Economy of Philippines Assignment
Economy of Philippines Assignment
ECONOMY OF PHILIPPINES
9. BIBLIOGRAPHY 31
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
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INTRODUCTION
•The Economy of the Philippines is the world's 32nd largest
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Economy by Sector (2018)
Agriculture: 7.4%
Industry: 34%
Services: 58.6%
INFRASTRUCTURAL CHALLENGES
Natural Disasters in the Philippines
•The Philippines’ vulnerability to the impact of natural
disasters is a risk for its economy. The Philippines is one
of the most natural disaster-prone regions in the world.
Situated on the Ring of Fire in the western Pacific, the
Philippines is at high risk of earthquakes, volcanic
eruptions, and mudslides and landslides. According to the
U.S. Embassy in Manila, the Philippines is one of the
“most storm-exposed countries on Earth,” experiencing
between 18 and 20 typhoons annually, though this
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number appears to be increasing over time (“Philippines
Disaster Preparedness” 2021). In 2020, the archipelago
experienced over twenty natural disasters, with over 60%
of its land mass and 70% of its total population impacted
by natural disasters (Mina 2021).
This image displays the aftermath of the destructive
Typhoon Vanco of 2020, one of the aforementioned
natural disasters common in the region.
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THE ISSUE OF BUSINESS CYCLE
•The business cycle is the cyclical fluctuation in economic
activity that an economy experiences for a certain
period. Business cycles vary in duration from more than 1
year to 12 years, and contain a boom (or expansionary
phase) and a recession (or contractionary phase) (Leitner
2005). Expansions are characterized by economic growth
in real terms, which is evident in the increases in
employment, real income, industrial production, and
output. Inversely, recessions are characterized by
economic contraction, as measured by decreases in the
indicators. The expansion is measured from the trough
(or bottom) of the previous business cycle to the peak of
the current cycle, while a recession is measured from the
peak to the trough.
•Consequently, for the past few years, the international
economic community has developed a growing interest
on documenting stylized features of international
business cycles to explain these cycles. The empirical
literature on business cycles has rapidly expanded during
the last decade: Christodulakis, Dimelis, and Kollintzas
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(1995) studied the features of business cycles in the Euro
Zone countries and found out that there are similarities
in the business cycle dynamics across these countries.
Backus, Kehoe, and Kydland (1992, 1995) examined the
stylized characteristics of business cycles in the major
industrialized countries. Kose (1999a) examined the
cyclical regularities observed in several developing
countries in the context of a small open economy
Dynamic Stochastic General Equilibrium model and found
that the bulk of business cycle fluctuations in aggregate
output is explained by world price shocks. Similarly,
Aguiar and Gopinath (2007) and (Muñoz 2017) built a
Dynamic Stochastic General Equilibrium model with
shocks to trend growth to replicate the stylized facts of
business cycles in emerging market economies (EMEs).
Muñoz (2017) studied the interaction between short run
business cycle fluctuations and economic growth at the
empirical level and was able to identify a measure of
potential output with that rate of growth consistent with
a constant unemployment rate in 13 Latin American and
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Development member countries.
•There are also studies focusing on the emerging
economies and Asian countries. In 1997, a study showed
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the sources of macroeconomic fluctuations in Asian
economies using a vector autoregressive model and
found that the domestic supply shocks account for a
significant fraction of the business cycle fluctuations in
aggregate output in the Asian countries. Ahmed and
Loung ani (1998) also examined the sources of
macroeconomic fluctuations in Asian economies using a
vector–error correction model. Their results suggested
that external shocks, foreign output shocks, and oil price
shocks play an important role in inducing cyclical
fluctuations in output in these countries. Selover (1999)
employed bivariate vector autoregressive models and
found partial evidence supporting transmission of
business cycles among member countries of the
Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). A study
conducted by Calderon and Fuentes (2014) documented
the properties of business cycles of 65 countries—22
industrial countries and 43 emerging market economies
—using the Harding and Pagan (2002) dating algorithm
and found out that recessions are deeper, costlier, and
more pronounced; however, recovery for EMEs is swifter
and stronger compared to industrialized countries.
Duncan (2015) reformulated the model proposed by
Aguiar and Gopinath (2007) and employed the simplified
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model for qualitatively explaining facts such as the highly
counter-cyclicality of the trade balance and the higher
volatility of output and consumption of EMEs compared
with those observed in advanced countries.
