Annual Review of Developmental Psychology

Media and the Development of

Gender Role Stereotypes
L. Monique Ward and Petal Grower
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Department of Psychology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Michigan 48109, USA;

email: ward@umich.edu
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Annu. Rev. Dev. Psychol. 2020. 2:177–99 Keywords

First published as a Review in Advance on
media effects, gender stereotypes, adolescents, television
September 15, 2020

The Annual Review of Developmental Psychology is Abstract

online at devpsych.annualreviews.org
This review summarizes recent findings (2000–2020) concerning media’s
https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev-devpsych-051120-
contributions to the development of gender stereotypes in children and ado-
010630
lescents. Content analyses document that there continues to be an underrep-
Copyright © 2020 by Annual Reviews.
resentation of women and a misrepresentation of femininity and masculinity
All rights reserved
in mainstream media, although some positive changes are noted. Con-
cerning the strength of media’s impact, findings from three meta-analyses
indicate a small but consistent association between frequent television view-
ing and expressing more stereotypic beliefs about gender. Concerning the
nature of these effects, analyses indicate significant connections between
young people’s screen media use and their general gender role attitudes;
their beliefs about the importance of appearance for girls and women;
their stereotyping of toys, activities, and occupations; and their support
for traditional sexual roles. We offer several approaches for moving this
field forward, including incorporating additional theories (e.g., stereotype
threat), focusing more on boys and ethnic minority youth, and centering
developmental milestones.

177
 Contents
INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 178
HOW ARE GIRLS/WOMEN AND BOYS/MEN PORTRAYED IN SCREEN
MEDIA? CONTENT ANALYSES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 179
HOW MIGHT EXPOSURE TO THIS CONTENT SHAPE GENDER
BELIEFS? THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 180
WHAT EVIDENCE IS THERE FOR THE MEDIA’S ROLE IN HOW WE
UNDERSTAND AND PERFORM GENDER? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 182
Overall Effects: Meta-Analyses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 182
Overall Sexist Attitudes/Traditional Gender Roles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 182
Appearance Beliefs and Sexualization . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 184
Annu. Rev. Dev. Psychol. 2020.2:177-199. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org

Toy and Play Behavior . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 184

Impact on Courtship Beliefs and Gendered Sexual Scripts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 185
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Beliefs About Occupations, Careers, and Academic Performance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 186

DEMONSTRATED IMPACT OF THESE BELIEFS ON YOUTHS’
WELL-BEING . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 187
ANALYSIS OF THE FIELD AND SUGGESTIONS FOR FUTURE
RESEARCH DIRECTIONS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 188
Expanding Theoretical Foundations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 188
Drawing Attention to the Details of Development . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 189
Incorporating the Role of Race and Intersectional Identities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 190
Testing Additional Viewing Cognitions as Direct Predictors and Mediators . . . . . . . . 190
Integrating Other Socialization Forces . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 191
Expanding Work on Boys and Young Men . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 191
Attending to Social Media . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 191
Attending to “Positive” Portrayals and Counterstereotypes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 192
CONCLUSION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 193

INTRODUCTION
Gender stereotypes can be defined as beliefs about certain attributes that differentiate how women
and men are (descriptive beliefs) or should be (prescriptive or proscriptive beliefs), and frequently
address traits, physical characteristics, role behaviors, and occupations ( Johar et al. 2003, Leaper
2015). Some prescriptive stereotypes cluster together to create gender ideologies: philosophies
about what women and men are like or how they should behave (Perry & Pauletti 2011). Gender
stereotypes and ideologies are powerful and affect multiple aspects of our psychological function-
ing, including perceptions, attention and memory, social behaviors, interests, and self-perceived
competencies (Ruble et al. 2006).
As is the case with other belief systems, youth learn their culture’s gender norm expectations
from those around them, including parents, teachers, and friends. The mainstream media provide
particularly powerful models of gender norms for several reasons. First, the media offer abun-
dant models—hundreds—well beyond the dozens that youth may encounter from their families
or peers. Moreover, in terms of appearance, confidence, and power, media characters tend to be
more “attractive” than average, which increases the likelihood that they will be seen as aspirational
role models (Greenwood 2016). Second, the media help shape norms both directly, through indi-
vidual models, and indirectly, through their impact on the values that parents, peers, and teachers

178 Ward • Grower

 adopt and transmit (Brown et al. 2005). Third, media consumption levels are very high among
youth generally and among adolescents in particular, with these populations reporting 4 hours
and 44 minutes and 7 hours and 22 minutes of daily media use, respectively (Rideout & Robb
2019). Finally, media content is believed to be especially well suited for social learning processes
because it features simplistic, often one-dimensional models of rules and behaviors that appear
regularly (Signorielli 2012). We do not anticipate that media are the only source shaping gender
stereotypes but believe they are likely a significant one.
Accordingly, our goal with this review is to present current findings concerning media’s con-
tributions to the development of gender stereotypes. We have drawn several parameters to make
this review manageable. In terms of media, we have chosen to focus on traditional, entertainment
screen media, namely television, film, music videos, and video games. We do not focus heavily on
social, print, or news media, but acknowledge that these formats also contribute to gender be-
liefs. To keep the review current, we have chosen to include literature from the new millennium
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(2000–2020). Our review of the literature is broad but is not necessarily exhaustive, and centers
on scholarly publications. Also, because our interest is in gender development, we focus on stud-
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ies that tested children or adolescents up to age 18, though we do draw on some findings among
adults to offer ideas for future directions. We start with a brief summary of the media content
encountered, continue with theoretical and empirical analyses of the impact of exposure to this
content, and conclude with eight future research directions.

