1824, the ruler of Manipur entered into a subsidiary alliance with the British Empire in the Indian
subcontinent, which became responsible for Manipur's external defence. The British recognised that the
state remained internally self-governing, as a princely state.
Manipur is a kaleidoscope of different ethnic communities. The conflicting aspirations of the people and
acute societal differences pose a huge challenge for the central government. The insurgency in Manipur is
ethnicity-based and had started with seemingly genuine grievances and ideology. Some of these were: the
perceived forced merger of Manipur with India in 1949, the denial of grant of full-fledged statehood till 1972,
socio-economic and political disconnect, and mutual sense of insecurity among the various ethnic groups.
These gave rise to the emergence of militant groups on ethnic lines, with conflicting and competing
demands and aspirations. The economy of Manipur is characterised by a high rate of unemployment and
poverty, low capital formation, inadequate infrastructural facilities, geographical isolation,
communication bottlenecks and practically no industrialisation. Agriculture continues to be the mainstay of
the economy, with more than 70 per cent of the population dependent on it for livelihood.
With the passage of time, the core insurgent ideology has gradually given way to practical economic
interests, especially among the younger generation. Over the past several decades, other North-eastern
states have witnessed substantial changes in their security environment, while Manipur is still grappling with
widespread insurgency. The lure of easy money and lack of employment opportunities continue to drive
even educated youth towards these insurgent groups. Therefore, one of the primary reasons sustaining the
insurgency in Manipur today is educated unemployment.
Manipur is an isolated hill girt state in the North-Eastern part of India whose 90% is hilly terrain. Owing to its
topographical structure, the state has had problems of economic development and socio-economic
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transformation for a long period. There are other factors like unskilled dominated economy, absence of
industries and minimal urbanisation, ethnic conflict and insurgency problems etc., also contribute to the
slow development of the state. The fastest growing industry in Manipur is insurgency and insurgent groups
come up with the case which companies are floated elsewhere in the country. There are established
liberation groups carrying on the struggle for more than three decades. As of now insurgency problem is
being considered as one of the major hurdles in the development process.
The high rate of unemployment, particularly among the educated youth, is due to the lack of an industrial
base, the absence of private enterprises, and limited employment opportunities in the government sector.
Geographical isolation, political hopelessness, lack of infrastructure development, lack of incentives for
private enterprise participation and poor trade opportunities with Myanmar, which lies to the east of
Manipur, are the reasons why educated youth seek financial security by joining the insurgent groups. In fact,
considering the large number of educated unemployed, militancy is fast emerging as an alternate, and a
lucrative, means of employment. In pursuance of their economic interests, these militant groups have
established a parallel government and parallel economy, and as long as they are allowed to do so the
conflict in Manipur will remain. The youth are joining militant groups because of economic
coercion/compulsion and not for ideology.
The employment opportunities are confined to government employment and the scope in private sector is
not favourable due to lack of industrial base. A majority of the people rely upon the state government jobs
where getting job is possible through bribing higher officials and ministers.
2. Underdevelopment
The insurgency problem in Manipur came into existence in the late 1960s and 1970s. There was no problem
of insurgency when Manipur merged into India. Later, the opposition to merger slowly started a struggle and
now it has become a big hurdle in the state as well as to the central government by creating multiple
problems in various form of revolt. There are various root causes of insurgency movement in Manipur.
Political integration alone is not enough. Integration should be accompanied by suitable government
measures to consolidate it. The case of Manipur is a clear example of the failure of the government on socio-
economic development of the state. The fact is that integration did not entail any organisation to revolt
immediately and that it occurred at the later stage. For any society, some of the basic aspirations of the
people everywhere are speedy development of their region, increased amenities, better standard of living
and a sense of belonging through effective participation in the major activities of the state. One of the
reasons for the present insurgency in Manipur is the gradual widening gap between the expectation of the
people and their attainments. Economic backwardness of the state is making the people impatient and
egging them on to take into insurgency. Political integration of Manipur was not followed by the economic
development. In-stead, the people after integration had to witness a most painful period of neglect and step-
motherly treatment and indifference right up to the societies.
3. AFSPA - Insurgency problem is basically political, arising out of the region’s backwardness and needs to
be resolved politically. While the government of India has been treating it is a law and order problem and
imposed AFSPA in the region. Enactment of AFSPA has not provided any substantial mileage in the region
and moreover, it has only worsened the situation over the years. Besides, the atrocities allegedly committed
by security force in the state have further alienated the people, posing a threat to our very national unity
and integrity. Menace of insurgency which is caused by alienation, political, developmental, ethnic, cultural,
economic and geographical and combination thereof.
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From 1980–2004, the Indian government referred to Manipur as a disturbed area. Since 1980, the
application of AFSPA has been at the heart of concerns about human rights violations in the region, such as
arbitrary killings, torture, cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment, and forced disappearances. In 2004, the
government lifted the disturbed status after a violent attack on a local woman. The rape of a Manipuri
woman, Thangjam Manorama Devi, by members of the Assam Rifles paramilitary had led to wide protests
including a nude protest by the Meira Paibis women association. Its continued application has led to
numerous protests, notably the longstanding hunger strike by Irom Sharmila Chanu.
There are factions among insurgents who are fighting against each other. People in Manipur have the similar
opinion that if the insurgents unite under one group, the problem would be really formidable. Under the
present situation, it sounds impossible to unite them under one roof since they are not able to see eye to
eye with one another. Factionalism among the insurgency groups is one of the major impediment
government is facing while undergoing dialogues and discussion with the rebels.
The Meitei insurgent groups seek independence from India. The Kuki insurgent groups want a separate state
for the Kukis to be carved out from the present state of Manipur. The Kuki insurgent groups are under two
umbrella organisations: the Kuki National Organisation (KNO) and United Peoples Forum. The Nagas wish to
annex part of Manipur and merge with a greater Nagaland or Nagalim, which is in conflict with Meitei
insurgent demands for the integrity of their vision of an independent state. There have been many tensions
between the tribes and numerous clashes between Naga and Kukis, Meiteis and Muslims
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NAGALAND
GEOGRAPHY OF NAGALAND
SOCIETY OF NAGALAND
The word “Naga” denotes a conglomeration of ethnic tribes living on the Himalayan range in North-East
India. It is the British who brought the several tribes on these hills under the umbrella of “Naga” probably
on the basis of ethnicity founded on their dissimilarity with people in the region.
Nagaland's capital city is Kohima, and its largest city is Dimapur. It has a population of 19.80 lakh as per the
2011 Census of India, making it one of the least populous states of India. Dimapur has the largest population
(379,769), followed by Kohima (270,063). 75% of the population lives in the rural areas. The state is home
to 16 major tribes like Angami, Ao, Chakhesang, Chang, Kachari, some other minor tribes like Garo, Mikir etc.
There are also sizable populations of non-tribal communities like Bengalis, Marwaris, Nepalis, and others
living mostly around Dimapur City. Naga people form the majority of the population. According to the 2011
census there are 2 million people living in Nagaland. The Naga people number around 1.8 million in the state,
constituting over 90% of the population.
88% of the population is Christians. The census of 2011 recorded the state's Christian population at 1.79 lakh
making it one of the three Christian-majority states in India along with Meghalaya and Mizoram. Hinduism
is the second largest religion in Nagaland. Hindus are concentrated mainly in Dimapur district (28.75%) and
Kohima district (9.51%). Nagaland has a high literacy rate of 80.1 percent. The majority of the population in
the state speaks English, which is the official language of the state. The state offers technical and medical
education.
ECONOMY OF NAGALAND
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Agriculture is the most important economic activity, covering over 70% of the state's economy. Other
significant economic activity includes forestry, tourism, insurance, real estate, and miscellaneous cottage
industries.
The state is rich in mineral resources such as coal, limestone, iron, nickel, cobalt, chromium, and marble.
Nagaland has a recoverable reserve of limestone of 1,000 million tonnes plus a largely untapped resource of
marble and handicraft stone. Most of the state's population, about 68 percent, depends on rural cultivation.
The main crops are rice, millet, maize, and pulses. Cash crops, like sugarcane and potato, are also grown in
some parts. Plantation crops such as premium coffee, cardamom, and tea are grown in hilly areas in small
quantities with large growth potential. Most people cultivate rice as it is the main staple diet of the people.
About 80% of the cropped area is dedicated to rice. Oilseeds is another, higher income crop gaining ground
in Nagaland.
HISTORY OF NAGALAND
BRITISH ERA
Between 1880 and 1922, the British administration consolidated their position over a large area of the Naga
Hills and integrated it into its Assam operations. The British administration enforced the rupee as the
currency for economic activity and a system of structured tribal government that was very different than
historic social governance practices. These developments triggered profound social changes among the Naga
people. Since the mid-19th century, Christian missionaries from the United States and Europe, stationed in
India reached into Nagaland and neighbouring states, converting Nagaland's Naga tribes from animism to
Christianity.
In 1929, a Memorandum was submitted to the Simon Statutory Commission, requesting that the Nagas be
exempt from reforms and new taxes proposed in British India, should be left alone to determine their own
future. This Naga Memorandum stated “Before the British Government conquered our country in 1879-80,
we were living in a state of intermittent warfare with the Assamese of the Assam valley to the North and
West of our country and Manipuri’s to the South. They never conquered us nor were we subjected to their
rules”.
From 1929 to 1935, the understanding of sovereignty by Nagas was 'self-rule' based on the traditional
territorial definition. From 1935 to 1945, Nagas were merely asking for autonomy within Assam. In response
to the Naga memorandum to Simon Commission, the British House of Commons decreed that the Naga Hills
ought to be kept outside the purview of the New Constitution; the Government of India Act, 1935 and
ordered Naga areas as Excluded Area; meaning outside the administration of British India government and
it was brought under the direct administration of the Crown. The Naga Movement gained momentum with
the coming of Phizo in the late 1940s. Phizo along with some other prominent leaders fought on the side of
the Indian National Army (of Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose) against the Allied Force with the hope of attaining
freedom.
In 1946, the Naga Club officially took shape into a unified Naga National Council and submitted a
memorandum strongly protested against the grouping of Assam with Bengal and asserted that Naga Hills
should be constitutionally included in an autonomous Assam, in a free India, with local autonomy, due
safeguards and separate electorate for the Naga tribes. Jawaharlal Nehru replied to the memorandum and
welcomed the Nagas to join the Union of India promising local autonomy and safeguards. In response, the
Naga National Council (NNC) submitted a memorandum to the British Cabinet Mission stated that "Naga
future would not be bound by any arbitrary decision of the British Government and no recommendation
would be accepted without consultation". After 1946, the Nagas had asserted their inalienable right to be a
separate nation and an absolute right to live independently.
On 14 august 1947, Phizo had declared independence of Nagaland but in 1948, he was arrested by the Indian
Government on charges of rebellion. In 1952 dialogues between Phizo and Nehru had started to plan a way
out for the Naga conundrum. But, the meeting was unsuccessful with both the parties remaining steadfast
in their viewpoints and demands. The Indian Army then marched in to suppress the rebellion and track down
Phizo. Phizo escaped to London and stayed in exile there till his death in 1990. In 1975 – Shillong Accord had
taken place between NNC and GOI. A discontented fraction of NNC formed NSCN – “the Nationalist Socialist
Council of Nagaland “and started an underground Naga Federal Government having both civil and military
wings. It again split into two factions in the late 1980s: the NSCN-IM (Isak Chisi Swu, Thuingaleng Muivah)
and the NSCN-Khaplang.
Over the years, the NSCN-IM has tried to develop extensive linkages both within and outside India. It is
alleged that Pakistan and China are providing finance as well as arms and ammunition to the NSCN in their
fight for independence against the Indian Government. The NSCN patronised smaller extremist outfits in the
North-East of India by giving warfare and intelligence trainings and providing logistics for waging war against
India. China too is instrumental in providing training and arms and in return NSCN is supposed to collect and
gather intelligence on Indian troop deployments in the North-Eastern States of India. The NSCN is the major
faction that helps many other minor militant outfits in the North-East and is widely accepted as the main
reason of continued insurgency in the North-Eastern States of the Indian Republic.
The objective of the NSCN was to establish a Sovereign State by unifying all the Naga-inhabited areas in the
North-East of India and Northern Burma which the organisation and the people of the area proposed as
Nagalim. Its manifesto is based on the principle of Socialism for economic development and a Baptist
Christian religious outlook. The Area of Influence of NSCN-IM is in the State of Nagaland, the hill districts of
Manipur, Assam, Arunachal Pradesh and Northern Myanmar.
On the political front, the NSCN-IM has divided its area of influence into 11 regions based on sub-tribe
considerations and administrative convenience. In many areas, it runs a parallel government. There are four
major ‘Ministries’—Defence, Home, Finance and Foreign Affairs. Moreover, there are five other Ministries
including Education, Information and Publicity, Forests and Minerals, Law and Justice and Religious Affairs.
NAGA ACCORD, 2015
With the aim of ending insurgency in Nagaland, the government signed an accord with the key outfit, NSCN-
IM, at New Delhi. The signing of the pact is the culmination of over 80 rounds of negotiations that spanned
16 years with the first breakthrough in 1997 when a ceasefire agreement was sealed. This accord shows the
flexibility and realism of the NSCN-IM in terms of the willingness to alter the goals, from complete
sovereignty and Greater Nagalim to acceptance of the constitutional framework albeit with a provision for
the grant of greater autonomy to the Naga inhabited areas outside of Nagaland through the establishment
of autonomous district councils. This involved the grant of greater autonomy for the Naga areas without a
territorial division of the other states involved.
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The Accord has brought in sharp criticism from the state governments as Accord was signed, without taking
the chief ministers of the states into confidence, despite the prime minister's emphasis on “cooperative
federalism”.
There exist several unresolved issues, which could obstruct the ongoing peace process. These include: the
issue of integration of contiguous Naga inhabited areas of Manipur, Assam and Arunachal Pradesh; the
demand for a separate Frontier State by the tribes of Eastern Nagaland; addressing the aspirations of the
people of South Arunachal Pradesh ; rising differences amongst the ‘Naga political groups’ whose support is
essential for any accord to succeed; and visible cracks in Naga society over the non-inclusion of all
stakeholders in the pursuit of an acceptable and comprehensive political solution.
the major faction that helps many other minor militant outfits in north east and is widely accepted as the
main reason of continued insurgency in north eastern states of Indian republic. It is believed that NSCN
patronised smaller extremist outfits in the North East of India by giving warfare and intelligence trainings
and providing logistics for waging war against India. The outfit has also opened up contacts with international
organizations like the United Nations Human Rights Council in Geneva etc.
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KASHMIR CONUNDRUM
HISTORY OF KASHMIR
At the time of Partition – the division of the provinces of British India into India and Pakistan – the additional
562 integral Princely States, one-third of the Indian land mass, were called upon to join one or the other of
independent Hindu-majority India or Muslim-majority Pakistan. J&K, one such princely state, had a peculiar
problem, having a Hindu ruler but a majority Muslim population. As the ruler (Maharaja) temporized,
Pakistan endeavoured to force the issue with an invasion in October 1947, with the result that the panicked
J&K Maharaja acceded to India. Pakistan has spent its entire independent existence struggling to reverse
that result. Although the failure of Indian governance and democracy lay at the root of the initial
disaffection, Pakistan played an important role in converting the latter into a fully developed insurgency.
Some insurgent groups in Kashmir support the complete independence, whereas others seek accession to
Pakistan. Jammu Kashmir is located in the Himalayan Mountains.
Jammu and Kashmir had three distinct areas: overwhelmingly Muslim-majority Kashmir (95% Muslim) with
a population of nearly 7 million people, a Hindu-majority (66%) Jammu with a population of 5.35 million
people and a 30% Muslim population, and Ladakh, which has sparse population of 287,000 people, a Muslim
plurality, or relative majority, at 46%, and a Buddhist minority at 40%. Jammu and Kashmir, long a breeding
ground of separatist ambitions, has been wracked by the insurgency since 1989. Due to the presence of the
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widespread beauty the state is popular as the heaven of the Earth. It has a total population of 1.25 crores
and the official language of the state is Urdu. Other languages are Kashmiri, Dogri, Pahari, Balti, Ladakhi,
Punjabi, Gurji, Dadri. Total Members of Parliaments are 10 (Lok Sabha- 6, Rajya Sabha- 4). The state had a
Bicameral Legislature with 87 seats of Legislative Assebly and 36 seats of Legislative councils. Till August 4,
2019 the state enjoyed the benefits under the article 370 of the Indian constitution but now this state has
been converted into a Union Territory of India. Literacy of Jammu and Kashmir is 77.3% which is higher
than the national average.
The politics of Kashmir hover around the Abdulla Family. Sheikh Abdullah (1951-53, 1975-82), Farooq
Abdullah (1982-84, 1986-90, 1996-2002) and Omar Abdullah are the three Chief Minister of just one family.
Omar Abdullah (son of Farooq Abdullah) is representing third generation of Abdullah family; ascended to
the post of Chief Minister of J&K in 2009 till 2015.
After independence from colonial rule India and Pakistan fought a war over the princely state of Kashmir. At
the end of the war India controlled the most valuable parts of Kashmir. From 1947-87 there were sporadic
periods of violence but there was no organised insurgency movement. During this period legislative elections
in Jammu and Kashmir were first held in 1951 and Sheikh Abdullah's secular party National Conference stood
unopposed. He was an instrumental member in the accession of the state to India. This was a time of political
instability and power struggle in Jammu and Kashmir, and it went through several periods of president's rule
by the Federal Government. In 1987 after Sheikh Abdullah's death, his son Farooq Abdullah reached an
accord with the new Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi and announced an alliance with the Congress party for the
elections of 1987. The elections were allegedly rigged in favour of Abdullah and he took over as Chief
Minister of Jammu and Kashmir in 1987.