•Literature in this area of research have primarily
focused on business cycle features of major developed
economies and a limited number of developing
countries. However, only a few studies have examined
the stylized features of business cycles of Asian
countries, especially the Philippines in which strong
growth performance over the last 3 decades has been
the subject of intensive research.
•Emerging market economies (EMEs) like the Philippines
are largely characterized by their macroeconomic
volatility in a sense that fluctuations in output, exchange
rates, and current account balances are normally more
recurrent, sharper, and abrupt compared to industrial
economies (Calderon and Fuentes 2014). Excess volatility
in output fluctuations in EMEs, as compared with
industrial countries, has typically been attributed to
country-specific factors that amplify external shocks and
have led to a higher incidence of banking, currency, and
external debt crisis (The World Bank 2007). These factors
include EMEs’ excessive dependence on few volatile
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sectors, a narrow tax base, fragile financial systems, weak
institutions, and poor economic policies (Calderon and
Fuentes 2014).
•Thus, business cycles in emerging markets are more
pronounced than in advanced economies. The average
decline in output during recessions is smaller in advanced
countries compared to emerging markets, while
recoveries in advanced countries are weaker compared to
those experienced in emerging markets (Kose, Prasad,
and Terrones 2006). However, there is no noticeable
difference between advanced and emerging market
countries in terms of duration of recessions.
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THE ISSUE OF INFLATION
•Inflation rates rose sharply in 2018 in the Philippines.
Measured on a year-on-year (y/y) basis, headline
inflation rates were above the 2-4 percent inflation
target band from March 2018 (4.3 percent) to January
2019 (4.4 percent), peaking at 6.7 percent in September
and October 2018.
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•Many factors have likely contributed to the rise in
inflation in the Philippines in 2018, and they can be
largely divided between supply- and demand- driven.
Supply factors include the rise in international oil prices,
the disruptions to rice inventories, and the changes to
excise taxes on selected “sin” items imposed in the
Philippines. Demand factors are largely associated with
the “overheating” risks of the economy, partly fueled by
the lumpy public infrastructure investment (IMF (2018)).
Understanding the source of the inflation pressures is
important for monetary policy decisions. The common
view is that a tighter monetary policy stance is generally
suitable if the rise in inflation rates is demand-driven.
The case for tightening monetary policy would be less
certain, however, if inflation pressures are supply-driven.
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MONETARY POLICY FRAMEWORK IN THE
PHILIPPINES
•The Philippines moved to an IT regime in 2002.3 The
inflation target is defined in terms of the average change
in the consumer price index (CPI) or headline inflation
over the calendar year. In the initial setup period during
2002-2010, inflation targets were changed frequently.
The targets were subsequently set at 4 percent during
2011-14 and within a 3 percent +/- 1 tolerance band
during 2015-18 (Figure 2) by the National Government,
with the same targets imposed for 2018-2020. The
primary objective of the BSP’s monetary policy is “to
promote price stability conducive to a balanced and
sustainable growth of the economy. It also aims to
promote and preserve monetary stability and the
convertibility of the national currency.” The IT regime
successfully lowered the inflation rates and growth
volatility. Average annual inflation decreased from 8.7
percent in the 1990s to 5.1 percent and 3.3 percent
during 2002-09 and 2010-18 respectively. Episodes of
inflation outside the band have generally been short-
lived. Historically, inflation in the Philippines has been
highly affected by oil prices. Energy and
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energy-intensive items (electricity, gas, fuel) account for
about 15 percent of the consumption basket in the
Philippines. The oil-price hikes in 2005, 2008 and 2018
were all associated with notable pickups in inflation. This
also poses challenges to policymakers, especially when it
becomes difficult to disentangle the impact of oil prices
(a typical supply shock) with demand factors when both
oil prices and headline inflation move in the same
direction.
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THE RISE IN INFLATION IN 2018
Inflation dynamics
The Philippines experienced a sharp rise in inflation in
2018. Headline inflation increased from 2.9 percent (y/y)
on average in 2017 to 5.2 percent (y/y) in 2018, with
rates staying above the BSP’s inflation target of 2-4
percent, during March 2018-January 2019. Several
supply-side factors contributed to the rise in inflation in
2018 in the Philippines, including:
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(1) World oil prices. Brent oil price increased from US$46
per barrel in June 2017 to US$81 per barrel in October
2018. Oil prices are not subsidized in the Philippines, and
the increase in world oil prices have a direct impact on
domestic prices.
