International Association for the Study of Traditional Environments (IASTE)

THE TRADITION OF CHANGE

Author(s): DELL UPTON
Source: Traditional Dwellings and Settlements Review, Vol. 5, No. 1 (FALL 1993), pp. 9-15
Published by: International Association for the Study of Traditional Environments (IASTE)
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 TDSR VOL. V NO. I 1993 • 9-15

THE TRADITION OF CHANGE

DELL UPTON

Theyoung
fieldofvernacular suffers
studies
landscape from
limitations byits
imposed
fundamental inturn
which
categories, growoutofthefield's
roots
inWestern
intellectual
and
aesthetic
conceptsoftheeighteenth
andnineteenth
centuries.
Thispaper twoofthose
analyzes
fundamental
categories.Thefirst
is thepresent
concept whichsetsoffthe
oftradition,
vernacular
as a static ofexperience
category from
distinct thatofcontemporary and
society
bya seriesofinsider/outsider
characterized dichotomies. in the
Thesecondis a belief
asa signofitsmaker,
oftheobject
authenticity which themultiplicity
obscures ofexperiences
that
andmeanings canobtain.
anyartifact Future
studies needtoconcentrate
ofthevernacular
onlandscapes
ofslippage thanonthose
more
anddiscontinuity ofpermanence
andintegrity
instudies
valued oftradition.

Asstudents oftraditionalarchitecture wedo

andsettlements,
whatwedo pretty well. We knowthewordsandthemusic;
wehavethestepsdown.Yetanyone whoreadsmuchofour
workmustfeela certain senseoffamiliarity.Itmayseemodd
new,thatlacks
tosaythisabouta fieldthatis stillrelatively
anextensive bibliography offirst-rate
works, andthatis,with
conspicuous exceptions, not verysophisticatedin its ap-
proach.Obviously there is muchbasic to
fieldwork be done,
manyparts of theworld's vernacularlandscapethatwehave
notyetexamined.1 Nevertheless, it is impossible
to avoid
thinking thatouractis already toopat,that
tooestablished,
thereis morewecanorshouldbe doing.

Thispaperhas moreto do withvoicingdoubtsthanwith

floatingtheoriesor manifestos. missionis to
Its particular
Architectural
dell uptonisa Professor
of at
History the
University examine unwritten assumptionsthat frame vernacu-
current
ofCalifornia,
Berkeley. lar studies. Although scholars
of the environ-
traditional

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IO • T D S R 5.1

mentsoftheso-calledFirstand ThirdWorldsworkto all through decayor theeffectsoftime),to thestudy,bythe