HOW ARE GIRLS/WOMEN AND BOYS/MEN PORTRAYED IN SCREEN

MEDIA? CONTENT ANALYSES
Analyses of the portrayal of social groups in mainstream media have often focused on two issues:
recognition and respect. Recognition addresses the quantity of representation and, in terms of
gender, has often focused on underrepresentation of girls and women. It has been argued that a
lack of recognition signals that women are devalued in society (Ruble et al. 2006). Analyses of
diverse types of television programming that target youth consistently find that boys and men
outnumber girls and women, with boys/men typically comprising approximately 60% or more of
characters (Baker & Raney 2007, Gerding & Signorielli 2014, Hentges & Case 2013, Martin 2017,
Sink & Mastro 2017, Walsh & Leaper 2020). Comparable gender proportions have been reported
in films targeting children. In G-rated movies, male characters outnumber female characters 2.6
to 1 (Smith et al. 2010); in family films (Smith et al. 2013) and in Disney films (Padilla-Walker
et al. 2013), the ratio is 2.5 to 1.
The second issue is one of respect, addressing whether persons of each gender are presented
in a way that reflects their complexity and humanity, or whether portrayals are reduced to one-
dimensional stereotypes. Analyses have often indicated that members of each gender, especially
women, are shown in stereotypic ways, often being defined solely on the basis of their appearance
or their behavior in relationships, and with limited personality traits and roles. The first of these
stereotypes highlights beauty, thinness, physical appearance, and sexual appeal as being central to
girls’ and women’s value. Multiple analyses of television programs show that girls focus more on
their appearance (Baker & Raney 2007, Hentges & Case 2013), are more often judged for their ap-
pearance (Rousseau et al. 2018), and are more likely to be sexualized (McDade-Montez et al. 2017)
than are boys. For example, in a study of tween programs on the Disney Channel, Nickelodeon,
and the Cartoon Network, female characters were more attractive, more concerned about their
appearance, and more likely to receive comments about their looks than male characters (Gerding
& Signorielli 2014). These patterns are particularly salient in music videos, which have been doc-
umented to convey messages that the objectification of women’s bodies is normative (e.g., Aubrey
& Frisby 2011, Wallis 2011, Ward et al. 2013).
www.annualreviews.org • Media and Gender Stereotypes 179
 A second set of stereotypes focuses on the personality attributes of each gender. Analyses of
diverse genres of children’s programming indicate that male characters are more likely than fe-
male characters to be physically aggressive and to order others around, and are less likely to be
fearful, polite, frail, or romantic (Aubrey & Harrison 2004, Leaper et al. 2002). Recent analyses
of prime-time television programming reveal that male characters are more verbally and physi-
cally aggressive than female characters and that female characters are better liked and more family
oriented than male characters (Sink & Mastro 2017).
A third set of stereotypes addresses roles and occupations. Analyses indicate that men are more
often placed in the world of work and women in the home; when women are shown in the work-
place, their occupations tend to align with gender stereotypes (Gilpatric 2010, Lauzen et al. 2008,
Smith et al. 2010). For example, in their analysis of top films released from 2010 to 2013, Smith
et al. (2014) reported a ratio of 7.6 men working in science, technology, engineering, and math-
ematics (STEM) to every 1 woman in STEM. At the same time, men are shown as incompetent
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in the domestic arena. In one study of prime-time television commercials that featured domes-
tic chores, most often child care and cooking, men were depicted as less successful at domestic
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chores than women, as indicated by their receiving more negative responses from others, less suc-
cess, and more unsatisfactory outcomes (Scharrer et al. 2006). These role distinctions extend to
representations of children’s daily activities. For example, analyses indicate that toy commercials
are highly stereotypical, with 58% of doll commercials and 83% of commercials for animal toys
featuring only girls, and 87% of ads for transportation/construction toys and 63% of sports toy
ads featuring only boys (e.g., Kahlenberg & Hein 2010).
Differential gender depictions are also seen in the world of relationships. Here, there is ev-
idence that heteronormativity and a corresponding heterosexual script dominate, dictating that
courtship strategies, commitment orientations, and sexual goals differ for women and men. This
script expects men to actively pursue sexual relationships, objectify women, and prioritize sex over
emotion; conversely, women are expected to be sexually passive, use their looks and bodies to at-
tract men, set sexual limits, and prioritize emotions over sex (Kim et al. 2007). References to this
script are abundant in mainstream media, appearing 15.5 times per hour in prime-time programs
preferred by adolescents and in 11.45% of the interactions between characters on popular tween-
oriented programs (Kim et al. 2007, Kirsch & Murnen 2015). Most frequent are references framing
men as sex driven and women as passive sexual objects (Aubrey et al. 2019, Ferris et al. 2007).
Although this summary focuses on differences in gender portrayals, we acknowledge that
there are also instances in which depictions differ little between female and male characters (e.g.,
Hentges & Case 2013). In addition, analyses tracking trends over time reveal some improvements
in the quantity and quality of representations. For example, findings indicate a decrease of gender-
based stereotyping over time in commercials (Eisend 2010, Matthes et al. 2016). Moreover, gender
parity was noted in a recent analysis of television programs popular with youth, with female char-
acters accounting for 55% of screen time (Giaccardi et al. 2019); however, women were still seven
times more likely than men to be shown in revealing clothing. Thus, despite some notable changes
in the portrayals of gender roles, media are believed to continue to offer a window onto a highly
stereotyped world (Ruble et al. 2006), exposing children and adolescents to skewed information
about gender and underscoring that a lack of recognition and a lack of respect remain significant
issues for women.

HOW MIGHT EXPOSURE TO THIS CONTENT SHAPE GENDER

BELIEFS? THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVES
Given children’s and adolescents’ high rates of media consumption and the stereotypical nature
of many media portrayals, a central concern has been that heavy exposure to these depictions

180 Ward • Grower

 contributes to a greater acceptance of gender stereotypes among viewers. Several theoretical
models have been used to support these investigations. One of the most-cited theories is cultiva-
tion theory (Gerbner 1998), which originated in the field of communications. Cultivation theory
offers a macrosystems approach to media effects (Potter 2014), aiming to document cumulative
effects of everyday television viewing. It relies on two key assumptions: (a) Television presents a
consistent yet distorted view of the real world, and (b) regular exposure to these messages will lead
more frequent viewers to cultivate or adopt social attitudes that align with the content presented.
Therefore, individuals who repeatedly view television content that promotes traditional gender
stereotypes are expected to be more inclined to accept these stereotypes as true and to endorse
these beliefs in their own lives. Cultivation research has generally involved two components,
with scholars using content analyses to document the pervasive messages, values, and portrayals
depicted across television programs and using survey data to assess how closely viewers’ attitudes
mirror these depictions.
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However, despite its wide usage, cultivation theory has been criticized for its small effect sizes,
global measurements of television viewing, and lack of explanatory mechanisms at the individual
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level (Shrum 2009, Shrum & Lee 2012). Also, because the data are correlational, findings are vul-
nerable to alternative explanations, including selectivity effects and spurious correlations (Shrum
2009). To address these concerns, scholars have worked to modify and extend cultivation theory
from its original formulation. Shrum (2009) and Shrum & Lee (2012) have drawn on social cogni-
tion research to identify specific psychological mechanisms undergirding macrolevel cultivation
effects. One such mechanism identified is chronic accessibility, whereby exposure to television
content is believed to activate related schemas; with each activation, that particular schema or way
of viewing the world grows stronger and more accessible. The more accessible certain schemas
are in memory, the greater the likelihood that they will be used to guide judgments and behaviors.
Therefore, frequent exposure to television’s gender stereotypes is believed to activate stereotypical
gender schemas, which may influence subsequent judgments and behaviors. A second modification
has been an expansion of the media studied. Cultivation theory originally focused on television
and on total viewing hours rather than specific genres because television content was believed to
be relatively homogeneous across programs. However, today’s media landscape is more diversi-
fied than that of the 1960s and 1970s, with more niche channels available. Scholars now extend
cultivation theory by testing contributions of specific television genres and by testing media other
than television (e.g., video games).
Another theory used to support research in this field is social cognitive theory (Bandura 2001).
This theory proposes that viewers’ scripts, schemas, and normative beliefs are shaped by their
engagement with and cognitions about media content, and that these beliefs guide their subse-
quent behavior. However, exposure alone does not guarantee that the values or behaviors viewed
will be adopted; instead, this adoption depends on characteristics of the content and cognitions
of the viewer. The likelihood of learning and modeling specific behaviors viewed is believed to
depend on factors such as the attractiveness of or identification with media models, the salience
of their actions, and the rewards or punishments experienced by the models for their behavior. If
the model is perceived as similar to the viewer, as realistic, or as having admirable qualities (e.g.,
popularity), then there is a greater likelihood that the model’s behavior will be emulated.
Because multiple processes likely drive media effects, we view these two theories more as
complements than competitors, each identifying mechanisms and methods that can be useful
for understanding how media use shapes children’s gender stereotypes. With cultivation theory,
the focus is on exposure levels as the mechanism, and on contributions of everyday viewing
amounts. It is most useful for demonstrating global, cumulative effects of chronic viewing. Social
cognitive theory centers observational learning and related cognitions as the mechanisms; it is

www.annualreviews.org • Media and Gender Stereotypes 181

 more constructivist and addresses perceptions of individual viewers. This focus is very useful for
identifying which characteristics make certain youth more vulnerable to media influence. We
believe it is advantageous to consider diverse mechanisms, including exposure levels and viewer
cognitions and characteristics. We return to additional theoretical issues and mechanisms below
(in the section titled Analysis of the Field and Suggestions for Future Research Directions).

