The Origins of "W 1 "

Edward H. Roesner

Journal of the American Musicological Society, Vol. 29, No. 3. (Autumn, 1976), pp. 337-380.

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 The Origins of W ,
BY E D W A R D H . ROESNER

O N E OF THE SOURCES of medieval polyphony is better known to the

N musicological community than W ,(Wolfenbiittel, Herzog August Biblio-
thek, codex 628 Helmstadiensis).' T h e importance of W1 was first estab-
lished by Friedrich Ludwig, who saw the different parts of its repertoire as
representing crucial stages in the evolution of twelfth-century polyphony. In
Ludwig's view, one group of works reflects the earliest extant layer of "Notre
Dame" polyphony, a stage close to the work of Leoninus himself; another is
the product of Perotinus and his generation; a third, represented by the
settings for the Ordinary of the Mass scattered throughout the manuscript and
by the contents of the eleventh fascicle, transmits elements of an earlier period
of creative activity-one antedating L e o n i n u ~ Ludwig
.~ reported the opinion
of Heinemann that the book was written in the fourteenth century and noticed
the presence of an ex libris linking the manuscript with the Scottish ecclesias-
tical center of St. Andrews, but he felt that the repertoire of the book "zeigt . . .
mindestens fiir die 1 0 ersten Faszikel deutlich die urspriinglich franzasische
Provenienz der Handschrift an."3
T h e origins of W1 have been the subject of repeated inquiry and debate, in
large measure, perhaps, because of the central position that Ludwig estab-
lished for the contents of the manuscript within the history of the Parisian
polyphonic tradition. Jacques Handschin argued that the manuscript origi-
nated not in France but in the British Isles and that fascicle XI and the
Ordinary tropes entered elsewhere in the book represent the work of two
different English centers; he went on to offer evidence showing that the en-
tire codex was written at-or at least for-St. Andrews.' T h e Scottish

' MS 677 in Otto von Heinemann, Die Handscbriften der Herzoglicben Bibliotbek zu
Wofenenbiittel,I: Die Helmstedter Handscbriften, 3 vols. (Wolfenbiittel, I 884-88), 11, 87. I am
grateful to the Herzog August Bibliothek for allowing me repeated access to this and other
manuscripts. The completion of this study was greatly facilitated by a Faculty Research Award
from the University of Maryland for the summer of I 9 7 5
' Friedrich Ludwig, Reperton'um organorurn recentioris et motetomm vetustissimi stili,
(Halle, I 9 I o), p p 7-42: idem, "Die liturgischen Organa Leonins und Perotins," Riemann-
Festschrift: Gesammelte Studien, Hugo Riemann zum secbzigsten Geburtstag (Leipzig, 1 9 0 9 ) ~
p p 205-6.
Ludwig, Repertorium, p. 7.
'Jacques Handschin, "Zur Frage der melodischen Paraphrasierung im Mittelalter,"
Zeitscbriftpi' Musikwissenscbaft, X (1928), 540-41; idem, "A Monument of English Me-
diaeval Polyphony: The Manuscript Wolfenbiittel 677," The Musical Times, LXXIV ( I 93 j),
697-704. Ludwig accepted the insular provenance of W , in his later writings; see "Die
 JOURNAL OF T H E AMERICAN MUSICOLOGICAL SOCIETY
3 38
paleographer James H . Baxter, in his preface to the facsimile edition of W,,
presented additional evidence linking the early history of the manuscript with
St. Andrews and refined Heinemann's dating somewhat, placing the hand-
writing in the first half of the fourteenth century.' Both Handschin and Willi
Apel were troubled, however, by the disparity between the suggested date of
the manuscript and the much greater age of the repertoire it transmits.
Independently of each other, they sought additional expert opinion on the
paleography and came to the conclusion that W 1is much older than had been
previously suspected, perhaps dating from as early as the mid-thirteenth
century.' Recently, Heinrich Husmann and Rudolf Flotzinger have brought
new tools to the study of the origins of the manuscript. Husmann marshalled
liturgical evidence to show that it was not written in Scotland at all, but rather
in the southern or eastern part of England.' And Flotzinger suggested, also on
the basis of liturgical criteria, that the book can be dated fairly precisely, ca.
I 26f.'
Despite the formidable and sometimes brilliant research carried out on
this source to date, the issue of the origins of W , is still far from settled. There
is a large body of evidence-historical, liturgical, and codicological-bearing
directly on the problem that has not as yet been considered. Moreover,
different conclusions can be drawn from some of the data brought forward in
the past when they are examined from a fresh va,ntage point. I propose to
reopen the discussion here, basing my observations primarily on evidence
relating to W 1as a physical document and liturgical record and excluding, for
the most part, considerations such as the age of its readings, the stylistic
position of its repertoire in relation to other, contemporaneous repertoires, and
the "progressive" or "old-fashioned" state of its notation. It is my hope to
move the discussion somewhat closer toward a solution of the problem of the

geistliche nichtliturgische/weltliche einstimmige und die mehrstimmige Musik des Mittelalters

bis zum Anfang des I 5. Jahrhunderts," Handbuck der Musikgescbicbte, ed. Guido Adler, 2d
ed., 2 vols. (Berlin, 1 9 2 9 ) ~I, 2 2 0 ; and idem, "Uber den Entstehungsort der grossen 'Notre
Dame-Handschriften,' " Studien zur Musikgescbicbte: Festschrift &r Guido Adler zum 75.
Geburtstag (Vienna, I 9 3 0 ) ~p p 48-49.
James H . Baxter, ed., An Old St. Andrews Music Book (Cod. Helmst. 628), St. Andrews
University Publications, No. XXX (London, 193 I), pp. v-xiii. For a detailed account of how a
number of Scottish manuscripts, W 1among them, made their way to Wolfenbiittel, see idem,
Copiale pn'oratus Sanctiandree: The Letterbook of James Haldenstone, Prior of St. Andrews
(1418-144j), St. Andrews University Publications, No. XXXI (London, I 930)~p p xvii-xxxii.
Handschin asked the advice of H . G. Wackernagel; see Jacques Handschin, "The
Summer Canon and Its Background," Musica disciplina, V ( I ~ s I ) I, I 3. Ape1 consulted E. K.
Rand; Willi Apel, Tbe Notation of Polyphonic Music, 900-1600, Publications of the Me-
diaeval Academy of America, No. XXXVIII, 5th ed. (Cambridge, Mass., 1 9 5 3 ) ~p. 200.
' Heinrich Husmann, "Zur Frage der Herkunft der Notre-Dame-Handschrift W,,"
Musa-mers-musici: Im Gedenken an Waltber Vetter, ed. Heinz Wegener (Leipzig, I 969), pp.
33-35.
Rudolf Flotzinger, "Beobachtungen zur Notre-Dame-Handschrift W , und ihrem I I .
Faszikel," Mitteilungen der Kommission fir Musikforscbung. Anzeiger der pbilosopbiscb-
bistoriscben KIasse der ~sterreicbiscbenAkademie der Wissenscbaften, CV/ I 9 ( I 968),
245-62; esp. 253.
 THE ORIGINS O F W1
3 39
origins of W1, but many aspects of the question will remain unresolved,
awaiting the discovery of key pieces of evidence. Thus a definitive solution to
the problem, if it can be achieved at all, is still very much in the future.

An examination of W1 reveals a book that is not unified in either its

codicological makeup or its repertoire.' Because much of the evidence relat-
ing to the origins of W1 is to be found in seemingly disparate parts of the
manuscript, it will prove useful, by way of preface to the main topic of this
study, briefly to consider the relationship of the different sections of W 1 to each
other. T h e manuscript is made up of eleven fascicles, each containing works
for a particular number of voices and, generally, of one genre or class (fascicle
I: organa a 4; fascicle 111: organa dupla for the Ofice; fascicle XI : works a 2
for Marian Masses, etc.).1° Fascicles I-V and VIII-X constitute a nucleus that
was then supplemented by several layers of additions. This nucleus, devoted to
the Parisian genres of organum, clausula, and conductus, presents a unified
physical appearance and is the work of a single text scribe (or group of closely
related scribes)" and a single notator. O n e layer of additions to this core was
entered on blank pages at the ends of gatherings by the principal scribe (in a
later phase of his hand) and notator.12 This layer consists of the collection of
Ordinary tropes added to fascicles 111 and VIII-X and a small group of
organa added at the end of the cycle of organa dupla for the Office in fascicle
III.lS (Among these organa are two Responsories to St. Andrew, fols.
2 2 ' - 2 j V , that will be examined in some detail later in this study.)

' The reader is warned that the facsimile edition presents an extremely unreliable impres-
sion of the physical characteristics of W 1 , distorting some features, obscuring others, and
omitting still others altogether through trimming. The fullest description of the manuscript is to
be found in Ludwig, Repertorium, pp. 7-42. For bibliographical information on W 1and the
other polyphonic sources mentioned in this study, see Gilbert Reaney, Manusmipts of Poly-
phonic Music, r rth-Early 14th Centuy, Rkpertoire international des sources musicales, B tv I
(Munich, 1966).
lo W 1bears two foliations, an old one appearing on the top center of each recto and a new
one, entered in the upper right-hand corner. This study will cite the old foliation only. T h e
shape of the Arabic 2 allows us to date the old foliation as not later than the earlier fourteenth
century. T h e number generally appears as a two-stroke figure resembling the modern Arabic 7,
the more recent three-stroke form making only an infrequent appearance (e.g., on fol. 102).
The latter form began to be used in insular manuscripts during the second half of the thirteenth
century and completely replaced the earlier form in the first half of the fourteenth century. See
George Francis Hill, The Development ofArabic Numerals in Europe Exhibited in Sixty-Four
Plates (Oxford, I 9 I J), pp. I 2 , 3 2-3 5. The age of the old foliation appears to be in conformity
with Baxter's assessment of the age of the manuscript proper.
" A different hand entered additional strophes of text in the margin on fols. I 6r (last strophe
only), 79', 8or, and, perhaps, 80". All of these additions are to conductus a j.
l2 The later phase of the text hand is distinguished primarily by the shape of the letter d , in
which the ascender, after bending to the left over the body of the letter, may reverse its direction
to angle diagonally upwards to the right (occasionally with a flourish). This form occurs rarely
in the original corpus of the book but with some frequency in the first layer of additions. There
is little change in the style of the music scribe, except for the additions to fasc. X, some of which
are uncharacteristically inelegant in execution.
' See Max Liitolf, Die mehrstimmigen Ordinarium Missae-Satze vom ausgehenden r r .
bis zur Wende des r j , zum 14. Jahrhundert, 2 vols. (Berne, 1970)~I, 143-44, 146, (items
3 40 JOURNAL OF T H E AMERICAN MUSICOLOGICAL SOCIETY

Fascicles VI and VII constitute further additions. Fascicle VII, which

contains the ex libris identifying the book as belonging to St. Andrews,
transmits a collection of organa tripla and, therefore, supplements the group of
tripla in fascicles I1 and VIII." T h e preceding fascicle contains a cycle of
clausulae a 2, thereby enlarging the clausula collection of fascicle V. T h e two
fascicles resemble each other in a number of ways and thus appear to have
related origins." They are written on parchment slightly different in grade
from that used for the basic corpus of the manuscript; the writing block is, on
the average, somewhat larger (ca. 16-16.4 X 9 cm., as opposed to ca.
I 5.5-16 X 8 cm.); and the ink seems to be browner, more variable in color.
Both fascicles VI and VII were written by the same notator, a different man
from the one who copied fascicles I-V and VIII-X, but each appears to have
been the work of a different text scribe (not additional phases of the main
scribe group). Unlike the main part of the manuscript and the first layer of
additions, neither of these fascicles has colored initials."
Fascicle VI, as indicated above, transmits a second collection of clausulae
and thus is supplementary to the clausula cycle in fascicle V. T h e repertoire of
fascicle VI has some characteristics that set it apart from the preceding fascicle