intentsandpurposes ignorantofoneanother, itseemstome beginning ofthenineteenthcentury,oftheunclassical
forms
thatthereareimportant intheintellectual
similarities under- ofmedieval higharchitecture.
Thesewereirregularorpictur-
pinningsofthetwocamps,as wellas comparable limitations esqueinthesensethattheiroriginaldesigns,whichincorpo-
intheirapproaches.Bothsidesbasetheirworkonconcepts of ratedclassically
derived violated
elements, established
aesthetic
tradition
andthevernacular thatspringfromthesamesources rules.Fromthere wemove,bythemid-nineteenth century,to
inEuropean intellectual
history,thatarestaticanddualistic the appreciation of nonclassical,
nonmonumental, often
intheirconception,andthataregrounded inanelusivefaith nonmedieval forms,all groupedunderthe rubricof the
in theobjectas authentic
signofitsmaker. "Gothic."Thesewereirregularbecause,intheeyesofthefirst
scholarsofthevernacular,theywere builtwhollyoutsidethe
So mysecondaim,inadditiontoscrutinizing theseassump- tradition
ofclassicism.
tionsandtheworkthatarisesfrom them,is toconsiderwhat
morepositive common ground FirstandThird World schol- The intellectual passagefromclassicalruinsto medieval
arsmighthave.Although mycomments arebasedprimarily monuments to ruralhouseswastoointricate totraceherein
on studiesofNorthAmerica andWestern Europe,I believe detail. In onesenseit is unnecessary to do so, becausethe
thatall scholars
ofthevernacularsharein theirpurview and connections werebasedonelisionandanalogyrather thanon
methodscertaincommonpossibilities forintersectionand analytical and the
reasoning, along waytheybogged down in
productive cross-fertilization
that transcend either
regionor questions of nationalidentity and cultural character. We
thecategoriesoftradition
andthevernacular. onlyneedtorecognize thatbyabout1875there wasa placefor
rural,nonmonumental, presumably preindustrial buildings
withina distinctive social-culturalspacelabeled"traditional"
THE CONCEPT OF THE VERNACULAR or"vernacular." Thisspacelayoutsideestablished aesthetic
rulesand was consequently availableas a platform from
Why arewe drawn tostudy thevernacular? Most of the litera- which to evade andcriticize
them. The firstdetailed studiesof
ture,however scholarly, hasanundertone ofenthusiasm. We thisnewly invented vernacularspaceweremadebypeoplelike
areemotionally attracted to thevernacular byitsaesthetic RalphNeviliin Englandand NormanMorrison Ishamand
its
variety, independent, self-help production, its putative Henry Chapman MercerintheUnited States.Allwerecommit-
egalitarianism, or itsadaptation to its surroundings - all tedto thevaluesoftheartsandcrafts movement, manywere
qualities that we findlacking in whatever we define as the andallpresented
architects, theirworks asexplicitappreciations
nonvernacular environment. Theseattitudes haverootsthat of thesuperiority of tradition,and as reformist in intent.
predate the invention of the categories of traditional and Mercer, forexample, openedanartpottery basedontechniques
vernacular. Knowingsomething abouttheirorigins helpsus heclaimedtohavelearned from traditional Pennsylvania Ger-
understand theassumptions behindourendeavors. manpotters.Ishamdedicatedhis firsttwo booksto the
craftsmen of Connecticut and RhodeIsland,respectively.
Fromthepointofviewofthebuiltlandscape, it is usefulto AndNevilioffered hissimilarworkas a collection ofhintsto
startintheseventeenth andeighteenth centuries withartistic contemporary architectsfrustrated bytheaesthetic corrup-
andantiquarian celebration ofirregularity anddifference in tionofcurrent architectural
practice.
theEuropean landscape.Thiswaspartofthefamiliar intro-
ductionofrelativistic valuesintoWestern thought thathis-
torianshavechronicled so thoroughly. Thosevaluesaffirmed INSIDERS AND OUTSIDERS
thelegitimacy ofdifference acrosstimeandspaceandstimulated
thedevelopment ofa senseofhistory as a circumstantial and Thisintellectual andaesthetic history is relevantina second
noncyclical phenomenon.2 way,becauseit shapedour definition of vernacular social-
cultural
space.Iftheacknowledgment ofdifference promoted a
Thisisa familiarstory. Itisrelevant herebecausetheaesthetic circumstantial viewofhistory, it alsoreinforced thedualistic
andintellectual principles ofpicturesque exoticism werethe viewsofus andthem thatpermeate Western philosophy and
immediate impulses forthe Western studyoftraditional ar- theology.Thisdualism manifested inonewayasaninterest
itself
chitecture. A directintellectual progression leadsfromthe inoutsiders, as theWestpushedoutward beginning attheend
first
architectural investigation ofclassicalruinsthatwere oftheMiddleAges,andinanother asa complementary engage-
judgedpicturesque becausetheywereirregular (meaning that mentwithdifference within- a fascination withobscure,
theydeparted fromtheabsoluterulesofclassicalaesthetics little-known, seemingly exoticsegments ofWestern societies.