WHAT EVIDENCE IS THERE FOR THE MEDIA’S ROLE IN HOW WE

UNDERSTAND AND PERFORM GENDER?
Overall Effects: Meta-Analyses
Scholars have been investigating connections between screen media and gender beliefs since the
1970s, and three meta-analyses have been produced summarizing media’s effects, all centered on
television. In the first meta-analysis, Herrett-Skjellum & Allen (1996) reported average significant
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correlations of r = 0.21 across 11 experimental studies and r = 0.10 across 19 nonexperimental

studies; neither age nor gender of participants was a significant moderator. The following year,
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Morgan & Shanahan (1997) published a meta-analysis of 14 nonexperimental studies and reported
an average effect size of r = 0.10. Most recently, Oppliger (2007) conducted a meta-analysis of 31
studies (33 effect sizes) examining contributions of media use to gender beliefs. Here, the average
effect sizes were r = 0.24 for experimental studies and r = 0.12 for nonexperimental studies. Again,
moderation analyses indicated that neither gender nor age was a significant moderator. All but one
of the experimental studies had been done with children.
Thus, meta-analyses of experimental and nonexperimental studies consistently show an asso-
ciation between frequent television viewing and expressing more stereotypic beliefs about gender
roles. Moreover, the effect sizes reported are similar to those of other areas of media psychology.
For example, average effect sizes for media and body dissatisfaction are reported as d = −0.28
(Grabe et al. 2008); average effect sizes for prosocial media and helping behavior are reported
as r = 0.18 (Coyne et al. 2018); and the average effect size of violent video game exposure and
aggression is reported as r = 0.18 (Greitemeyer & Mügge 2014). Although these effect sizes are
small, they are meaningful because they demonstrate the consistency of media in shaping beliefs.
Moreover, because media exposure is a chronic process that unfolds throughout development,
small effects may compound over time.

Overall Sexist Attitudes/Traditional Gender Roles

Meta-analyses give only an overview of the strength of findings in a field. In the remainder of this
section, we review the nature of findings in several areas, with attention to methods and constructs
tested.
One domain of gender beliefs studied is traditional gender role attitudes. In some cases, scholars
use a gender belief scale, such as the Attitudes Toward Women Scale for Adolescents (ATWSA)
(Galambos et al. 1985), which assesses participants’ agreement with statements about the attributes
and roles acceptable for each gender, in general (e.g., “Boys are better leaders than girls”). In
studies using this scale, results typically vary by media genre. Surveying US high school students,
Ward & Friedman (2006) found that heavier consumption of daytime talk shows was associated
with stronger support of traditional gender roles, but regular viewing of 21 “sexy” prime-time
television programs or of music videos was not. Ward et al. (2005) surveyed 152 Black adolescents
(70% girls) and found that more frequent consumption of music videos and sports programming
was each associated with stronger support of traditional gender roles; overall prime-time viewing
and movie viewing were not related.

182 Ward • Grower

 Stronger effects have emerged in analyses that used experimental designs to test whether ex-
posure to stereotypical content predicts greater acceptance of traditional gender roles. In one
study, adolescents exposed to stereotypical clips from television comedies and dramas reported
more traditional gender role attitudes than those exposed to neutral content (Ward & Friedman
2006). In another study, adolescents exposed to stereotypical music videos endorsed more tradi-
tional gender roles and valued stereotypical attributes in women (e.g., attractiveness) to a greater
extent than students without this exposure (Ward et al. 2005). In a third study, Italian high school
students were assigned to play a violent and sexist video game, a violent-only video game, or a non-
violent game, and then to report their beliefs about masculinity and their empathy for a female
victim of violence (Gabbiadini et al. 2016). Participants who played the violent and sexist game
reported stronger support of traditional masculinity than those who played the neutral game.
In addition, playing the violent and sexist game decreased empathy for female victims among
boys who identified with the game character, and did so by increasing their support of traditional
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masculinity.
Scholars have also examined whether everyday exposure to screen media is associated with
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beliefs about specific gender-related roles, such as motherhood. For example, high school stu-
dents who watched more pregnancy-related reality television programs (e.g., Teen Mom) reported
a greater belief that adolescent mothers have a higher quality of life and a high income and that
the adolescent fathers are more involved with raising the child (Martins & Jensen 2014). Simi-
lar associations have been noted concerning other genres. Among Dutch adolescent girls (aged
15–17) and young women (aged 20–22), heavier exposure to both American and Dutch sitcoms
and soap operas was associated with more traditional expectations about motherhood (Ex et al.
2002).
In some analyses of this issue, scholars have focused specifically on ethnic minority youth,
who are understudied but are heavy media consumers. Rivadeneyra & Ward (2005) examined
Latinx high schoolers’ everyday exposure to 132 popular Spanish- and English-language televi-
sion programs, including prime-time programs, soap operas, and talk shows. Even controlling
for cultural identity factors, watching more Spanish prime-time television, Spanish and English
talk shows, and Spanish soap operas each correlated with girls’ endorsement of traditional gender
roles; boys’ beliefs were not affected. When variables were entered simultaneously into a regres-
sion model among girls, Spanish prime-time comedies, English talk shows, and perceived real-
ism all emerged as significant predictors. Similarly, Anyiwo et al. (2018) examined how exposure
to both mainstream and Black-oriented television programs was related to adolescents’ endorse-
ment of traditional gender roles and of one race-specific role: the ideal of the strong Black woman.
Surveying Black adolescents aged 12–18, they found that greater consumption of 17 mainstream
programs was related to lower endorsement of traditional gender roles among boys, and heav-
ier consumption of 12 Black-oriented programs was linked to higher endorsement of the strong
Black woman ideal for boys and girls. These studies demonstrate the value of taking a nuanced ap-
proach to understanding effects of different types of media on the gender beliefs of ethnic minority
youth.
In addition to examining direct effects, this research has explored the role of several potential
moderators, including gender, identification with media models, and perceived realism. Results
indicate that some effects exist only for girls (e.g., Rivadeneyra & Ward 2005) and some only for
boys (e.g., Gabbiadini et al. 2016). In other instances, increased identification with media models
(e.g., Ward et al. 2005) and higher levels of perceived realism appear to enhance media effects
(e.g., Martins & Jensen 2014, Rivadeneyra & Ward 2005). Overall, this body of research illustrates
that although frequent or directed exposure to media stereotypes is associated with adolescents’
stronger support of traditional gender roles, effects vary by viewer race and gender and by genre.