I -2 I are a list of the Ordinary tropes); Rudolf Flotzinger, Der Discantussatz im Magnus liber
und seiner Nacbfolge mit Beitriigen zur Frage der sogenannten Notre-Dame-Handscbriften,
Wiener musikwissenschaftliche Beitrlge, Bd. 8 (Vienna, 1969), pp. 2 2 1 - 2 2 . Flotzinger sug-
gests that the unique three-voice setting of Haec dies in fasc. VIII (fols. gor-91') is also a later
addition. But cf. Wulf Arlt and Max Haas, "Pariser modale Mehrstimmigkeit in einem
Fragment der Basler Universitltsbibliothek," Forum musicologicum: Basler Srudien zurMusik-
geschichte, I (1975), 229-30. Following a suggestion by Handschin ("Zur Frage de melodi-
schen Paraphrasierung," pp. 530-3 I), both Liitolf (op. cit., I, 175) and Flotzinger (op. cit., p.
222) include Natus corde patris (fasc. IX, fol. 1 0 6 ~among
) the Ordinary tropes added to the
"Hauptcorpus." If this is correct, Natus corde patris is the only such work to have been added
elsewhere than at the end of a gathering, the only one not written in the late phase of the main
text hand, the only one of the polyphonic tropes added in this layer to have a cantus firmus
unique to W,, and the only one to lack a chant incipit in the manuscript. T o be sure, the scribe
went to some lengths to squeeze the work onto fol. 106', but this might be explained by a desire
on his part to start the next work, which has a large initial, at the beginning of a system (fol.
106', system I ). Cf. other examples of crowding in the vicinity of Natus corde, such as fols. 98',
system 5 and 1 o 6 ~system
, 2 (neither of which, admittedly, is as extreme an example as Natus
corde).
" Liitolf, Ordinarium Missae-Satze, I, 1 3 7, has observed with regard to the old foliation,
which begins in Roman but changes to Arabic numerals at 30, that the Roman foliation
actually extends somewhat beyond XXIX: the higher numbers were erased and replaced with
Arabic figures. Traces of Roman foliation can be found, in fact, not only on fols. 3 I , 3 2 , 3 3, 34
(?), 35, 3 8, and 39, but also on fols. 68b (68 appears on two successive folios), 69, and 70-i.e.,
in fascs. VII and VIII. Since these traces appear to begin with X, it is possible that fascs. VII and
VIII, containing organum and conductus a 3, followed immediately upon fasc. 11, which is also
devoted to organum and conductus a 3, before the different parts of the manuscript were put
into their final order.
l6 Both were originally intended for works a z , as the disposition of staves on the page
shows, although fasc. VII was instead used for compositions a 3.
le Catch letters for the illuminator appear in the margin throughout the original part of the
manuscript. In fasc. VI, only one catch letter is found in the margin (fol. 61'); others, which
may have been overlooked by the illuminator because of their atypical location, were written in
the immediate vicinity of the desired initial. There are no catch letters in fasc. VII.
 T H E ORIGINS O F W1 34'
and others that closely link the two collection^.^^ Although - the first of these two
fascicles contains no unica, seven (Nos. 36,4 2 - 4 4 , 74,88, and 9 2 ) are found
in fascicle VI. None of the clausulae in fascicle V are found embedded in the
organum cycles of W 1(fascicles 111 and IV), but three of the compositions in
fascicle VI are transmitted there (Nos. 79, 99, and-with a different text-
7 I ). And, although some 3 5 percent of the clausulae in fascicle V are involved
in some way in the history of the early motet, only 2 2 percent of those in
fascicle VI figure in that development. Conversely, if one disregards the unica
in fascicle VI, the pattern of transmission of the clausulae in other sources is
virtually identical for each collection: 4 1 percent of the clausulae in fascicle V
and 43 percent of the clausulae in fascicle VI are found in the organa of F ; 1 8 2 I
percent of the clausulae in each collection are embedded in the W 2organa; 59
percent of the clausulae in fascicle V and 6 2 percent of those in fascicle VI are
found in one or another of the clausula cycles in the Florence manuscript. T h e
two collections are similar in still another way: in both, a group of liturgical
tenors appears in the same sequence, a succession different from that used for
the corresponding tenors in the organum cycle in fascicle IV (V: M 2 3, 2 4 , 2 9 ,
2 5 , 2 6 , 3 2 ; VI: M 2 3 , 2 9 , 2 7 , 3 2 ; IV: M 2 3 , 2 7 [ 2 9 , 301,~' 3 1 , 32).
Although much of this evidence seems to imply that fascicle VI represents
a second pass through the parent source from which fascicle V had been
drawn, a comparison of the two readings of a clausula found in both cycles,
Dominus No. 6 , suggests that this may not have been so.20T h e two readings
differ in enough significant respects to show that the version in fascicle VI
could have been copied neither from fascicle V nor from its immediate
ancestor. Unless both collections derive from a source that transmitted both
states of Dominus No. 6 , they must have been drawn from different ancestors,
albeit two that were closely related. Thus fascicle VI-and fascicle VII with
it-can be seen as being related to the original corpus of W 1 . 2 1
" The following statistics have their basis in data given by Flotzinger, Discantussatz, pp.
42-44, 5 5 - 5 6 These data, although not wholly reliable, do permit generalizations of the kind
offered here. The numbering of the clausulae follows the enumeration in Ludwig, Repertonum,
pp. 25-29. T h e numbering system for the organa, in which M indicates a setting of a Mass
chant and 0 an Office organum, also follows Ludwig (see pp. 1 7 - 2 1 for a list of the W1
organa). Ludwig's numbering system is explained in the preface by Luther A. Dittmer to the
reprint edition of the Repertorium (Hildesheim, I 964), pp. v-xix.
la F: Florence, Biblioteca Mediceo-Laurenziana, pluteus 29. I ; - W 2 : Wolfenbiittel, Herzog
August Bibliothek, codex 1 0 9 9 Helrnstadiensis ( M S I 206).
l8 See Heinrich Husrnann, "The Origin and Destination of theMagnus liber organz," The
Musical Quarterly, XLIX ( I 9631, j 22-23.
20 Fols. 49' and 55"; Nos. 8 and 4 1 .O n the complex relationship between these two states,
see Flotzinger, Discantussatz, pp. 190-94; and Edward H . Roesner, "The Manuscript Wol-
fenbiittel, Herzog-August-Bibliothek, 6 2 8 Helmstadiensis: A Study of Its Origins and of Its
Eleventh Fascicle," 2 vols. (Ph.D. diss., New York Univ., 1 9 7 4 ) ~I , 6 4 - 6 7 There is one other
example of the same clausula appearing in both collections, Tamquam No. 3 (fasc. V, fol. 49')
and Tamquam No. 7 (fasc. VI, fol. 55') In this Instance, the two readings could have been
drawn from the same exemplar or from two closely related ones; see Roesner, op. cit., I, 6 4 .
It appears possible to me that the principal text hand, rather than the scribe of fasc. VI,
may have copied the text of Rose nodum, a conductus appearing on fol. 62'-6zV, at the
conclusion of the clausula cycle in fasc. VI. Cf, the form of the letterg in certain parts of fasc. IX
3 42 JOURNAL OF T H E AMERICAN MUSICOLOGICAL SOCIETY

Fascicle XI differs from the rest of W1 in both physical appearance22and

the nature of its repertoire. It is written on parchment of a markedly poorer
quality with an ink that has browned considerably (unlike the generally black
ink found in fascicles I-X) and is embellished with initials distinct in style and
color from those in the earlier parts of the man~script.~'Both music and text
appear to be the work of scribes evidence of whose hands is not found
elsewhere in the book. This break in physical continuity is highlighted by the
presence of a scribal colophon at the end of fascicle X (fol. I 9 I", "Qui liber est
scriptus Walterus sit benedictus"), indicating that the book may have ended
there, at least in the thinking of the man who wrote the colophon. Inscriptions
on the first and last pages of fascicle XI (fol. 1 9 3 ' ~top, "sancti spiritus assit
nobis gratia"; fol. 2 14', top, "amen") imply that fascicle XI also may once
have represented something of an independent entity. Finally, among the
contents of fascicle XI, devoted to works for Masses of the Virgin, we find a
number of genres not found elsewhere in the manuscript, including Kyries
(the Ordinary settings added to fascicles I11 and VIII-X are limited to Sanctus
and Agnus Dei tropes), a troped Gloria, a Tract, Sequences, and a group of
works intended to be used as Offert~ries.'~Most scholars, following Ludwig,
have regarded the collection as being "less advanced" in style than the music
in the earlier parts of W1.26
T h e unique traits of fascicle XI should not be overstressed, however, when
assessing its relations with the rest of the manuscript. T h e hands, music as well
as text, are close to those in the earlier parts of W,, certainly closer than to the
hands found in any other source of the period." T h e size of the writing block
(ca. I 6-16.1 X 9 cm.) is similar to that of fascicles VI and VII. And the
overall layout of material on the page resembles that found in comparable
places earlier in the man~script.~'Moreover, it can be argued that the
colophon at the end of fascicle X represents not the close of a completed book
but rather the end of the activity of the main scribe, who copied fascicles I-V

(e.g., fol. 121') with that in "gratia" and "progreditur" (fol. 62', systems J and 61, cf. both
with the g in "Reg" (fol. 59'; but, see also "generat," fol. 6zT, system 5 ) .
22 Several of the following details are mentioned in Flotzinger, "Beobachtungen," pp.

247-48.
The initials in fascs. I-X are alternately red and blue, with decoration in the opposite
color. In fasc. XI all initials are red-a different shade of red from that just cited-and have no
contrasting decoration. T h e single exception occurs in the troped Gloria, fols. 195'-196", in
which there is some alternation of red and green initials.
" For a list of the contents of fasc. XI, see Flotzinger, Discantussatz, pp. 23 3 - 3 6 T h e
collection also includes a group of Alleluias, three of which (Nos. 9 , I 2 , and 1 6 ) differ from the
genre as represented by the Alleluia organa in fasc. IV in having prosula texts added to their
verses.
26 E.g., Ernest H. Sanders, "Peripheral Polyphony of the 1 3th Century," this JOURNAL,

XVII ( 1 9 6 4 ) ~2 6 1 - 6 3 .
le See Liitolf, Ordinanurn Missae-Satze, I, I 38; and Roesner, "Manuscript," I, 37-43.
" Cf., for example, the placement of text in the margin on fols. 2 0 1 ' - 2 0 2 ~ and I I 8'-I I '
8
(fascs. XI and IX, respectively; in both instances, one additional line of text is to be sung to each
line of music), as well as on fols. 209'-209' and 82' (fascs. XI and VIII; both are multistrophic
 THE ORIGINS OF W1 343
and VIII-X.28 Finally, the presence in W1 of several different layers of
repertoire, some of which are distinct in style, does not necessarily imply that
the book itself is a Sammelcodex, but only that it was compiled from more
than one parent source.
T h e discovery by Rudolf Flotzinger that three of the Alleluias in fascicle
XI have embedded within them six clausulae from the Parisian organum
repertoire is of fundamental importance, not only for an understanding of the
nature of the music in fascicle XI, but also in assessing the relationship of the
collection to the earlier parts of W1." All six of the clausulae have con-
cordances within W1 itself, either in the organa of fascicle IV or the clausulae
of fascicle V, as well as with F o r W2.90Disregarding material that functions as
connecting links with the surrounding context, the readings in W 1 are
consistently uniform in their disagreement with the other musical texts, except
in cases that may be interpreted as scribal corruption arising in the prepara-
tion of fascicle XI. In two instances, fascicles IV and XI share significant
corrupt readings, clearly a sign that both derive from a common local
tradition. This offers strong evidence for the view that fascicle XI was prepared
at the same center as were the earlier parts of the manuscript. T h e physical
details mentioned above support this view and, further, suggest that fascicle XI
was prepared in close chronological proximity to the rest of W,. Whether or
not fascicles I-X and XI were intended to share the same binding from the
outset, it seems very likely that they originated under the same circumstances
and were intended for use by the same performers. Evidence that relates to the
origins of one section of W 1 can, then, be applied to the manuscript as a whole.