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 TRADITIONOF CHANGE• 11
UPTON:

This viewwas dichotomous in anothersense,in thatthe shattered. Thevernacular thusrepresents enduring values,as
exploration ofothers hadbothpositive andnegative implica- opposed toourownrealm, which ischaracterized bytransience.4
tions.Sometimes usandthem havebeenframed interms ofthe
moralandcultural superiority. The distinction mightem- Thereis a subtextin thesedichotomies ofwhattheologians
phasizethesuperiority of us hereto themthere,whether callpre-andpost-lapsarianism, oflifebefore andafter theFall.
"they" refersto Irish,Africans, Americans, Asians, or Pacific Euro-American vernacular studies routinely apotheosize the
Islanders.It mightequallyaptlydemonstrate thesuperiority preindustrial goldenage. Likesin,theoutsideis irresistibly
ofus toourneighbors within:oftherespectable towhatthe intrusive, andwithitcomesthecontamination anddefeat of
eighteenth century would have called the mob; of the urbane tradition.This subtext is explicitly articulated by the En-
totheoafandthebumpkin; ofthemoderate totheover-and glish,whoinsistthattherewas no vernacular architecture
theunderachiever; oftheopentothesecret.Yetatothertimes after1700,whennationaltransportation systems andarchi-
has
dichotomy engendered envy, excitement and titillation tectural
publications sowed the knowledge fatal to innocence
atthepicturesqueness oftheunderworld orthecolorful nessof inthecountryside. Among most North Americans, itismore
thepeasant.Moreoften,it reinforced a nostalgicsenseof implicit.We concentrate onrural, preindustrial buildings as
inferiorityand loss and consequent unfavorable comparison a matteroftaste rather than ideology, but it is a taste formed
ofourselves withthenoblesavagesand sturdyyeomenof bythetradition ofpicturesque antiquarianism.
otherplacesandtimes.Although thisnostalgic self-flagellation
isanoldtradition, as Raymond Williamsshowed, ittookon My point is thatthesehoarypredispositions directour
newforceandgenerality in theeighteenth and nineteenth choicesofwhattostudyas wellas thequestions weaskand
centuriesas therangeofhumanexperience becameapparent theanswers we give. In recentyearsthedomainofNorth
toWesterners.3 American vernacular architecture studies,formerly closely
tooldruralhouses,
restricted hasbeenenlarged, butithasyet
Moreover, thesedichotomies carried a heavyfreight ofmoral toproduce newparadigms ordefinitions. Rather, established
andcultural authenticity, one that demanded clear distinc- boundaries have been stretched and twisted in a kind ofhip
tionsofthetruereligionfrominfidelity or superstition, of intellectualgame whose object is to make a case for the most
orderfrom of from ofthe
anarchy,liberty oppression, straight- unlikely candidates for the traditional, rather than to chal-
forward fromthesophisticated, of theprimitive fromthe lengethecategory itself.
decadent, ofthecivilizedfrom thesavage.Atbottomlayan
assertionofone-sided connections withthesources oftruth, Second,outsider/insider dichotomies alsoorganize thesocial
the
consigning complement to falsehood or illusion. ascribed
qualities to the vernacular. In this the
case, operant
termsare"low"and"high":vernacular building istheculture
Theconcept ofthevernacular wasandstillispermeated with ofthepopulace, ofthe poor,just as academic or avant-garde
thesedichotomies andwithbothnegative andpositiveread- is theculture oftheelite.Somescholars arguethisexplicitly.5
ingsof difference. Considerthequalitiesthatare said to Othersassumeit in failingto acknowledge, forexample,
characterize thevernacular: all dependexplicitly orimplic- significant socioeconomic divisions among buildersof
the
itlyon insider-outsider distinctions. traditional
houses, orthat the surviving vernacular landscapes
inmostplaceswerebuiltbymembers oflocalelites(as nearly
thevernacular
First, isoften described interms ofcommunity or all thecolonialvernacular housesofNorthAmerica were).
personal connections. Thosewhoareoutside ourownexperi-
encearecredited withbeingin factinsiders , witha cohesive Third,thedichotomy ofoutsideandinsideincludesa third
experience thatismoreauthentic thanourown.Thevernacu- implicit opposition, thatbetween stability andchange.The
laris thespaceoftruecommunity as opposedto thefrag- academicis intrinsically open,active,aggressive, conscious
mented orisolated spacesofcontemporary life.Thisassump- andself-conscious, andchanging.Thevernacular, inwidely
tioncanbe detectedin thecommonassertion thatthepat- usedformulations, to
is assumed be untutored, uncultured
ternsorsimilarities amongtraditional buildingsrepresent and unsophisticated, its aestheticqualitiesinstinctive, its
theshared valuesofa littlecommunity. Eitheroutofrespect functional efficiencies its
fortuitous,origins lost in an endless
forone'sneighbors, outoffearofcensure, orfrom lackofneed chainofimitation. Whatever isuncultured isnatural', itgrows
forvisibleassertion ofstatus,vernacular builders all tendto outofdirectcommunion with circumstance. The vernacular
build aboutthe same thing.With the riseof economic is unencumbered byartifice, and therefore authentic.The
competition andsocialdifferentiation, ofalienation from the opposition, in either case, is between active and passive
old community, theconsensus oftraditional architecture is buildingtraditions. The vernacular is stable; inthissense
itis