This led to the rise of an armed insurgency movement composed, in part, of those who unfairly lost the
elections. Pakistan supplied these groups with logistical support, arms, recruits and training. The Muslim
United Front (MUF) was a 'polyglot coalition' of Islamic Kashmiri political parties that contested the 1987
Jammu and Kashmir Legislative Assembly election in the Indian state of Jammu and Kashmir. The Jamaat-e-
Islami of Jammu and Kashmir was a key constituent party of the coalition. The Jamaat-e-Islami Kashmir or
Jamaat-e-Islami Jammu and Kashmir (JIJK) is a cadre-based Socio-religio-political organisation in Jammu and
Kashmir. The disaffection caused by the election gave rise to the Kashmir insurgency, which continues to this
day. The present day Hurriyat Conference is largely inspired by the former MUF coalition. Moreover, the
growing emphasis on secularism by the alliance of National Conference and Indian National Congress led to
a backlash with Islamic parties becoming more popular. MUF's election manifesto stressed the need to solve
all outstanding issues according to the Shimla agreement, work for Islamic unity and against political
interference from the centre. Their slogan in public rallies was wanting the law of the Quran in the
Assembly. The Islamic political coalition mobilized support on the basis of Kashmiriyat. The 1987 election
witnessed the highest record of voters’ participation, with eighty per cent of the people in the Valley having
voted. The MUF won in only 4 of the 43 electoral constituencies it had contested, although it received a vote
share of 31.9%. The election of 1987 were considered to be the most compromised in the history of Jammu
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and Kashmir in favour of National Conference and instead of punishing those responsible for the rigging the
Government arrested and tortured the MUF activists.
The Jammu Kashmir Liberation Front (JKLF) is a political organisation active in both Pakistan-administered
and Indian-administered Kashmir. It was founded in Birmingham, England in 1977. From then until 1994 it
was an active militant organisation. It first established branches in several cities and towns of the UK, and
other countries of Europe, United States and Middle East. In 1982, it established a branch in Pakistan-
administered Azad Kashmir and in 1987, a branch in Indian-administered Kashmir Valley. After 1994, the
JKLF in Kashmir Valley, under the leadership of Yasin Malik, declared an 'indefinite ceasefire' and reportedly
disbanded its military wing. It committed itself to a political struggle for achieving its objective of
independence for the entire region of the former princely state. The JKLF branch in Azad Kashmir did not
agree with this change of direction and split off from the JKLF in the Valley. In 2005, the two groups merged
again retaining the original identity. Even though the JKLF has only Muslim members, it is notionally secular.
It continues to assert that a secular, independent Kashmir free of both India and Pakistan is its eventual goal.
Despite having received weapons and training from Pakistani military, it regards Pakistan as an 'occupation
power' and carries out political struggle against it in Azad Kashmir. The JKLF in the Kashmir Valley was banned
by Indian government under anti-terror law in March 2019.
Pakistan under Zia ul-Haq, which was already supporting the Khalistani militants in Punjab, was ready to
support an insurgency in Kashmir, and JKLF along with the Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) started
training disaffected youth of the Kashmir Valley across the Line of Control or Azad Kashmir. The enormity of
popular support received for their call for independence surprised them. Within two years, the JKLF in the
Valley emerged as the "vanguard and spearhead of a popular uprising" against the Indian state and waged a
guerrilla war with the Indian security forces. But by 1992, the majority of the JKLF militants were killed or
captured.
A pro-independence JKLF was not in Pakistan's interest. Pakistan is believed to have accepted the
collaboration with JKLF only as a "necessary compromise," because the Islamist groups did not yet have
currency in the Kashmir Valley. However, the cadres of Islamist groups were also trained in the JKLF training
camps in Azad Kashmir. This quickly led to a dilution of the JKLF's nationalist ideology. Independence and
Islam became interchangeable slogans. The Islamist attacks that ensued on Kashmiri Pandits, liberal women
in general, liquor shops and beauty parlours were never condemned by the JKLF. Such outrages were "official
Pakistan policy" and the policy was endorsed with the help of JKLF. The ISI ran this movement on communal
lines right from the beginning and JKLF just became its agents. By 1992, the majority of the JKLF militants
were killed or captured and they were yielding ground to pro-Pakistan guerrilla groups such as the Hizb-ul-
Mujahideen, strongly backed by the Pakistani military authorities. This was the era of Islamisation of
Kashmir and murder of Kashmiri Hindus, Intellectuals, Liberals and activists were described necessary to
get rid of un-Islamic elements. Concurrently all cinema houses, beauty parlours, wine shops, bars, video
centres, use of cosmetics and similar things were banned by militant groups. Many militant organisations
like Al baqr, People's league, Wahdat-e-Islam and Allah Tigers imposed restrictions like banning cigarettes,
restrictions on Kashmiri girls.
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In 1999 General Pervez Musharraf took over the command of Pakistan and in 2001 he was elected as the
president of Pakistan till 2008. He tenure saw a remarkable decrease in the militancy events because of the
limited support from the pakistan in the wake of 9/11 attack on USA, murder attempts made by the terrorist
groups on Pervez Musharraf and the most formidable face of Kashmir militancy, Hizbul Mujahideen is slowly
fading away as its remaining commanders and cadres are being taken out on a regular interval by security
forces.
However, the most significant shift in the patterns of militancy started in the early 2000s, when local
Kashmiri youth became disenchanted with the idea of militancy. The popular sentiment in the Valley had
started to favour democratic means of resolving the Kashmir conflict, and in 2002, J&K witnessed its most
successful elections in history. Until 2008, the situation remained stable, and the number of local militants
killed in the encounters has gotten much lower than the number of foreign terrorists. By government-
specified standards, 2012 can be considered the year when the Valley returned to normalcy. Around 1.3
million tourists visited J&K, and the local people started converting their houses into hotels and lodges to
accommodate these visitors. The fear of militancy and militant violence seemed to have ended.
The 2010 Kashmir unrest was a series of violent protests and riots in the Kashmir Valley which started in June
2010 after the Indian Army claimed to have killed three "Pakistani infiltrators". The protests occurred in a
movement launched by Hurriyat Conference led by Syed Ali Shah Geelani and Mirwaiz Umar Farooq who
called for the complete demilitarisation of Jammu and Kashmir. The All Parties Hurriyat Conference made
this call to a strike, citing human rights abuses by security forces. All Parties Hurriyat Conference (APHC), or
Tehreek e Hurriyat is an alliance of 26 political, social and religious organizations founded in 1993, as a united
political front to raise the cause of Kashmiri separatism in the Kashmir conflict. The APHC perceives itself to
be the sole representative of the Kashmiri people. The organisation's primary role has been to project an
image of counter-insurgency operations in Jammu and Kashmir and to mobilise public opinion against
Indian security forces. The alliance has consistently followed up local allegations of security force excesses,
and in several documented cases, real facts about human violation by Indian security forces.
In 2003, APHC had a split and it divided into two factions. The moderate faction was headed by Mirwaiz
Umar Farooq and the extremist faction was headed by Syed Ali Shah Geelani. A hardliner and pro-Pakistan
Jamaat-e-Islami (JeI) leader Syed Ali Shah Geelani formed a new party Tehreek-e-Hurriyat Jammu and
Kashmir.
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The growing normalcy in the state was disconcerting for the Pakistan Army. Year 2013 was an election year
in Pakistan and Nawaz Sharif, during the election campaign, was talking of ‘warmer ties’ with India. Both
these developments induced the Pakistan Army to step up terrorist activities in the state. Jammu region,
which had seen an almost total disappearance of terrorism, was the first target. Thus, the year 2013 started
with the beheading of an Indian soldier by terrorists and attacks on army patrols along the Line of Control
(LOC) escalated sharply. Heavy exchanges of fire between the two armies became routine. Ceasefire
violations jumped from 62 in 2011 to 347 in 2013. The trend of striking police and military garrisons would
continue over the next few years with many high-visibility targets being struck, like the Pathankot airbase
and the headquarters at Uri and Nagrota. Most of these attacks were by terrorist outfits who had been sent
from Pakistan for a single, specific task. This literally killed any chance of diplomacy between the
governments of India and Pakistan.
The 2014 elections resulted in a split verdict, where the PDP emerged as the single-largest party with a
majority in Kashmir and the BJP swept the polls in Jammu. The coming together of the BJP and the PDP,
which was seen as an effort to bridge the divide between the two regions—essentially between the Hindu
and the Muslim populations—failed. The BJP–PDP alliance pushed South Kashmir, which had
overwhelmingly voted for the PDP, towards a radical path. The PDP’s main vote bank in South Kashmir was
the cadre and support base of the right-wing Jamaat-e-Islami. After the alliance with the BJP, the Jamaat
vote bank of the PDP felt betrayed and went against the latter, whose chief minister was at the helm of the
affairs. Mufti Mohammad Sayeed, immediately after his swearing in as Chief Minister, gave credit to the
Hurriyat, Pakistan and militant outfits for the successful conduct of assembly elections in the state.
Moreover, Valley-based political parties had campaigned to keep the BJP from coming to power in J&K and
it was a shock to many locals when PDP agreed to form the government with the BJP.
Jamaat’s rebellion against the PDP led to a widespread agitation against the killing of Burhan Wani in 2016.
This created renewed ideological and logistical support for militancy, particularly for HM. Since the Central
and the state governments could not agree on a policy to deal with the situation, there was complete
disarray in the functioning of the security forces. Consequently, the polarisation in the Valley increased
manifold, ultimately leading to a shift in favour of militancy. The new militant movement was thus born.
Burhan Wani’s death led to more mass agitations in Kashmir, the first in two decades against the killing of a
militant. These events became a catalyst in the increase of militancy, particularly in South Kashmir. Jammu
and Kashmir (J&K) is no stranger to protests, with the last major one in 2010 claiming over 100 lives, but
2016 was significantly different. While the 2010 agitation was largely restricted to urban centres, the 2016
protests were much more widespread and started from the rural areas of south Kashmir.
After 2012, the recruitment of local militants spiked and continued to increase in the next years. From 16
in 2012, the recruitment of locals increased to 53 in 2013, around the time the first pictures of Burhan Wani
started appearing on Facebook. It is thought that it was through these pictures that the idea of militancy
gained popularity in Kashmir. This time a “new wave” of militants had emerged in Jammu and Kashmir. “The
new breed of militants is rising in Kashmir are young, educated and tech-savvy.” This is the era of spread of
militancy and extremism in the valley via social media. Today, hundreds and thousands of militancy pictures
and videos are on social media sites every single day. New content is published frequently through encrypted
platforms such as Telegram and WhatsApp, e.g. dying declarations of militants trapped in an encounter;
their last phone call conversations with friends, family or even security officials; videos of training in the
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jungles of South Kashmir; selfies showing bonhomie amongst the cadre; pictures of militants playing cricket
in the open fields of the Valley. Such content—consumed mostly by young Kashmiris—has flooded the
popular culture of J&K. The new militants use this content to spread the call of jihad and inspire the youth
to join their ranks.
In 2017, Jamaat-ud-Dawah (JuD) issued multiple advertisements announcing social media workshops. The
handouts sought volunteers for a training programme designed to instigate another unrest in the Valley.
One digital poster read: “Join #SocialMedia workshops to know Social Media as an instrument for Kashmir
uprise 2k17, an advertisement by Cyber Team JuD North Punjab. The poster blatantly called this workshop
a means for hybrid warfare and declared social media as the new battleground. After the workshops were
conducted in multiple cities of Pakistan, hundreds of WhatsApp groups emerged, with members
predominantly from the local population in J&K. There is an army of social media warriors who keep the
battle alive in the minds of the populace. Guns cannot kill clicks, constructs and imaginative heroism, as
social media activity and the narrative of the gun goes unchallenged. The jihad now plays out in virtual space.
In the new phase of militancy, the process of recruitment for locals became much easier. While the heavy
presence of armed forces along with the fencing has made exfiltration nearly impossible, recruits no longer
need to cross the LoC. Now, the process of recruitment and its announcement is linked to pictures posted
on social media. The militant outfits release photos (usually selfies) of new recruits posing with a weapon to
declare the inductions. As a result, the new militancy has become highly localised, and two distinct trends
have emerged. One, the recruitment process has become easier. Two, the local recruits are poorly trained.
During the 1990s, the training process was rigorous. Each camp had designated training programmes, which
would last for weeks or months, depending upon the intensity. Training manuals were elaborate and
included not only the basics but also lessons on the use of rocket-propelled grenade (RPGs) and light machine
guns. Demographic profiles of 393 local militants killed in encounters in J&K, from January 2017 to June
2019, reveal that nearly 43 percent of the local youth were recruited by the LeT and JeM, and another 45
percent joined HM.
In the early phase of the militancy, there were clear demarcations of the groups. Each group was distrustful
of the other or they had ideological rivalries. However, in the new phase of militancy, these lines have
blurred, and there is a great deal of synergy between the Lashkar, JeM and HM. Burhan Wani is credited for
having developed greater interoperability and cooperation between Pakistani groups and HM. With
increasing international pressure on LeT, this strategy worked well for the group. In the past, Kashmiris had
stopped sheltering foreign militants in their houses, having become increasingly disenchanted with violence
and militancy. This made it difficult for the LeT cadre to survive in the counterinsurgency grid of J&K.
Similarly, JeM, with its resurgence in the Valley, started recruiting local cadre. The terror outfit returned from
the shadows in 2018, with a suicide mission on a paramilitary force camp.
Due to this growing synergy between the local and foreign elements of militant groups, the geographical
spread of militancy has also changed. While in the past, militant groups were mostly active in the northern
parts of Kashmir (bordering the LoC), new militancy has found its geographical and ideological ecosystem
in South Kashmir. Studies have shown that the new recruits for militant groups are predominantly from the
Pulwama, Shopian, Kulgam and Anantnag districts of Jammu and Kashmir.
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With the assistance of stone-pelting mobs, militants have managed to break the cordons of the security
forces on many occasions. This new phenomenon has also introduced a new term in Kashmir’s vocabulary:
“cordon-breaker.” Cordon-breaking techniques also allow militants to gain popularity. Each time a militant
escapes a cordon of security forces, the myths about his valour gain strength. This made counter-militancy
operations all the more difficult to carry out. Not only did the militants have local informers to tip them off
about troop movement, but they also had crowd support to help them during encounters and gunfights.
Moreover, their popularity allowed them to posthumously recruit people. Another form of public support
comes in the form of the organised funerals. The local populations perceive large funerals as a symbol of
victory for the militants. After each gun battle, thousands would travel to attend the last rites of militants in
Kashmir.
The Jammu and Kashmir Reorganisation Act, 2019 is an act of the Parliament of India containing provisions
to reconstitute the Indian-administered state of Jammu and Kashmir, a part of the larger region of Kashmir
which has been the subject of dispute among India, Pakistan, and China since 1947, into two Indian-
administered union territories called Jammu and Kashmir and Ladakh. The introduction of the bill was
preceded by a presidential order under Article 370 of the Indian constitution that revoked Jammu and
Kashmir's special status. Prior to the introduction of the bill and the revocation of the state's special status,
the central government put the Kashmir valley on lock-down, with a surge in security forces, imposition of
Section 144 preventing assembly, and the placement of political leaders such as former Jammu and Kashmir
chief ministers Omar Abdullah and Mehbooba Mufti under house arrest. The State had been first under
Governor's rule and then under President's rule since 20 June 2018.
Jammu and Kashmir Reorganisation Order which would allow citizens from other states to become
permanent residents of the union territory of Jammu and Kashmir. Furthermore, central government
officials who have served in the region for at least 10 years will also be provided domicile status along with
their children. A migrant registered by the Relief and Rehabilitation Commissioner of the Union Territory will
also be eligible to be domicile. This law would allow people with a domicile status to apply for gazetted or
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non-gazetted jobs. However, political parties in Kashmir showed discontent to this new law stating it was
discriminatory towards the citizens of the state. Hence, in April 2020, a fresh order was issued that would
reserve any post in the government for the domiciles including senior positions in the group A and B
categories.
The recent report of Ministry of Home Affairs report shows a dramatic 36 per cent decline in the number of
terrorist incidents since the revocation of Jammu and Kashmir’s special status. It is also noteworthy that
security operations across the districts of Pulwama, Shopian and Kulgam, seen as the nerve centre of the
militancy, have dealt a debilitating blow to many terrorist groups, most notably the notorious Hizbul
Mujahideen. However, most high-ranking military officials remain wary of being overly sanguine in their
assessment of the situation, which is often described as stable but sensitive. The violence levels ebb and
flow in the valley and it would be wrong to make summary judgments too soon. In 2020 so far 79 youngsters
have joined various terror tanzeems (organisations) while last year in 2019, 135 were identified who joined
various terror groups”. Economic hardships in the wake of COVID-19, unemployment and opposition to the
new domicile law seem to be aggravating youth resentment.
Meanwhile, a more insidious game is being played from across the border. To counter the disarray and
infighting within a discredited Hurriyat and the terminal retreat of old terrorist groups like Hizbul
Mujahideen, new terror outfits with non-Arabic, ‘non-sectarian’ nomenclatures have come to the fore. The
Resistance Front (TRF) has risen to prominence as a supposedly homegrown movement, despite markings
of Lashkar-e-Taiba smudged all over it. It seems the usual masterminds across the border now prefer English
titles for their terror proxies so that such groups are more favourably received in the West than their much-
reviled jihadist predecessors. On the dark web, another terror fledgeling named ‘People’s Anti-Fascist Front
(PAFF)’ recently issued a video calling on the Kashmiris to carry out attacks on the Indian forces. Perhaps,
the inspiration for this name came from the Antifa (anti-fascist) movement in the United States.