www.annualreviews.org • Media and Gender Stereotypes 183

 Appearance Beliefs and Sexualization
A second domain of gender beliefs studied includes beliefs about the importance of appearance
for girls and women, highlighting that women are expected to be beautiful and, as they get older,
sexually appealing. Research in this area has typically drawn on premises of objectification theorists
(Fredrickson & Roberts 1997), who argue that regular exposure to society’s treatment of women
as sexual objects leads women to internalize this perspective, increasing their tendency to self-
objectify and to value themselves more for their appearance than for other aspects of the self.
Given the prevalence of sexually objectifying images of women in the mainstream media (for a
review, see Ward 2016), the concern is that regular media use will lead girls to self-objectify and
to have dysfunctional appearance beliefs, more broadly. Findings using several approaches have
confirmed these expectations.
Some research has explicitly examined whether exposure to objectified portrayals is associated
with children’s beliefs about appearance. Slater & Tiggemann (2016) surveyed 300 Australian girls
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aged 6–9, asking about their preference for sexualized clothing, their body dissatisfaction and body
esteem, and their consumption of popular children’s programs and magazines, each of which was
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subsequently coded for its degree of sexualization. Results indicated that girls who watched more
sexualized television preferred sexualized clothing for other girls and believed that boys would
like girls to wear such clothes; girls who consumed more sexualized magazines preferred sexier
clothes for themselves. Notably, this preference for sexier clothing was related to higher body
dissatisfaction. In another study, girls (aged 6–11) who regularly watched television programs with
more sexualized content were more likely to adopt a “sexualized girl stereotype” (Stone et al. 2015,
p. 1606) when asked to comment on images of sexualized and nonsexualized girls. This stereotype
was defined by perceiving the sexualized girl as more popular but as less athletic, less smart, and
less nice than the nonsexualized girl.
Similar results have emerged among tweens and adolescents. In a two-wave panel study con-
ducted among Belgian youth aged 11–14, more frequent viewing of eight tween television pro-
grams was related to the internalization of mainstream beauty ideals and the belief that beauty is
rewarded (wave 1), which in turn predicted adolescents’ tendency to equate their worth with their
physical attractiveness at wave 2 (Trekels & Eggermont 2017b). Among a similar sample of 785
Belgian girls (Mage = 11.65), time 1 exposure to tween television programs was linked to greater
time 2 engagement in appearance management behaviors (e.g., applying makeup) (Trekels &
Eggermont 2017a). As an example, those who watched the tween television programs one or twice
per week were four times more likely to initiate hairstyling behaviors and twice as likely to start
applying makeup compared with girls who never watched these tween programs. Finally, survey-
ing 176 Black adolescent girls, Gordon (2008) found that greater viewing of Black sitcoms and
Black music videos each correlated with greater endorsement of the importance of appearance
for women, although these effects were not significant in regressions with other media variables
included. Together, these findings illustrate the role of media in perpetuating objectified and sex-
ualized ideals for women and highlight that girls do grapple with and internalize these depictions.

Toy and Play Behavior

A third domain of gender beliefs studied has been beliefs about toys and play behavior. Research
reveals strong effects of stereotypic media portrayals on children’s gendered toy and playmate
preferences. For example, in two studies, young children were shown media content that featured
girls and boys playing with toys traditionally associated with their gender (e.g., boys playing
with an airplane set) or as counterstereotypical (e.g., girls playing with trucks) (Pike & Jennings
2005, Spinner et al. 2018). Across both studies, exposure to stereotypical content reinforced

184 Ward • Grower

 gender-typed assumptions, such that children exposed to this content judged gender-neutral
or gendered toys as being exclusively for one gender and expressed a strong preference for
same-gender playmates. In contrast, children exposed to counterstereotypical media content
were significantly more likely to judge gendered or gender-neutral toys as being for both girls
and boys and to show equal preference for a same- or other-gender playmate.
One set of studies has looked more specifically at children’s participation and engagement with
princess and superhero media. The Disney Princess line currently includes 14 films, excluding
sequels and remakes, beginning with Snow White and the Seven Dwarfs (1937) and ending with
Moana (2016). Each film features a central female character who is often a princess or community
leader. This so-called princess culture (PC) has proven to be a lucrative industry, with princess
merchandise, including clothing, games, toys, dolls, and home décor, earning $5.5 billion in 2015
(Robinson et al. 2020). PC may also help shape children’s femininity norms by providing prime
examples of idealized feminine figures (England et al. 2011). Using longitudinal methods, Coyne
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et al. (2016) investigated whether young children’s engagement with Disney princess media and
related products was associated with greater stereotypical behavior. At time 1, parents reported on
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their children’s PC engagement, which was defined as children’s frequency of viewing PC media,
playing with PC toys, and identifying with individual princesses. Children also noted their pref-
erences for certain gender-typed toys. For both girls and boys, PC engagement was associated
with greater levels of female gender-stereotypical behavior (e.g., playing with dolls or tea sets) but
not male gender-stereotypical behavior (e.g., climbing). In addition, for both girls and boys, PC
engagement at time 1 was associated with greater female gender-stereotypical behavior one year
later, even after controlling for initial levels of stereotypical behavior. These effects were most
prominent among children whose parents actively talk with them about media content.
Fewer studies have examined associations between gender beliefs and engagement with su-
perhero media, although new research is emerging. For example, Coyne et al. (2014) conducted
a longitudinal survey assessing 3–6-year-olds’ exposure to superhero media content and toy play
and preferences. For boys but not girls, exposure to superhero media content predicted greater
play fighting, sports play, and playing of ball games. However, exposure to superhero content did
predict girls’ weapon play, and parental mediation exacerbated the effects of superhero exposure
on girls’ weapon play, contributing to greater gender-stereotypical play.

Impact on Courtship Beliefs and Gendered Sexual Scripts

A fourth domain of gender beliefs that could be influenced by screen media use includes beliefs
about courtship, sexual roles, and sexual relationships. Approximately a dozen studies have tested
this issue among adolescents, with mixed and often conditional results. Some analyses testing
associations between everyday screen media use and adolescents’ endorsement of gendered sexual
roles have reported null results (Peter & Valkenburg 2007, ter Bogt et al. 2010, Vandenbosch &
Eggermont 2011). For example, in a survey of US high school students (80% White, 59% girls),
Ward & Friedman (2006) found that participants’ viewing of music videos, daytime talk shows, and
21 sexy prime-time programs did not predict notions that women are sexual objects or men are sex
driven. In other studies, the presence of significant associations is conditional, varying based on
gender, genre, or parental socialization and attachment (Miller et al. 2017, Rousseau et al. 2019,
van Oosten et al. 2015, Vandenbosch & Eggermont 2012, Ward et al. 2005). Perhaps the clearest
set of significant associations was reported by Rousseau & Eggermont (2018). Controlling for
gender, age, body mass index, and overall television viewing, they found that exposure to three
popular Flemish programs rated as sexually objectifying was associated with greater acceptance of
objectified dating scripts among Flemish youth aged 10–13. Together, these results suggest that