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12 • T D S R 5.1

thatitis traditional.
InArchitecture
WithoutArchitects
, a book doesthelandscape seemtobe anappropriate wayto investi-
thatforsomestrangereasonretainsits audienceand its gateit? Much oftheanswerliesina materialist
Westernfaith
Bernard
credibility, Rudofskysaysthisdirectly: intheauthenticconnectionbetween anobjectanditsmaker.
In historical wecanrecognize
perspective, thelimitations
as
architecture
Vernacular doesnotgothroughfashion Itis
cycles. wellas theoriginsofthisWestern faithin thepowerofthe
immutable,
nearly indeed,unimprovable,since
it serves
its landscapetoexplainitsmakers.Yetitishardtorejectitout
toperfection.
purpose Asa rule,
theoriginofindigenous
building ofhand,becauseitis thefoundation ofourownwork,andit
andconstruction
forms methodsislostinthepast. wouldbedifficulttoknowhowtoproceed ifwedidnotaccept
thepremise insomeform.
AlthoughRudofsky obviouslyviewsthe vernacular with
theduality
affection, thatsetsthevernacular asideas a distinct Consequently, thestudyofthevernacular landscapeis in-
categoryofexperience hasa negativeaspectthatis insepa- formed inobviousbutalsoinsubtlewaysbythecalcification
rablefrom itspositive
ones. Ifit is stablebydefinition, it is ofthevernacular as a discrete, pre-lapsarian arenaofsocial
also,bydefinition, in a
marginalized changing world. Its experience that liesjustbeyond our own experience andcan
and
stability passivity a
imply stagnation and even depriva- neverbedirectly accessible tous. It is founded as wellinthe
tionagainstwhichmainstream cultural change- ourways congruent beliefthatthelandscapeis an artifact integrally
- canbe seentoadvantage andjudged. connected tothesocialrealmofthevernacular, andcanreveal
ittous. In accepting thesepremises, wecommit ourselves to
To theextentthatthesecategories drawbothon common modelsoftherelation ofthevernacular andthenonvernacular
metaphors ofarcadiaandinnocence andonequallycommon builtaround acculturation, contamination, anddecline, mod-
metaphors of stasisand privation, they have had a special elsofimpaired authenticity and reduced difference. Our tales
appealto architectural practitioners, fortheyunderpin the aretalesofwoeortalesofheroicresistance (whicharesimply
languageofexpertise onwhichprofessional claimshavebeen their complement). Ourbeliefinthecorrespondence between
built. PhilipFisheroncesuggestedthatin theformative thematerial worldand itsmakerslinksourenterprise ever
yearsofthearchitectural profession, thevernacular wasin- morefirmly to a staticsenseof thevernacular becauseit
ventedto serveas thequackery ofarchitecture, thatis,as a encourages us to valueenduring patterns ofhumanaction
falsepractice thatserved todefine, true
bycontrast, practice.7 in
reified the conceptofthevernacular overthedisruptions
In thetwentieth century, thevernacular hasserved architects and dissociations thatcharacterize thehumanlandscapeas
in the sameway thatthe parallelcategories of folkand builtandlived.
primitiveartservedmodernist artists- as an affectionately
condescending term to describe designthatis almostall right,
thatmightbe turnedintorealartin thehandsofinitiates. THE LIMITS OF AUTHENTICITY
Whether sympathetically orunsympathetically cast,thatis,
thepractitioners interest in thevernacular is oftena vested How heavily canwe relyon ourfaithin theauthenticity or
one. It boilsdownto thefollowing questions:Wherecan truthfulnessofthevernacular landscape? To answer thatques-
architectsget jobs?And wherecan theymakea placefor tionwe mustbreakawayfromourcherished regard forthe
themselves in thebuildingprocess?8 maker'sintentions. It iseasytoarguethata certain landscape is
intended to incorporate givencultural values,butit is very
Thesewaysof characterizing the intellectual and cultural difficultto claimthattheuserssee thisorthattheyareper-
baggagethatthevernacular carriesare admittedly crude. suadedbytheartifacts claims.It is relatively easyto make
Theyomitthesubtlety andsophistication, nottomention the diagrams linkingsocialorcultural andspatialpractices, but
genuineunderstanding, ofthebeststudies.Yettheyarenot, it is justas easytoshowthatusers'interpretations beliethem.
I think,unfair, fortheyilluminatethe reification of the
vernacular as a seriesofdichotomies thatareas commonas Letmeoffer an examplefrompost-Revolutionary Philadel-
theyareunexamined. phia,thequintessential walking city.WilliamPenn'sspacious
two-square-mile griddedplan was quicklysubdivided, its
I havetreated thevernacular as an abstract conceptthatwas publicsquaresbuiltoverand its largeblockscut through
subsequently appliedto thelandscape, sinceit tendsto be withalleysandcourts.Philadelphiascrowded intolessthan
employed as an a prioricategory rather than developed em- a quarterofthecity'sarea,as nearaspossibletotheDelaware
pirically.Consequently, to understand whattheconceptof Riverwaterfront. Whathypotheses abouttheexperience of
thevernacular implies,we must ask a second question: Why thecityforitsresidents canwedrawfrom theartifact?