Although the failure of Indian governance and democracy lay at the root of the initial disaffection, Pakistan
played an important role in converting the latter into a fully developed insurgency.
1. More explicitly, the roots of the insurgency are tied to a dispute over local autonomy. Democratic
development was limited in Kashmir until the late 1970s and by 1988 many of the democratic reforms
provided by the Indian government had been reversed and non-violent channels for expressing discontent
were limited and caused a dramatic increase in support for insurgents advocating violent secession from
India. In 1987, a disputed State election created a catalyst for the insurgency when it resulted in some of the
state's legislative assembly members forming armed insurgent groups. In July 1988, a series of
demonstrations, strikes and attacks on the Indian government began the Kashmir insurgency, which during
the 1990s escalated into the most important internal security issue in India.
2. ‘Islamisation’ in Pakistan, the increasingly successful effort of powerful elements within the state to
remould it along Islamic lines, has solidified the campaign to wrest J&K from India. During the ‘holy war’
(jihad) in Afghanistan during the Soviet intervention (1979-89), the Kashmir campaign moved to a paramount
position in Pakistani foreign policy after Moscow’s defeat. Pakistan claims to be giving its "moral and
diplomatic" support to the separatist movement. The Inter-Services Intelligence of Pakistan has been
accused by India and the international community of supporting, supplying arms and training Mujahideen
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to fight in Jammu and Kashmir. Several new militant groups with radical Islamic views emerged and changed
the ideological emphasis of the movement to Islamic. This had happened partly due to a large number of
Islamic "Jihadi" fighters (Mujahadeen) who had entered the Kashmir valley following the end of the Soviet–
Afghan War in the 1980s.
3. Another root cause is youth alienation and angst in Kashmir, which can be attributed to a number of
reasons. About 70 percent of the population of the Valley is under the age of 35. This majority group has
seen nothing but conflict through most of their lifetime. Male unemployment stands at 41 per cent, almost
double the national average. There is also a sense of insecurity among the youth which inhibits them from
moving outside the state to pick up jobs. For these reasons, local recruitment in terrorist ranks started
picking up in 2014 and it significantly affected the population sentiment. When operations were conducted
against local terrorists holed up in villages, the people would come out in large numbers and attempt to
create a situation which could help or allow the terrorist, who was a son or brother to someone in the village,
to escape. This was the start to what is visible today in almost all operations.
4. There had also been growing radicalisation among the people of J&K and there was greater acceptance
in the society of violence as a tool. In fact, 2016 saw attacks on police stations and the burning of schools.
More recent examples include the targeting of local policemen and security personnel on leave, the attack
on Amarnath pilgrims, and the establishment of the Al-Qaeda branch in Kashmir. What was also visible on
the streets was the openly hostile attitude of the very young boys.
5. Social media had also been feeding the dissatisfaction. It was not only being used to mobilise the crowds
for protests but also to show the government and the security forces in very poor light through
sophisticated campaigns run on popular sites such as Facebook and Twitter. Fears of the ‘Kashmiri identity’
being swamped by outsiders were played up, both in social media and by the separatists.
WAY AHEAD
The current troubled situation in J&K is a result of youth alienation, political issues and a sense of neglect.
The Pakistan Army has also significantly stepped up its efforts to destabilise J&K. In these circumstances, the
overall strategy has to be two-pronged: acting tough with Pakistan; and winning back the confidence of the
population. This battle will be won not only by the number of terrorists killed, but when the youth find more
solace in the fruits of peace rather than pride in confronting security forces with stones in their hands.
1. Development is always helpful. Unfortunately, in J&K, it has acquired a political colour with a Jammu
versus Kashmir competition. However, there are many non-controversial areas, such as tourism, roads and
education, which affect all three regions (Jammu, Kashmir and Ladakh) of the state equally. These could be
the focus areas for development. Attention is also required to be given to those regions which have become
militancy-free.
2. Youth engagement is the key to calming the situation. It is a must to reach out directly to the youth,
including student leaders. A very large number of young people were injured in the firing of pellet guns and
local newspapers and the narrative of state brutality is kept alive. The government must announce steps for
rehabilitation and support to these children. This will have an immediate soothing effect.
3. Stepping up the industrial development of the State and the socio-economic upliftment of the people .
The creation of employment opportunities for the youth, including schemes for self-employment, should
be a high priority point for action. Employment generation should be given an impetus. Udaan is an initiative
by the Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) to provide skills and job opportunities to the youth. Simultaneously,
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the aim is also to provide exposure to corporate India of the rich talent pool available in J&K. However, the
scheme has not seen much success because the jobs are largely outside the state and the salaries are very
modest. The government could modify the scheme by offering training and jobs within the state, for
example, in travel and hospitality sectors.
4. A sustained political campaign must be immediately launched to win the 'hearts and minds' of the
Kashmiri people, assuage their feelings of hurt and neglect and restore their bruised and battered dignity.
The people of J&K need to be convinced that their future lies with India. However, J&K will need to be given
a large measure of autonomy; indeed, this demand is entirely in keeping with the federal structure of the
Indian Constitution and has been recommended strongly for all the states by the Sarkaria Commission.
5. The Government must launch a sustained media campaign, both within the country and abroad, to
highlight Pakistan's deep-rooted involvement in fostering terrorism and insurgency in J&K and other parts
of India. International pressure must be brought to bear on Pakistan to desist from its nefarious interference
in India's internal affairs and to stop sponsoring Islamic fundamentalist terrorism in the Southern Asian
region and other parts of the world.
6. There is a requirement for a comprehensive counter-radicalisation and deradicalization programme.
Currently there is no such initiative, except sporadic efforts by the police and other security forces. A large
number of youth are arrested during protests and, in the absence of juvenile centres, put into jail with
hardened criminals and terrorists. This is the surest route to radicalisation. Some recent announcements
have been made about setting up juvenile homes in every district. This is a very welcome step and should
be immediately implemented. The Sufi tradition of tolerance and liberalism, for which Kashmir is well
known, should be encouraged to bloom unhindered by the diktats of radical Islam.
7. Another urgent need is for a practical and effective ‘surrender and rehabilitation’ policy. The army and
the police have constantly made appeals for surrender of local youth by promising them all support, but
verbal assurances are not enough. The success of any policy is not dependent on the financial incentives for
surrender but the successful rehabilitation into the society. This is where the current policy is silent.
8. The terrorist funding both from the organised crime and Pakistan sponsored must be checked in order to
tame the terrorism in the Valley.
1. The banning of ‘Jammat-e-Islami’ in Jammu and Kashmir brought into focus the role of over-ground
workers (OGWs) in assisting terrorist organizations. Examine the role played by OGWs in assisting terrorist
organizations in insurgency affected areas. Discuss measures to neutralize influence of OGWs. UPSC 2019
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BORDER MANAGEMENT
Border management does not just include guarding, defending and managing the borders but it also
includes the local people, trade, growth and development of the region. There is a subtle
difference between border guarding and border defence and border management. While border
guarding is a policing task, border defence as the name indicates is a security task and management
is an all-encompassing task.
A competent border management system calls for the tight coupling of technology and
infrastructure that is capable of handling the geopolitical, social and economic challenges we face
in India owing to our vast border fronts. The various agencies involved in border management, such
as customs, immigration, armed forces, border security and intelligence agencies, are characterized
by a need to cooperate with an expanding range of external information sources (technology driven
and intelligence based) in order to develop a common operating picture of the movements within
and beyond our borders.
People
Technology Process
1. India has extremely complex borders. It has 14818 kilometers of land borders and a coast line of
7516.6 kilometers. All states except Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Delhi, Telangana and
Haryana have an international border or a coast line. Indian borders run through plains, hills and
mountains, deserts, riverine territories and marshes. Managing such a diverse border is a complex
task but vital from the point of view of national security.
2. Multiple Stakeholders - Border Management must be understood in its broadest sense and
should infer co-ordination and concentrated action by political leadership and administrative,
diplomatic, security, intelligence, legal, regulatory and economic agencies of the country. MEA is
responsible for the demarcation of the international borders; whereas MHA is given
the responsibility to manage borders. MEA is hampered due to low staffing levels and does not
enjoy much leverage with state governments due to limited interaction. Also, army under
the MoD is responsible for border defence; it is not responsible for guarding the border except in
J&K. Given multiple ministries and large number of border guarding agencies, there are competing
and multiple instructions trickling down leading to a lot of confusion on field. In case of China all
stakeholders, MEA, MHA, Indian Army, ITBP need to have a single thought process. Each agency has
different perceptions and at times differing maps marked with differing claim lines, whereas the
Chinese authorities have always presented a single view.
3. Some of our maritime and Land boundaries are still unsettled and are not fully demarcated.
India has an un-demarcated border with China, Pakistan and Bangladesh. The problem of the un-
demarcated border is more severe with respect to Pakistan and China. Sections of our borders are
based on artificial boundaries and not based on natural features. Uncertain borders not only raise
bilateral tensions but also facilitate cross border infiltration, illegal migration, smuggling and crime.
Illegal migration has emerged as one of the major national security challenges.
4. Border guarding forces are often under resourced and ill-equipped. They are also used for
purposes other than border guarding. The BSF, deployed to guard the border, is stretched too thin
along the border, resulting in large unmanned, unguarded gaps, which are exploited by the
offenders. High snowfall results in large stretches being waterlogged, dense vegetation and
undergrowth immediately after the winters. This has severely affected the fencing which got rusted
and damaged within a few years of fits commissioning.
6. The terrain, climatic conditions, dense vegetation, improper design and alignment without taking
into consideration the traditions and culture of the border population, has further led to its
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repeated breaching. Many border regions have their own ethnic, cultural, religious and racial
configurations distinct from the mainland and some areas depict an unmistakable affinity with
those of across the borders. Furthermore, there are many villages between fencing and the
International Boundary, where people are in conspiracy with the criminals, making detection of
illegal migrants and criminal difficulties.
7. India’s neighbourhood is in turmoil. Several of India’s neighbours are undergoing political and
economic instability. India also has continuing border disputes with several of its neighbours.
Pakistan Army’s over-reaching influence in the decision making is the main stumbling block in
lowering of tensions along the Indo-Pakistan border.
8. Lack of Policy on Border Management - India does not have a border policy or a national
security policy. The National Security Advisory Board (NSAB) has formulated the Draft National
Security Policy, which is still under consideration. Though the Department of Border Management
was created under the Ministry of Home Affairs in 2004, the critical issues of command and
control have not been resolved even after twelve years. India does not have policies and systems in
place along with multiple ministries working on border issues. This has led to chaos and
competition on the field among different agencies.
1. BANGLADESH - Illegal Immigration from Bangladesh. There were both push and pull factors
working on this border. Under development, religious and political persecution, environmental
concerns etc. pushed Bangladeshis into India, while India’s huge economy and accommodative
society pulled immigrants. Cattle Smuggling and loss of revenue to the government of India.
Bangladesh has been used by the insurgent groups in the North-East like United Liberation Front
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of Assam (ULFA), and Nationalist Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN-I), who crossed the border and
started getting training in Bangladesh from 1992 onwards.
2. MYANMAR - Though the boundary is properly demarcated with Myanmar, there are a few
pockets that are disputed. The rugged terrain makes movement and the overall development of the
area difficult. The internal dynamics of the region in terms of the clan loyalties of the tribal people,
inter-tribal clashes, insurgency, and Trans-border ethnic ties also adversely affect the security of
the border areas.
Insurgents make use of the poorly guarded border and flee across when pursued by Indian security
forces. Cross-border close ethnic ties have facilitated in creation of safe havens for various northeast
insurgent groups in Myanmar.
The location of the boundary at the edge of the “Drugs golden triangle” facilitates the unrestricted
illegal flows of drugs into Indian Territory. Heroin is the main item of drug trafficking. The bulk of
heroin enters India through the border town of Moreh in Manipur.
3. NEPAL - All terrorist organizations, be it from Punjab, Kashmir, northeast or those of Maoists
have fully exploited open borders with Nepal. It has been reported that many terrorists have
sneaked into India through the porous and poorly guarded Indo-Nepal border. Apart from insurgents
and terrorists, many hard-core criminals pursued by Indian and Nepalese security forces escape
across the open border. These anti-national elements indulge in illegal activities, such as smuggling
of essential items and fake Indian currency, gun-running, and drugs and human trafficking. Since
the outbreak of a Maoist rebellion in Nepal efforts have been made to progressively step up vigilance
along this border as India fears the southward spread of Maoist ideology.
WikiLeaks documents have revealed that the ISI has created a number of terrorist fronts in Nepal
and has also pushed in men and explosives through the border to carry out terror attacks in India.
In recent times, police forces have achieved some success in capturing all types of criminals from
these borders. This shows that cooperation from Nepal is increasing in this regard. In 2013 two
Terrorists – Abdul karim Tunda and Yasin Bhatkal were arrested from this border.
4. BHUTAN - Like with Nepal, India’s boundary with Bhutan is also an open boundary. The border
was peaceful till Indian insurgent groups established camps in the southern districts of Bhutan. This
problem has been effectively dealt with during the Bhutanese government’s ‘Operation All Clear’,
which saw the destruction and uprooting of all insurgent camps in Bhutanese territory.
Chinese made goods, Bhutanese cannabis, liquor and forest products are major items smuggled
into India. Livestock, grocery items and fruits are smuggled out of India to Bhutan.
The approach, as employed by the government towards border management, is categorized into
four essential processes:
1. Guarding the borders - To manage the borders effectively, surveillance is carried out in the form
of regular patrols by the border guarding personnel. In addition, several electronic surveillance
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equipment such as night vision devices, handheld thermal imagers, battlefield surveillance radars,
high powered telescopes are used by the border guarding forces as force multipliers for greater
surveillance.
2. Regulation of the borders - Effective regulation of the borders involves facilitation of
legitimate trade and travel and simultaneous prevention of illegal migration, smuggling and
infiltration of insurgents and terrorists. Building of barriers to prevent illegal ingress and egress
of people and goods is an effective means of regulation that is employed at the borders. Another
method employed by the government to regulate the borders is the preparation of a national
register and issuance of Multi-purpose National Identity Cards (MNICs). This would help to
prevent illegal migration and facilitate the detection of those already staying in India.
3. Development of border areas - Difficult roads and lack of proper roads, educational
institutions and hospitals keep the border areas inaccessible and underdeveloped. The resulting
lack of economic opportunities makes the border population more susceptible to illegal activities
such as drugs and smuggling. As a solution to tackle these issues, the government initiated the
Border Area Development Program (BADP) in 1987, in order to facilitate the provision of the
required socioeconomic infrastructure and adequate security, and to eliminate a sense of
alienation among the population living at the border. BADP schemes include the development
of community-based infrastructure such as forestry, pasture lands , fisheries , community centers
, markets and dispensaries. BADP also takes up security-related schemes
4. Constitution of bilateral institutional mechanisms for resolving disputes and ironing out
conflicts with neighbours. - Effective border management requires the facilitation of bilateral
dialogue on matters of mutual concern, and thus, the Government of India has constituted a
system of institutionalized interaction through the meetings of home secretaries, area
commanders of border guarding forces and the joint working group on border management.
GOVERNMENT INITIATIVES
• All matters relating to management of land borders (excluding LOC in J&K sector) and creation of
infrastructure including construction of motorable roads, provision of communication facilities, etc.
in the border belt.
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• All matters relating to coastal border, implementation of Coastal Security Scheme and creation of
Coastal Infrastructure.
• Matters relating to fencing and floodlighting of Indo-Bangladesh and Indo-Pak borders.
• Strengthening of border policing, surveillance and patrolling in all land and coastal borders.
• Analysis of intelligence reports and sharing of actionable intelligence with concerned agencies
relating to international borders.
• MHA’s input in regard to demarcation of international borders.
• Composite strategy defining complementary roles of State Governments and of the Centre in
border management.
• All matters relating to implementation of Border Area Development Programme and
Development of Integrated Check Posts (ICPs) on the land borders of the country including setting
up of Land Ports Authority of India (LPAI).
Objective – To address security imperatives and for the development and management of facilities
for cross border movement of people and goods at designated point along the international borders
of India. To oversee and regulate the construction, management and maintenance of the ICPs the
setting up of a Statutory Authority called ‘Land Ports Authority of India’ (LPAI) was also approved.
The LPAI is envisaged as a lean, oversight body aimed at providing better administration and
cohesive management of cross-border movement of people and goods.
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The programme aims to meet the special development needs of the people living in remote and
inaccessible areas situated near the international border and to saturate the border areas with the
entire essential infrastructure through convergence of Central/State/BADP/Local schemes and
participatory approach.
BADP is a major intervention strategy of the Central Government to bring about a comprehensive
development of border areas by supplementing the State Plan Funds to bridge the gaps in socio-
economic infrastructure on one hand and by improving the security environment in border areas
on the other. Planning and implementation of BADP schemes should be on participatory and
decentralized basis thorough the Panchayati Raj institutions/Autonomous Councils/Other local
bodies/councils.
The development of border areas is now viewed as a part of the comprehensive approach to the
Border Management, which focuses on socio-economic development of the people and promotion
of wellbeing and a security environment in the border areas.
The programme is supplemental in nature to fill the gaps and the funds under BADP are provided to
the States as a 100% non-lapsable Special Central Assistance for execution of projects relating to
infrastructure, livelihood, education, health, agriculture, and allied sectors to meet the special
developmental needs of the people living in remote and inaccessible areas situated near the
international border.
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reaction teams to enhance their detection and interception capabilities. Other factors such as
power back up, training of the BSF personnel in handling the sophisticated equipment, and
maintenance of the equipment are incorporated into the CIBMS project.