www.annualreviews.org • Media and Gender Stereotypes 185

 media associations with gendered sexual scripts may exist but may be more nuanced than expected,
and likely vary by gender and medium/genre.
Surprisingly, however, we do see experimental evidence from one-time laboratory exposure to
traditional courtship scripts. Polo-Alonso et al. (2018) assigned adolescents and emerging adults
to view a movie with stereotypical sexual roles (Friends with Benefits) or a control film (Ice Age).
Although there were no condition effects for the emerging adults, among adolescents, those who
had seen the stereotypical sexual roles offered greater support of rape myths, of men as sex driven,
and of women as sexual objects than did adolescents in the control condition. This pattern suggests
that adolescents may be particularly susceptible to these stereotypes. In another study, Driesmans
et al. (2016) had a group of 88 Dutch youth aged 11–14 watch the popular tween movie High
School Musical or a control film. Results demonstrated no main effect of condition but revealed an
interaction among age, parasocial interaction, and condition, whereby younger girls exposed to
High School Musical who were high in parasocial attachment (feelings of closeness with celebrities)
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were more likely to endorse romantic myths (e.g., “I am likely to fall in love almost immediately
if I meet the right person”).
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Experimental exposure to specific sexual stereotypes has also been linked to adolescents’ gender
beliefs. After exposure to four music videos rich in sexual stereotypes, Black teens offered stronger
support of statements painting women as sexual objects and men as sexual players than did teens
who had viewed nonstereotyped videos (Ward et al. 2005). Among a predominantly White sample
of high school students, those exposed to television clips featuring women as sexual objects offered
greater acceptance of traditional gender roles and of women as sexual objects than did students
who had not viewed these stereotypes (Ward & Friedman 2006). Finally, Driesmans et al. (2015)
found that Belgian adolescents who were assigned to play a novel video game with a sexualized
female character later expressed more tolerance of rape myths and of sexual harassment than teens
who played the same game with a nonsexualized character.

Beliefs About Occupations, Careers, and Academic Performance

A fifth domain of gender beliefs that could be shaped by media exposure includes assumptions,
expectations, and preferences concerning academic achievement and career selections. With the
thought of “if you can see it, you can be it,” there has been concern that the underrepresentation
of professional women on the screen may diminish the academic and professional aspirations of
young female viewers. Empirical research has borne out this assumption, although there are few
cross-sectional or longitudinal studies testing these dynamics. Some early research supported the
notion that girls exposed to nonstereotypical portrayals of occupations on television were more
flexible about some adult roles and activities (Rosenwasser et al. 1989, Wroblewski & Huston
1987). In one of the few studies to test this issue in the new millennium, Grabe & Hyde (2009)
surveyed 195 seventh-grade girls (89.4% White) concerning their frequency of viewing music
videos and multiple aspects of their psychological well-being, including their perceived confidence
in math. Path analyses indicated that music video viewing predicted lower math confidence both
directly and indirectly, via greater body surveillance. These authors suggest that because music
videos often emphasize women’s sexual qualities and ignore their other competencies, exposure to
this content may diminish girls’ confidence in the traditionally male-dominated domain of math.
Experimental data yield stronger evidence. First, exposure to traditional media content that
highlights women’s appearance or sexual appeal has been linked to diminished academic perfor-
mance or weaker interest in certain careers (Pacilli et al. 2016, Slater et al. 2017). For example,
Pacilli et al. (2016) assigned 79 Italian children in grades 3–5 (57% female, Mage = 9.29) to view ei-
ther two sexualized or two nonsexualized images of girls and then take a math test. Across grades,

186 Ward • Grower

 girls who had seen the sexualized images performed worse on the math test than did girls who
had seen the nonsexualized images; there were no condition effects for boys. In a second study,
102 children in grades 3–5 (50% girls) viewed one sexualized or one nonsexualized photo of a
same-gender child, completed a digit span test to assess working memory, and then completed
math problems. Boys and girls in the sexualized condition did worse on the math test than partici-
pants in the nonsexualized condition. Moreover, mediation analyses indicated that effects on math
performance of viewing same-gender sexualized images were mediated by a reduction in working
memory resources.
Second, exposure to traditional gender stereotypes has been linked to less interest in STEM
fields for girls, although findings do not appear for all dependent variables (Bond 2016, Wille
et al. 2018, Ziegler & Stoeger 2008). For example, Bond (2016) assigned 60 girls aged 6–9 to view
television clips featuring traditional stereotypes of women, portrayals of women in STEM ca-
reers, or no programming. Participants then indicated their confidence in their science and math
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skills, noted their preference for six STEM careers (e.g., scientist, architect) and six non-STEM
careers (e.g., florist), and drew a picture of a scientist. Girls who had viewed the stereotyped clips
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were more likely to report interest in stereotypical careers than any of the other girls and were
less likely to draw women as scientists; there was no effect of condition on math and science
self-efficacy. Finally, playing a digital learning game about science led to stronger interest and
motivation in STEM, depending on children’s age and whether they played as a female or male
scientist (Hawkins et al. 2019). Together, these findings suggest that, across multiple media, view-
ing women in traditional or nontraditional careers can have an impact on children’s beliefs about
gender abilities and careers.

DEMONSTRATED IMPACT OF THESE BELIEFS

ON YOUTHS’ WELL-BEING
Why does it matter if young people develop gender stereotypes borne partially out of narrow
media portrayals? Decades of psychological research indicate that adopting the constrained view
of what is expected and acceptable for one’s gender has significant implications for adolescents’
and young adults’ well-being on multiple dimensions. For adolescent girls and young women,
stronger acceptance and internalization of traditional femininity ideologies, which prioritize pas-
sivity, nurturance, and beauty, are associated with greater symptoms of depression and anxiety,
lower self-esteem, greater likelihood of developing eating disorders, and diminished sexual agency
(e.g., Curtin et al. 2011, Tolman et al. 2006, Zurbriggen et al. 2007). Moreover, because girls’ ap-
pearance focus is perceived to be incompatible with other traits, including intelligence (e.g., Starr
& Ferguson 2012, Stone et al. 2015), girls who conform to sexualized appearance ideals may come
to see themselves as less competent. Indeed, Brown (2019) found that greater endorsement of sexu-
alized gender stereotypes among adolescent girls predicted lower academic self-efficacy over time.
Detrimental consequences are also observed for young men who rigidly adhere to traditional
notions of masculinity. Among the many outcomes reported, stronger endorsement of traditional
masculinity is linked with negative mental health, depression, psychological distress, and substance
use (Wong et al. 2017); with attitudes that are more supportive of dating and sexual violence and
with greater perpetration of sexual aggression (Murnen et al. 2002); and with a greater likelihood
of unprotected sex (e.g., Pleck et al. 1993, Santana et al. 2006). Stronger endorsement of traditional
masculinity is also linked to higher levels of risk taking. For example, among undergraduate men,
greater media use was linked to stronger support of traditional masculinity, which, in turn, was
linked to greater levels of sexual risk taking, alcohol use, drug use, and speeding (Giaccardi et al.
2017).

www.annualreviews.org • Media and Gender Stereotypes 187

 ANALYSIS OF THE FIELD AND SUGGESTIONS FOR FUTURE
RESEARCH DIRECTIONS
The studies and meta-analyses reviewed here offer significant indications that exposure to screen
media, both regularly at home and experimentally in the lab, is linked to children’s and adolescents’
gender role stereotypes. Empirical evidence indicates that exposure to screen media contributes
to girls’ overvaluing their appearance, to girls’ and boys’ constraining their academic and career
interests and expectations, and to narrowed notions about the personality attributes that are ap-
propriate or encouraged for women and men. The findings reported here also demonstrate that
these beliefs and assumptions have consequences for multiple domains of young people’s well-
being. Given that modern youth spend more time using screen media than doing any other activity
except sleeping, it is critical that developmental psychologists consider how the mediated content
and images that young people encounter could be shaping their assumptions about femininity and
masculinity. We acknowledge that although mainstream media are not the only force contributing
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to gender role stereotypes, they are a significant one.