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 TRADITIONOF CHANGE*13
UPTON:

Ostensibly, the preindustriaicitywas characterized by a amonghis countinghouse,theQuakermeeting, and his

moreheterogeneous pattern of land uses and less social numerous farms andextensivespeculative hold-
real-estate
segregationthanthecityafter1840. If we lookat a map, ingsoutsidePhiladelphia.Her son,ostensiblyan invalid,
notingthescaleanddensity ofdevelopment and thecom- exploredmostofthecityandknewwhereall thelowenter-
ofa
pression variety ofusesand socialgroups theeasily
into tainmentswere,tohismother'schagrin.Herdaughterslived
traversablehalfsquaremile of thepost-colonial city,we largely
unsupervisedlives about
roaming thecityand suburbs
might seean intimate
landscape where peoplewere neverfar withtheirfriends.Theyoungest wasabletoplanandcarry
removed from others
very differentfrom themselves.On the withaid ofherownandthefamily's
offa marriage friends,
otherhand,ifwe lookat themicro-orders depictedin the withoutherparents' eversuspecting was
anything afoot.
at the
architecture, sorting within blocksand fromblockto
we
block, might inclinetoward an thatsug-
interpretation The Drinkers' experience ofPhiladelphia warnsus thatSam
considerable
gests social
segregation. BassWarner's memorable characterization ofthepre-street-
car"walking city" can mislead us: because all partsofthecity
To assessthesepossiblemodels,we mightlookthrough the wereequallyaccessible, itdoesnotfollowthateveryone was
eyes of Elizabeth Drinker,who was the wife of one of equallyfamiliar with all parts ofit." Yet Elizabeth Drinker's
Philadelphia'swealthiest
Quaker merchantsand who kepta exampleis instructive in a secondway. Although shetook
the
diaryspanning forty-nine yearsfrom1758 1807.9The
to littleadvantageof thewalkingcity'spotential, she knew
Drinkers livedintheheartofmercantile
Philadelphia, inthe Philadelphia well. In anerawhenurbanités wereincreasingly
family'scombined residenceand countinghouse on Front awareofthecityas a multisensory experience, herearswere
Streetadjoining Drinker's or
Alley.Familiaritysegregation: attunedtothesoundsaroundher- tothestreet musicians,
whichcharacterized ElizabethDrinker's
city? thedisputesthattookplacewithinearshot, thecriesofthe
watchmen, andespecially thesoundofthefire alarmbell."At
Thefamiliarity modelsuggests thatinthecourseofherlong homeintheCity,"shewrote, "thehourisoften inmy
repeated
lifeDrinkerwouldcometo knowPhiladelphia extensively ears,by the two Town-clocks, our own Clock, and the
andintensively. Thesegregation modelimpliesthatsomeone watchmen. I never wasmuchdisturbed by common in
noises