Human
Weapons
Resources
High Tech
Surveillance
WAY AHEAD
Effective border management for such complex territorial conditions calls for proper planning and
measures on the three main aspects: people, process and technology.
1. DIFFERENT BORDERS NEED DIFFERENT APPROACHES: The countries which shares borders with
India require different border management. There are three types of borders. They are Hostile
enemy and Benign or friendly state. Each of these borders requires a different policy
orientation and policy instinct. In the context of India, the Indo-Pak and Indo-China border can be
categorised as an aggressive border. However, armed infiltration is taking place from Pakistan but
not from China. At the same time the Myanmar, Nepal and Bhutan border are a benign border for
India. Historically they have acted as a buffer between India and China.
2. BORDER MANAGEMENT POLICY: India needs to formulate and promulgate its policy on border
management. The border management policy must take into account the peculiarities of each
border and evolves a comprehensive strategy to amalgamate all available resources for effective
border management. The management of disputed and unresolved border must be the
responsibility of Indian Army functioning under the MoD. The management of other borders must
be with the CAPFs, functioning under MHA. All the organisations should seek directions and be
accountable to one nodal agency during peace and war. In event of more than one force on a
particular border, the chain of command must be clearly laid down.
the State Police and the border guarding force must be institutionalised to do away with local
arrangements.
4. TECHNOLOGY: Technology should also be infused into border guarding along with the present
system of man power, taking into account the perceived threat, terrain and local population
sensitivities. The developments in surveillance technology, particularly satellite and aerial imagery,
can support to maintain a continuous vigil along the LAC and make it possible to reduce physical
deployment as and when modern surveillance assets can be provided on a regular basis to the
formations deployed forward. Use of state of art technology for border surveillance. Drones should
form a major part of the surveillance effort in difficult and sparsely populated areas. Further, use
of GIS and digitisation of maps is required. Government must look forward towards formation
of technology committee to oversee quick procurement and implementation.
5. Civic Action Programme in the border areas is a very important task. If undertaken well, it will
infuse confidence among the border area populace, develop infrastructure there and promote the
feeling of national integration. For all these to happen, the people should have confidence in the
persons who are undertaking such activities. However, people are sceptical about the uniformed
personnel. The Committee therefore recommends that the implementation of Civic Action
Programme by the BGFs need to be re-looked in its entirety.
6. COASTAL SECURITY SCHEME - India’s long coast line presents a variety of security concerns that
include landing of arms and explosives at isolated spots on the coast; infiltration/ex-filtration of anti-
national elements; use of the sea and off shore islands for criminal activities, smuggling of consumer
and intermediate goods through sea routes etc. Absence of physical barriers on the coast and
presence of vital industrial and defence installations near the coast also enhance the vulnerability
of the coasts to illegal cross border activates. There is a greater risk of infiltration from coastal belts,
the scheme needs to be implemented in the right earnest. This requires co-operation of all the
States.
COASTAL SECURITY
Coastal Security can be defined as protecting the country’s coasts by securing the adjacent sea against the
activities of non-state actors and criminal groups .India’s coasts have been susceptible to various kinds of
sea-borne threats and challenges. This vulnerability stems from a number of factors, the most important
being the configuration of the country’s shoreline and its geographical location. And it is compounded by
the unsettled and disputed nature of some of India’s maritime boundaries. The existence of vital strategic
installations, together with increased maritime traffic along the coasts adds to the problem.
India's 7,516-kilometre-long coastline includes 5,422 kilometres of coastline on the mainland and 2,094
kilometres on the islands belonging to nine states and four Union Territories. The coastline accounts for 90%
of the country's trade and it spans 3,331 coastal villages and 1,382 islands. The coastline houses 12 major
and 200 minor ports, along with 95 landing centres, and is increasingly facing security challenges from
adversarial neighbours and non-state actors. This has necessitated the adoption of a more structured and
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holistic approach with a long-term strategy to modernise, update and strengthen naval surveillance and to
plug loopholes in coastal security architecture.
1. Topography: India has a 7,516.6-kilometre-long coastline, which includes 5,422 kilometres of coastline
in the mainland and 2,094 kilometres of coastline bordering the islands. India’s coasts are characterised by
a diverse range of topography such as creeks, small bays, back waters, rivulets, lagoons, estuaries, swamps
as well as hills, rocky outcrops, sandbars, beaches and small islands (inhabited as well as uninhabited). The
waters bodies and river channels run deep inside the coasts, making the shoreline highly indented. Due to
their remoteness these coastal approaches to the mainland often remained unguarded, or poorly guarded,
thereby providing ideal spots for the clandestine landings of arms, explosives and other contraband by
smugglers as well as infiltration by terrorists.
2. Location: The physical proximity of India’s coasts to politically volatile, economically depressed and
unfriendly countries such as Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, Pakistan and Gulf countries adds to its vulnerability. over
the years, with the increased deployment of security forces and surveillance equipment as well as the
construction of fences, security along the land borders has been sufficiently tightened. On the other hand,
security over the ocean domain has been extremely lax, with the sea routes remaining poorly guarded,
terrorists started looking towards the sea as an alternate route to slip into India undetected.
3. Disputed Maritime Boundary: Unsettled maritime boundaries not only pose serious security challenges
but also hinder offshore development. India’s maritime boundaries with Pakistan and Bangladesh are not
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delineated because of overlapping claims. As far as the settlement of the maritime boundary with Pakistan
is concerned, it hinges upon the settlement of the riverine border along the Sir Creek. The maritime disputes
with Pakistan and Bangladesh have been further complicated by the prospects of the discovery of huge
hydrocarbon reservoirs in the offshore disputed areas. Oil and gas reserves have already been discovered in
the Kutch basin as well as in the Bay of Bengal basin. The demarcation of the maritime boundary between
Sri Lanka and India did not however change the situation on the ground as both Indian and Sri Lankan
fishermen continued to fish in each other’s territorial seas and EEZ, resulting in the arrests of fishermen of
both the countries and, in extreme cases, deaths of Indian fishermen at the hands of the Sri Lankan navy .
4. Strategic Installations: The Indian coast also has a number of strategic installations such as naval bases,
nuclear power plants, satellite and missile launching ranges, and ports. The eastern, western, southern, and
far eastern naval commands are located in Vishakhapatnam, Mumbai, Kochi, and Port Blair respectively. In
addition, India’s largest naval base, with a capability of housing 30 warships, is being built at Karwar along
the Karnataka coast. Several nuclear power plants, such as at Tarapur, Kudankulam, Kalpakkam and the
proposed plant at Jaitapur have been established close to the sea. Satellite launching and missile testing
facilities such as the Satish Dhawan Space Centre and the Wheeler Islands missile facility are also located
along the coast.
5. Maritime Traffic: Indian coasts witness a wide range of maritime activities such as internal and
international trade and travel, offshore oil exploration, fishing, hydrographic survey, patrolling, etc. All
these activities result in the movement of a range of marine vessels such as cargo ships and passenger
launches, containers, oil tankers, dhows, barges, fishing trawlers and boats, patrol vessels, warships .
Indian coasts are prosperous, and support a dense population residing in numerous big and small towns
and cities that dot the coastline. Access to the sea through the major and non-major ports has facilitated
the setting up of Special Economic Zones (SEZs) which have resulted in the growth of a number of
industrial cities such as: Kandla SEZ in Gujarat. This process of Industrialization along the coast has been
further boosted by the import of crude oil and liquefied natural gas (LNG). In the case of Gujarat, the Gulfs
of Kutch and Khambhat have emerged as major corridors for importing crude oil for the country. The
discovery of oil and gas in the sea has also led to the development of offshore oil and gas platforms in the
coastal waters of the country. In the eastern seaboard, huge off-shore oil and gas reserves have been
discovered in the Cauvery and Krishna-Godavari (K-G) basins.
After the 26/11 attacks in Mumbai in 2008, several measures were announced by the government to
strengthen coastal and maritime security along the entire coast. Due to the coordinated efforts of all
concerned, all these measures are now in place and overall maritime security is much stronger than before.
The Indian Navy has been the lead agency in this regard and is assisted in this task by the Indian Coast Guard,
Marine Police and other Central and state agencies.
1. The Marine Police Force: The marine police force was created under the Coastal Security Scheme (CSS)
that was launched in 2005. The aim of the CSS was to strengthen infrastructure for patrolling and the
surveillance of the coastal areas, particularly the shallow areas close to the coast.
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3. Joint Operations Centres (JOCs): Set up by the Navy as command and control hubs for coastal security
at Mumbai, Visakhapatnam, Kochi and Port Blair are fully operational. These JOCs are manned 24×7 jointly
by the Indian Navy, Indian Coast Guard and Marine Police.
4. Coastal patrolling by Navy, Coast Guard and marine police has increased sharply over the last few
years. At any given time, the entire west coast is under continuous surveillance by ships and aircraft of Navy
and Coast Guard. As a result, potential threats have been detected and actions have been taken to mitigate
them in good time.
5. Inter–agency coordination, between nearly 15 national and state agencies has improved dramatically,
only due to regular “exercises” conducted by the Navy in all the coastal states. Nationwide, over 100 such
exercises have been conducted till date since 2008, and this has strengthened coastal security markedly. In
addition to continuous patrolling by Navy and Coast Guard, modern technical measures have also been
implemented for coastal surveillance, by way of a chain of 74 Automatic Identification System (AIS)
receivers, for gapless cover along the entire coast. This is complemented by a chain of overlapping 46 coastal
radars in the coastal areas of our mainland and Islands. A second phase of coastal radars is also being
implemented to plug the small gaps in some places.
6. “National Command Control Communication and Intelligence Network (NC3I)” has been formed
to enhance our Maritime Domain Awareness . This over-arching coastal security network collates data about
all ships, dhows, fishing boats and all other vessels operating near our coast, from multiple technical sources
including the AIS and radar chain. These inputs are fused and analysed at the Information Management and
Analysis Centre (IMAC) at Gurgaon, which disseminates this compiled Common Operating Picture for
Coastal Security to all 51 nodes of the Navy & Coast Guard spread across the coast of India. This Nodal Hub
for the coastal security of our country, which has been conceptualised by the Indian Navy, is a major step in
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7. Issue of ID cards to all fishermen with a single centralised database, registration of over 2 lakh fishing
vessels operating off our coast and equipping fishing boats with suitable equipment, to facilitate vessel
identification and tracking are some of the other steps taken. Our fishing communities are adept mariners,
whose cooperation is indispensable to our maritime security. Fishing communities have become the ‘eyes
and ears’ of our security architecture. This has been achieved by spreading awareness in these communities
through coastal security awareness campaigns, conducted by the Indian Navy and Coast Guard, in all coastal
districts of the country. In the Western Naval Command itself, nearly 70 such campaigns have been
conducted in 2014 alone. During these campaigns’ fishermen have been strongly advised and warned not to
cross the International Maritime Boundary as it is in the interest of their safety. Fishermen today own GPS
receivers and are therefore fully aware of their positions at sea.
8. The Navy and Coast Guard have also provided periodic maritime training to marine police in all coastal
states. In WNC itself over 250 police personnel have been trained in 2014. In order to have a permanent
police training facility, Marine Police training institutes in Tamil Nadu and Gujarat have been approved by
the Government recently. These will provide the Marine Police better facilities and infrastructure for
professional training.
In order to be better prepared to prevent a 26/11 incident from the sea, the Indian Navy, along with the
Coast Guard and Indian Air Force are currently conducting the annual Defence of Gujarat Exercise for five
days. On the occasion of the 6th anniversary of the Mumbai terror attacks, over 30 ships and submarines
and aircraft of the Indian Navy, Indian Air Force, Coast Guard and State agencies have been deployed for this
exercise off the Western Coast of India. During this exercise, the defence of the offshore oil production areas
will also be tested. This exercise will provide an opportunity to fine tune SOPs and test new operational
concepts for coastal security.
Since 2008, coastal and maritime security has been strengthened substantially by successful implementation
of technical, organisational and procedural initiatives, by all maritime security agencies. Plugging gaps,
where identified, is continuous process that is being addressed appropriately.
1. How far are India’s internal security challenges linked with border management,
particularly in view of the long porous borders with most countries of South Asia and
Myanmar?
UPSC 2013
2. How illegal transborder migration does pose a threat to India’s security? Discuss the
strategies to curb this, bring out the factors which give impetus to such migration.
UPSC 2014
3. In 2012, the longitudinal marking of the high-risk areas for piracy was moved from 65°
East to 78° east in the Arabian Sea by International Maritime organisation. What impact
does this have on India’s maritime security concerns?
UPSC 2014
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4. Border management is a complex task due to difficult terrain and hostile relations with
some countries. Elucidate the challenges and strategies for effective border management.
UPSC 2016
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The term Social Media refers to Internet based applications that enable people to communicate and share
resources and information. Some examples of Social Media include blogs, discussion forums, chat rooms,
wikis, YouTube channels, LinkedIn, Facebook, and Twitter. Social Media can be accessed by both computer
and smart phones. Social Media are found to have an extremely high level of interaction among the users,
differently from traditional media, which are characterized by a one-way communication flow. Indeed, Social
Media users can be at the same time both senders and recipients of information, and creators, and users of
content
National Defense University of USA defines Social Media as “applications that inherently connect people
and information in spontaneous, interactive ways.”
2. MEDIA SHARING NETWORKS - Media sharing websites allow users to share different types of media,
with the two main ones being image sharing and video hosting sites. Most of these sites also offer social
features, like the ability to create profiles and the option of commenting on the uploaded images or videos.
These platforms mostly encourage user-generated content where anyone can create, curate, and share the
creativity that speaks about them or spark conversations. Eg Youtube, Snapchats etc.
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3. MICRO-BLOGGING SITES - These are just what they sound like, sites that allow the users to submit their
short written entries, which can include links to product and service sites, as well as links to other social
media sites. These are then posted on the ‘walls’ of everyone who has subscribed to that user’s account.
The most commonly used microblogging website is Twitter.
Internet has revolutionized the way information is exchanged in real time has been the advent of Social
media. It has triggered an information revolution the world over that has forced people, governments and
organizations, both public and private, to rethink strategies on how they manage their information and
engage in an increasingly interconnected world. It has triggered an information revolution the world over
that has forced people, governments and organizations, both public and private, to rethink strategies on
how they manage their information and engage in an increasingly interconnected world. It has challenged
information hierarchies, opened up access and produced an entirely new ecosystem of information
exchange. Technological innovations are rapid and constantly evolving, making barriers, borders and control
irrelevant.
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edged sword. It also throws up new challenges in the realm of law and order and security for governments
that need to be dealt with innovatively.
2. Police
a. The Delhi Traffic Police has joined Facebook and Twitter to ease handling of traffic related issues.
b. The Indore Police Department has been using a blog, Twitter, online and mobile complaint forms, a
Google map of police stations and a digital crime mapper to track criminal activities in the region.
c. The Maharashtra Police Department launched an SMS based complaint tracking system (CTS), called
“Turant Chovis”, which promised to quickly redress citizen complaints by sending a first response within 24
hours and resolving the issue within 30 days.
3. Ministry of External Affairs: The Public Diplomacy (PD) division of the Ministry of External Affairs saw
merit in leveraging social media to connect with the masses. It made its debut on Twitter with the user id
“Indian diplomacy”. It was used very successfully in the recent crisis in Libya.
4. Post Office: World’s largest postal network has started using Twitter to interact with its users and public.
The site is used even for status tracking and grievance redressal.
5. Municipal Corporation: The Municipal Corporation of Delhi launched a Facebook page last year and
created a forum for better interaction with citizens.
There are multitude of factors which gave rise to un-parallel growth of social Media in India like ever rising
literacy rate, a huge quantum of youth population, ceaselessly increasing middle class and incessantly
diminishing prices of smart phone and Internet data. According to Internet and Mobile Association of India,
India has surpassed another milestone of having 504 million active internet users who are 5 years old or
above — 53 million more than 451 million in March 2019. India remains behind both countries in internet
penetration, which stands at 40% compared to over 88% for the US and 61% for China. Active internet users
are defined as those who use the internet at least once a month. India is the largest market for social
networking site Facebook, YouTube, Twitter etc. These numbers are mind boggling and have far reaching
implications in terms of security, law and order.
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1. Connectedness: This attribute showcases the media’s ability to connect and reconnect like-minded people
or people interested in same topics and domains. Through this media, 24*7 connectedness is possible
through a variety of media and access devices including PCs, Laptops, mobile phones etc. Individuals re-
tweeting & following other people’s comments and status and updating their own account at all hours are
examples of this attribute.
2. Collaboration: The connections achieved on this media, enable people to collaborate and create
knowledge. Such collaborations can be either open or closed. Wikipedia is an example of open collaboration
which enabled creation of an open web based encyclopedia through contribution from hundreds of
thousands of people. GovLoop is an example of closed collaboration wherein experts groups contribute on
specific policy matters.
3. Community: Connectedness and collaboration helps create and sustain communities. These communities
can create awareness about various issues and can be used for seeking inputs into policy making, building
goodwill or even seeking feedback into delivery of public services.
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Communi
ty
Collaborati Connectedn
on ess
1. In the last few years alone, India has witnessed the potential of the social media in co-ordinating large-
scale protests across the country with the ‘India Against Corruption’ movement led by Anna Hazare in 2011.
While these protests were largely peaceful, they did test the local security infrastructure in terms of sheer
numbers. We saw a repeat of events in the aftermath of the tragic Delhi gang rape incident in 2013 where
a large number of protestors mobilised themselves with the help of social media.
2. Mobile and social network interface was used to send offensive clips and hate messages that triggered
panic and mass exodus of north east Indians from large parts of India in the aftermath of the ethnic clashes
in Assam in 2012. In 2013, a morphed video on YouTube was used to fan communal riots in Muzaffarnagar
in Uttar Pradesh and led to mass panic.