Yet despite the breadth of demonstrated influence on children’s and adolescents’ gender devel-
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opment, media remain an understudied socialization force. Although associations between media
use and gender beliefs have been studied since the 1970s, there are still many significant gaps in
the literature. In the following subsections, we describe some holes in the literature and present
possible directions for future research.

Expanding Theoretical Foundations

One means by which we could broaden current approaches is by incorporating other theories to
guide our research questions and methodologies. Most existing studies examining media contri-
butions to young people’s gender stereotypes are grounded in social cognitive theory and culti-
vation theory. One theory that could be integrated into this family is stereotype threat theory,
which is used heavily in social psychology. According to this theory, individuals’ performance in
a particular domain may be hindered when they are confronted or threatened with the possibil-
ity of confirming a negative stereotype of their in-group’s ability related to that domain (Steele
& Aronson 1995). In terms of gender, this theory has most commonly been applied concerning
the stereotype that women are bad at math or related STEM fields. In the typical experimental
paradigm, performance on math problems is compared between women who have and have not
been cued with the negative stereotype, with the expectation that their performance will suffer as a
result of the cue, irrespective of actual ability. Extensive research indicates that women experienc-
ing stereotype threat indeed perform worse on math problems in comparison both to women not
experiencing stereotype threat and to men, with small to moderate effect sizes typically reported
(for reviews, see Schmader et al. 2008, Spencer et al. 2016).
A critical expansion of this research could come in terms of the cues used to trigger the neg-
ative stereotypes. Typically, the subtle cues used have included indicating one’s gender on a de-
mographic questionnaire, interacting with a sexist man, overhearing a female peer experiencing
threat, or being outnumbered by men (Van Loo & Rydell 2014). We believe that media could
serve as powerful cues that could trigger stereotypes about women’s (and men’s) abilities. Several
stereotype threat studies conducted among adults have used stereotypical media content to cue
negative stereotypes about women; as expected, women exposed to this content reported lower
performance on math problems and less interest in math-oriented careers and in leadership than
women exposed to control or counterstereotypical content (e.g., Davies et al. 2002, 2005; Simon
& Hoyt 2013). Women have also been shown to underperform in math after watching on video

188 Ward • Grower

 or encountering in virtual settings a sexist, dominant man or math instructor (Chang et al. 2019,
Van Loo & Rydell 2014).
However, this exciting and creative research has been conducted mainly among adults; it would
be fruitful to extend this approach to children and adolescents. Do girls underperform in math
and science problems after exposure to media cues about particular gender stereotypes? It would
also be useful to look outside of performance in math to performance in other areas, such as
athletics for girls (“throwing like a girl”) or nurturing for boys. For example, might exposure
to television commercials of men as incompetent parents diminish boys’ competence and confi-
dence in caretaking tasks? Researchers could also test competing cues, for example, testing whether
(a) exposure to STEM media content with no women or (b) exposure to content where women
are shown as incompetent in STEM is more detrimental to girls’ STEM performance.
Another means by which to expand current approaches is to draw on selective exposure the-
ories, which would help us better understand which children and adolescents are most and least
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vulnerable to media effects. Current applications of cultivation theory and social cognitive theory
tend to focus on whether or not certain media shape participants’ stereotypes. However, given that
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media content affects some of the people some of the time, it would be beneficial to also exam-
ine individual difference factors that shape selection, interpretation, and vulnerability to effects.
This stance is reflected in the youth-oriented media practice model developed by Steele & Brown
(1995). The media practice model posits that adolescents are intentional in their media choices,
that these choices are shaped by their identities and lived experiences, and that together these char-
acteristics influence how they interpret and develop meaning from media content. Indeed, identity
and personal characteristics, such as age, race, pubertal status, gender, and religiosity, have all been
found to shape adolescents’ media diets and choices (e.g., Bleakley et al. 2011, Bobkowski 2009,
Brown & Pardun 2004, Brown et al. 2005, Hawk et al. 2006, Kim et al. 2006, Schooler et al. 2009).
Drawing on this model, researchers could begin to examine which youth are drawn to more
stereotypical or counterstereotypical media content. For example, what role do peer group norms
or feminist identity play? Brown et al. (2005) found that early-maturing girls were more likely
to listen to sexually suggestive or explicit lyrics and to view more R-rated films than their late-
maturing counterparts. Might pubertal status also contribute to girls’ and boys’ preferences or
acceptance of certain gender portrayals? Because the new television viewing format of stream-
ing services (e.g., Netflix, Hulu) has increased the role of viewer selectivity, incorporating this
component into future research could be highly informative.

Drawing Attention to the Details of Development

Scholars in this area should also consider the role of development in the phenomena under study.
First, we need more research comparing children at different phases of development. How do
younger and older children respond to the same gender-stereotyped content? Which age is most
vulnerable to which stereotypes? Future research should also include more longitudinal analyses
to understand these effects in a dynamic, nuanced way. Furthermore, such work could be enhanced
by considering the role of development itself when formulating research questions and hypothe-
ses. Doing so might include examining the developmental skills (e.g., physical, socioemotional,
and cognitive milestones) present at each point in development or incorporating the develop-
mental experiences under way for participants (e.g., puberty). For example, because the onset of
puberty leads to changes in body, brain, and social interactions (e.g., Berenbaum et al. 2015), some
scholars have investigated the role of pubertal development and pubertal timing in shaping pro-
cesses undergirding children’s media internalization (Rousseau et al. 2020). Such rationales could
be expanded to other areas of study described in this review, including the potential contributions

www.annualreviews.org • Media and Gender Stereotypes 189

 of physical development in shaping girls’ engagement with sexualizing content or contributions
of cognitive development to children’s susceptibility to prominent media messages. It would also
be useful to extend research on certain gender beliefs to other ages. For example, all of the work
on media and gendered play activities has focused on young children and on toy play. How might
media use contribute to the activities and choices of tweens and adolescents, populations that may
have even more agency over their free time and choices? For example, how does media use con-
tribute to their choice of after-school activities (e.g., cheerleading versus robotics) and to academic
course and career aspirations?