A substantial number of marginalia (jottings, scribbles, drawings, and

other entries) in a variety of hands and inks were added to W1, presumably
over a long period of time.g1 Four of these provide information on the early
history of the book. T h e most explicit of the marginalia in this regard is the ex
libris, which appears on folio 64': "liber monasterii S, andree apostoli in
scocia" (Fig. I ) . Although all students of W1 have noticed this entry, Rudolf
Flotzinger is the only one to have subjected it to a critical e ~ a m i n a t i o n . ~ ~
Several features of the inscription cause him to challenge its value as evidence.
First, it is situated in an unusual location, in the middle of an interior

Is One might counter that the colophon differs from the work of the scribe in both
paleographic style and ink. This does not rule out the possibility that the colophon was written
by the scribe, however, since he could easily have turned to a different, more "formal" style and
to different writing materials to record the completion of what could not have been an easy
project for him.
l8 Flotzinger, "Beobachtungen," pp. 358-61.
These clausulae are examined in Flotzinger, loc, cit., and, at greater length, in Roesner,
"Manuscript," I, 7 1-8 1.
For a list of the marginalia, see Roesner, "Manuscript," I, 47-50,
s1 Flotzinger, "Beobachtungen," p. 248.
3 44 JOURNAL OF THE AMERICAN MUSICOLOGICAL SOCIETY

Figure I. The ex libris in W 1(fol. 64')

gathering between two voices of an organum triplum." Second, it is in a hand

and ink that differ from those used in the copying of the manuscript proper.
Finally, the script is paleographically of later origin than that of the contents of
the book.
I do not believe, however, that these arguments compel us to disregard the
testimony of the ex libris. An internal mark of provenance is no less author-
itative than one placed at the beginning of a book. Moreover, the differences in
hand and ink can be accounted for by the likelihood that the ex libris would
not have been written by one of the scribes involved in the copying of the
manuscript but rather by the person charged with the care of the library. This
man, probably an ecclesiastical dignitary, would have been more concerned
with administrative matters than with the practice of calligraphy, and both his
style of writing and his writing materials could have been quite different from
those of the scribes.''
The date of the ex libris cannot be established with any degree of
assurance, owing to the brevity of the entry and the mixture of paleographic
elements that seems to be present. The first word, lib, does not appear to differ
substantially from the main text in style or age (6.fol. 187', systems 6-7,
libras), but the remainder of the inscription has elements of a more cursive
style of writing (e.g., the long, leftward curving descenders on s, r, p, and final
i; also the loop curving to the right on the ascender of d)." Although it would
be incautious to attempt a precise dating, a period after the earlier part of the
fourteenth century is suggested by certain features of the script. These include
the absence of exaggeratedly heavy diagonal strokes on d and majuscule S as
well as the character of the diagonal connecting stroke on r, which springs
sS T o be more precise, the ex libris appears between two systems in a gathering laid out in
systems of two staves each and, therefore, originally intended for works a 2 ; see above, fn. I J.
"At English secular cathedrals, the books were the responsibility of the chancellor, the
treasurer, or, occasionally, the precentor; see Kathleen Edwards, The English Secular Cathe-
drals in the Middle Ages: A Constitutional Study with Special Reference to the Fourteenth
Centuy, 2d ed. (Manchester, 1967)~pp. 164-65, 21 1-14. The books were in the care of the
precentor in the Augustinian house of Barnwell; see John Willis Clark, The Observancesin Use
at the Augustinian Prioy ofS. Giles and S. Andrew at Barnwell, Cambridgeshire (Cambridge,
1897), p p 62-67. At the Scottish cathedral of Aberdeen, the books, including those for the
service, were kept and maintained by the chancellor; see John Dowden, The Medieval Church
in Scotland: Its Constitution, Organization, and Law (Glasgow, r 9 I o), p. 6 I.
s6 See M. B. Parkes, English Cursive Book Hands, 125o-r~oo, Oxford Paleographical
Handbooks (Oxford, I 969), p p xiv-XV.
 THE ORIGINS OF W1 345
away from the descender at a low point and does not terminate in a
pronounced shoulder stroke.8BOn the other hand, the letter d, drawn with a
round lobe and a back that is not yet upright, implies a date before the second
half of the century."
Thus it appears likely from the ex libris that W 1was at the cathedral
priory of St. Andrews by the second half of the fourteenth century, if not
earlier. T w o other marginalia tend further to affirm the early relations of the
book with Scotland. T h e first, written on folio 148' probably in the early
fourteenth century, reads, "Officialis curie Glasguensis propter senes ec-
c l e ~ i e . "In
~ ~the administration of the medieval cathedral, the official was a
legal officer responsible to the dean and cathedral chapter, a man who
functioned as a judge to hear and decide cases involving the clergy." This
entry appears to be a draft of the opening of a letter to an official at the
cathedral of Glasgow40 and raises the likelihood that W 1spent some time in a
scriptorium or chancellery involved with correspondence relating to the legal
affairs of Scottish ecclesiastical administration. T h e second inscription appears
on folio 62' (next to the drawing) and reads, "lori / ma / r." Baxter suggested
that this might be a name and that the script dates from the fourteenth
century." T h e name Lorimar does, in fact, appear in several early Scottish
documents: Baldwin Lorimar (Lorimer), evidently from Perth, is cited in
sources of the late twelfth and early thirteenth centuries from St. Andrews; ''
"Johannes clericus filius Mathei Lorimarii de Perth" and Hugh Lorimar are
mentioned in a document from the reign of King Alexander I1 ( I 214-49)
included in the register of Scone Abbey;4s Robert Lorymar flourished ca.
1464;" "Dunchanus Lorimer burgens. Abirbrothoc, ex parte australia" was

881bid., p. xv and plts. ~ / i iand 4/ii; cf. L. C. Hector, The Handwriting of English
Documents, zd ed. (London, I 966), plt. VIII. O n majuscule S, see Charles Johnson and Hilary
Jenkinson, English Court Hand A.D. 1066-1500, Illustrated Chiejyfrom the Public Records, 2
vols. (Oxford, I IS), I, 46-47.
" Parkes, English Cursive Book Hands, commentary to plt. 4%; Johnson and Jenkinson,
English Court Hand, I , I I - I 2 .
The date is that assigned by Baxter, Old St. Andrews Music Book, p, vii.
38 Edwards, English Secular Cathedrals, pp. I 55-58,

'O For a list of the known officials of Glasgow, see D. E. R. Watt, Fasti ecclesiae Scoticanae

medii aevi ad annum 1638, Scottish Record Society, New Series, I , 2d draft (Edinburgh,
1 9 6 9 ) ~p p. 185-88.
Baxter, Old St. Andrews Music Book, p. vii.
" Thomas Thomson, ed., Liber cartarum prioratus Sancti Andree in Scotia e registro ipso
in archivis baronum de Panmure hodie asservato, Publications of the Bannatyne Club, No. I691
(Edinburgh, 18411, pp. 142, 148, 150, 204, 214, 233.
" William Smythe, ed., Liber ecclesie de Scon: Munimenta vetustiora monasteni Sancti
Trinitatis et Sancti Michaelis de Scon, Publications of the Bannatyne Club, No. [781
(Edinburgh, I 843), p. 60.
" Cosmo Innes, ed., Liber S. Mane de Calchou: Registrum Cartarum abbacie tironensis de
Kelso, Publications of the Bannatyne Club, No. 1821, 2 vols. (Edinburgh, I 846), Vol. 11, p. 42 I.
This may be the Magister Robertus Lorymar named in Cosmo Innes and P. Chalmers, eds.,
Liber S. Thome de Aberbrothoc, Publications of the Bannatyne Club, No. [861, 2 vols.
(Edinburgh, 1848-y6), 11, 187, 204 (from 1482-83).
3 46 JOURNAL OF THE AMERICAN MUSICOLOGICAL SOCIETY

active in the diocese of St. Andrews in the early fifteenth century (1423,
1434):' Finally, William Lorimer was associated with Edinburgh in 1426.'"
This marginalium, like the preceding one, provides little specific information
regarding W,, but it nevertheless reinforces the fact of the early association of
the manuscript with Scotland.
The final inscription to be considered is, in some respects, as important as
the ex libris for our purposes. It appears on folio 172' and reads, "viro
venerando discrecionis Jacobo clerico sancti Andree Johannes molindinarius
salutem et amorem. societatem tuam libenter exoro quotinus latorem pre-
sencium thoma be1 super ex ["ex" deleted in MSI hiis" (Fig. 2). Baxter, who
was unable to identify any of the three persons named in the marginalium,
dates the handwriting between I 300 and I 350.'~ Several features of the
writing, which is completely cursive, not only confirm his estimate of the date
but suggest that the entry was written during the earlier part of the period,
perhaps between I 300 and 1 3 30. These include the heavy shading on the
ascender of d and on other diagonals, the strong impression that the script
has a backwards slant, the forked ascender on b, and the looped ascenders
on b and 1.'
This inscription, like the one mentioning the Glasgow official, appears to
be a dcaft of the opening of a letter. It is addressed to one James, a cleric at St.
Andrews. The priory must have had many canons with that name, but the
only one mentioned in documents known to me flourished in the period
1240-50,'~ too early for him to have been our man. O n the other hand,
Thomas Bell, the bearer-presumably of the letter being drafted-is named
in several Scottish documents of the second quarter of the fourteenth century."

Figure 2. Another inscription in W1 (fol. 172')

'' Innes and Chalmers. Liber S. Thome de Aberbrothoc, 11, 5~ and 62.
" David Laing, ed., Registrum cartarum ecclesie Sancti Egidii de Edinburgh, Publications
of the Bannatyne Club. No. [ I O ~(Edinburgh,
I 1879). pp. 48-49.
" Baxter, Old St. Andrews Music Book, p. vii.
" Parkes, English Cursive Book Hands, pp. xiv-xv and plt. I; Hector. Handwriting of
English Documents, plts. VIb, VIIa. VIII. Cf. Henry James and Cosmo Innes, eds., Facsimiles
of National Manuscripts of Scotland, 3 vols. (Edinburgh, I 867-72), 11, xxvi (from I 3 2 7).
" Thomson, Liber cartarum prioratus Sancti Andree, pp. I 62-67, 306.
'O The name also occurs in a contemporaneous English document, a Commission of Oyer

and Terminer issued to John, bishop of Ely in I 3 29; see H. C. Maxwell Lyte, ed., Calendar of
the Patent Rolh Preserved in the Public Record @ice: Edward 3, Vol. I: I 327-30 (London.
1891). pp. 434-35. Another Thomas Bell was active in Scotland in the later fourteenth and
early fifteenth centuries. H e began his career as a priest in the diocese of Brechin; by I 395 he
had resigned a vicarage at Linitrethyn (in the diocese of St. Andrews) and was holding one at
 THE ORIGINS O F W1 347
At some time between I 3 26 and I 3 28, he witnessed a charter of John, prior of
St. Andrew*' and, between I 3 28 and I 3 32, two others, granted by Duncan,
earl of Fife.52 In these he is mentioned as being a citizen of St. Andrews. His
name appears in the accounts of the customar at Dundee in I 3 32/3 3.5s A
"thome be1 burgens, de perth" is named in a document issued by the abbot of
Scone in I 345.54 An earlier document in the same Scone register (probably
dating from before 1342) grants certain concessions to "Thomas de perth
dictus Bell. Canonic. D ~ n k e l d . "Finally,
~~ his name appears as witness on a
document issued at Dryburgh, ca. I 350.~'
One can infer from this information that Bell was associated with St.
Andrews by the late I 3 20s and that later (after I 3 3 2) he became a canon of
Dunkeld Cathedral, perhaps thereby establishing his relationship with the
county of Pe~-th.~' O n e might also postulate a family relationship between him
and William Bell, deacon of Dunkeld Cathedral, who was elected to the
bishopric of St. Andrews in I 3 3 2 but was never confirmed to that office by the
pope, in part because of the presence of English candidates put forward by
Edward 111. William resigned his claim, probably in the early I 34os, and died
in I 342/43.58 T h e names of both men appear together in the first and fourth
documents cited above, and internal evidence suggests that the William,
bishop of St. Andrews, mentioned in the Scone concession to Thomas de Perth
dictus Bell, was in all likelihood William Bell rather than his successor,
William de Landallis ( I 3 4 2 - 8 ~ ) . ~ '

Montrose (diocese of Brechin). In the early years of the fifteenth century, he was a licentiate in
canon law and proctor of the Scottish Nation at the University of Orleans. Finally, in 1427-30
he is mentioned as having a prebend at Tulynestil in Aberdeen. See W . H. Bliss, ed., Calendar
of Entries in the Papal Registers Relating to Great Britain and Ireland: Petitions to the Pope,
Vol. I: 1342-1419 (London, 1896), pp. 581, 609, 625; Cosmo Innes, ed., Registrum
episcopatus Brechinensis, Publications of the Bannatyne Club, No. [ ~ o z l2, vols. (Aberdeen,
1856), I, 27 and 3 2 ; idem, ed., Registrum episcopatus Aberdonensis, Publications of the
Spalding Club, 2 vols. (Edinburgh, 1 8 4 5 ) ~I, 228 and 2 3 0 .
"Thomson, Liber cartarum prioratus Sancti Andree, pp. 398-99. See also William
Fraser,Memorials of the Family of Wemyss of Wemyss, 3 vols. (Edinburgh, I 888), I, 29, fn. 3.
62 Fraser, Memorials, 11, 265-66.
"John Stuart and George Burnett, eds., Rotuli scaccarii regum Scotorum: The Exchequer
Rolls of Scotland, Vol. I: r 264-13 59 (Edinburgh, I 878), pp. 422-2 3.
64 Smythe; Liber ecclesie de Scon, p. I 2 7.