3. A propaganda video released by ISIS shows alleged Indian Jihadists fighting in Syria and calling for more
Indian recruits to join the cause. This incidence has proved that social media has become a potent tool for
radicalisation by terror groups. In 2014, the arrest of a Bangalore based executive, Mehdi Masoor Biswas,
accused of being the man behind terror group Islamic State’s (ISIS) most influential Twitter handle in India,
and brought to surface the extent of the threat posed by the misuse of social media.
4. A “new wave” of militants had emerged in Jammu and Kashmir. “The new breed of militants is rising in
Kashmir are young, educated and tech-savvy.” This is the era of spread of militancy and extremism in the
valley via social media. Today, hundreds and thousands of militancy pictures and videos are on social media
sites every single day. New content is published frequently through encrypted platforms such as Telegram
and WhatsApp, e.g. dying declarations of militants trapped in an encounter; their last phone call
conversations with friends, family or even security officials; videos of training in the jungles of South Kashmir;
selfies showing bonhomie amongst the cadre; pictures of militants playing cricket in the open fields of the
Valley. Such content—consumed mostly by young Kashmiris—has flooded the popular culture of J&K. The
new militants use this content to spread the call of jihad and inspire the youth to join their ranks.
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In 2017, Jamaat-ud-Dawah (JuD) issued multiple advertisements announcing social media workshops. The
handouts sought volunteers for a training programme designed to instigate another unrest in the Valley.
One digital poster read: “Join #SocialMedia workshops to know Social Media as an instrument for Kashmir
uprise 2k17. There is an army of social media warriors who keep the battle alive in the minds of the populace.
Guns cannot kill clicks, constructs and imaginative heroism, as social media activity and the narrative of the
gun goes unchallenged. The jihad now plays out in virtual space.
5. Recently it is observed that traditional media (mainly television) is increasingly relying on social media to
feed its 24-hour news cycles and picking content and coverage led by social media trends. This symbiotic
relationship has doubled the impact on consumers and has given social media platforms more visibility. The
convergence of various forms of media—television, social, and online networks as instruments of
information and generators of user content—have multidimensional implications for law and order as well
as security.
6. Recently, India has seen a surge in the number of fake news items in circulation, especially on WhatsApp
and Facebook. In 2018, fake information that was circulated on WhatsApp led to the lynching of five men
who were brutally beaten to death in Rainpada, Maharashtra. When the agencies asked WhatsApp to help
them track the origin of the post, WhatsApp denied, citing its promise of end-to-end encryption. However,
the messaging app offered to fund research into preventing the spread of fake news. WhatsApp also
extended aid to the government with a public education campaign in India, its biggest global market
1. Social media as a phenomenon has grown by leaps and bounds and with the passage of time the
Information Technology Act, 2000, is not capable of effectively addressing the legal, policy and regulatory
concerns generated by the use of social media in India. The questionable use of Article 66A of this act, which
now stands revoked after a ground breaking decision by the Supreme Court of India in 2015 for upholding
values of liberty and freedom, the two pillars of democracy. However, peoples’ perceptions of the
government attitudes to the same remain scarred. Any proposed changes had drawn strong reactions from
proponents of internet freedom, terming the new provisions as “draconian” and taking the country in the
realm of censorship.
2. Privacy concerns related to internet monitoring - The way in which the internet allows data to be
produced, collected, combined, shared, stored, and analysed is constantly changing, and the need for
redefining personal data and what type of protections personal data deserves and can no longer be a given.
Police projects like Social Media Labs depend entirely on information available on public platforms and hence
authorities must anticipate contestations to what constitutes public data in times ahead. Currently,
provisions in IT (Reasonable security practices and procedures & sensitive personal data and information)
Rules say that “Provided that any information that is freely available or accessible in public domain or to be
furnished under the Right to Information Act, 2005, or any other law for the time being in force shall not be
regarded as sensitive personal data for the purposes of this Act.
3. Complication in Jurisdiction with subsidiaries of foreign internet companies - Often during times of crisis,
the governments find themselves in a spot, because social media service providers like Facebook, Google
(YouTube, Blogspot), Twitter, etc., provide web and social media services from their servers installed in the
US and hence say they will comply only with US laws. So far co-operation on matters happens only in good
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faith or with a letter from the government being sent to the US Department of Justice. Cyber security experts
in India have been pressing the government to formulate laws that clarify the legal position on whether the
law of the land or the law of the countries where the Internet companies are headquartered will take
precedence in cyberspace. This is important because Indian authorities want the social networks to conform
to local laws and sensitivities when it comes to blocking Web content.
4. The IT ACT 2000 conceived 16 years ago was meant to promote e-commerce and is incapable of
resolving the challenges put forth by the rapid explosion of new technologies like social media. The
National Cyber Security Policy doesn’t have any provisions to deal with social media so the change has to
come first at the Macro level. Now the government need to frame a national social media policy.
1. The government has initiated a process to amend the Section 79 of the Information Technology (IT) Act,
2000, in a manner that social media platforms such as WhatsApp, Facebook and Google would have to
comply with its direction in providing information and assistance within 36 hours of a request made with
regard to origin of any content deemed unlawful and to remove it. On failing to do so, the intermediary will
lose its immunity from being sued. Earlier Section 79 of the IT Act provides immunity to intermediaries (for
example, websites like Facebook) for any illegal content posted by third parties.
2. Under new guidelines of the Government Social media sites, including Facebook, Twitter, TikTok, and
YouTube will have to share users’ identities with the Indian government if they are asked to. Now, the
Centre will be able to procure information of any user without a warrant or judicial order against the person.
The decision comes at a time when countries around the world are exerting pressure on social media sites
to be more accountable. All social media sites will have to help the government trace the origins of a post
within 72 hours. The companies would have to retrieve the data for 180 days that will help government
sleuths in the investigation. The official stated that companies such as Mozilla and Wikipedia that serve as
online repositories of information will not fall under the guidelines. Only social media platforms and
messaging apps would be covered.
3. The Social Media Labs Project – In 2013, the Maharashtra Police took the first initiative in this direction
by setting up a pilot project to track activity on social media to gauge public moods on issues and ‘step-up
its preparedness’ in anticipating and handling sudden flare ups. The first of its kind in the country, the Lab
was established with the Mumbai police roping in the industry body NASCOMM (The National Association
of Software and Services Companies) for providing technical infrastructure, support and training, and used
social media monitoring tools provided by Indian technology-development entrepreneurs SocialAppsHQ.
The app tracks and provides sentiment analysis, identifies behavioural patterns, influencers and advocates,
tracks increase in chatter and generates alerts in real-time on social media platforms.
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Social media’s capacity to spread information at extremely high volumes and velocities needs to be tapped
into by security and law enforcement agencies. The answer lies not in blocking the medium, but within the
medium itself which provides avenues for engagement, connectedness, and collaboration and can also
double up as reservoir of open source intelligence if used to its optimal potential. The government should
not delve into “mass surveillance” of closed and encrypted messages on social media which could raise
concerns of internet censorship, violation of privacy and freedom of speech and expression.
1. India can learn for the experiences of developed nations as social media is used extensively by many
countries to offer better services to citizens and collect and supplement intelligence efforts. Their Police and
Intelligence departments adopt different strategies — Push (disseminate information), Pull (silently observe
or obtain information) or Engage (interact and encourage two-way communication on social media)—to
interact with citizens. They use social media to establish a voice and presence on the platform and invite
citizen engagement for co-ordinating community policing efforts.
2. Mining Social Media for Intelligence - Law enforcement agencies across the globe are using a superior
form of “Open source Intelligence” to engage, collate, analyse and predict, and share intelligence using data
gleaned from social media networks, also known as Social media intelligence (SOCMINT).This analysis uses
social media data, that is, all the user generated data on social media platforms with their metadata (which
includes information of the user, location, time and date details of post, number of people who viewed and
shared the post, etc.) to identify people, networks, patterns and events that contribute to actionable
intelligence. This requires Big Data analysis skills which include computational techniques to deal with huge
amounts of data and the means to sift through them, and collate the results for further analysis.
WHAT IS ISIS
The Islamic State, or ISIS, is a militant organization that emerged as an offshoot of al Qaeda in 2014. It quickly
took control of large parts of Iraq and Syria declaring the creation of a caliphate and imposing strict Islamic
rule. It is largely made up of Sunni militants from Iraq and Syria but has also drawn thousands of fighters
from across the Muslim world and Europe. ISIS was founded by Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, an Iraqi. He first led
al Qaeda in Iraq, transforming it into an effective and organized fighting force. The group changed its name
in 2013, signalling its broader ambition of establishing a caliphate extending across Iraq and Syria. ISIS tactics
— including beheadings, the taking of slaves and bans on “un-Islamic” behaviour such as music and smoking
— are so brutal that it was even disowned by al Qaeda. The militants' goal is an ultra-conservative caliphate
that strictly enforces Shariah, or Islamic, law.
Since 2014, the U.S. has led a coalition of countries carrying out airstrikes against ISIS and in support of Iraqi
troops fighting the militants. By the end of 2017, ISIS lost much of its ground in Iraq and Syria, and Iraq
declared its war against the militant group over in December.
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Terrorism, using the social media, has become one of the most concerning issues across the world. There is
interplay between home-grown terrorist groups and international terrorist organisations which is playing
the central role in accelerating the situations. Terrorist organisations are using social media platforms for
recruiting, training and communicating with their followers, supporters, donors, as it is cheaper, easier,
faster and effective method of communication. The members of the terrorist organisations are spreading
their ideological thoughts, propaganda and their activities, not only to South Asia but also to the world, using
social media platforms. Through qualitative analysing, this article will find out how terrorist groups are using
social media platforms, especially in South Asia, threatening the peace and security of the countries.
The most common apparatus for contact and outreach between most cases has been Facebook. The uses of
Facebook range from direct messaging, to creating new profiles specifically for pro-ISIS activities using
dedicated mobile phones and numbers, to having a relatively free access to both like-minded folks and
materials shared by them. Other chat programs such as Telegram has become popular as official ISIS
channels and pro-ISIS activities started to use the Russia-based software more often due to its higher
encryption levels that make it harder for governments to break into it and orchestrate surveillance against
its users. Initially, non-encryption of the popular messaging app WhatsApp was one of the reasons pro-ISIS
figures did not use the service.
ISIS has mastered the art of selling terror and ideology instantly. Social media is a tool so powerful and
untamed that counter narratives just can’t seem to keep up. Today the group’s “lone wolfs,” armed with
smart phones, run “DIY Terror forums,” virtually scouting for recruits across the globe. ISIS has made
brutality fashionable by exploiting the medium. A lone wolf or lone-wolf terrorist is someone who prepares
and commits violent acts alone, outside of any command structure and without material assistance from
any group. However, he or she may be influenced or motivated by the ideology and beliefs of an external
group, and may act in support of such a group. YouTube videos are edited in fancy Hollywood style. The ISIS
is employing corporate marketing techniques, where new brands seek to disrupt established ones by
changing their target audience. ISIS employs this practically by promoting profiles of its teenage recruits,
encouraging them to publicize the outfit’s brand. In essence they are investing in a ‘young force’ to ‘disrupt’
the old order. A study of ISIS propaganda on Twitter found that group puts out number of media releases a
day and has myriad dedicated twitter handles, which helped it in recruitment of teenagers. The 24-year-old
Bengaluru-based engineer, Mehdi Masroor Biswas, “confessed” that he was handling the pro-jihad twitter
for radicalization and recruitment of the Indian Youth. In 2015, a US educated Indian techie was
apprehended in Hyderabad by security agencies after it was found that he was joining his partner in the UK
and then travelling to Syria, ostensibly to join the ISIS. According to Intelligence agencies Mohammad Shafi
Armar, the head recruiter of the ISIS in India was putting together an ISIS unit in every Indian state. He had
reportedly recruited 30 youngsters and was in touch with 600-700 potential recruits via Facebook, Watsapp,
and other social media platforms.
This social media strategy truly gains a global audience thanks to the convergence of social media and
traditional media. ISIS generates shocking, brutal content, playing on the emotions of disenchantment and
fear, which then get amplified by both organized groups on social media and, consequently, reporting by the
traditional media.
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The spate of arrests of Indian sympathisers has proved that ‘Brand ISIS’ has found its foothold in India. The
threat is manifold because the Islamic State is winning supporters via social media. The Indian government
too, after the 2015 Paris attacks, has moved beyond treating ISIS as a distant problem. With the latest
propaganda video of the terror group released in May 2016, directly targeting potential Indian recruits. The
video showed urging Indian Muslims to avenge the Babri Masjid Demolition and atrocities on Muslims in
Kashmir by joining the holy fight.
Brazen use of social media by the ISIS to establish itself as the global face of “jihad.” ISIS propaganda on
social media has made other transnational terror groups like al Qaeda more competitive and resorting to
more sensationalist and ruthless styles of propaganda towards the “Indian Muslim”. ISIS leads to
Bandwagoning by Terror Groups in India. Irrespective of whether or not local terror outfits agree with the
ISIS ideology, groups like the Indian Mujahideen and other extremist outfits have been seen as eager to latch
on to brand ISIS in a bid to garner attention. The IM had also uploaded a video of the ISIS Chief, Abu Bakr al-
Baghdadi, with Hindi, Urdu and Tamil subtitles. ISIS is Inspiring “Overt War of Ideas” and Recruitment by
Indian Insurgent Groups. Social media was flooded with photos of militants in the North East, posing in the
forests with assault rifles. The message was clearly signalling that the “war of ideas against the
establishment” is no longer covert, but aims to inspire recruits overtly.
The Case of “Facebook Militant” Burhan Wani - The resurgence of unrest in the state of Jammu and Kashmir
in July 2016 in the aftermath of the killing of Burhan Wani, the Hizbul Mujahideen commander who was
infamous as the “Facebook Militant” in mass media. During the summer of 2015, Burhan became an
unparalleled icon of Kashmiri rebellion using technology to access extraordinary media coverage and reach.
A picture of Burhan with a dozen of his comrades posing in army-style combat fatigues, went viral on social
media and signalled the brazenness with which the new-age militants were willing to be identified. With a
majority of the Valley’s population being below 30, often unemployed and hyperactive on the social media,
gave Wani a receptive target audience. It was admitted by the police that Wani had remained elusive
because of his “tremendous following” online and on the ground. “Every time an operation was launched
against Wani, our movement was reported to him by his huge network of young supporters and fans.
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70% of the 152 Indians arrested, detained or counselled for links to ISIS were from middle and upper middle
class families, with half of them holding graduate degrees and 23% completing their masters. Only a quarter
of them had religious degrees. In contrast, an overwhelming majority of 645 terrorism suspects interrogated
between 2000 and 2014, before the rise of ISIS, were from poor families. More than 90% of them had not
completed school, and the trigger for their radicalisation was mostly perceived victimisation at home, not a
desire for global jihad. This, according to the agencies, marks a possible class shift among those attracted to
violent groups in India, where religious radicalisation is thought to be more prevalent among the poor and
illiterate.
Educated, middle-class youngsters in India appear to be more drawn to ISIS, moved as much by the terrorist
group’s brand of global jihad as by perceived injustices against Muslims at home. The data suggests a direct
correlation between key events with religious undertones in India and spikes in internet traffic from the
country to jihadist websites over the past two years.
Social Media can be used for internal law and order challenges and against the threats from extremists IT
can be engaged with both to provide intelligence as we all as to create robust counter narratives, which
make it a potent force multiplier in the hands of security and law enforcement agencies.
1. MHA has announced in 2015, that it is examining the feasibility of a multi-agency 24/7 Social Media
Analysis Centre to monitor online recruitment.
2. Indian Government agencies have been working on plans to counter social media radicalisation in India.
Apart from online surveillance to isolate influencers and prevent mishaps, emphasis has been made to
institute a de-radicalisation programme. The programme, according to a government official quoted by the
media, has tried to address the issue at three levels: At the first, macro level, through preventive arrests, at
the second level, counter-narratives to discourage the youth and give incentives to renounce violence and,
at the third, to work at the micro level with individuals.
3. Attempts have already been made to reach out to the Imams of various Muslim communities in India, to
use their Friday sermons to address the youth on why rejecting the ISIS-ideology should be their call of duty.
In fact, over 1,050 Indian Islamic scholars and clerics have issued fatwa against the ISIS, describing its acts
and actions as against the basic tenets of Islam.
4. In cities like Bengaluru, the Imam of the Jamia Masjid, has started an initiative to counter propaganda of
the kind unleashed by the Islamic State by organising outreach programmes in colleges and using social
media platforms, such as WhatsApp. A WhatsApp group of around 150 Maulanas has been created to devise
a communication strategy to prevent radicalisation of youths.
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WAY AHEAD
The focus has been to leverage social media for engagement with citizens and securing communities, and
also mining information available publicly for actionable intelligence to anticipate and prevent possible law
and order situations in case there is a misuse of the medium. It has also laid emphasis on the use of social
media to build effective counter narratives and combat the extremist challenge. The issues of engagement,
process, technology and legal challenges posed for government agencies dealing with the medium will have
to be tackled with a long-term vision.
2. Implement and institutionalise the Framework of Guidelines on social media engagement: It discusses
objectives, engagement protocol, types of platforms, communication strategy, responsiveness criteria and
legal limitations for agencies to formulate their respective strategies for engaging with the medium and
stakeholders.
3. Create awareness on the Challenges posed by social media: as there exists a huge lack of awareness
amongst citizens, law enforcement agencies and higher levels on the potential of misuse of social media.