ofhersocialstanding wouldbe morefamiliar withtheaffairs thenight, asmanyare,iftheyweresuchasI couldaccount for,
ofherpeersandwiththeeliteinstitutions inthemajorstreets andnotexcessively loud."12 Otherinformation cametoherin
thanwiththedoingsofpoorerPhiladelphians in theinner- oralreports fromherfamily and servants and was quickly
blockcourts andalleys.Infact,neitherseemstohavebeentrue in
mapped her mental landscape. On one occasion she"was
ofElizabethDrinker.Herdiaryrecords in greatdetailthe awakeatandlongbefore the dawn of . . .
day thinking ofmy
trialsandconflicts ofthelower-classblacksandwhiteswho children &c. whoarenowplanted in different parts the
of
livedinDrinker's Alley,yetitgiveslittleindicationthatshe City,buthadthefirebeennearanyone them,weshould
of
hadmuchtodo withhermorerespectable neighbors. More undoubtedly . . . haveheardofit."13
strikingly,Drinker rarelyleftherhouse,particularlyafteran
illnessintheearly1790s.Thishardly seemscredible; ourfirst Ifthebeliefin theartifact as an authenticsignofitsmakers
reactionis thatdespiteits lengththediarymustnot be orusersis undermined bythedisparate waysthatlandscapes
comprehensive. Butthenwe encounter entriessuchas that areexperienced,it is alsoundermined bythevariety ofmean-
recording hervisitto a shopon SecondStreetbehindher ingsmakers andusersinvestinthesameartifacts andspaces.
house,"a businessthatI havenotbeenin forseveralyears Forexample, theinterviews published byJeff Gillenkirkand
before." On anotheroccasionshewrotethat"I havenotbeen JamesMotlowin Bitter Melon, theiroralhistory ofthere-
overourdoorsillforupwards ofnineweeks- andbuttwice nowned Chinese- American agriculturaltownofLocke,Cali-
thisfourmonths." Afteranotherwalk,shenotedthat"I saw, revealat leastthreedifferent,
fornia, overlapping landscapes
forthefirst time,Cooksgrandedifice[whichstooda few sharingthesamesetofbuildings Therewasthe
andstreets.14
hundred yardsfrom herhouseandhadbeenbuiltthreeyears Lockethatwasa placeofrecreation andreleaseforthemale
earlier]and theNew Presbyterian Meetinghouse. . . built population
agricultural ofFirstStreet,thequietvillageofthe
within a yearortwo"onthesameblockasCooke'sbuilding.10 familiesofSecondStreet(as wellas theplaceofrefuge for
both),andtheunorganized, "wide-open" townoftheCauca-
ElizabethDrinker's of thecity,whichwas un-
experience sianimagination. Whiteauthorities foundit convenient to
doubtedlyan unusualone,cannotbe comprehended under treatLockeas "outside"vicelawsuntilearlyin the1950s,
ofthemodelsofintimacy
either Neithercan
orsegregation. allowingittobea placeofa different kindofrelease forwhite
Drinker's
anyofherfamily's. husband Henrydividedhistime andAsiansociety in thecounty.

