2 - Integration of Indigenous Groups
2 - Integration of Indigenous Groups
Assignment
Submitted by-
Petunia Fernandes
II BA (H) History
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position. ”The Persian nobles with the exception of Bairam Khan, Mirza Nija, and
Mirza Hasan were simply exalted scribes who could exercise but little influence on
state policies. But for the promotions received by a few (hardly three or four)
persons of Persian origin, the composition of the nobility remained unaltered
during the regime of Bairam Khan. But after Bairam Khan's fall the situation
gradually changed.” Between 1560 and 1575, things begin to alter as two new
groups i.e. the Rajputs and the Indian Muslims, also called the Shaikzadas (the
majority of whom belonged to the families living on madad-i-mash grants or
enjoying zamindari rights). At the same time, one can see the rise of the Persian
nobility to higher ranks. This ultimately led to the erosion of the Turani identity
and the erosion of the Chagatai notion of kingship which resulted in the evolution
of Akbar’s notion of kingship.
The Persians seem to have raised their rank in the nobility because of their absence
from not staging any revolt other than the temporary desertion by Asaf Khan in
1565-1566. Even the non-Turani nobles did not stage a revolt. The biggest
rebellion faced by Akbar is perhaps that of the Uzbeks led by Ali Quli Khan and
his brothers. All of these reasons show how Akbar started leaning on the Persians
for support due to which their rank in the nobility improved between the years
1562 and 1567.
It can be said without doubt that with the accession of Akbar to the throne, the
recruitment of the Rajputs and the Shaikhzadas increased in order to dilute the
influence of the Turani nobles and to garner support for himself. This is because
when one of the groups out of the two that he had inherited had revolted, he had to
depend on the other. Therefore, to create a more lasting equilibrium, he decided to
recruit other racial groups into his nobility. His choice was mainly limited to the
Rajputs, the Shaikhzadas and the Afghans. The Afghans, he barely trusted because
they had seized political power from the Mughals before, he chose the Rajputs
above them.
There are various reasons given for this leaning of Akbar towards the Rajputs. At
the time of Akbar’s accession, the influence exerted by these chieftains was so
powerful that Akbar had to control them in order to ensure his own stability and to
increase his own strength. Other than that, Rajputana was strategically located. The
Aravalllis provided a natural barrier. Also, it was important not to have an enemy
in such close proximity. Also, it was the gateway to Sindh and a passageway to the
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Western Coast. The Rajputs were also known for their military strength. The fact
that Rajputana contained a number of formidable forts, legendary for their capacity
to withstand sieges, such as Chittor and Ranthambore further enhanced their
strategic importance. Moreover, they could also act as links between the Emperor
and the indigenous population, majority of who were Hindus and looked upon the
Mughals as foreigners. From an economic point of view, since these local
chieftains were well versed with the existing conditions in their locality, with the
culture and language of the people and would be more acceptable in their eyes,
they could serve to be important arms of the Mughal Revenue Administration and
ensure the efficient and full collection of revenue.
If Akbar had his own reasons to win the Rajputs over, then the Rajputs too had
their own reasons to accept the over lordship of the Mughal Emperor. The
Mansabdari System was one very important reason for the Rajputs to enter into an
alliance with the Mughals. The Rajput nobles were given high mansabs. The
Ain-i-Akbari mentions list names of 24 mansabdars. Raja Bhar Mal and his son
and successor Bhagwan Das Kachawaha of Amber were given the status of 5000
mansabs. Towards the end of Akbar's reign, Raja Man Singh Kachawaha had
earned the status of 7000 zat and 7000 sawar. Also the Mughal state did not
interfere in the administration of the Rajput Ranas. They were given watan jagirs
which was hereditary and not transferrable. It does not take away their territory but
it retained them and the Mughal state was the protector of the smaller or minor
states.
Apart from the mansabdars and jagirdars, there were some chieftains who were
seen as peshkashi or tributary chieftains. They were not granted mansabs but were
expected to render military service to the Mughals but usually in their respective
regions or in the bordering subas. The tributary chiefs included the chiefs of
Rajauri, Kangra, Jammu, Guler, Kharagpur, Nawanagar etc. Refusal to render
military service amounted to defiance of the Mughal authority and was treated by
the latter as rebellion. Hence, severe action was taken against these chiefs in such
situations. Besides military service, these chiefs also had to send a tribute or
peshkash to the Emperor as a sign of subservience to him. Keeping this in mind, an
important way for the Emperor to keep a check on these chieftains was to decide
the amount of peshkash that needed to be paid.
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Another way through which Akbar commanded the subservience of these
chieftains was through the system of paying personal homage to the Emperor or a
Mughal prince. Such homage was usually required at the time of the chief’s
submission. But even otherwise, whenever the emperor, a prince, or a Mughal
commander passed through the environs of the territory of a chief, personal
homage by the chief to the Mughals was greatly insisted upon by Akbar. However,
this was something that was considered derogatory by certain chiefs and hence,
became a major source of conflict between them and the Mughals. The most
prominent example in this case is that of Rana Pratap of Mewar, the only Rajput
state to have not submitted to Mughal suzerainty. According to some scholars, the
Rana would have probably accepted the Mughal over lordship had it not been for
Akbar’s insistence on personal homage from the Rana himself, something that the
latter was vehemently opposed to. Similarly, the insistence on homage seems to
have severed the Mughal relations with a number of other chiefs like that of Bhatta
and Adam Khan Gakkhar.