4. Replicate “Social Media Labs” across the country and facilitate information sharing. Use the success and
work on the limitations of the social media labs experiment for the future and incorporate the best practices
at the state and federal levels across the country. Target, specifically, issues relating to radicalisation and
recruitment of youth by extremists. Intelligence gathered on specific crimes using social media platforms
can supplement information on national databases like Crime and Criminal Tracking Network System
(CCTNS) which are being developed to share and analyse data between police agencies.
1. What are social networking site and what security implications do these sites present?
UPSC 2013
2. Religious indoctrination via digital media has resulted in Indian youth joining the ISIS. What is ISIS and its
mission? How can ISIS be dangerous for the internal security of our country?
UPSC 2015
3. Use of Internet and social media by non-state actors for subversive activities is a major concern. How
have these misused in the recent past? Suggest effective guidelines to curb the above threat.
UPSC 2016
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ORGANIZED CRIME
Organized crime is a group of individuals either local, national or international that engage in criminal
enterprises for profit. The rationale behind why they are formed varies because they may be politically
motivated, financially motivated or an organized criminal 'gang.' Organizational criminals typically
use extortion, robbery, fraud, counterfeiting money, rigging public projects, drug trafficking and arms, or
weapons and smuggling to earn money. Because this money is illegal and unable to be placed into a bank,
these organizations launder the money, or convert this money into useable assets, such as real estate,
vehicles or other tangible items.
Meaning of organized crime is defined as “those involved, normally working with others, in continuing
serious criminal activities for substantial profit, elsewhere”. Successful organised crime groups often
consist of a durable core of key individuals. Around them, there’s a cluster of subordinates, specialists,
and other more transient members, plus an extended network of disposable associates.
1. State sponsorship of terrorism finance - Naga insurgency was given perceptible support by China and
Pakistan in form of training, weapons and finance with escalation taking place after the 1962 India-China
War. The insurgency in Mizoram also received support of both China and Pakistan during the same period.
The impact of the same was clearly shown, as receding Chinese support and creation of Bangladesh became
critical factors responsible for neutralisation of the Mizo insurgency in 1986. Pakistan also supported
terrorism in Punjab right through the eighties and till the nineties. The late eighties and the period
thereafter, witnessed support for the insurgency and subsequent proxy war in J&K from Pakistan.
2. Privatisation of finance - During the period of support for uprisings in India by China, insurgencies in the
north east, simultaneously continued to raise a very large percentage of funds locally. The National Socialist
Council of Nagaland (NSCN) and Mizo National Front (MNF), amongst other insurgency groups, relied on
taxation and extortion, a pattern the NSCN and even the Naxalite groups continue to employ effectively in
the present context. In Punjab, in addition to support from Pakistan, criminal activities and financial support
from the diaspora contributed to the funding activity. Therefore, even as state sponsorship was prevalent,
though in varying degrees, privatisation of finance was very much the norm and continues to remain so.
3. Globalisation of terrorism finance – International linkages for raising, transferring and laundering of funds
by terrorists in J&K, the north east and Naxal affected areas.
through criminal activities to raise funds and exploitation of globalisation for moving financial resources, yet
again brings the trinity together. These are thereafter used as part of Pakistan’s proxy war against India,
thereby bringing these components together.
2. Most insurgencies of the north east, receive funding from extortion and taxation, which is a local source.
This is supplemented by trafficking of drugs, weapons and counterfeit currency. The region witnesses’
limited state sponsored funding and privatisation for raising finances is the norm.
3. The case of CPI (Maoist) led insurgency is similar, with local financial resources providing the bulk of its
funding. There is as yet no substantive evidence of state sponsorship of the insurgency, nor have the
insurgents profited substantially from the globalised financial environment.
India is worried about the terrorist outfits working from the soil of Nepal, Pakistan and Bangladesh. With
Afghanistan, the escalation of violence in the past few years creates another concern. The boom in poppy
cultivation has led to resurgence of Taliban and Al-Qaeda which continue to be the primary sources of threat.
India’s worries get magnified because India has a location between golden crescent and golden triangle
which are world’s major narcotics producing and exporting regions. This unique location leads India to
become a popular route for drug trafficking which can lead to rise of Narco-terrorism and finally instability
in the country. Narcotic drugs are the main source for funding terrorist activities in Punjab and Jammu and
Kashmir.
2. Human Trafficking - In addition to human trafficking within south Asia, an unknown large number of
young girls are sent and sold to Arab countries each year, and small boys are also sold to the Arab states as
camel racers. Dubai remains a popular destination and transfer point for prostitution organized by Indian
criminal networks. These human smuggling routes could easily be leveraged by terrorist groups to transfer
personnel and weaponry.
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3. Hawala - Transnational money laundering networks, also known in south Asia as Hawala, pose a threat in
several arenas. These hawala networks originally arose from the weakness of the banking system in rural
areas. The system, which relies on trust between individuals and social networks, is common in south Asia
and the Middle East. Such transactions are unknown, thereby leading to ubiquitous use of hawala by criminal
and terrorist groups to transfer illegal proceeds. Hawala works by transferring money without actually
moving it. In a hawala transaction, no physical movement of cash is there. It is an alternative or parallel
remittance system, which works outside the circle of banks and formal financial systems. As hawala
transactions are not routed through banks they cannot be regulated by the government agencies and have
thus emerged as a major cause of concern as it is frequently used by criminal to launder money for their
illicit act. This network is being used extensively across the globe to circulate black money and to provide
funds for terrorism, drug trafficking and other illegal activities.
3. Donation and Charity - The sourcing of funds for terrorism has also been accompanied by the emergence
of religious appeals, coercion, and fears of victimization of Islam. These trends have been witnessed both at
the global and regional level. Traditional societies in countries like Saudi Arabia have been supporting
traditions and customs which encourage donations. In Pakistan, the government has limited control over
charities and NGOs. A similar challenge is faced in countries like Saudi Arabia though recent regulations by
the government have attempted to place more stringent controls. Terror Financing is generated from NGOs
and charities within Pakistan and through its coordinating role in West Asia. Workers from India are also
radicalized and encouraged to fund terrorist groups. Funds from NGOs and charities can potentially flow into
India via hawala, cash, legal financial routes and trade. The primary source of traditional funding in Islam is
based on zakat. This is an accepted and legal system of almsgiving and considered as one of the five pillars
of Islam. Terrorist groups in the Indian hinterland have also been supported by a large diaspora in West
Asian countries, Europe and the US. The arrest of Sarfaraz Nawaz, a computer engineer confirmed the
involvement of large sections of diaspora in West Asia. Funding and support for terrorism in Punjab
emanates from Pakistan and diaspora in Canada, USA and Europe. The National Investigation Agency (NIA)
has also indicated the involvement of NGOs in countries like Germany, UK and Canada in raising funds for
terrorist groups like the Babbar Khalsa Terrorism Finance International (BKI). Money raised by them has
been sent by hawala, bank transfers and human couriers.
4. Counterfeiting of Indian currency not only funds terrorism, but, more importantly, it is used as a tool by
Pakistan to destabilize the Indian economy. Fake Indian Currency Notes (FICN) are produced in Pakistan and
to a much smaller extent locally in India. While the Pakistani counterfeits are of very high quality, making
them difficult to distinguish from the real. FICN is used to fund groups like LeT, Al-Badr, Harkat-ul-Jihad al-
Islami (HuJI), Khalistan Commando Force (KCF), and Dawood Ibrahim-run operations. It is difficult to estimate
its scale in the Indian market, though one estimate suggests that approximately Rs 300 crore of counterfeit
currency is introduced into India every year.
5. Extortion - The biggest source of internal funding for terrorist groups in India remains extortion or
taxation. This is especially relevant for groups in the North-East and the Maoist-affected areas. It includes
extortion from industries in the region and levying taxes on the people. In Northeast, numbers of insurgent
groups over a time have morphed into crime syndicates. All militant group run a similar government or have
their areas of influence involved in collecting money directly from people, and from government funds due
to mis-governance, government officials are threatened or bribed to award contracts and also important
commodities like rice and kerosene are sold to public at much higher rate. There are growing number of
extortion, kidnap, contracts, black marketing transnational drugs and arms to finance terrorism.
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2. Amongst the recent and most potent threats to enactment and enforcement of laws has been the era of
coalition politics and its resultant impact on governance. The rise of regional political parties has further
accentuated the challenge of enacting and implementing laws. Therefore counter terrorism laws and
regulations have had a mixed record of enactment and implementation.
3. The federal structure of the country, and the responsibility of states for law and order ensures that the
centre cannot push its initiatives, unless there is broad-based consensus amongst states. This is in stark
contrast to the US, where the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) was established. The initiative of the
central government to establish the National Counter Terrorism Centre (NCTC) in India has remained mired
in controversies.
4. This challenge is aggravated by a weak enforcement structure and further suffers from lower numbers of
personnel than the demands of existing challenges. This cyclic weakness is worsened by issues of limited
capacities and capability, especially given the fast evolving threat of terrorism finance.
5. The high levels of corruption provide ideal circumstances for the exploitation of these limitations. It not
only creates an environment of inefficiency, but also gives a fillip to crime, money laundering and terrorism
finance. At every level and stage of enforcement and implementation, this weakness allows circumvention
of rules and laws. It provides an ideal breeding ground for terrorism finance to take root and spread, given
the leeway provided by corruption.
6. The undercover initiative of the Cobra Post, reported a large number of banks and insurance providers
more than willing to launder money for customers. Instead of undertaking a more detailed and thorough
scrutiny of the potential customer, one branch after the other agreed to launder the proceeds of debatable
origin by bending and breaking rules. The blatant violation of rules displayed moral and procedural
weaknesses, and simultaneous nexus between actual money laundering and terrorism finance. It also raised
questions regarding financial institutions like cooperative banks and post offices, which do not have
procedures that are as stringent, as those applied for public and private sector banks.
7. There is a deep linkage between terror financing, crime and politics as can be seen in the case of NE India.
There exists a cycle of extortion within private and government institutions and political classes, which funds
terrorism. The terrorist groups, in turn, throw their weight behind political parties to support their election
campaign. This gives terrorism finance the status of a parallel economy, with an Undeniable role in
governance. It also impacts central economic resources as well. Since terrorism finance directly feeds on
state expenditure, the higher the central allocation to states (which is always more for states affected by
terrorism, and low developmental levels), more is the financial share that terrorist groups receive. Therefore,
the central government ends up becoming an unwilling partner in funding local armed struggles.
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8. India is a multicultural, multi-ethnic and multi-religious country. Therefore the state while handling
internal security threats, which involves minorities, is understandably sensitive. Under such circumstances,
there is a tendency to keep a distance from the internal functioning of groups, organisations, and parties,
which have religious affiliations. This leads to opaque procedures and controls that can potentially become
ideal breeding grounds for exploitation by radical elements for funding terrorism. Non-governmental
organisations (NGOs) have often functioned as fronts for terrorist groups in the past, and their limited level
of accountability continues to raise the possibility of terrorism finance as a potential threat.
9. India probably faces its most potent terrorism finance threat from across its borders. Pakistan has since
long pursued a policy of aiding and abetting terrorism as state policy. This includes both direct and indirect
funding of terrorism. Violence in J&K is essentially a proxy war waged against India, with the financial backing
of Pakistan. These factors, in conjunction with porous borders with Nepal, Myanmar and Bangladesh, add
fuel to fire, and raise the level of complexity in the fight against terrorism and terrorism finance. Terrorism
finance rides over a financial network, which is seamless and transcends geographical boundaries. This
implies application of multiple laws in different countries, which often makes prosecution complicated, and
creates lacunae in their interpretation.
11. Collection of funds for charitable purposes is often a sensitive issue in most countries. This can also have
religious overtones, which makes its regulation challenging. Zakat, as a means of collecting charity in
countries like Saudi Arabia and Pakistan, has been misused in the past and funnelled for terrorism finance.
12. Terrorism finance has evolved faster than most monetary systems and regulatory mechanisms. From the
use of age old systems like hawala for transferring value, to e-commerce in the cyber world, more often
than not, enforcement agencies have ended up playing catch-up.
These efforts proved inadequate when the 26/11 attack shook Mumbai, and the world. Unlike the US, for
India, neither was terrorism new, nor its resultant impact. However, it was the sheer audacity and temerity
with which the act was executed by the ISI that finally led to substantive changes in the country’s counter
terrorism approach, including a renewed impetus to CFT. While these efforts received an impetus after
26/11, the decision to take membership of the Financial Action Task Force (FATF), further made it
mandatory to introspect deeper into existing laws, procedures and regulations.
1. Strengthening the provisions in the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, 1967 to combat terror financing
by criminalizing the production or smuggling or circulation of high quality counterfeit Indian currency as a
terrorist act and enlarge the scope of proceeds of terrorism to include any property intended to be used for
terrorism.
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2. Fake Indian Currency Notes (FICN) network is one of the channels of terror financing in India. FICN
Coordination Group (FCORD) has been formed by the Ministry of Home Affairs to share
intelligence/information among the security agencies of the states/centre to counter the problem of
circulation of fake currency notes. A Terror Funding and Fake Currency (TFFC) Cell has been constituted in
National Investigation Agency (NIA) to conduct focused investigation of terror funding and fake currency
cases. A Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) has been signed between India and Bangladesh to prevent
and counter smuggling and circulation of fake currency notes. Training programmes are conducted for the
Police officials of Nepal and Bangladesh to sensitize them about smuggling/ counterfeiting of Indian
currency.
3. Training programmes are regularly conducted for the State Police personnel on issues relating to
combating terrorist financing.
4. Security at the international borders has been strengthened by using new surveillance technology,
deploying additional manpower for round the clock surveillance, establishing observation posts along the
international border, erection of border fencing and intensive patrolling.
Soon after its adoption, the constitution of India was amended in 1951. At the time, several progressive
judgements by the judiciary held that laws that curb fundamental rights are essentially unconstitutional
and fundamental freedoms could only be curbed in the most extreme cases. The first amendment
countered this by amending Article 19 to add the word ‘reasonable’ before restrictions and to add ‘public
order’ as being one more ground for abridging fundamental rights.
The evolution of Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA) has to be seen in the background of this
gradual but steady constriction of Article 19, which guarantees the fundamental freedoms of expression,
assembly and association.
The next major step in the abridgement of freedom of expression, assembly and association occurred in
shape of the 16th amendment in 1963. Further ‘reasonable restrictions in the interest of the sovereignty
and integrity of India’ were amended to Article 19 (2). This amendment occurred in the immediate wake
of the Indian army’s defeat in the Sino-Indian War, as well as the threat posed by the DMK contesting
elections in Tamil Nadu with secession from India being part of their manifesto. It was in this background
that the UAPA was enacted in 1967 – to satisfy the need of the Indian state to declare associations that
sought secession from India as ‘unlawful’. In this way, the UAPA gave powers to the central government
to impose all-India bans on associations. The process of banning associations could simply be done by the
government announcing them as ‘unlawful’ and hence banned (Section 3).
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The ambit of the Act was strictly limited to meeting the challenge to the territorial integrity of India. The Act
was a self-contained code of provisions for declaring secessionist associations as unlawful, adjudication by a
tribunal, control of funds and places of work of unlawful associations, penalties for their members etc. The
Act has all along been worked holistically as such and is completely within the purview of the central list in
the 7th Schedule of the Constitution of India.
The second major act came into force in 1987. This act had much more stringent provisions then the UAPA
and it was specifically designed to deal with terrorist activities in India. When TADA was enacted it came to
be challenged before the Apex Court of the country as being unconstitutional. The Supreme Court of India
upheld its constitutional validity on the assumption that those entrusted with such draconic statutory
powers would act in good faith and for the public good. However, there were many instances of misuse of
power for collateral purposes. The rigorous provisions contained in the statute came to be abused in the
hands of law enforcement officials. TADA lapsed in 1995.
This law was specifically made to deal with rising organized crime in Maharashtra and specially in Mumbai
due to the underworld. The definition of a terrorist act is very stretchable in MCOCA. MCOCA not only
mentions organized crime, but also includes `promotion of insurgency' as a terrorist act. Under the
Maharashtra law a person is presumed guilty unless he is able to prove his innocence. MCOCA does not
stipulate prosecution of police officers found guilty of its misuse.
In wake of the 1999 IC-814 hijack and 2001 Parliament attack, there was a clamour for a more stringent anti-
terror law, which came in the form of The Prevention of Terrorism Act (POTA). When it was introduced and
it had widespread opposition not even in the Indian parliament but throughout India especially with the
human rights organization because they thought that the act violated most of the fundamental rights
provided in the Indian constitution. The protagonists of the Act have, however, hailed the legislation on the
ground that it has been effective in ensuring the speedy trial of those accused of indulging in or abetting
terrorism. POTA was envisaged as useful in stemming "state-sponsored cross-border terrorism". The act
replaced the Prevention of Terrorism Ordinance (POTO) of 2001 and the Terrorist and Disruptive Activities
(Prevention) Act (1985-95). The act provided the legal framework to strengthen administrative rights to fight
terrorism within the country of India and was to be applied against any person. The act defined what a
terrorist act and a terrorist is and grants special powers to the investigating authorities described under the
act. To ensure certain powers were not misused and human rights violations would not take place, specific
safeguards were built into the act. Under the law detention of a suspect for up to 180 days without the filing
of charges in court was permitted. It also allowed law enforcement agencies to withhold the identities of
witnesses and treat a confession made to the police as an admission of guilt. Under regular Indian law, a
person can deny such confessions in court, but not under POTA. Once the Act became law there surfaced
many reports of the law being grossly abused. Claims emerged that POTA legislation contributed to
corruption within the Indian police and judicial system. Human rights and civil liberty groups fought against
it. The use of the Act became one of the issues during the 2004 election. The United Progressive Alliance
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government of India committed to repealing the act as part of their campaigning and finally it was repealed
in 2004 after UPA came in Power and its features were incorporated in UAPA.