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14 • TD S R 5.1

Studiesofother,moreurbanChinatowns, suchas thoseof and the traditional maybe to abandonthosecategories

FresnoandStockton,California,orVancouver,supportthe altogether,andwiththemthebaggageI havedescribed.At
Thespatialqualitiescreatedbyreal-estate
point.15 develop- theleastwe needto contaminate thespaceofthevernacular
mentpracticesandurbanregulations - thenarrow alleys, andtorelocate itinthehumancultural We should
landscape.
andsqueezingofboarding
tightquarters, housesandhotels turnourattention awayfroma searchfortheauthentic,the
ofblocks- constituted
intotheinteriors imposedconditions theenduring
characteristic, andthepure,andimmerse our-
underwhichtheresidents livedand worked, buttheyalso selvesin theactive,theevanescentandtheimpure, seeking
offered foroutsider
opportunities fantasy.Chinatowns were settingsthatareambiguous, multiple,oftencontested,
and
widelysupposedtohavesecret passages,
underground cham- examining pointsofcontactand transformation- in the
bers,andotherspatialattributesthatsupportedan incom- market, at theedge,in thenewandthedecaying.Theseare
andsinister
prehensible wayoflife.16 theplaceswhere,ifnotanything, at leastmanyunexpected
thingscanhappen.
It maybe thatthescholarly association ofsocialstructure
withphysicalattributes, on whichmuchof thestudyof HereisanopportunityforbothFirstandThirdWorldstudies.
traditionalorvernacularenvironments necessarily
depends, Forobviousand pressingreasons, it seemsto me thatthe
is not muchdifferent fromtheyellowjournalist's or the critical
storyforhistorical
and contemporary studiesalikeis
missionary's Chinatown (although it is possiblybetter thatofthegreatmigrations ofthelastfivehundred years,
intentionedandsometimes betterinformed). Atanyrate,my migrations thatbroughtsocietieson theirowntrajectories
examplessuggest that in a
proceeding positivistic manner intocollision.17
Ouropportunityis tostudytheepisodesof
from a belief
thatthelandscape hassomeauthentic connection encounterandtransformation.
to a discrete
population is riskyand can haveonlylimited
success.We maybe able to demonstrate somefairlypre- Current studiesofvernacularlandscapes andarchitecture tend
dictableaspectsofsocialstructure,butthetwohalvesofthe to stressconnections and continuity in a positivist way,
phrase"material culture"canneverbe perfectly linked. emphasizing whatusedto be calledthetransfer ofculture.
Thatis,theystudy(andsometimes promote) efforts to pre-
servetraditional cultureor to reproduce old waysin new
THE TRADITION OF CHANGE settings.We knowthismaterial wellenough forthemoment.
Nowweneedtobeinterested inwhatdidn'thappen, inwhat
The staticand essentiallydescriptive attentionto social- collapsed,in what went awry. It is in the that
landscapes are
spatialstructure
thatisbuiltintotheconcept oftradition
has, upforgrabs,thatarenotdistinctive, thatarenotexotic,that
I think,paralyzedthestudyofvernacular overthe arebarely
landscapes visiblethatthebestandmostimportant taleswill
lastseveral
years. Becausewe aretoo in
interested continuity bewritten. Theyareourpresent opportunity, andtheycallus
andauthenticity, we tendto ignorechangeandambiguity. toleavebehindourfascination withtradition foritsownsake
To remedy the
this, nextstep in thestudy ofthevernacular and to the
study landscape whoserealtradition is change.