66 Ibid., p p I 24-25,

" John Spottiswoode, ed., Liber S. Marie de Dyburgh: Regismtm cartarum abbacie
premonstratensis de Dyburgh, Publications of the Bannatyne Club, No. [831 (Edinburgh,
1 8 4 7 ) ~p p 230-32.
Dunkeld Cathedral, a secular foundation, is situated in the countIy of Perth; see David E.
Easson, Medieval Religious Houses, Scotland with an Appendix on the Houses in the Isle of
Man (London, 1 9 5 7 ) ~p. 169.
See John Dowdei, The Bishops of Scotland (Glasgow, I 9 I z), p. 25; and Watt, Fasti
ecclesiae Scoticanae, pp. 29 3-94.
" The document contains a reference to "Magistri symonis dicti Bell nepotis mei" (p. I 25).
Wan, Fasti ecclesiae Scoticanae, p. 45, has sought to equate Thomas de Perth dictus Bell with a
Thomas de Perce, cantor of Brechin cathedral in I 259 (see Auguste Coulon, ed., Les Registres
d'Alexandre IV, Vol. I11 [Paris, 19531, p. 59) and with one Thomas Pelle, associated with
3 48 JOURNAL O F T H E AMERICAN MUSICOLOGICAL SOCIETY

Johannes Molindinarius, the sender of the letter being sketched (and

probably the writer of the inscription in W,), has unfortunately eluded
identification. T h e fourteenth-century records available to me cite several
individuals whose names resemble "Molindinarius" in some way, but there is
nothing to link any of them with Thomas Bell, St. Andrews, or Wl.sOIt may
be worthy of note, however, that "Molindinarius," in addition to having the
connotation of "mill" or "miller," is also a place name: the Molendinar is a
tributary of the Clyde river, and Glasgow Cathedral was built on its banks."
W e can hypothesize that the inscription mentioning Thomas Bell would
have been written at the beginning of his association with St. Andrews,
perhaps in I 3 26 or a few years earlier, since after that time Bell would have
had no need of such introductory materials at St. Andrews. This surmise
accords with our assessment of the paleographical data. T h e period under
consideration falls within the reign of Bishop William de Lamberton
( I 2 9 7- I 3 2 8), a tenure of considerable significance for the ecclesiastical history
of S ~ o t l a n d . ' Lamberton
~ was one of the most important protagonists from
among the higher clergy in the Wars of Independence against England;" in
the increasing stability that followed the decisive Battle of Bannockburn in
I 3 14, he devoted his energies primarily to rebuilding his diocese and enhancing
its ecclesiastical prestige. H e built or rebuilt a number of episcopal residences,
renovated the priory and constructed a new chapter house, and built ten new
churches in the diocese.e4 And, he completed the cathedral of St. Andrews,
begun in I 159, equipping it with elaborate decorations and providing new
and splendid vestments to the cathedral canons who served it.6ST h e church

Brechin in 1275 (see Annie Dunlop, ed., Bagimond's Roll: Statement of the Tenths of the
Kingdom of Scotland, Miscellany of the Scottish History Society [Sixth Volumel, Scottish
History Society, Ser. 111, Vol. 3 3 [Edinburgh, I 9391, p. 6 9 ) Although Thomas de Perce and
Thomas Pelle may or may not be the same individual, there are no grounds for relating either
of them with the figure in the Scone register.
eo I will mention only two here. In I 347, a John Milner was named a juror at Dunfries; see
Joseph Bain, ed., Calendar of Documents Relating to Scotland Preserved in Her Majesty's
Public Record Ofice, London, Vol. 111: A.D. 1 3 0 7 - 1 3 5 7 (Edinburgh, I 8 8 7 ) , p. 2 7 2 . And a
John Milner is mentioned in a Rentale of 1 3 6 9 from Edinburgh; see Laing, Registrum
cartarum ecclesie Sancti Egidii de Edinburgh, p. 2 7 7.
John MacQueen, "The Name Molendinar," Innes Review, VIII (19571, 67-69.
O Z See Marinell Ash, "William Lamberton, Bishop of St Andrews, 1 2 9 7 - 1 3 2 8 , " The

Scottish Tradition: Essays in Honor of Ronald Gordon Cant, ed. G. W . S. Barrow, St.
Andrews University Publications, No. LX (Edinburgh, 1 9 7 4 ) ~p p 4 4 - 5 5 .
"See G . W . S. Barrow, "The Clergy in the W a r of Independence," in his The Kingdom of
the Scots: Government, Church, and Society from the Eleventh to the Fourteenth Century
(London, 1 9 7 3 ) ~p p 23 3-54.
" C. J . Lyon, History of St. Andrews: Episcopal, Monastic, Academic, and Civil, Com-
prising the Principal Part of the Ecclesiastical History of Scotland from the Earliest Age till the
Present Time, 2 ~01s.(London, 1 8 4 3 ) ~I, 1 5 5 ; Ash, "William Lamberton," pp. 5 2 ~ 5 5 .
Joannis de Fordun Scotichronicon cum supplementis et continuatione Walten Boweri,
ed. Walter Goodall, 2 vols. (Edinburgh, I 775), I, 3 6 2 : "Magnae ecclesiae trabes tabulis dolatis
et caelaturis solemniter ornavit, preciosumque vestimentum rubeum imaginibus contextum,
cum mitra et baculo pastorali . . . ."
 THE ORIGINS OF W 1 3 49
was dedicated on July 5 , I 3 I 8, in the presence of King Robert Bruce and a
large assemblage of dignitaries :66

A THOWSAND thre hundyr and awchtene

Fra Cryst had borne the Madyne clene,
Off the moneth off July
The fjft day, full solemply
The Byschape Willame off Lambertown
Made the dedicatyown
Off the newe kyrk Cathedrale
Off Saynct Andrewys conwentuale.
The Kyng Robert honorably
Wes thare in persown bodyly;
And sevyn Byschapys ware sene,
And Abbotis als ware thare fjftene,
And rnony othir gret gentill men
Ware gaddryd to that assernblC then.

Lamberton is also known to have left a number of valuable books to the

canons of St. Andrewsn6' It may be significant that the inscription in W1 is
addressed to someone at St. Andrews, allowing- us to speculate that the
manuscript may have been somewhere else when the marginalium was jotted.
It may be that W1 went to St. Andrews at about the same time as Bell's
association with the priory began. This is not to imply that the manuscript
was or was not written for St. Andrews or even that it was necessarily. copied
-
somewhere else, but merely that it spent some time (before ca. I 326) else-
where. Was W1 written for St. Andrews? An answer is to be sought - in the
internal evidence inherent in the repertoire that the manuscript transmits.

One source of data that might shed light on the origins of W1 is,
paradoxically, the cycle of Parisian organa transmitted by the manuscript. It is
a striking fact that in several instances the cantus firmus of a n organum
representing a particular feast does not fit comfortably into the context of
many or most British liturgies, not because of variations in melodic detail
between the organum tenor and the local books,6e but rather because the local

Be Androw of Wyntoun, The Oygynale Cronykil of Scotland, ed. David Laing, The
Historians of Scotland, 11, 111, and 1X, 3 vols. (Edinburgh, 1872-79), 11, 37'
B7Joannis de Fordun Scotichronicon, 1, 3 6 2 : ". . . ac plures libros valde bonos, eisdem
canonicis reliquit."
" Specifically Parisian melodic variants in the organum tenor would, of course, have been
"fixed" by the act of creating the polyphonic setting and would have been retained wherever the
setting was used, whether the local melodic tradition agreed with them or not. In at least some
instances, new settings of chants, for which Parisian organum already existed, used the tenor
melody of the Parisian setting instead of drawing on a local chant source. For example, the
Parisian organum M 3 7, Propter ventatem (W,, fols. 4 1 ~ - 4 2 F, ~ ;fols. 1 2 8 ' - 1 2 9 ~ ; W2, fol.
84r-84V), makes use of an idiosyncratic form of the chant that borrows the opening of the tenor
from an organum setting of another Gradual, M 50, Ecce sacerdos, instead of using the normal
3 lo JOURNAL O F T H E AMERICAN MUSICOLOGICAL SOCIETY

traditions often assign completely different chants to that feast. Although the
potential significance of this circumstance has hardly been mentioned in the
literature:' it would appear likely that an unusually high correlation between
the organum repertoire in W , and the prescriptions of a local use could
suggest clues to the house for which the manuscript was prepared (unless one
is willing to assume that the selection of Parisian organa in W 1is largely
fortuitous and their ordering in the manuscript h a p h a ~ a r d ) . ~A' full treatment
of this topic is beyond the scope of the present study, demanding, as it would,
an inventory of all insular sources for the Mass and Office. T h e inquiry,
moreover, would be hampered at every turn by the virtual absence of
significant source material from Scotland, one of the prime candidates for the
provenance of our source.71 Nevertheless, the presentation here of a few
examples will suffice not only to illustrate the point but also to suggest a
pattern of evidence with some useful implications.
At Paris, the liturgies of the cathedral of Notre Dame, the parish churches
within the diocese, and the great Augustinian houses made use of the Gradual
Benedicta, Virgo Dei and the Alleluia, Assumpta est Maria for the principal
Mass on the feast of the Assumption of the B.V.M. (August I 5 ) . 1 2 Many Pari-
sian chant sources include additional Alleluias for the Assumption; these ap-
pear to have functioned in various, not always clearly defined, ways-either as
alternative choices for the main service (the secular rite seems to have used
Alleluia, Hodie Maria virgo in this way) or within the Octave (the Augustin-
ian houses used Alleluia, Hodie Maria virgo on the Octave of the Assumption).
W l and F agree in transmitting organa for Benedicta, Assumpta, and Hodie

liturgical melody; see Husmann, "Origin and Destination of the Magnus liber organi," pp.
3 2 7-28; and, for some corrections, Jiirg Stenzl, Die vierzig Clausulae der Handscbrift Paris
BibliotbZque Nationale Latin r 5139 (St. Victor-Clausulae), Publikationen der Schweizerischen
Musikforschenden Gesellschaft, Ser. 11, Vol. 22 (Berne, 1970)~p . 72. SOgreat must have been
the fame of the Parisian organum that the largely unique setting of Propter veritatem added to
W,, fasc. 111 in the first layer of additions to the original corpus (fols. 23"-24=) used the tenor
variant from the beginning of the Parisian work (cf, the melodic readings in the British chant
sources cited in fn. 75, below). The same is true of the clausula on Propter veritatem in the "St.
Victor MS," Paris, Bibliothkque Nationale, f. lat. M S I 5 I 3 9,fol. 29 .'1 O n the place of origin
of the latter manuscript, see Heinrich Husmann, "Das Organum vor und ausserhalb der
Notre-Dame-Schule," International Musicological Society: Bericbt zi'ber den neunten inter-
nationalen Kongress, Salzburg 1964, ed. Franz Giegling, 2 vols. (Kassel, I 9641,1, 3 2-3 3; and
Stenzl, op. cit., pp. 227-37.
For an exception, see Ian D. Bent, "The Early History of the English Chapel Royal, ca.
1066-1327," 2 vols. (Ph.D. diss., Cambridge Univ., 1968), I, 380-93, where the appropriate-
ness of the Parisian organa to the practice in the English royal chapel is examined.
'O In fact, the contents of the manuscript appear to have been assembled with some care. In

fasc. XI, for example, even the grouping of the Alleluias and Offertories seems to follow a
pattern; see Roesner, "Manuscript," 1, 3 50-53.
" Most of the surviving material is listed in David McRoberts, Catalogue of Scottish
Medieval Liturgical Books and Fragments (Glasgow, 1953).
72 The Parisian liturgical tradition is described in Husmann, "Origin," p. 324, and idem,