Incorporating the Role of Race and Intersectional Identities

Researchers looking to move this field forward must consider doing further work with partici-
pants from diverse racial backgrounds. Only a few studies reported here explicitly investigated
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media effects among youth of color (e.g., Anyiwo et al. 2018, Rivadeneyra & Ward 2005); future
research should build on these studies in several ways. First, scholars should consider that youth
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of color may be consuming both mainstream media and media directed toward their own demo-
graphic, the content of which may differ substantially from that of mainstream media. Second,
youth of color may confront not only traditional gender stereotypes but also race-specific gender
stereotypes (e.g., Ghavami & Peplau 2012), including the stereotype of the nerdy Asian man or the
feisty Latina. Finally, researchers could expand their efforts by taking an intersectional approach
to their work (Crenshaw 1989). Intersectionality is a framework of inquiry that considers how
different systems of privilege and oppression shape individuals’ lived experience on the basis of
their multiple, intersecting identities (e.g., age, sex, race, sexual orientation) (McCormick-Huhn
et al. 2019). Examples of more intersectional approaches to media effects research can be found
in recent studies conducted among adults. Some of this research is qualitative, including a recent
study by Goodwill et al. (2019), who interviewed Black men on their use of media models to con-
struct a healthy sense of masculinity, given that many portrayals are problematic. Other research
is quantitative. For example, several scholars have examined whether media use contributes to
specific racialized gender stereotypes about Black women, including the stereotype of the hyper-
sexual Jezebel and the strong Black woman. In their analyses of the contributions of social media
(Stanton et al. 2017) or traditional media ( Jerald et al. 2017) to these stereotypes, these scholars
also incorporated potential demographic moderators (e.g., ethnic identity), acknowledging that
Black women are not monolithic and that diverse aspects of their identities will shape their media
response. These approaches need to be extended to children and adolescents.

Testing Additional Viewing Cognitions as Direct Predictors and Mediators

Another avenue for future research would be more directed study of potential cognitive mecha-
nisms and mediators. A majority of the studies reviewed assessed media exposure either by testing
everyday exposure amounts or by exposing participants to particular media content. Yet several
theoretical models, including social cognitive theory (Bandura 2001) and uses and gratifications
models (e.g., Rubin 1994), argue that other cognitions are involved in media effects, working
either as direct predictors or as mediators or moderators. Prominent examples include viewers’
perceptions of the realism of the portrayals, their level of identification with the characters, their
motives for selecting certain content, and the degree of attention and critique applied during view-
ing. Indeed, there is evidence among adults that such cognitive mechanisms are influential. For
example, researchers who have examined contributions of both exposure and perceived realism
to diverse beliefs have found the effects of perceived realism to be stronger than those of expo-
sure (e.g., Behm-Morawitz et al. 2016, Ferris et al. 2007, Lippman et al. 2014, Martins & Jensen

190 Ward • Grower

 2014, Seabrook et al. 2017, Ward 2002). Researchers need to continue to test additional cognitive
mechanisms as potential predictors and moderators of media’s contributions to young people’s
gender beliefs.

Integrating Other Socialization Forces

For most of the studies discussed in this review, media use was examined in isolation from other
gender socialization forces. However, in order to better understand how media contributions to
gender socialization compare with other contributions, such as messages from parents or the mod-
eling of peers, we need to begin to examine these forces within the same study. How do the contri-
butions compare and interact? Might media contributions be especially influential for participants
who do not get strong gender messages from parents or friends? How do youth negotiate com-
peting or conflicting messages?
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One model to follow may be that of McAuslan et al. (2018), who modeled forces contributing
to emerging adults’ attitudes toward dating violence. Their model includes supportive family rela-
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tionships, peer support of aggression, and several media variables. Similarly, in their investigation
of socialization forces contributing to girls’ self-objectification, Slater & Tiggemann (2015) in-
cluded measures of traditional media use, social media use, girls’ participation in 11 extracurricular
activities, and girls’ exposure to negative and positive appearance-related comments from others.
Comparing these forces in the same structural equation model allowed the authors to demonstrate
that the contributions of traditional or social media use to self-objectification were comparable
to those of appearance-related comments. Continued efforts to bring in other socialization forces
are needed to complete the picture and to contextualize media contributions.

Expanding Work on Boys and Young Men

Because existing research has frequently focused on stereotypical portrayals of girls and women,
there has been less attention paid to boys and men, both as media characters and as research
participants. Portrayals in mainstream media often link masculinity with power and dominance,
aggression, sexual prowess, status, emotional restraint, heterosexuality, and risk taking (for a review,
see Scharrer 2014). How does regular exposure to this content contribute to boys’ expectations
of what makes a man? This question has received some examination among undergraduate men,
with survey data linking greater consumption of television, reality television, movies, sitcoms, or
sports video games with greater support for traditional masculinity or traditional sexual roles and
scripts (e.g., Ferris et al. 2007; Giaccardi et al. 2016; Gilbert et al. 2018; Scharrer & Blackburn
2018; Seabrook et al. 2017; Ward et al. 2006, 2011; Zurbriggen & Morgan 2006). However, we
have seen little testing of this question among boys. Also relevant are the potential contributions
of media use to shaping boys’ assumptions about women and femininity. Some research has linked
boys’ exposure to sexually objectifying media to their holding objectifying and sexualizing views of
women (e.g., Rousseau & Eggermont 2018, Ward et al. 2015). However, more analysis is needed
concerning media use and boys’ views of women and femininity more broadly.

Attending to Social Media

Another area deserving further attention in this field is the impact of social media. Although ex-
cluded from this review, social media remain an important part of adolescents’ media diets, with
70% of adolescents reporting that they use social media multiple times a day (Rideout & Robb
2018), primarily Snapchat, Instagram, and Facebook. Several studies have sought to examine how

www.annualreviews.org • Media and Gender Stereotypes 191

 gender roles play out on social media and how social media cultivate certain gender beliefs (e.g.,
Alvares 2018). There are many potential pathways. Social media sites such as Twitter and Face-
book could potentially reproduce problematic gender dynamics via both the personal performance
of gender and the policing of others’ posts on these sites; however, these sites could also provide
a platform for critical scrutiny and resistance, because the content is user created (Greenwood
2016). Current research has begun to examine both the gender-related content and its implica-
tions for users’ gender beliefs. For example, studies have examined the nature of gendered criticism
in YouTube comments (Döring & Mohseni 2019), gender dynamics using hashtags (Lutzky &
Lawson 2019), and gendered self-expression through profile pictures and other photo-based so-
cial media sites such as Instagram (Butkowski et al. 2020). It would be beneficial for future research
to assess both the general features of social media that may differentiate their effects from those
of traditional screen media and the unique features of different platforms that may add nuance to
these contributions.
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Attending to “Positive” Portrayals and Counterstereotypes