In 2008, the government again geared up to make the law more stringent to fight terrorism in a more
effective manner. The Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Amendment Bill introduced in 2008 aimed at
strengthening the arrangements for speedy investigation, prosecution and trial of cases related terrorism
while at the same time guarding against any possible misuse of such provisions.
In 2010, India joined the Financial Action Task Force (FATF). FATF is an intergovernmental body seeking to
fight money-laundering and terrorist financing. Therefore, to comply with FATF’s policy UAPA was again
amended in 2012.
SIGNIFICANT PROVISIONS OF THE UAPA CAME INTO LIGHT AFTER THE ARREST OF FIVE
MAHARASHTRIAN ACTIVISTS IN THE WAKE OF BHIMA KOREGAON VIOLENCE
Section 10 - section 10 as amended by the Amending Act of 2004, provides that if any person from the
association after being declared as unlawful under this Act, continues to be a member thereof, takes part in
its meetings, makes contribution of any kind for its purposes or otherwise acted in the manner as provided
under the provision, then he should be held guilty under the Act, and punishment can extend to life
imprisonment and should not be below 5 years imprisonment along with fine. Similarly, the punishment for
dealing with funds of the unlawful association is upto 3 years imprisonment and fine also.
Section 15 - Section 15 of the Act defines the terrorist act as an act done with intent to threaten or likely to
threaten the unity, integrity, security, etc. of India by using various destructive substances provide under the
provision. The punishment for such acts, is death penalty, if the same results in death of any persons and in
other cases, the punishment can extend to life imprisonment and minimum 5 years punishment is given.
Similarly, there are different punishments provided for other relevant terrorist acts.
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2. “Terrorism is emerging as a competitive industry over the last few decades.” Analyse the above statement.
UPSC 2016
3. The scourge of terrorism is a grave challenge to national security. What solutions do you suggest to curb
this growing menace? What are the major sources of terrorist funding?
UPSC 2017
4. Indian Government has recently strengthened the anti-terrorism laws by amending the unlawful Activities
(Prevention) Act (UAPA), 1967 and the NIA act. Analyse the changes in the context of prevailing security
environment while discussing the scope and reasons for opposing the UAPA by human rights organizations.
UPSC 2019
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MONEY LAUNDERING
India is extensively gripped under crime of money laundering. Money laundering is usually used by criminals
to hide money made through illegal act. It is the process by which huge amount of money obtained
unlawfully, from drug trafficking, terrorist activity or other severe crimes and push it into formal economy
by banking channels through complex transactions so that the original source of money could not be traced.
Money laundering has an unfavourable impact on economy and political steadiness of nation. It is necessary
that all nations of the world must jointly device policies and adopt measures to curb act of money laundering
by resorting to forceful enforcement of law.
Money laundering fulfils the ambitions of the drug trafficker, the terrorist, the organized criminal, the
insider dealer, the tax evader as well as the many other groups who need to avoid the kind of attention from
the authorities that unexpected prosperity comes from illegal acts.
Money laundering is designated as the source of illegally obtained funds covered through a series of transfers
and deals in order that those same funds can eventually be made to appear as legitimate income.
According to Interpol General Secretariat Assembly in 1995, money laundering is any act or attempted act
to conceal or disguise the identity of illegally obtained proceeds so that they appear to have originated from
legitimate sources.
PMLA defines money laundering as, “whosoever directly or indirectly attempts to indulge, or knowingly
assists or knowingly is a party, or is actually involved in any process or activity connected with the proceeds
of crime and projecting it as untainted property shall be guilty of the offence of money laundering.”
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1. PLACEMENT: Money laundering activities is usually generated from cash intensive business, large
amount of cash or hard currency and grown from illegal activities such as sale of drugs, illegal firearms,
prostitution or human trafficking. Currencies gained from this cycle need to be disposed of immediately by
the launderer, so they go as far as depositing it back in financial institutions, spending in retail economy,
and involvement in a business or acquisition of an expensive property/asset or smuggled out of the
country. The launderer's intention in this stage is to eliminate the cash from the place of possession so as to
escape any form of detection from the authorities and to transform it to other form of assets such as
travellers' cheques.
2. LAYERING: In this stage, the launderer tries to hide or disguise the origin of the funds by creating
complicated layers of financial transactions designed to cover the audit trail and conceal it. The aim of
layering is to separate the illegal duties from the source of the crime, layers upon layers of transactions are
created, moving illegal funds between accounts or business, or buying and selling assets on a local and
international basis until the original source of the money is undetectable.
3. INTEGRATION: After the layering stage, illegal funds are taken back into the financial system as
payments for services rendered. Making the launderer feel fulfilled by making the funds appear to be legally
earned. Illegal funds are returned to the economy and disguised as genuine income.
The process of globalization and advancements of the communications have made crime increasingly
international in scope, and the financial aspects of crime have become more complex due to technology
enhancement. The huge expansion of international banks all over the world has facilitated the transmission
and the disguising of the origin of funds. This may have shocking social consequences and poses a threat to
the security of any nation at large or small scale. It offers immense facilities for drug dealers, terrorists, illegal
arms dealers, corrupt public officials and all types of criminals to operate and increase their criminal
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activities. Laundering enables criminal activity to continue. Money laundering causes an alteration of
resources to less productive areas of the economy which in turn decreases economic development. If
security authorities and government ignore this crime, there will be serious consequences on social and
political development of nation. The economic and political influence of criminal organizations can
deteriorate the social fabric, collective ethical standards, and eventually the democratic institutions of
civilization.
1. Undermining of the integrity of financial markets and economic distortion and instability.
4. Volatility in exchange rates and interest rates due to unanticipated transfers of funds.
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5. THE PREVENTION OF MONEY LAUNDERING ACT (PMLA), 2002, SUBSEQUENTLY AMENDED IN 2008 AND
2012,
Defines money laundering as, “whosoever directly or indirectly attempts to indulge, or knowingly assists or
knowingly is a party, or is actually involved in any process or activity connected with the proceeds of crime
and projecting it as untainted property shall be guilty of the offence of money laundering.” Government has
recently amended the Prevention of Money-laundering Act, 2002 through Finance Act, 2018.
1. ENFORCEMENT DIRECTORATE for investigation and prosecution of cases under the PML.
2. FINANCIAL INTELLIGENCE UNIT – INDIA for receiving, processing, analysing and disseminating information
relating to suspect financial transactions as well as for coordinating and strengthening efforts of national and
international intelligence, investigation and enforcement agencies against money laundering.
1. Rapid advancements in digital technology: The enforcement agencies are not able to match up with the
speed of growing technologies which enables money launderers to obscure the origin of proceeds of crimes
by cyber finance techniques.
2. Non-fulfilment of the purpose of KYC Norms: Increasing competition in the market is forcing the Banks
to lower their guards and thus facilitating the money launderers to make illicit use of it in furtherance of
their crime.
3. Lack of comprehensive enforcement agencies: The offence of money laundering is borderless and has
expanded its scope to many different areas of operation. In India, there are separate wings of law
enforcement agencies dealing with money laundering, terrorist crimes, economic offences etc. and they lack
convergence among themselves.
4. Tax Heaven Countries: They have long been associated with money laundering because their strict
financial secrecy laws allow the creation of anonymous accounts while prohibiting the disclosure of
financial information.
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The battle against the Armed Forces Special Powers Act is a long and bitter one. On August 15, 1942, Lord
Linlithgow, the viceroy of India, promulgated the Armed Forces Special Powers (Ordinance) to suppress the
Quit India Movement. A few years after independence India faced its first insurgency in Naga districts of
Assam, along the Burmese border. In 1954, the Nagas began an insurgency for independence. India
responded by sending in thousands of Indian army soldiers and paramilitary men from the Assam Rifles to
crush the rebellion. To further arm the counterinsurgents and provide them with legal protection, Nehru’s
government passed the Armed Forces Special Powers Act (1958) in the Indian parliament. In 1964, a
separatist militant group seeking independence from India, the United National Liberation Front, was
formed in Manipur. India reacted to the centrifugal force by granting statehood to Manipur in 1972, which
brought an elected local government and greater financial resources. A few years later, inspired by Maoist
ideas, some Manipuri rebels travelled to Lhasa and, with Chinese support, formed an insurgent group, the
People’s Liberation Army, which sought Manipuri independence. Several smaller insurgent groups came
into being. India responded by declaring Manipur a “disturbed area” and imposed the Armed Forces Special
Powers Act in late 1980. A brutal cycle of insurgency and counterinsurgency has continued ever since,
claiming several thousand lives.
Presently, AFSPA, 1958 is operational in entire States of Assam, Nagaland, Manipur (except Imphal
Municipal area), three districts namely Tirap, Changlang and Longding of Arunachal Pradesh and the areas
falling within the jurisdiction of the eight police stations in the districts of Arunachal Pradesh, bordering the
State of Assam.
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The AFSPA comes into effect only after the government declares a State, or parts of it, as disturbed. In
effect, this means that in the disturbed area, the normal functioning of the government has broken down.
Governor of the State and Central Government are empowered to declare any part or full of any state as
disturbed area if it is in their opinion that it is necessary to prevent terrorist activity or any such activity that
might disrupt the sovereignty of India or cause insult to the national flag, anthem or India’s Constitution.
And that is why the army is brought in to restore normalcy. Principally in a democracy the army must be
employed for a limited period and its deployment cannot be prolonged indefinitely. Unfortunately, it is just
the opposite in practice and districts and states continue to be ‘disturbed’ for years and even for decades.
Even a State like Nagaland, continues to be designated as, disturbed, despite the fact that hostilities have
been suspended for over a decade and no security personnel have been killed in this period. This, therefore,
is only an excuse for poor governance, and the failure of the Central and State governments to enforce law
and order and provide security to the local population.
Administrative failures have time and again contributed to insurgencies in the past. Once they have
erupted, the local functionaries and the police forces have proved inadequate in coping with them. As a
result, the states are simply forced to turn to central paramilitary forces or the army for protection of life
and property. The affected states have simply failed to make capital out of the “peace dividend”
delivered by the security forces. This has often resulted in their extended presence with no signs at all of
return to normalcy.
THE DEBATE
The strongest opposition has come from J&K and Manipur, where the AFSPA is seen as a major stumbling
block in the way of peace and reconciliation in the region. On the other hand, the army, perceives it is an
essential enabling mechanism, to not only ensure peace and security in the state, but also to defeat the
proxy war aims of Pakistan.
In the given circumstances, the Security Forces’ perspective can be argued at three broad levels:
a. The administrative necessity of the Act - The annulment of the law and the resultant lack of security
cover would adversely affect the governance and development capacities in the insurgency affected
states, and the eventual redress of local grievances.
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b. Its Relevance at the tactical level - It would motivate the insurgent leadership, field cadres and their
over ground supporters to engage in reckless damage to public life and property. It may well result in
a security situation which slides beyond redemption, necessitating major political compromise. In cases
of hot pursuit could well take troops from areas where the law is in force to where it may have been revoked,
thus leading to legal complications, as well as allowing terrorists to create safe havens for themselves. The
army has its military establishments, intelligence set-up and even convoys that pass-through areas where
AFSPA is not operative. Therefore, the security of both men and material require the legal safeguards and
operational powers of AFSPA.
c. National Security - The risks of dilution in terms of undermining national security. India is fighting a
proxy war in the state and, therefore, AFSPA enables the security forces to fight both external and externally-
abetted forces that threaten not only the security of the state but also of the country. The army, in its security
assessment, sees a rise in terrorist violence in the coming years, given the availability of trained and willing
terrorist cadres in Pakistan, who are more over likely to increasingly turn their attention towards India after
the de-induction of US-led forces in Afghanistan. Under these circumstances, the army feels that once AFSPA
is revoked, political compulsions will not allow its re-introduction even if the situation in the state worsens.
Section 5 of the Act mandates that arrested civilians must be handed over to the nearest police station 'with
the least possible delay' along with a report of 'circumstances occasioning the arrest.' Army HQ has laid down
that all suspects who are arrested will be handed over to civilian authorities within 24 hours. Regarding
firing on civilians, the army's instructions are that fire may be opened in towns and villages only in self-
defence and that too when the source of terrorist or militant fire can be clearly identified.
The Army has undertaken a large number of Military Civic Action Programmes aimed at ‘Winning the Hearts
and Minds’ of the people in Jammu and Kashmir and North Eastern States. The measures include reducing
the visibility of personnel and convoys on roads during the day, ‘Jee Janab’ (Cultural Sensitivity) and ‘Awam
Aur Jawan, Aman Hai Mukam’. Operation Sadbhavna was designed, managed and financed by the security
forces for providing education and healthcare facilities in North East and Jammu and Kashmir.
The principal articles of the Act, namely 4(a), 4(b), 4(c) and 4(d) empower the armed forces to
undertake counter insurgent operations at the tactical level.
Section 4(a) authorises any officer, commissioned and non-commissioned, to use force for maintenance
of public order.
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Section 4(b) empowers the forces to destroy a fortified position, cache or an arms dump.
Section 4(c) empowers the arrest, without warrant, of a person who has committed a cognisable
offence, but with the caveat (stated under Section 5) that the individual be handed over to the local
police at the earliest possible opportunity; and
Section 4(d) permits search, without warrant, of suspected premises to recover arms, ammunition and
explosive substances.
They also object to Section 6, which protects security forces personnel from prosecution except with the
prior sanction of the central government. Critics say this provision has on many occasions led to even non-
commissioned officers brazenly opening fire on crowds without having to justify their action.
The power to shoot to the extent of causing death, and search without warrant are in contravention to the
Article 21 of the constitution, the right to life, which forms the foundation of all other fundamental rights. If
the law has to be retained, it must be changed “in full conformity with the principles of its functioning,
including the principles of CrPC, laid down by the Supreme Court.
The act has not been able to contain insurgency and maintain law and order in the disturbed regions. When
it was imposed in the north east there was few insurgent groups but today there are more than two dozen
groups operating in the north east. In addition to this there has been rise in the number of civilians killed by
the forces. Grave human right violations have actually helped the insurgents to mobilize the people against
the government. AFSPA has further intensified the demand for autonomy by the people leading to increase
in agitations. This gives rise to a vicious circle of continuing law for indefinite period.
The constitutional validity of the law was challenged in the Supreme Court in where the Supreme Court
upheld the constitutionality of the law and made some notable conclusions such as - Although Central
Government is empowered to declare an area disturbed on its own, it is desirable that it consults the state
before making such declaration. The declaration should be for a limited duration and there should be
periodic review at 6 months.
Over the years, demands for justice in extra-judicial killings and rapes – such as the torture, rape, and murder
in 2004 of 34-year-old Thangjam Manorama by soldiers of the Assam Rifles – have triggered dramatic
protests and snowballed into mass campaigns. Irom Sharmila, for instance, has been on a hunger strike since
2000 to press for AFSPA’s repeal. On July 14, 2004 a dozen naked women protested in front of the Assam
Rifles headquarters at Kangla Fort, Imphal, daring the soldiers to come out and rape them. The wave of
protests in 2004 forced the then United Progressive Alliance government to set up the Justice Jeevan Reddy
Committee in 2005 to review AFSPA and make recommendations. Describing AFSPA as “a symbol of
oppression, an object of hate and an instrument of discrimination and high-handedness,” the Reddy
Committee suggested it be repealed.
Justice B P Jeevan Reddy committee was appointed in 2004 to review the provisions of the act in the north
eastern states. This committee recommended that the AFSPA should be repealed and its appropriate
provisions should be included in the UAPA. Further, the powers of the army / paramilitary officers should
be clearly demarcated. Moreover, the committee recommended that grievance cells should be created in
each district where such law is in force. The report was endorsed by the 2nd ARC report also. But since the
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conditions of the North East have not improved, the committee report was junked by the Central
Government.
The Supreme Court had constituted the Santosh Hedge Committee to investigate six separate cases of
possible AFSPA abuse in Manipur. According to the report of the committee, five out of six killings were
encounters fabricated by both the Assam Rifles and the Manipur Police. The committee also reported the
use of disproportionate force and intrusion of security forces in areas which are not notified as disturbed
areas. Even the local police was found to be encroaching its domain in using lethal force thus misusing the
immunity granted to security forces.
Supreme Court gave a ruling on a PIL filed by Extra Judicial Execution Victim Families Association alleging
1,528 fake encounter deaths in Manipur. In a landmark judgment, the Supreme Court said the largescale
killings in Manipur in the guise of self-defence while dealing with insurgency or militants was unacceptable.
It said if members of the armed forces are deployed and employed to kill citizens of the country on the mere
allegation or suspicion that they are the ‘enemy’, not only the rule of law but also democracy would be in
grave danger. The court held that the army or Manipur police cannot use excessive force under the
provisions of the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act (AFSPA) or the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act to
deal with militants or insurgency. If any death was unjustified, there is no blanket immunity available to the
perpetrator(s) of the offence. No one can act with impunity, particularly when there is a loss of an innocent
life.
The bench said to say that this would have a demoralising impact on security forces is certainly one way of
looking at it, but from the point of view of a citizen, living under the shadow of a gun that can be wielded
with impunity is equally unsettling and demoralising, particularly in a constitutional democracy like ours. It
said therefore, even while dealing with the ‘enemy’, the rule of law would apply. If there have been excesses
beyond the call of duty, those members of the Manipur police or the armed forces who have committed the
excesses would be liable to be proceeded against in a court of law, and not necessarily by the army in court
martial proceedings. If such a blanket proposition were accepted, it would reflect poorly on our armed forces
that they are unable to effectively tackle a war-like situation for the last almost six decades. It would also
reflect poorly on the Union of India, as unable to resort to available constitutional provisions and measures
to bring a war-like situation under control.