The integration of the Rajputs by Akbar took place in three phases, described by
Satish Chandra, are as follows:
The first phase (1556-1567) constituted when some of the Rajputs accepted
Mughal suzerainty and were expected to perform military service in and outside
their own areas. As mentioned above, this phase is marked by the rebellions carried
out by the Uzbeks and the Turanis which made Akbar depend on the Rajputs to a
large extent. He entered into matrimonial alliances that solidified his relations with
the Rajputs. In 1562, Akbar entered into relations with the Kachawaha ruler
Bharamal of Amber, who offered his daughter Bai Harkha to Akbar. At the time,
the Kachawahas were a minor Rajput clan who felt that they would be able to rise
to the position of leading nobles in the Mughal court. Akbar also adopted liberal
measures during this period. In the 1560s, Akbar tried to attract the Rajputs by
putting forward liberal measures like the abolition of the Pilgrimage tax and Jaziya
between 1562 and 1564. However despite these measures, it didn’t lead to an
alliance with other Rajput states or create an atmosphere of total peace between the
Mughals and the Rajputs. This formed the background for the second phase of
Akbar’s policy towards the Rajputs.
The second phase (1568-1580) is when relations with the Rajputs are further
solidified. Akbar, during this period employed forceful persuasion. Though he used
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force to make some of the Rajputs accept his alliance, he preferred more peaceful
ways to make them accept his alliance. The more violent campaigns of Akbar
against the Rajputs include that of his campaign against Rana Uday Singh of
Mewar because if Mewar accepted Mughal suzerainty, so would the smaller states
as Mewar was few of the only states who had not accepted the over lordship of
Akbar. The second of his campaigns was that against Chittor in 1567 which was
seen by many as a jihad and which led to the submission of other states such as
Ranthambore in 1569 and Jodhpur, Bikaner and Jaisalmer in 1570. The third is the
campaign against Rana Pratap as mentioned above.
The Third Phase (1580 to the end of Akbar’s reign) marks the maturation of
Akbar’s relations with the Rajputs. In 1580, Akbar faced a Turani revolt in Bengal
and Bihar. The Turanis were supported by Akbar’s half-brother Mirza Hakim. The
rebellion led Akbar to promote Rajputs in large numbers and they were deployed in
the battle. They emerged as the support arm of the Mughal state and began to be
accorded important administrative assignments. Thus from allies they now
emerged as partners in the kingdom.
The Rajputs proved to be extremely loyal to the point where they even sacrificed
their lives for their overlord and in return Akbar treated them at par with other
nobility and his Rajput wives were given full freedom in the harem to follow their
own religion.
If the Rajputs were loyal then there were some like the chiefs of Punjab, Sirohi,
Banswara, Kutch, Junagarh and Nawanagar among others who had been mostly
lukewarm in their loyalty to the emperor. In some cases like that of Punjab, the
geographical distance between the seat of the Mughal throne and the centre of the
chief’s power encouraged the latter to frequently defy the imperial authority. It is
important to note that in most cases it was the successors of the rulers, who had
already submitted to Akbar, who rose up in rebellion.
The emergence of the Indian Muslims as an important section of the nobility was
also important in so far as it must have contributed towards creating wider support
for the Empire amongst the Muslim communities in India. Apparently the
reorganization of the Department of Sadarat during the 70's was motivated by
Akbar's desire to gain and preserve the sympathies of still further sections of the
Muslim upper class in Northern India.
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The Khatris too become an integral part of the nobility. Todar Mal, for example,
become the leading revenue expert in the court of Akbar. Another Khatri, Patar
Dass, starts his life as the superintendent of the elephant stables, gradually rises, is
appointed diwan of Bengal, then of Bihar, then of Kabul, takes part in military
operations in different parts of the empire and is given the title of 'Raja Bikramji’.
Akbar was, due to these alliances, able to make the Mughal Empire, the most
powerful in northern India. By accepting Mughal suzerainty, the threats from these
powerful chieftains was eliminated and instead their military prowess and loyalty
was used on the battlefield against other enemies of the Mughal Emperor.
Moreover, by bestowing mansabs and jagirs on the chieftains, Akbar made them an
integral part of his administration. By doing this, he broadened the interests of the
chieftains to not just their own principalities but to the wider regions of the Empire.
Nurul Hasan argues that the integration of the chiefs led to political and
administrative unification of the Empire. It was this peaceful condition that led to
the development of industries which in turn led to the development of trade and
commerce. Cash crops began to be cultivated too. Apart from that, the integration
of the Hindu chiefs in the nobility had a lasting impact on Akbar’s beliefs and
consequently to his religious policy.
Thus, to conclude, in the words of Satish Chandra, “It was during Akbar's time that
not only the Rajputs, not only the other Hindus, but Indian Muslims forged ahead.
So we have the emergence of a new type of a ruling class-a participating ruling
class. The experiment which Akbar embarked upon, of establishing a composite
ruling class, where people of different religions, of different sections, both Muslim
and Hindu were involved, was a challenge, but this challenge to be successful had
to move forward all the time.” By integrating the chieftains in his nobility, not
merely as people who managed their own regions but joining those to the interests
of the Empire made this experiment of Akbar, of creating a composite nobility, into
one of his greatest achievements.
BIBLIOGRAPHY:
1.) Satish Chandra, J. S. Grewal and Irfan Habib- Akbar and His Age: A
Symposium [Social Scientist, Vol. 20, No. 9/10 (Sep. - Oct., 1992), pp.
61-72]
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2.) Iqtidar Alam Khan- The Nobility under Akbar and the Development of His
Religious Policy, 1560-80 [The Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great
Britain and Ireland, No. 1/2 (Apr., 1968), pp. 29-36 Published by:
Cambridge University Press].
3.) Nurul Hasan- Zamindars under the Mughals
4.) Satish Chandra- Medieval India, Part Two
5.) Dr. Tasneem Suhrawardy’s class notes