Because most existing analyses of gender beliefs have focused on negative gender stereotypes,
so does the research that we reviewed. However, this emphasis in the field does not mean that
media content is solely stereotypical and can only exacerbate negative and limiting gender no-
tions. Accordingly, there needs to be greater attention to portrayals that depict women and men
in three-dimensional ways and/or as equals. How prevalent is this content? Does regular exposure
to this content impede the internalization of gender stereotypes? We must also acknowledge that
the descriptors “positive” and “negative” are subjective and relative; indeed, it is likely that for
some cultural or religious subgroups, the media’s mainstream depictions may be more progres-
sive than the messages received from adults within the subgroup (Scharrer 2012). Research also
needs to attend to nontraditional or counterstereotypical portrayals that feature women as strong,
powerful leaders and boys and men as emotional and nurturant. Earlier research did examine the
impact of everyday exposure to specific counterstereotypical content (e.g., Aubrey & Harrison
2004), and this approach should be continued. There is also experimental evidence among adults
demonstrating that deliberate exposure to positive gender messages can shift attitudes. For ex-
ample, undergraduates exposed to pro–gender equality music lyrics expressed more positive atti-
tudes and behavior toward women than students without this exposure (Greitemeyer et al. 2015).
It would be beneficial to expand this type of work to adolescent populations and to other forms of
media content.
Continued study of the potential of media literacy campaigns to help youth combat media
stereotypes is also needed. These interventions usually take the form of several classroom sessions
that introduce children and adolescents to the topic of gender stereotypes and help them learn to
identify these stereotypes in the media, construct counterexamples of the stereotypes, and think
critically about why media prescribe these limiting norms for women and men (e.g., Puchner et al.
2015). These interventions have cut across genres to look at television, the internet, social media,
and magazines, and have generally shown at least short-term effects of the intervention. For ex-
ample, a study by Liao et al. (2020) examined the role of a media literacy intervention focused on
so-called idol dramas among a sample of 248 14- and 15-year-olds. Results demonstrated that en-
gagement with the intervention led to an increase in participants’ ability to understand, analyze,
and respond to media messages, and reduced their overall traditional gender role attitudes. Yet
these studies also reveal limitations. In one study, adolescents in grades 7 and 8 who participated
in a similarly structured intervention were able to recognize stereotypes in media but downplayed
the effect of media on their occupational choices and were less likely to identify the problematic

192 Ward • Grower

 effects of negative stereotypes for their own gender compared with the other gender (Puchner
et al. 2015). Future research should seek to understand which media interventions are most effec-
tive, and document how counterstereotypical content can be utilized to encourage children and
adolescents to be more critical media consumers.

CONCLUSION
The goal of this review has been to present current findings concerning media’s contributions to
the development of gender stereotypes among children and adolescents. Modern media expose
youth to distorted depictions of gender norms, and youth consume these media (traditional and
social) for nearly 8 hours a day. Although these dynamics suggest that media would be critical
gender socializers, we still know surprisingly little about how media use shapes children’s and
adolescents’ gender beliefs and assumptions. The studies presented here show some evidence that
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media use contributes to traditional gender role attitudes, appearance beliefs and sexualization, toy
and play behavior, sexual roles and courtship behavior, and occupational aspirations and academic
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performance. We have also offered many avenues for future research, particularly research that
incorporates newer theories, other socialization forces, and egalitarian portrayals and that attends
to boys, youth of color, and critical developmental milestones. We hope that the findings and
analyses provided here will offer fuel for continued research on this omnipresent and evolving
cultural force.

DISCLOSURE STATEMENT
The authors are not aware of any affiliations, memberships, funding, or financial holdings that
might be perceived as affecting the objectivity of this review.

LITERATURE CITED
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DP02_TOC ARjats.cls November 19, 2020 12:42

Annual Review
of Developmental
Psychology

Volume 2, 2020

Contents

It’s More Complicated

Arnold J. Sameroff p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 1
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Children’s Socioemotional Development Across Cultures

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Heidi Keller p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p27

Bilingual Acquisition: The Early Steps
Nuria Sebastian-Galles and Chiara Santolin p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p47
Children and Screens
Brenna Hassinger-Das, Sarah Brennan, Rebecca A. Dore,
Roberta Michnick Golinkoff, and Kathy Hirsh-Pasek p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p69
The Social Function of Imitation in Development
Harriet Over p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p93
Developing an Understanding of Science
Andrew Shtulman and Caren Walker p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 111
Toward Realizing the Promise of Educational Neuroscience:
Improving Experimental Design in Developmental Cognitive
Neuroscience Studies
Usha Goswami p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 133
Knowing What Others Think and Feel: Empathic Accuracy
Across Adulthood
Michaela Riediger and Elisabeth S. Blanke p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 157
Media and the Development of Gender Role Stereotypes
L. Monique Ward and Petal Grower p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 177
Language Development in Context
Meredith L. Rowe and Adriana Weisleder p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 201
The Origins of Social Knowledge in Altricial Species
Katerina M. Faust, Samantha Carouso-Peck, Mary R. Elson,
and Michael H. Goldstein p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 225
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Learning in Infancy Is Active, Endogenously Motivated, and Depends

on the Prefrontal Cortices
Gal Raz and Rebecca Saxe p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 247
A Glass Half Full and Half Empty: The State of the Science in Early
Childhood Prevention and Intervention Research
Philip A. Fisher, Tyson V. Barker, and Kellyn N. Blaisdell p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 269
Impact of New Family Forms on Parenting and Child Development
Susan Imrie and Susan Golombok p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 295
Play, Curiosity, and Cognition
Junyi Chu and Laura E. Schulz p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 317
Annu. Rev. Dev. Psychol. 2020.2:177-199. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org

Decision Making Across Adulthood

JoNell Strough and Wändi Bruine de Bruin p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 345
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Neural Development of Memory and Metamemory in Childhood and

Adolescence: Toward an Integrative Model of the Development of
Episodic Recollection
Simona Ghetti and Yana Fandakova p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 365
Polygenic Scores in Developmental Psychology: Invite Genetics in,
Leave Biodeterminism Behind
Laurel Raffington, Travis Mallard, and K. Paige Harden p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 389
The Sleep of Reason Produces Monsters: How and When Biased Input
Shapes Mathematics Learning
Robert S. Siegler, Soo-hyun Im, Lauren K. Schiller, Jing Tian,
and David W. Braithwaite p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 413
The Connection Between Student Identities and Outcomes Related
to Academic Persistence
Mesmin Destin and Joanna Lee Williams p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 437
The Effects of Cannabis Use on the Development of Adolescents
and Young Adults
Wayne Hall, Janni Leung, and Michael Lynskey p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 461
Screen Time, Social Media Use, and Adolescent Development
Candice L. Odgers, Stephen M. Schueller, and Mimi Ito p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 485
The Development of Emotion Reasoning in Infancy and Early
Childhood
Ashley L. Ruba and Seth D. Pollak p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 503
Bayesian Models of Conceptual Development: Learning as Building
Models of the World
Tomer D. Ullman and Joshua B. Tenenbaum p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 533
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Development of ADHD: Etiology, Heterogeneity, and Early Life

Course
Joel T. Nigg, Margaret H. Sibley, Anita Thapar, and Sarah L. Karalunas p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 559
Developmental Exposure to Air Pollution, Cigarettes, and Lead:
Implications for Brain Aging
Caleb E. Finch and Todd E. Morgan p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 585

Errata

An online log of corrections to Annual Review of Developmental Psychology articles may

be found at http://www.annualreviews.org/errata/devpsych
Annu. Rev. Dev. Psychol. 2020.2:177-199. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org
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