WAY AHEAD
Extraordinary situations require special handling. As the army does not have any police powers under the
Constitution, it is in the national interest to give it special powers for operational purposes when it is called
upon to undertake counter-insurgency operations in disturbed areas. Without these powers, commanding
officers and young company commanders are likely to follow a wait-and-watch approach rather than actively
pursue hardcore terrorists with enthusiasm and risk being embroiled in long-drawn litigation, which may be
based on false allegations. On its part, the army must make it mandatory for its battalions to take police
personnel and village elders along for operations which involve the search of civilian homes and the seizure
of private property. The practical problems encountered in ensuring transparency in counter-insurgency
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operations must be overcome by innovative measures. The army must be completely transparent in
investigating allegations of violations of human rights and bringing the violators to speedy justice.
Exemplary punishment must be meted out where the charges are proved.
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CYBER SECURITY
CYBER SPACE
A global domain within the information environment consisting of the interdependent network of
information technology infrastructures, including the Internet, telecommunications networks, computer
systems, and embedded processors and controllers. Cyberspace is the connected Internet Ecosystem.
Unlike the physical world that is limited by geographical boundaries in space—land, sea, river waters, and
air—cyberspace can and is continuing to expand. Increased Internet penetration is leading to growth of
cyberspace, since its size is proportional to the activities that are carried through it.
CYBER WARFARE
Cyber warfare can be defined as “actions by a nation-state to penetrate another nation’s computers or
networks for the purposes of causing damage or disruption”. In short, cyber war is to be referred to as the
ensemble of offensive activities carried out in the cyber space by one or more states against another state
or another non-state entity possessing international subjectivity.
RECENT EXAMPLE - Similarly in 2014, Sony Pictures Entertainment became the target of the biggest cyber-
attack in US corporate history, linked to its release of North Korea satire "The Interview", hated by
Pyongyang.
In 2010 Iran was attacked by the Stuxnet worm, thought to specifically target its Natanz nuclear enrichment
facility. The worm is said to be the most advanced piece of malware ever discovered and significantly
increases the profile of cyber warfare.
CYBER ESPIONAGE
It refers to the penetration of adversary computers and networks to obtain information for intelligence
purposes; this is espionage, not a destructive activity.
RECENT EXAMPLE - The Defence, Law and Home Ministry on Friday were reportedly hacked in 2018 at one
go and the "possibility of sensitive data being leaked can't be ruled out," Somebody has hacked the websites
after compromising the authentication details.
In 2008, cyber spy network, dubbed Ghost Net, using servers mainly based in China has tapped into classified
documents from government and private organizations in 103 countries, including the computers of Tibetan
exiles, but China denies the claim.
In 2007 United States government suffered an “an espionage Pearl Harbour” in which an “unknown foreign
power broke into all of the high tech agencies, all of the military agencies, and downloaded terabytes of
information.
The US whistle-blower Edward Snowden, giving details about the US National Security Agency’s
controversial Prism programme. The US, clearly has been monitoring the global e-traffic covertly and
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in the process checking on cyber activities on Google, You Tube, Skype, Facebook, etc. The US
administration has been spoofing on the rest of the world.
CYBER TERRORISM
Cyber terrorism is referred to as the use of the net by terrorist organizations for propaganda, detraction,
or affiliation purposes or to put out of order critical transmission points of structures or processes related to
national security. Therefore, cyber terrorism is an offensive activity, carried out in the cyber space by a
terrorist group to cause damage to a state or another non-state entity possessing international subjectivity,
which, besides causing physical damage, can cause negative psychological effects.
CYBER CRIME
The expression “cybercrime” is used to refer to the ensemble of the threats by criminal or transnational
organizations, which take advantage of the cyber-space for offences such as fraud, identity theft,
embezzlement of information, creations or intellectual property. Cybercrime activities are offensive
operations, and are carried out in the cyber space to the detriment of single individuals or an organized
group (state, company, etc.). The foremost purpose in cybercrime activities is to obtain an economic
advantage.
RECENT EXAMPLE – WannaCry, a crypto-ransomware affected at least 200,000 computers in 150 countries,
including India, described as the largest ever of its kind. The WanaCrypt encrypts data on a computer within
seconds and displays a message asking the user to pay a ransom of $ 300 in Bitcoins to restore access to the
device and the data inside. Alarmingly, the attack also hit the National Health Service of the United Kingdom,
stalling surgeries and other critical patient care activity across the British Isles, and making confidential
patient information and documents inaccessible. This ransomware has held out a stark warning about the
vulnerabilities of our digital, inter-connected, existence.
There are many types of malware that affect a computer, ranging from those that steal your information to
those that just delete everything on the device. Ransomware, as the name suggests, prevents users from
accessing their devices and data until a certain ransom is paid to its creator. Ransomware usually locks
computers, encrypts the data on it and prevents software and apps from running.
CYBER SECURITY
Cyber security comprises technologies, processes and controls that are designed to protect systems,
networks and data from cyber-attacks. Effective cyber security reduces the risk of cyber-attacks, and
protects organisations and individuals from the unauthorised exploitation of systems, networks and
technologies.
Cyber Security is a set of activities and other measures, technical and non-technical, intended to protect
computers, computer networks, related hardware and devices software, and the information they contain
and communicate, including software and data, as well as other elements of cyberspace, from all threats,
including threats to the national security.
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4. For the success of government initiatives like Digital India, Make in India and Smart Cities and e-
governance at large.
With the growing adoption of the Internet and smart-phones, India has emerged “as one of the soft target
country among cyber criminals”. India remains vulnerable to digital intrusions such as cyber-espionage,
cybercrime, online radicalization and threat to critical infrastructure such as nuclear plants, railways,
transportation or hospitals that can subsequently lead to dire consequences. According to NITI Ayog there
will be 730 million internet user in India by 2020
The Cyber Security Policy aims at protection of information infrastructure in cyberspace, reduce
vulnerabilities, build capabilities to prevent and respond to cyber threats and minimize damage from
cyber incidents through a combination of institutional structures, people, process, technology and
cooperation.
The objective of this policy in broad terms is to create a secure cyberspace ecosystem and strengthen
the regulatory framework. A National and sectoral 24X7 mechanism has been envisaged to deal with
cyber threats through National Critical Information Infrastructure Protection Centre (NCIIPC).
Computer Emergency Response Team (CERT-In) has been designated to act as a nodal agency for
coordination of crisis management efforts. CERT-In will also act as umbrella organization for
coordination actions and operationalization of sectoral CERTs.
A mechanism is proposed to be evolved for obtaining strategic information regarding threats to
information and communication technology (ICT) infrastructure, creating scenarios of response,
resolution and crisis management through effective predictive, prevention, response and recovery
action.
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The policy calls for effective public and private partnership and collaborative engagements through
technical and operational cooperation. The stress on public-private partnership is critical to tackling
cyber threats through proactive measures and adoption of best practices.
Emphasis on the promotion of research and development in cyber security. Research and
development of trustworthy systems and their testing, collaboration with industry and academia
The policy also calls for developing human resource through education and training programmes,
establishing cyber security training infrastructure through public private partnership and to establish
institutional mechanisms for capacity building for law enforcement agencies. Creating a workforce
of 500,000 professionals trained in cyber security in the next 5 years is also envisaged in the policy
through skill development and training.
The policy plans to promote and launch a comprehensive national awareness programme on
security of cyberspace through cyber security workshops, seminars and certifications with a view to
develop awareness of the challenges of cyber security amongst citizens.
The policy document aims at encouraging all organizations whether public or private to designate a
person to serve as Chief Information Security Officer (CISO) who will be responsible for cyber
security initiatives. Organizations are required to develop their information security policies
The provisions to take care security risks emanating due to use of new technologies e.g.
Cloud Computing.
tackling the risks arising due to increased use of social networking sites by criminals and
anti-national elements
There is also a need to incorporate cybercrime tracking, cyber forensic capacity building
and creation of a platform for sharing and analysis of information between public and
private sectors on continuous basis.
Big data analytics -It is the process of collecting, organizing and analysing large sets of
data (big data) to discover useful information.
Air gapping - Air gapping is a security measure that involves isolating a computer or
network and preventing it from establishing an external connection. An air gapped
computer is physically segregated and incapable of connecting wirelessly or physically
with other computers or network devices
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DATA SECURITY
Digitised and hyper-connected critical infrastructure improves efficiency and responsiveness, and allows
for data driven decision-making. The road to development, democracy, freedom, poverty eradication and
education ran through technology, and more precisely through the digitalisation of societies.
As technological inter-connectivity have been tremendously increasing with the emergence of smart phones,
more sophisticated mobile computing, and the use of biometric data in the case of Aadhar have concerns
over privacy and security. The biggest challenges to the privacy in the digital age revolve around the
transmission of personal data. Data collection has become an inexorable part of daily life, prevailing during
each and every electronic transaction. The increase in smart infrastructure is demonstrating the need for
well-planned security features. Protecting the cyber integrity of critical infrastructure, such as energy grids,
power-plants, banking and financial sectors and traffic-control and navigation functions will be one of the
National cardinal challenges in the fore-coming years.
For nearly a decade, the relationship between individuals and technology companies was quite simple: data
was exchanged in return for services that were often free. Digital ecosystems thrived on the free flow of
data, and millions of people started thinking that this was the norm. With the advent of social media and its
tremendous impact in our lives, information today is circulated at the speed of light. Facebook’s system
processes 2.5 billion pieces of content and 500+ terabytes of data each day.
Recent Cases of Data Misuse - Hundreds of companies like Cambridge Analytica are trying to influence
and change our thinking and our behaviours today and capable of influencing electoral outcomes. As
consumers, we are rarely mindful about what we’re consuming on social media. Big data has uses in
business, policy, and behaviour and strategy intelligence.
Paytm, India’s most popular mobile wallet has been at the centre of controversy after becoming the target
of a sting operation by COBRAPOST, in which a senior vice-president of Paytm on camera claiming that
the company handed over the data of its users on receiving a call from the Prime Minister’s Office in the
aftermath of stone-pelting incidents in Kashmir last year.
Data Protection refers to the set of privacy laws, policies and procedures that aim to minimise intrusion into
one's privacy caused by the collection, storage and dissemination of personal data. Personal data generally
refers to the information or data which relate to a person who can be identified from that information or
data whether collected by any Government or any private organization or an agency.
The Constitution of India does not patently grant the fundamental right to privacy. However, the courts have
read the right to privacy into the other existing fundamental rights, ie, freedom of speech and expression
under Art 19(1) (a) and right to life and personal liberty under Art 21 of the Constitution of India.
India presently does not have any express legislation governing data protection or privacy. However, the
relevant laws in India dealing with data protection are the Information Technology Act, 2000. It deals with
the issues relating to payment of compensation (Civil) and punishment (Criminal) in case of wrongful
disclosure and misuse of personal data and violation of contractual terms in respect of personal data. Under
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section 43A of the (Indian) Information Technology Act, 2000, a body corporate who is possessing, dealing
or handling any sensitive personal data or information, and is negligent in implementing and maintaining
reasonable security practices resulting in wrongful loss or wrongful gain to any person, then such body
corporate may be held liable to pay damages to the person so affected.
In 2016, the Observer Research Foundation in partnership with the Sardar Patel University of Police, Security
and Criminal Justice (SPUP) organised a two-day training workshop on cyber security for Indian law
enforcement agencies (LEAs) in Jaipur, Rajasthan. The workshop aimed to familiarise LEAs with
contemporary challenges in cyber security investigations. It also sought to clarify issues of network security
to help LEAs in keeping their data secure and protected from non-state actors and foreign intelligence
agencies. The workshop followed four tracks: Cyber laws, information security, and cyber espionage and
internet governance. Investigating and prosecuting cyber-crime requires an understanding of the legal
challenges unique to cyberspace. Crimes committed on the internet, for instance, throw up complex
jurisdictional questions requiring cross-border cooperation between law enforcement agencies.
The Justice B.N. Srikrishna Committee’s recommendations on data protection - A new Data Protection
Authority (DPA) is to be created as an “independent regulator” for monitoring, enforcement, standard
setting, adjudication and grievance handling. The committee also recommends that the Unique
Identification Authority of India (UIDAI), which has the mandate to issue Aadhaar and manage its database,
should also be given regulatory functions. Simultaneously, UIDAI will also become a data fiduciary regulated
by the proposed DPA because Data privacy leaks happen not within the UIDAI database, but in agencies like
banks or food distribution centres which are required by the law or by executive order to access the Aadhaar
base.
WAY AHEAD
In the age of digital data, these laws are not adequate and what India needs is an “omnibus” or horizontal
data protection law. Data protection law in India is currently facing many problem and resentments due the
absence of proper legislative framework. India being the largest host of outsourced data processing in the
world could become the epicentre of cybercrimes this is mainly due absence of the appropriate legislation.
Bringing in a legislation on the data protection in the country would protect individual privacy, ensure
autonomy, allows data flows for a growing data ecosystem.
It can create a free and fair digital economy where freedom is the enhancement of individual autonomy with
regard to personal data and fairness is the regulatory framework where this individual right is respected.
As India has an opportunity to build its data protection framework, it has two models to choose from: the
one adopted by the European Union, which is tilted towards privacy of individuals; or the second, the path
chosen by the US where innovation is given primacy over regulation.
1. Individual Consent: The proposed Bill makes individual consent the centrepiece of data sharing, awards
rights to users, imposes obligations on data fiduciaries (all those entities, including the State, which
determine purpose and means of data processing).
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o Consent will be a lawful basis for processing of personal data. However, the law will adopt a
modified consent framework thereby making the data fiduciary liable for harms caused to the
data principal.
o The Data Protection Bill also calls for privacy by design on part of data processors, and defines
terms like consent, data breach, sensitive data, etc.
o Right to be forgotten: It refers to the ability of individuals to limit, delink, delete, or correct the
disclosure of personal information on the internet that is misleading, embarrassing, irrelevant, or
anachronistic.
2. Data Protection Authority: The data protection law will set up a Data Protection Authority (DPA), which
will be an independent regulatory body responsible for the enforcement and effective implementation of
the law. The DPA shall perform the following primary functions:
o monitoring and enforcement
o legal affairs, policy and standard setting
o research and awareness
o inquiry, grievance handling and adjudication
3. Personal Data: The law will cover processing of personal data by both public and private entities. The
law will have jurisdiction over the processing of personal data if such data has been used, shared, disclosed,
collected or otherwise processed in India.
o The Bill has proposed that critical personal data of Indian citizens be processed in centres located
within the country.
o Sensitive personal data will include passwords, financial data, health data, official identifier, sex
life, sexual orientation, biometric and genetic data, and data that reveals transgender status,
intersex status, caste, tribe, religious or political beliefs or affiliations of an individual. However,
the DPA will be given the residuary power to notify further categories in accordance with the
criteria set by law.
o Additionally, personal data collected, used, shared, disclosed or otherwise processed by
companies incorporated under Indian law will be covered, irrespective of where it is actually
processed in India. However, the data protection law may empower the Central Government to
exempt such companies which only process the personal data of foreign nationals not present in
India.
4. Data Storage: The Bill lays out provisions on data storage, making it mandatory for a copy of personal
data to be stored in India.
Appellate Tribunal: The Central Government shall establish an appellate tribunal or grant powers to
an existing appellate tribunal to hear and dispose of any appeal against an order of the DPA.
Penalties: Penalties may be imposed for violations of the data protection law. The penalties imposed
would be an amount up to the fixed upper limit or a percentage of the total worldwide turnover of the
preceding financial year, whichever is higher.
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o The Committee has suggested a penalty of Rs. 15 crore or 4% of the total worldwide turnover of
any data collection/processing entity, for violating provisions. Failure to take prompt action on a
data security breach can attract up to Rs. 5 crore or 2% of turnover as a penalty.
o The penalties paid by violating entities in this case will be deposited to a Data Protection Fund,
which will, among other purposes, finance the functioning of the Data Protection Authority.
5. Obligations on Fiduciaries and rights to principles are the two underlying themes of the Bill.
o Obligations would include “purpose limitation” where data will be used only for clear, specific and
lawful purposes and “collection limitation” where only data necessary for the purpose would be
collected and be held as long as reasonably necessary for the purpose.
o The Bill lays out obligations for fiduciaries to ensure no harm to the user, with transparency and
security safeguards; a data protection impact assessment is embarked upon before new
technologies are introduced; data policies are audited by a data auditor; and they have data
protection officers.
o For data processors not present in India, the Act will apply to those carrying on business in India
or other activities such as profiling which could cause privacy harms to data principals in India.
The law will not have retrospective application and it will come into force in a structured and phased
manner.
6. Cross border data transfers of personal data, other than critical personal data, will be through model
contract clauses containing key obligations with the transferor being liable for harms caused to the
principal due to any violations committed by the transferee.
o Personal data determined to be critical will be subject to the requirement to process only in India
(there will be a prohibition against cross border transfer for such data).
2. Considering the threats cyberspace poses for the country, India needs a “Digital Armed Force” to prevent
crimes. Critically evaluate the National Cyber Security Policy, 2013 outlining the challenges perceived in its
effective implementation.
UPSC 2015
3. Discuss the potential threats of Cyber-attack and the security framework to prevent it.
UPSC 2017
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4. Data security has assumed significant importance in the digitized world due to rising cybercrimes. The
Justice B. N. Srikrishna Committee Report addresses issues related to data security. What, in your view, are
the strengths and weakness of the Report relating to protection of personal data in cyber space?
UPSC 2018
5. What is CyberDome Project? Explain how it can be useful in controlling internet crimes in India.
UPSC 2019
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