REFERENCE
NOTES Thispaperisa shortenedandmodified version The Architectural
Historian
inAmerica
,E.B.
ofonedeliveredatthesecond iasteconference,MacDougall,ed.(Washington,D.C.:National
October,
Berkeley, 1990. ofArt,
Gallery 1990), 213.
pp.199-
3. R.Williams,The andthe
Country (New
City
i. I usethewords traditional
andvernacular York: Oxford Press,
University 1973).
because
interchangeably I assume that
tradition 4. Students
ofthevernacular
assume
issynechdochicforvernacular.Thatis,the communityandconnections
notonlywithinthe
that
qualities weassociatewith tradition
infact proximity
ofthevillage,
butwithinthebondsof
characterize
theentirerealm ofthevernacularas religion
orethnicity. outsiders
Again, (from
itiscurrently
understood. mass arereally
society) thetrueinsiders:
2. P.Collins,ChangingIdealsinModern vernacular
formsareauthentic of
expressions
ij$o- ip$o
Architecture, (Montreal: McGill- community,while
ourown areaccidental,
Queen's
University Press,1965);P.Gay, The oradopted.
imposed,
AnInterpretation
Enlightenment: , 2Vols.(New 5. Forexample,
J.B.Jackson, the
Discovering
York:Knopf, 1969),esp.Vol.2pp.368- 96;and Vernacular (NewHaven:
Landscape Yale
D. Upton,"Outside theAcademy: ACentury of University
Press,
1984), 55.
pp.11-
Vernacular
ArchitectureStudies,1890-1990,"in 6. B.Rudofsky,Architecture
Without
Architects
:

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 TRADITIONOF CHANGE• 15
UPTON:

toNon-Pedigreed
Introduction
a Short Architecture 14.J.GillenkirkandJ.Motlow, Melon:
Bitter
(New York: Doubleday, 1964),n.p. Stories
fromtheLastRural ChineseTowninAmerica
7. P.Fisher, comment onthepanel "Historiog- (Seattle: ofWashington
University Press,
1987).
raphyandArchitecture,"SocietyofArchitectural 15.R.D.Chacon, "The Beginning ofRacial
annual
Historians meeting, Boston, 1990. Segregation:
April, TheChinese inWest Fresnoand
SeeM.Douglas, PurityandDanger: AnAnalysis Chinatown's RoleasRedLight District,
1870s-
oftheConcepts andTaboo
ofPollution (London: 1920s," Southern 70(Winter
Quarterly
California
Routledge andKegan Paul,1966). 1988), - 98;S.S.Minnick,
pp.371 Samfow:The
8. D. Upton, "TheTraditional House andits SanJoaquin Chinese
Legacy Panorama
(Fresno:
Enemies,"Traditional
Dwellings andSettlements West Publishing,1988);andK.J.Anderson,
ReviewVol.iN0.2(Spring 1990),pp.71-84. Chinatown:
Vancouver's Racial in
Discourse
9. Recently asThe
published Diary ofElizabethCanada, 1980
187$- (Montreal:McGill-Queen's
Drinker,3Vols.,E.F.Crane,ed.(Boston: UniversityPress,
1991).
NortheasternUniversity Press,
1991). 16. Itisworthnoting that thesamequalities
10.Ibid.,Vol.2 (October
p.851 and
11,1796); were tolower-class
attributed whiteandblack
Vol.ip.694 (June21,1795). ofEuropean
districts andAmerican bythe
cities
il. S.B.Warner, Suburbs:
Streetcar
Jr., The urban
Processfirst reformersofthenineteenthandearly
ofUrban Growth inBoston,iSjo- içoo(Boston: twentieth centuries.
Athenaeum, 1962,1971). 17.SeeE.R.Wolf, Europeandthe Without
People
12.Diary,Vol.ip.610 (October 24,1794). History University
(Berkeley: ofCalifornia
V0I.2
13.Ibid., p.853(October 19,1796). Press,1982).

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