"The Enlargement of the Magnus liber organi and the Paris Churches St. Germain I'Auxerrois
and Ste. Genevieve-du-Mont," this JOURNAL, XVI ( I 963 ), I 88.
3 f2 JOURNAL OF THE AMERICAN MUSICOLOGICAL SOCIETY

only one of the insular uses into which the Parisian tradition preserved in W ,
could have comfortably fitted.79
A somewhat analogous position appears to be occupied by the organum
M 2 3 , Alleluia, Ascendens Christus (fols. 34"-3jr), which stands in the
organum cycle of W 1 as the only Alleluia for Ascension. In this capacity, it
agrees with the liturgy of Paris, where it was used as the first of two Alleluias
at Notre Dame (the other is Alleluia, Non vos relinquam) and as the first of
four in the Augustinian houses (the others are Non vos relinquam, Ascendit
deus, and Dominus in sina).'O Insular practices were quite different. T h e great
majority of English rites (including Salisbury and the liturgies derived from it,
Hereford, York, Durham, Whitby, and St. Albans) employed Ascendens
Christus as the second of two Alleluias, following Ascendit Deus." At St.
Augustine's, Canterbury, Ascendens Christus followed Non vos r e l i n q u ~ m . ~ ~
At Westminster Abbey it was the third in a series of four Alleluias: Ascendit
Deus, In assumptione, Ascendens Christus, and Dominus in sina." Finally,
one Benedictine house, Abingdon, used Ascendens Christus as the first Al-
leluia, preceding Ascendit deus." Of the rites surveyed, it and the use of Paris
are the only ones with which W 1conforms.
A still more interesting situation is presented by M 2 7 , Alleluia, Veni
sancte spiritus, for Pente~ost.'~In the secular rite of Paris, there were two
Alleluias for the principal feast, Spiritus sanctus procedens and Paraclitus

"St. Albans is also the only insular house that required for the feast of the Nativity of the
B.V.M. (September 8) precisely the Gradual (Propter veritaten~y. Audifilia) and Alleluia
(Alleluia, Nativitas) found in W , ( M 3 7 and 38, fols. 41~-42") and F (fols. I 28'-I 30').
Interestingly, the choice of Gradual for the Nativity in the "Notre Dame manuscripts," Propter,
does not conform to the rite of Paris, a situation Husrnann is unable completely to explain
("Origin," pp, 324-25). While all of the insular rites call for Alleluia, Nativitas, the choice of
Gradual varies considerably: Audifilia y. Specie tua at Sarum, York, and Hereford (Legg,
Sarum Missal, p. 3 r 9; Forbes, Liber ecclesie beati Terrenani de Arbuthinott, p. 364; Oxford,
lat. liturg. M S b. 5, fol. I tov; Lnndon, Harley M S 3965, fol. 63'); Specie tua y. Propter
veritatem at Westminster and Abingdon (Legg, Missale ad usum ecclesie Westmonasteriensis,
Vol. 11, col. 939; Vol. 111, p. 1589); Benedicta y. Virgo Dei at Durham and Whitby (London,
Harley M S 5289, fol. 359'; Cambridge, Jesus College, M S Q. B. 5, fol. l o j r [but cf. Oxford,
Laud rnisc. M S 302, fol 201': Audifilia y. Specie tual; Oxford, Rawl. liturg. M S b. I , fol.
255'); Propter veritatem Y. Audifilia at St. Albans (Oxford. Laud misc. M S 279, fol. 197').
See, for example, Paris. Bibliotheque Nationale, f. lat. M S I I I 2 , fol. I 2 I" (representing
the secular use of Paris), and f. lat. M S 14452, fol. 57'-57" (from the Augustinian abbey of St.
Victor). F includes settings of both Notre Dame Ascension Alleluias: M 23-24, fols.
r r 5"-I I 7'. W , , like W,, transmits only Alleluia, Ascendens Christus (fols. 73'-74").
" Sarurn: Legg, Sarum Missal, p. I 56; Forbes, Liber ecclesie beati Terrenani de Arbuthi-
nott, p. I 92. Hereford: Legg, Missale ad usum ecclesie Westmonasteriensis, 111, 1477. York:
Oxford, lat. liturg. M S b. 5, fol. 49' Durham: London, Harley M S 5289, fol. zroV
(Cambridge, Jesus College, M S Q. B. 5, fols. 65"-66', presents Ascendens Christus as the third
of five Alleluias). Whitby: Oxford, Rawl. liturg. M S b. I , fol. I I f r . St. Albans: Oxford, Laud
rnisc. M S 358, fol. 58".
Rule, Missal of St. Augustine's Abbey, p. I 6 I .

Legg, Missale ad usum ecclesie Westnzonasteriensis, Vol. I, col. 341.

LUIbid.,111, 1478.

FoIs. 35"-lj61 (fols. 36 f. are missing).

 THE ORIGINS OF W1 3 53
spiritus sanctus, Veni sancte spiritus being reserved for a weekday within the
O c t a ~ e . ~T'h e Parisian Augustinian houses, on the other hand, used Veni as
the first, most important Alleluia of the principal feast, preceding Spiritus
sanctus and Paraclitus. In the British Isles, W 1disagrees with the secular
liturgies with regard to Veni. Salisbury (and derivative rites), Hereford, and
York use it on weekdays within the Octave." At Westminster, it was the
second of three Alleluias for the main feast, preceded by Emite spin'tum tuum
and followed by Paraclit~s.~~ Veni does function as the first Alleluia, preceding
Paraclitus, at a group of Benedictine houses: Durham, Whitby (both northern
houses), St. Albans, and Abingdon." Thus, in terms of its choice of Pentecost
Alleluia for its organum collection, W 1 follows the Parisian Augustinian
tradition (rather than the use of Notre Dame) on the one hand and the
practice at a group of English Benedictine houses on the other.
T h e liturgical relationship between Wl and the English Benedictine tradi-
tion that has begun to emerge is disrupted, however, by M 8, Laus tua deus,
Herodes i r a t ~ s , an
@ ~Alleluia for the feast of Holy Innocents (December 28)
with the "Alleluia" response replaced by the Latin "Laus tua Deus." Hus-
mann has demonstrated that this organum must have been composed for
Paris, since the use of the chant was confined to Paris and to rites dependent on
it." Among insular uses, considerable variety obtained in the choice of Alleluia
for Holy Innocents. Alleluia, Te martyrurn was used in the Sarum rite, in
liturgies influenced by Sarum, in the use of York (where "Laus tibi Christe"
replaced "Alleluia" on weekdays), and in the Benedictine St. Mary's Abbey,
York." Hereford employed Alleluia, Hi sunt qui cum mulieribus, St. Albans
The Parisian liturgical situation is described in Husmann, "Enlargement," pp. 184-85
F transmits all three of the Pentecost Alleluias in the proper sequence (M 25-27, fols.
r r 7'-I 19')~ a sure sign that the manuscript originated within the context of the Parisian
secular rite. W 2 transmits Paraclitus only (fols. 74'-75') Ludwig, Repertorium, p. 20,
suggested that Paraclitus may have followed Veni in W 1on the missing fol. 3 6, but Husmann,
"Origin," p. 3 22, has offered reasonable arguments that Veni is the only Pentecost Alleluia that
W l contained.
Sarum: Legg, Sarum Missal, p. 164 (the principal feast used Emite spiritum tuum and
Spiritus sanctus); Forbes, Liber ecclesie beati Terrenani de Arbuthinott, p. 202. York: Oxford,
lat. liturg. M S b. 1,fol. 49'-49' (principal feast: Emite and Paraclitus; see also Henderson,
Missale ad usum insignis ecclesiae Eboracensis, I, 154). Hereford: London, Harley M S 3965,
p. 109 (principal feast: Emite, Paraclihts, Spiritus sanctus; see Legg, Missale ad usum ecclesie
Westmonasteriensis,111, 1480).
Legg, Missale ad usum ecclesie Westmonasteriensis,Vol. I , col. 358.
Durham: London, Harley M S 1289, fol. 2 1 7'; Cambridge, Jesus College, M S Q. B. 5,
fols. 66'-67' (Oxford. Laud misc. M S 302, fol. I 38', betrays Sarum infiuence by using Emite
and Spiritus on the main feast). Whitby: Oxford, Rawl. liturg. M S b. I , fol. I 32'. St. Albans:
Oxford, Laud misc. M S 279, fol. r 19'; Oxford, Laud misc. M S 358, fol. 59' Abingdon: Legg,
Missale ad usum ecclesie Westmonasteriensis,111, 1480.
FoIs. 28'-29'. Also in F,fols. IO~"-IOJ',and W,, fols. 67'-68'.
" Husmann, "Origin," pp. 321-22; see also Pierre Aubry, Cent motets du XIIIe sikle, 3
vols. (Paris, I go8), 111, 83. It was the custom in Paris to restore the original "Alleluia" text
when Holy Innocents fell on a Sunday.
82 Sarum: Legg, Sarum Missal, p. 3 2 ; Forbes, Liber ecclesie beati Terrenani de Arbuthi-
nott, p. 30. York: Oxford, lat, liturg. M S b. 5, fol. 9'. C a n t e r b y : Rule, The Missal of St.
3 54 JOURNAL OF THE AMERICAN MUSICOLOGICAL SOCIETY

used Alleluia, Justi epulentur, and West minster, Alleluia, Mirabilis Do-
minus." T h e northern Benedictine houses of Durham and Whitby prescribed
Alleluia, Hodie sancti innocentes, as did the Benedictine abbeys of Abingdon
and Sherborne."
Where in the British Isles would it have been liturgically appropriate to
use Laus tua deus, Herodes iratus? A Dominican house might be one possibil-
ity, since the liturgy of the order, standardized in the mid-thirteenth century,
took over this chant from the Parisian rite along with a few other elements.@'
This suggestion finds conformation in the fact that the preachers appear to
have been involved rather extensively in the cultivation of polyphony in the
Parisian tradition. Several medieval sources bear witness to this aspect of their
activity: Paris, Bibliothkque Nationale, f. lat. M S 1666 3 (the compilation of
Jerome of Moravia); Rome, Santa Sabina, M S XIV L 3 (which includes
readings of eight Parisian conductus and motets); and Rome, Biblioteca
Apostolica Vaticana, M S lat. 14179 (which includes a polyphonic setting of
an Alleluia from the Dominican rite)." It is possible that the eleventh fascicle
of W , transmits yet another example of the Dominican involvement with
polyphony. With one apparent exception, the contents of fascicle XI are
intended for the Mass; the exception is Ave regina caelomm muter regis
angelorurn (fol. 2 I I'), the cantus firms of which attained a wide circulation
&stinels Abbey, p. 14. St. Mary's, York: Laurentia McLachlan and J. B. L. Tolhurst, eds.,
The Ordinal and Customary of the Abbey of St. Mary, York (St. John's College, Cambridge,
MS. D. 27), Publications of the Henry Bradshaw Society, LXXIII, LXXV, and LXXXIV, 3
vols. (London, 1936-5 r ), 11, zoo.
Hereford: London, Harley M S 3965, pp. 24-25. St. Alban's: Oxford, Laud misc. M S
358, fol. 3 1'. Westminster: Legg, Missale ad usum ecclesie Westmonasteriensis,Vol. I, col. 52.
" Durham: London, Harley M S 5289, fols. 3 1'-32'; Cambridge, Jesus College, M S Q. B.
5, fols. I 3'-14? Whitby: Oxford, Rawl. liturg. M S b. I , fol. 22'. Abingdon and Sherborne:
Legg, Missale ad usum ecclesie Westmonasteriensis, 111, I 452.
96 See, for example, Paris, Bibliothkque Nationale, f. lat. M S 8884, fol. 196". This

manuscript is a Dominican missal dating from ca. I 240 and adapted in the fourteenth century
to the use of Paris; see William R. Bonniwell, A History of the Dominican Liturgy,
1215-1945 (New York, I 945), p p 29-35, See also London, British Library, Add. M S 23935,
fol. 416' (this manuscript is the copy of the Dominican rite prepared for the Master General of
the order, ca. r 260-63). The Dominican practice departs from the Parisian tradition in
substituting Alleluia, Hi sunt qui cum mulieribus for Laus tua deus, Herodes iratus when the
feast took place on Sunday.
86 The Vatican source is reported and analyzed in Kenneth Levy, "A Dominican Organum