(2) Excise taxes. As part of the broader tax reform, excise
taxes on selected "sin" items and oil products were
raised in January 2018. The Department of Finance
estimates that the total impact of tax reform on inflation
is about +0.4 to +0.7 percent in 2018.
(3) Rice prices. The share of rice consumption in the CPI
basket is 9.6 percent in the Philippines. Rice prices rose
and peaked at 10.7 percent y/y in October 2018, owing
to domestic food supply issues with restrictive rice
import quotas.
As a result, energy and food, inflation increased for most
part of 2018
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THE ISSUE OF UNEMPLOYMENT AND
POVERTY
UNEMPLOYMENT
•In 2012, 10 million Filipinos were either unemployed
(three million) or underemployed (seven million). In
October 2013, unemployment rate was 6.5% in
comparison to 6.8% in 2012. According to the Labor
Force Survey, the unemployment rate was 6% and 6.6%
in October 2014 and January 2015, respectively.
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•Only one-fourth of the Filipinos that enter the labor force
are able to find good jobs in the country, and the rest of
them find jobs overseas, leave the labor force, or end up
becoming unemployed/underemployed. Thus, three-
fourth of the workers are unemployed or informally
employed, with lack of opportunities to find good jobs.
Though jobs are being generated, there’s a need to
generate jobs at much faster rate, to be able to bring down
the unemployment rate. Many of the unemployed
individuals are college graduates. Many waits for job
opportunities abroad, and many families depend on
remittances from family members who are staying abroad.
POVERTY
•Despite the talk about economic growth, the poverty
rates have not changed significantly since 2006. As per
the National Statistical Coordination Board (NSCB),
poverty incidence of the population improved from 26.3
percent in 2009 to 25.2 percent in 2012.
•Even though Philippines is a fast-growing economy,
there’s been just a minor decline in the incidence of
poverty. Poverty is very much linked to unemployment.
Unfortunately, the growth is restricted to the BPO, retail,
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and real estate sector, and a large number of Filipinos
remain without jobs. On top of that, natural calamities
further push people below the poverty line. Thus,
economic disparity is a common feature. In general, the
gains from higher economic growth have not really
trickled down to the poor.
•Philippines was the third-highest recipient of migrant
remittances in 2013, after India and China. According to
the Philippine Central Bank, remittances from overseas
Filipino workers (OFWs) reached USD 25.1 billion in
2013. It was 7.6% higher than the remittances from the
last year, and accounted for 8.4 % of Philippine gross
domestic product (GDP) in 2013.
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THE ISSUE OF BUDGETARY DEFICIT
The budget deficit in 2021 is 21.8% higher than in 2020.
• The national government’s full-year budget deficit
reached P1.7 trillion, data from the Bureau of the
Treasury showed on Tuesday, March 1.
• The budget deficit in 2021 was 21.8% higher or P298.7
billion more than the figure posted in 2020, as expenses
jumped 10.6% amid the pandemic.
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• A budget deficit occurs when a government’s expenses
exceed revenues. The gap is filled in by borrowing from
domestic and foreign sources.
• State economic managers program the deficit in relation
to gross domestic product (GDP) to maintain the
country’s fiscal health. Set the gap too wide or too narrow
and it may have negative impacts on the overall economy.
• For 2021, the programmed deficit was 9.3% of GDP,
while the actual figure stood at 8.6%.
Revenues
• Government revenues reached P3 trillion in 2021, an
improvement of 5.4% or P149.6 billion more than the
revenues posted in 2020.
• Revenues were also P124 billion better than the P2.9-
trillion program, as the economy gradually reopened.
• The government said 91% of revenues were from taxes,
while non-tax sources comprised the remaining 9%.
• The Bureau of Internal Revenue collected P2.1 trillion in
2021, a 6.5% improvement from 2020 and just 0.15%
short of its full-year target.
Expenditures
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• Full-year disbursements reached P4.7 trillion, 10.6%
higher due to infrastructure and other capital
expenditures, as well as pandemic-related expenses.
• Expenditures were still lower by 1.3% or P61.5 billion
compared to the full-year program, mainly due to lower-
than-programmed interest payments.
• Meanwhile, interest payments stood at P429.4 billion,
up by 12.9%. However, this is 19.2% lower compared to
the programmed P531.5 billion. This generated P102.1
billion in savings.
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BIBLIOGRAPHY
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THANK YOU
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