Duplum," this JOURNAL, XXVII ( I 974), I 83-2 I I , a study that also includes (pp. I 83-90) the
most recent discussion of Jerome of Moravia. The compilation of Jerome is published in Simon
M . Cserba, Hieronymus de Moravia O.P., Tractatus de musica, Freiburger Studien zur
Musikwissenschaft, Heft 2 (Regensburg, 1 9 3 5). O n Jerome's activity with theoretical writings
from the tradition of Parisian polyphony, see Fritz Reckow, "Proprietas und perfectio: Zur
Geschichte des Rhythmus, seiner Aufzeichnung und Terminologie im I 3. Jahrhundert," Acta
musicologica, XXXIX ( I 9671, p. 1 3 7, fn. 8 I ; and Erich Reimer, Johannes de Garlandia: De
mensurabili musica, Beihefte zum Archiv fiir Musikwissenschaft, X-XI, 2 vols. (Wiesbaden,
1 ~ ~11,2 1-7 ) ~and passim. The Santa Sabina manuscript is discussed in Heinrich Husmann,
"Ein Faszikel Notre-Dame-Kompositionen auf Texte des Pariser Kanzlers Philipp in einer
Dominikanerhandschrift (Rom, Santa Sabina XIV L 3))" Archivfur Musikwissenschaft,XXIV
(1967), 1 - 2 3 ,
 THE ORIGINS OF W1 3 55
as a Marian Antiphon." In fascicle XI, however, it appears among a group of
Offertories and works intended to function as Offert~ries.'~Its presence there
can be explained by the fact that in the Dominican liturgy the text did serve as
an item of the Mass: with the chant melody found in W1 it was used as the
Communibn for Masses of the Virgin from Purification to Advent, and with a
different melody it came to function as an Offertory in the Missa votiva p e r
anni circulum sanctissimi rosarii Beatae Virginis." T h e W1 setting could have
been intended as a Communion, but it appears likely that the compiler of
fascicle XI, if no one else, viewed it as an Offertory, given the absence of other
Communions in the collection and the placement-of the work among the
Offertories. Since both Offertory and Communion use the same text, it may
be that the composer of the polyphonic setting (or the compiler of fascicle XI)
drew on the Communion chant in preparing the polyphonic Offertory, since it
was the more familiar of the two owing to its dissemination as an Antiphon. It
may be worthy of note that a Dominican house, dedicated to the Conception
and ~ s s u m ~ t i bofn the B.V.M., was established at St. Andrews, in
I 274.1°0 If the origins of W1 are to be found at St. Andrews, it is possible that
Ave regina caelomm, either in plainchant or the W1 setting, entered the
repertoire from which the manuscript was ultimately to be compiled at that
time. In any event, if Ave regina caelomm is an example of Dominican
influencelo' it is an isolated one, since the remainder of the repertoire of fascicle
XI shows little trace of the Dominican rite.lo2And, to return to Laus tua Deus,
"The dissemination of the Antiphon in England is considered in Manfred F. Bukofzer,
"Two Fourteenth-Century Motets on St. Edmund," in his Studies in Medieval and Renais-
sance Music (New York, I ~ J O )pp. , 18-20. The setting a 2 in the early thirteenth-century
French codex, SClestat, Bibliothkque de la Ville, M S 2 2 , fol. I zV,while not accompanied by a
rubric identifying its function, was probably written as an Antiphon, if the surrounding
repertoire may be taken to be a reliable indication. The manuscript is discussed in Friedrich
Ludwig, "Mehrstimmige Musik des I z. oder I 3 . Jahrhunderts im Schlettstiidter St. Fides-
Codex," Festschrifr Hermann Kretwchmar zum 70. Geburtstage (Leipzig, I 9 I 8), pp. 80-84.
In fasc. XI, Nos. 34-40, fols. 209'-z I zr. O n problems relating to some of these works,
see below. .
The Communion appears in the earliest Dominican sources; see, for example, Paris, f.
lat. M S 8884, fols. 278'-z7gr, and London, Add. M S 23935, fol. 43jr-433'. I have been
unable to locate the Offertory in any source earlier than the Missale iuxta ritum fratrum
ordinis Praedicatorum (Venice, I 596; copy in the dsterreichische Nationalbibliothek, Vienna),
fol. 14' of the Commune sanctorum section (see also the Graduale juxta ritum sum' ordinis
Praedicatorum [Rome, 19361, p p 77* and 79' f.). However, I am inclined to believe that the
use of the chant as an Offertory is medieval in origin, given the tendency of the Dominican rite
toward standardization and uniformity.
loo Easson, Medieval Relipous Houses, Scotland, p, I o I .
lo' The possibility remain; of course, that the use of Ave regina caelorum in the Mass could
have been taken over from a source other than the Dominican service. The chant also appears
as a Communion in a group of Swiss manuscripts from the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries:
Sitten, Kapitelarchiv, M S 29, fol. 218'; M S 5, fol. 296'; M S 6, fols. 2gjr-196~. See Jiirg
Stenzl, Repertorium der liturgischen Musikhandschriften der Di8zesen Sitten, Lausanne und
Genf, I: Diiizese Sitten, VerSffentlichungen der Gregorianischen Akademie zu Freiburg
(Schweiz), New Series, Bd. I (Freiburg, 1 9 7 2 ) ~p p 68-70, 89-91, 174-75; also plts. 41, 53.
lo' For example, London, Add. M S 23935 transmits only five of the fifteen Sequences
found in fasc. XI (Nos. 21-24 and 32), a total that is not increased in later Dominican
3 56 JOURNAL O F T H E AMERICAN MUSICOLOGICAL SOCIETY

Herodes iratus, the possibility that the organum came to W1 by way of the
Dominican liturgy is, in fact, remote. Since the feast of Holy Innocents had
only simplex rank in the Dominican calendar,"' the Dominican service
would have been an unlikely one to transmit a polyphonic setting of this
Alleluia.
Professor Husmann has established beyond any doubt the decisive role of
the Parisian Augustinians in the expansion and dissemination of the Notre
Dame Organum repertoire.'04 In the Alleluia, Veni sancte spiritus, discussed
above, we have seen one example of the enlargement of that repertoire in the
context of an Augustinian liturgy. Now the Augustinians, or Canons Regular,
while following the so-called Rule of St. Augustine with varying degrees of
strictness, lacked any really significant measure of centralization before I 3 3 9,
when Benedict XI1 drew u p a plan of organization for the entire order.lo5
Because the earlier Augustinians did not comprise an independent congrega-
tion, the liturgy of the individual house tended to follow the rite used in the
diocese in which it was sit~ated.'~'Husmann demonstrated repeatedly the
many ties between the liturgies of the Parisian Augustinians and the cathedral
of Notre Dame.''' H e stressed the crucial role in the cultivation of organum
played by the Left Bank abbey of Ste. Genevikve and the schools under its
jurisdiction. Another Augustinian foundation in Paris, the royal abbey of St.
Victor, is equally likely to have been a conduit for the dissemination of the

collections, such as London, British Library, Egerton M S 2601. Moreover, there are several
organa in the Parisian cycle in W , that fit awkwardly into a Dominican context. See the
following feasts: Assumption (Gradual Propter; Alleluia, Hodie), Ascension (Alleluia, Ascendit
deus; Alleluia, Ascendens Christus), and Pentecost (Alleluia, Emite; Alleluia, Veni); these are
found in the missal of ca. I 340, London, British Library, Egerton M S 3 0 3 7 on fols. I 96", I I f V ,
and 120'.
' 0 3 See the discussion in Bonniwell, History of the Dominican Liturgy, p. 3 7, and the

calendar, ibid., p. I I I .
lo' See Husmann, "Enlargement," passim,

lo' H. E. Salter, ed., Chapters of the Augustinian Canons, Publications of the Canterbury
and York Society, Vol. XXlX (Oxford, ~ g t t ) p. , xxiii. For one of several thirteenth-century
attempts to impose a greater degree of centralization on the Augustinians, see the actions of the
Fourth Lateran Council, I 2 15, described in John Compton Dickinson, The Origins of the
Austin Canons and Their Introduction into England (London, I gfo), p. 82.
lo' Walter Howard Frere, "The Early History of Canons Regular," Fasciculus]. W . Clark
dicatus (Cambridge, ~ g o g ) p., 77; Francis C. Eeles, ed., The Holyrood Ordinale: A Scottish
Version of a Directory of English Augustinian Canons, with Manual and Other Liturgical
Forms (Edinburgh, 1916),pp. xxv, xxxii; Dickinson, Origins, p. 79. Thus the liturgy of the
Augustinian priory of Guisborough, as transmitted in London, British Library, Add. M S
35285, has strong ties with that of Durham, while the rite in the twelfth-century "Hanley
Castle missal," Cambridge, University Library, M S Kk. ii. 6, appears to reflect an early stage of
the use of Hereford; see Eeles, Holyrood Ordinale, pp, xxxii-xxxiv.
lo' For example, when the abbey of St. Victor, Paris, was founded in I 108 by William of

Champeaux, it did not adopt the use of its parent house in Marseilles but rather that of the
diocese of Paris; see Heinrich Husmann, "Zur Stellung des Messpropriums der Osterreich-
ischen Augustinerchorherren," Festschrift fiir Erich Schenk, Studien zur Musikwissenschaft:
Beihefte der DenkmZler der Tonkunst in Osterreich, Bd. 2)i (Graz, 1962), p. 262; idem,
"Origin," p. 3 16; idem, "Notre-Dame und Saint-Victor: Repertoire-Studien zur Geschichte
der gereimten Prosen," Acta musicologica, XXXVI ( 1 9 6 4 ) ~1 0 3 and passim.
 THE ORIGINS O F W1 357
organa, although there is little explicit evidence that it was a center of
organum composition. St. Victor was one of the most influential of all
Augustinian houses in the Middle Ages. Its school was a center of speculative
mysticism and Biblical exegesis in the twelfth century.lo8 As a liturgical
center, it formed the nucleus of a highly centralized subgroup of Augustinian
institutions. Wherever they happened to be located, these "Victorian" houses
tended to follow the organizational and liturgical practices of St. Victor,
grafting them onto the customs of the local area.'''
An early fifteenth-century missal from the Victorian abbey of St. Augus-
tine's, Bristol, is illustrative of the way in which Parisian and local elements
could be combined.l1° There are over twenty English saints represented in the
calendar, but also present is Victor Uuly 2 I ), with a semiduplex rank, as well
as other elements characteristic of the St. Victor calendar. Much of the
Temporale and considerable portions of the Alleluia cycle in both the Tempo-
rale and the Sanctorale agree with the use of Paris. The Alleluias Ascendens
Cbristus, Non vos relin&am, Ascendit deus, and Dominus in sina are given
for Ascension (fol. I 24'). At Pentecost, the manuscript-like the sources of
organum-follows the Augustinian rather than the secular rite of Paris,
presenting the Alleluias ~ e n sancte
i spiritus, Spiritus sanctus, and Paraclitus
(fol. I 2 8'- I 2 8"). And the Alleluia prescribed for Holy Innocents is Laus tua
deus, Herodes iratus (fol. 2 I ').
T h e striking way in which an insular Victorian house could observe the
rite of Paris is paralleled, if to a much less marked degree, by the practices at
some other, less centralized Augustinian institutions in Britain. Thus Barnwell
priory took over large portions of the Consuetudinarium of St. Victor,"' while
closely following the liturgical tradition of Sarum.l12 Manuscripts from other
centers might combine local and Augustinian elements in some other way.l13
lo' For a recent reassessment of the role of St. victor in the prehistory of the University of
Paris, see Astrik L. Gabriel, Garlandia: Studies in the History of the Mediaeval University
(Frankfurt a. M., 1969), pp. 1 2 - 1 3 .
log Eeles, Holyrood Ordinale, pp. xxxi-xxxiii; Dickinson, Origins, pp. 85-86, 170.
"O New York Public Library, cod. membr. occ, t o . A brief notice of this manuscript appears
in Seymour De Ricci, Census of Medieval and Renaissance Manusnipts in the United States
and Canada, 3 vols. (New York, I 9 3 5-40), 11, I 3 I 8; the missal is discussed in C. A. Gordon,
"Manuscript Missals: The English Uses," Cambridge University: Sandars Lectures, November
I 3 and 20, 1936 (typescript in London, British Library, Add. 44920), fols. 57-59. Another
Victorian manuscript from Bristol is analyzed in E. G. Cuthbert F. Atchley, "Notes on a Bristol
Manuscript Missal," Transactions of the St. Paul's Ecclesiological Society, 1V (1896-rgoo),
277-96.
"'Clark, Observances in Use at the Augustinian Priory of S. Giles and S. Andrew at
Barnwell, esp. pp. xxxii, xlii-xlvi, where the customs of St. Victor and Barnwell are compared.
One other instance of Victorian influence in England is reported in Dickinson, Origins, p. I 73.
Cambridge, University Library, M S M m . ii. 9, a thirteenth-century antiphonal from
Barnwell, serves as the principal source for Walter Howard Frere's edition of the Antiphonale
Sarisburiense: A Reproduction in Facsimile of a Manuscript of the Thirteenth Century, with a
Dissertation andAnalytica1 Index, Publications of the Plainsong and Mediaeval Music Society,
3 vols. (London, 1901-25).
"' London, British Library, Harley M S 5284a, a late thirteenth-century Augustinian
antiphonal, probably from the southwest Midlands, takes much of its chant from Sarum, but
?58 JOURNAL O F THE AMERICAN MUSICOLOGICAL SOCIETY

St. Andrews in Scotland was an Augustinian cathedral priory (the cir-

cumstances of its foundation will be examined below). Being the center of a
diocese it could introduce external elements into its service with greater ease
than might otherwise have been the case. As an Augustinian house, it was
naturally heir to the spectacular liturgical music being disseminated by the
Parisian Augustinians. It would be difficult to suggest a more likely place in
the British Isles in which the Parisian organa in W, could have been used. But
is there any evidence pointing directly to St. Andrews?

W1 is the only manuscript among the sources of Parisian polyphony to

transmit organum settings of two Responsories for the feast of St. Andrew
(November 30): 0 35, Vir perfect and 0 36, Vir iste."' In view of the
striking coincidence that St. Andrews Cathedral was dedicated to St. Andrew
the apostle, Handschin took the presence of the two Responsories as proof that
W , was written at, or at least for, the Scottish house.'15 Recently, however,
Husmann has reconsidered the liturgical evidence relating to the two works.l16
H e reasons that, since the Responsory settings composed for the cathedral of
Notre Dame in Paris were intended to be used at Vespers, the two organa for
St. Andrew in W, must have been intended for First and Second Vespers,
respectively. T h e settings, therefore, are likely to have been composed for-
and W, itself written at-a church employing Vir perfect at First Vespers
and Vir iste at Second Vespers. Conversely, an institution whose rite did not
use the two Responsories in this way could not have been the original home of
the manuscript. O n the basis of these criteria, a survey of liturgical manu-
scripts leads Husmann to exclude all Parisian houses, the rest of France, most
of England, and all of Scotland from consideration as likely areas in which W,
could have been produced.
The rite of Salisbury does employ the two Responsories at Vespers (Vir
iste in the procession to the altar of St. Andrew at the close of First Vespers,
Virpefecte as the Responsory for Second Vespers); institutions that follow the
use of Sarum are nevertheless eliminated, because the order of the two works
in the Sarum rite is the reverse of that found in W,. Scotland is rejected
because the late sources follow the Sarum rite while the earlier ones do not use
Vir perfecte. Husmann, therefore, dismisses the hypothesis that W, originated
at St. Andrews and points out that the veneration of Andrew was, after all,

draws its Collects, Lections, and Hymns from elsewhere, perhaps from an earlier Augustinian
tradition; see the analyses of this and some other manuscripts in Eeles, Holyrood Ordinale, pp.
xxvii-XI and passim.
"'Fols. 22'-23'. Not included in Wl is the organum 0 26, Qui sunt isti ( F , fols. 8 1"-82';
W,, fols. 56'-57'), used in the Parisian rite as the tenth Matins Responsory (and perhaps also
as the Responsory for First Vespers) for a feast of an Apostle; see Husmann, "Origin," p. 3 I 7.
This work would presumably have been appropriate for the feast of St. Andrew at the churches
served by F and W,.
"Wandschin, "Monument of English Mediaeval Polyphony," p. 6 9 7 .
Husmann, "Zur Frage der Herkunft der Notre-Dame-Handschrift W1," pp. 33-35.
 T H E ORIGINS O F W1 3 59
widespread throughout the British Isles. His discovery that the two Respon-
sories occur in what he believes to be their proper liturgical positions in two
manuscripts from southern and eastern England (Hyde Abbey, Winchester,
and the region of Ely Cathedral, respectively), leads him to the conclusion that
W , was written for one of those two geographic areas.
A line of investigation similar to that just outlined was used by Professor
Husrnann to produce spectacular results of fundamental importance for our
understanding of the development of Parisian ~ r g a n u m . "T~h e source mate-
rials presently under consideration differ in quality and quantity from those
available for the Parisian study, however: on the one hand, two cantus firmi
in a single manuscript and, on the other, a liturgical field, Great Britain,
represented by incomplete materials from disparate areas whose rites were
often in a state of change. By viewing the evidence surrounding the two
Responsories from a somewhat different perspective, it will be possible to
arrive at conclusions substantially different from those of Professor Husmann.
T h e significance of the ordering of the Responsories in W 1 would appear
to be lessened somewhat when we remember that they are among the
compositions added to the manuscript at the ends of gatherings after the
original nucleus of works had been entered. Because of this circumstance, the
Responsories are already out of order in the cycle of organa for the Office; they
belong between 0 24, Concede (for November I ) and 0 25, EXeius tumba
(for December 6 ) , rather than at the very end of the collection. Thus the use of
the two organa in a rite influenced by that of Sarum should probably not be
dismissed too abruptly on the basis of this criterion alone. A stronger argument
against Sarum (at least, against Salisbury itself) might arise from the fact that
the Salisbury calendar assigned the feast of St. Andrew a minor duplex rank.
Under this condition, it is possible that the procession at the end of First
Vespers would only have been included in the service when the feast occurred
on a Sunday."' If this is correct, it would seem an unlikely background for the
composition of an organum setting of Vir iste-except at a house that had
reason to venerate the saint with unusual solemnity and that would have given
his festival a higer rank.
One such house might have been the Augustinian priory of Hexham,
11' Husmann, "Origin"; idem, "Enlargement"; idem, "Ein dreistimmiges Organum aus
Sens unter den Notre-Dame-Kompositionen," Festschrift Friedrich Blume zum 70. Geburts-
tag, ed. Anna Amalie Abert and Wilhelm Pfannkuch (Kassel, 19631, pp. zoo-203; idem, "St.
Germain und Notre-Dame," Natalicia musicologica Knud Jeppesen septuagenario collegis
oblata, ed. Bjdrn Hjelmborg and Sdren Sdrensen (Copenhagen, I 962), pp. 3 1-36.
118 This fact is brought forth by Terence Bailey in a discussion of the development of the
Sarum cycle of processions, in his The Processions of Sarum and the Western Church,
Pontifical Institute of Medieval Studies, Studies and Texts, 2 I (Toronto, I 97 I ), esp, pp. 64-7 I .
Bailey suggests that the feast may originally have had a still lower rank and that the Andrew
procession, which is not mentioned in the earliest sources (end of the twelfth century), may be a
product of the thirteenth century, a natural consequence of the fact that Salisbury Cathedral
had an altar to the Saint. Cf. the thirteenth-century calendar in Manchester, John Rylands
Library, M S latin 24, ed. in Legg, Sarum Missal, p. xxxi.
360 J O U R N A L O F T H E AMERICAN MUSICOLOGICAL SOCIETY

which was dedicated to St. Andrew and which held important relics."'
Another was the Scottish cathedral of St. Andrews. T h e 1491 Arbuthinott
missal (from the diocese of St. Andrews but, as we have seen, in large measure
a Sarum book) ranks the feast of St. Andrew as maius duplex.'20
It is also necessary to reassess the assumption that the Responsories must
have been used at Vespers. Professor Husmann himself has established that
many of the later organa in the Parisian repertoire were composed for Matins.
T h e Responsory 0 2 , Descendit de caelis, for example, functioned as the third
Responsory in the Matins service on Christmas Day,121 while 0 3, Verbum
caro factum est was sung as the ninth Responsory in the same service.lZ2It is
indeed probable that the original layer of Parisian Office organum was
intended for vesper^,'^^ but the two Andrew Responsories in W , are certainly
not part of that layer, and it is difficult to understand why they must have
agreed in function with the original corpus. (More generally, it would appear
unlikely that the prescriptions of the Paris rite need have applied to its reper-
toire if W , was prepared for a liturgy outside of the Parisian liturgical jurisdic-
tion, and if the rites differed in assigning a particular cantus firmus to different
functions within the same feast or to different feasts altogether.)12'

119 No liturgical sources appear to have survived from Hexham. O n this institution and its
relation to the northern Augustinian tradition, see below, fn. 157.
lZ0 Forbes, Liber beati Terrenani de Arbuthinott, p. cxiii. See also the prominence given
Andrew in the Litany included in the mid-thirteenth-century pontifical of David de Bernham,
Paris, Bibliothkque Nationale, f. lat. M S 1218, printed in Christopher Wordsworth, ed.,
Pontificale ecclesiae S. Andreae: The Pontifical Ofices used by David de Bernham, Bishop of
St. Andrews (Edinburgh, 1885), pp. 2 , 6.
lZ1 Husmann, "Enlargement," pp. r 80-8 3 . The use of organum settings of the third and
sixth Matins Responsories at Notre Dame is documented in an edict ( I r 98) of Bishop Eude de
Sully; see Benjamin E. C. Guirard, ed., Cartulaire de l'kglise Notre-Dame de Paris, Collection
de documents inidits sur I'histoire de France, Sir. I : Collection des cartulaires de France,
IV-VII, 4 vols. (Paris, 1 8 j o ) , 1, 74-75.
lZ2 Husmann, "Enlargement," pp, r 89-9 r . Some organa appear even to have functioned
as second Matins Responsories; see ibid., pp. 195-96.
lZ3 Husmann, "Origin," pp. 3 15-16. For Christmas, F transmits organum settings of the
First Vespers Responsory and of the third and ninth Responsories for Matins according to the
Parisian rite, fols. 65'-67'.
lZ4 For example, in the rite of Paris the principal Mass on the feast of All Saints (November
I ) used the Gradual Gloriosusand Alleluia, Judicabunt, while the Vigil Mass employed, instead
of Gloriosus, the Gradual Timete (see Husmann, "Enlargement," pp. I 86-88). The manu-
script F reflects Parisian usage by transmitting organum settings of all three works in the correct
order: M 40-42, fols. I 3 1'-I 3 3". Husmann has argued, however, that the use of polyphony in
the Vigil Mass would have been unlikely and that Timete belongs, in fact, to the Commune
sanctorum. H e suggests that the organum Timete was actually intended for a feast of St.
Stephan, either the Inventio Stephani et sociorum (August 3) or the Susceptio reliquiarum
(December 4). (For an important correction of the dates Husmann associates with these feasts,
see Rebecca Anne Baltzer, "Notation, Rhythm, and Sytle in the Two-Voice Notre Dame
Clausula," 2 vols. 1Ph.D. diss., Boston Univ., 19741, I, 495-98,) In such an event, the reading
of Timete in F would be out of its proper order, but the tenor, when seen in the light of the
Parisian chant sources, would be in an entirely appropriate liturgical position. In W,, the
Gradual Gloriosus is not present, so that Timete immediately precedes Alleluia, Judicabunt
(fols. 43"-45') Insular liturgical sources appear to be unanimous in assigning Timete not to the
Vigil of All Saints but to the principal feast; see, for example, Legg, Sarum Missal, p. 342, and
 THE ORIGINS O F W1 j61

Evidence exists to suggest that one of the two Andrew Responsories may
have been used at Matins rather than Vespers. In the York rite (the use widely
followed in the northern province of England, though by no means univer-
sally, not even within the diocese of York itself), Virperfecte was sung at First
Vespers, Vir iste as the ninth Responsory of Matins.lZ5But this practice is
evidently not limited to the North; it is found as well in the breviary Paris,
Bibliotheque Nationale, f. lat. M S I 2036 (fols. 102" and 1oqr), the very
manuscript that Husmann assigned to the region of Ely and that contains
these Responsories for First and Second Vespers. And, in the ordinal pre-
pared by Bishop John de Grandisson for the diocese of Exeter in I 3 3 7, Vir
perfect is used in the procession to the altar of St. Andrew at the close of First
Vespers (and also as the Responsory for Second Vespers), while Vir iste
functions as the ninth Responsory of Matins."' Since the Exeter rite bears
many signs of Sarum influence, it may be that the choice of Responsory in the
First Vespers procession was not as rigidly fixed in Salisbury-related liturgies
as has been assumed.127
the elaborate collation in idem, Missale ad usum ecclesie Westmonasteriensis, 111, 1605.
Therefore, if W l is an insular source, it transmits Timete in its correct liturgical position, and
the function of the organum agrees with insular, rather than Parisian, traditions. 0 24,
Concede, a Responsory for the same feast, also has a different use in W , than in the more strictly
Parisian F and W , . Husmann has shown that this Responsory served for First Vespers at Notre
Dame, the center for which it was composed (Husmann, "Origin," p. 3 30). But in Britain the
uses of Salisbury, Hereford, and York, among other rites, agree in assigning Concede not to
Vespers but to Matins, where it functioned as the ninth Responsory. See, for example, Francis
Proctor and Christopher Wordsworth, eds., Breviarium ad usum insignis ecclesiae Sarum, 3
vols. (Cambridge, r 879-86), Vol. 111, col. 978; Frere, Antiphonale Sarisburiense, Vol. 111, plt.
577; S. W . Lawley, ed., Breviarium ad usum insignis ecclesiae Eboracensis, Publications of the
Surtees Society, LXXI and LXXV, 2 vols. (Durham, 1880-83), Vol. 11, cols. 655-56; Walter
Howard Frere and Langton E. G. Brown, eds., The Hereford Breviary, Publications of the
Henry Bradshaw Society, XXVI, XL, and XLVI, 3 vols. (London, I go4-15), 11, 390; William
J. Blew, ed., Breviarium Aberdonense, Publications of the Bannatyne Club, No. [96], 2 vols.
(Edinburgh, 1854), Vol. I, fol. CXLr (a facsm. of the printed edition of I 510). This degree of
unanimity is a strong indication that the organum setting of Concede in W 1 was used at
Matins-that is, that it no longer served its original function.
. 57 I , 576 (a noted breviary from ca.
London, Sion College, M S Arc. L . ~ o . ~ /IL, pp.
I 3 30); Lawley, Breviarium ad usum insignis ecclesiae Eboracensis, Vol. 11, cols. 85, 92. The
York antiphonal, Oxford, Bodleian Library, Cough liturg. M S I (olim Cough Missals 36)
presents Vir iste at Matins (fol. 5jV),but the first leaf of the sanctorale, containing the material
for First Vespers, is wanting. O n the Sion College manuscript, see N. R. Ker, Medieval
Manuscripts in British Libraries, Vol. I : London (Oxford, 1969), pp. 264-65.
J. N. Dalton, ed., Ordinale exon., Publications of the Henry Bradshaw Society,
XXXVII, XXXVIII, LXIII, and LXXIX, 4 vols. (London, 1909-40), I, 196-99.
12' O n Exeter and Sarum, see Frank LI. Harrison, Music in Medieval Britain, 2d ed.
(London, 1963), p. 48. A mid-fifteenth-century Scottish breviary presently owned by the
Marquess of Bute is largely a Sarum book but also presents some variation from the Sarum
practice. Vir iste is used as the ninth Responsory of Matins and also as the Responsory for
Second Vespers. T h e procession at the close of First Vespers was not included in the breviary,
however, so that it is not possible to determine whether Vir iste or, perhaps, Virperfecte would
have been used there. See W . D. Macray, ed., Breviarium Bothanum, sive portiforium
secundum usum ecclesiae cujusdam in Scotia (London, goo), pp. 445-49 For a suggestion
that this breviary may be from Dunkeld Cathedral, see R. W . Pfaff, New Liturgical Feasts in
Later Medieval England, Oxford Theological Monographs (Oxford, 1 9 7 0 ) ~p. xviii.
362 JOURNAL OF THE AMERICAN MUSICOLOGICAL SOCIETY

In any event, it is clear that the two Andrew Responsories could have
come from any of several traditions. In the order in which they fall in W,,they
fit the practice at Exeter (a diocese that included both Cornwall and Devon),
York, Hyde Abbey, and that of the manuscript from the Ely region. These
areas represent a wide geographic spectrum. If the sequence of the Respon-
sories in W1 is given less weight, however, the choice of liturgies to which they
might be related becomes broader still, including those houses that followed
the use of Sarum but that granted unusual solemnity to the feast of St.
Andrew.
Some clues to the relative strength of each of these possibilities might be
found by examining the different melodic traditions of the two Responsories in
the British chant sources. Although the chant dialects of Sarum and York can
be easily established, those used at Hyde Abbey and Ely have not survived.'28
It may nevertheless be possible to speculate, however tentatively, about the
nature of their chant on the basis of other representatives of the English
Benedictine tradition.lZ9 This approach seems particularly appropriate be-
cause both houses were directly involved in the great English monastic reform
movement of the second half of the tenth century.lS0 Hyde Abbey was
originally situated in New Minster, on the north side of Winchester Cathedral
(Old Minster), from which it moved across the city in I I 10. In 964/65
Bishop Ethelwold of Winchester introduced monks into both Old and New
Minster from Abingdon, which he had been instrumental in restoring and
over which he had presided as abbot. Ethelwold was also largely responsible
for the refoundation of the Benedictine abbey at Ely in 970 (it became a
cathedral priory in I I O ~ )and
, he sent a Winchester monk to be its first abbot.
Another of Ethelwold's foundations was Peterborough Abbey, established in
966. Because of their common origins, the rites at all these houses must have
shared many features, at least at first.''' A fourteenth-century antiphonal from
Peterborough (Cambridge, Magdalene College, M S F. 4. 10) may possibly
still reflect some of these similarities. So, too, might the thirteenth-century
antiphonal from Worcester Cathedral, M S F. I 60 in the Chapter Library.lS2
lZeCambridge, University Library, M S Ii. iv. 20, the one surviving antiphonal from Ely,

lacks the beginning of the sanctorale and, therefore, the feast of St. Andrew. T h e Hyde breviary
(Oxford, Bodleian Library, Rawl. liturg. M S e. I * ) lacks musical notation; the feast of St.
Andrew appears on fols. 3 92'-3 95'.
12'Andreas Holschneider worked with sources of this kind to recover a number of
Winchester cantus firmi; see his Die Organa von Winchester: Studien zum Qtesten Repertoire
polyphoner Musik (Hildesheim, I 968), pp. 36-3 7.
la' See David Knowles, The Monastic Order in England: A Histoy of its Development

from the Times of St Dunstan to the Fourth Lateran Council, 943-1216 (Cambridge, 1 9 4 9 ) ~
pp. 3 9-59; and David Knowles and R. Neville Hadcock, Medieval Religious Houses, England
and Wales, rev. ed. (London, I 9 7 I ), passim.
l a l In studying the relationships among the English Mass sources, C. A. Gordon has
established a "Winchester group," consisting of books from Corbie, Abingdon, Winchester, Ely,
and Bury St. Edmunds; see his "Manuscript Missals: The English Uses," fols. 20-26.
la' O n the relation of this manuscript to the English monastic revival of the tenth century,
see Le Graduel romain: Edition critique par les moines de Solesmes, IV, I : Le Texte neuma-
tique: Le Groupement des manuscrits (Solesmes, n.d.), p. 262.
 THE ORIGINS OF W1 363
Neither book contains Vir perfecte, however, so that the English Benedictine
tradition will have to be represented by the Worcester and Peterborough
readings for Vir iste.
Let us begin with Virperfecte, for which melodies are available from the
uses of Sarum and York.lSs T h e musical text in W 1 appears to differ from
these in one important respea.13' T h e Doxology of a Great Responsory is
generally made up of the text "Gloria patri et filio et spiritui sancto"; this is so
with the Sarum and York versions of Vir perfecte. W1, on the other hand,
employs a longer text, continuing the above with "Sicut erat in principio et
nunc et semper." Although variation of this nature is occasionally found in the
transmission of some Respon~ories,'~~ I have not encountered it in any of the
sources for Virperfecte. Nor is the W1 usage found in any of the Gloria patri
settings transmitted by the other Parisian organum sources.136 That the
unique usage reflected in W1 is no accident is apparent from the careful
coordination of the text with the structure of the melodic formula. Example I
presents the Doxology as transmitted by W1 and after the Sarum and York
traditions. T o facilitate comparisons of the three melodies, the verse (which is
set to the same formula) is also included in the e ~ a m p 1 e . l ~ ~

"'The single York source for Vir perfecte is the Sion College antiphonal cited in fn. 125,
above, pp. 571-72. I have examined the following sources belonging to the Sarum tradition:
Cambridge, University Library, M S M m . ii. 9, fol. I 74r; Cambridge, University Library, Add.
M S 2602, fol. 181"; Oxford, Bodleian Library, e Musaeo M S 2, p. 644; Oxford, Bodleian
Library, Bodley M S 948, fol. ~ 4 6 ~ - 2 4 6 "London,
; British Library, Add. M S 32427, fol. I 77";
London, British Library, Lansd. M S 46 I , fol. 3 I", and Lansd. M S 463, fol. I 5 1 ~For. the sake
of convenience, examples will be taken from Cambridge, M S Mtn. ii. 9, published in facsimile
in Frere, Antiphonale Sarisburiense, plt. 3 5 1. The other Sarum manuscripts are in substantial
agreement with this reading (except for a major corruption in Oxford, e Musaeo M S 2, which
has been disregarded here).
la' A bb appears in the tenor of W , at the beginnings of the verse and Doxology (which

share a common formula) and also at the beginnings of most tenor staves on which the note b
occurs. No flat is found in any of the chant sources. I suspect that the flat, rather than being part
of the chant from which the cantus firmus was drawn, was introduced by the organum
composer in response to the needs of the polyphonic setting, most of the tenor b's being matched
by f in the duplum. Significantly, perhaps, the one instance in which tenor b occurs without a
flat before it in the signature (at "et spiritui") finds the duplum f above it preceded by a sharp.
The flat is omitted from Ex. I.
Peter Wagner, Einfiihmng in die gregorianischen Melodien, 111: Gregonanische For-
menlehre (Leipzig, I 92 I ), p. 2 I I .
la' These settings are examined in Hans Tischler, "The Arrangements of the Gloria Patri
in the Office Organa of the Magnus Liber Organi," Festschrift Bruno Stiiblein zum siebzigsten
Geburtstag, ed. Martin Ruhnke (Kassel, I 967)) p p 260-65.
13' Pitches in parentheses occur in the Gloria but not the verse, while those in square
brackets are found in the verse but not the Doxology. Slurring to indicate the grouping of
neumes follows the Gloria rather than the verse when the two are inconsistent. The firstg in the
W , verse is repeated in the manuscript at the beginning of the next tenor staff. I have omitted
the second g from the example because it appears to reflect the scribe's practice-by no means
followed rigorously-of indicating the carryover of a sustained tenor note from one system to
the next by entering the note a second time, at the beginning of the new system (see Norman E.
Smith, "Interrelationships among the Alleluias of the Magnus liber organi," this JOURNAL,
XXV [ I 9721, p. 182). At "sub" in the Sarum text, Cambridge, M S M m . ii. 9 stands apart
from the other Sarum manuscripts, reading c-b-a.
364 JOURNAL O F THE AMERICAN MUSICOLOGICAL SOCIETY

Example I

Y I - m i - - ta - - tor Ihe - su
Glo - ri - a - Pa - - t r ~ et f i - -
n

Sarurn
"
I -mi - - ta - - tor Ihe - su -
Glo - ri - - a

"
I -mi - - ta - - tor Ihe - su
Glo - ri - - a

Y Chri - - sti - sub cunc - tis pa - ti - bu - lo nos

li - - o - et spl - ri - tu - i -- san - cto. Si -

Chri - - sti sub cunc - tls -_ pa - ti - bu - lo nos

Pa - - trl et -fi - li - o e t

Chri -. st1 sub cunc - tis pa - tl - bu - lo nos

pa - - - tri et fi - li - o et

a fac con - fer - tes -

/I
8
A n - dre - ce - li con - tu - ber - ni o.
cut e - rat In prin - CI - pi - o et nunc et sern - per.
I
A
II

fcB - --
- . -- 9
--
I - ,
L- 1
1
-- 9
-
- . -- + - -
8
An - dre - a fac con - fer - res ce - li con - tu - ber - nl - o.
spi - ri - - tu - - I san - cto

8
An - d r e - a lac con - fer - tes ce - li con - tu - her - ni - o.
spi - ri - - tu-I san - cto

In addition to the major divergence between W, and the two chant

traditions regarding the text of the Doxology, Sarum and York stand apart
from each other on the treatment of "filio." There are also a number of other
points of disagreement among the three dialects. At "Ihesu," W , departs from
the others in melodic content. At "Imitator," W , and Sarum agree against
York (also at "contubernio"). Conversely, W , and York agree against Sarum
at "cunctis" and "Andrea." Thus it is clear that the chant source of Vir
 THE ORIGINS OF W1 j65
perfect used by the composer of the W1 organum does not correspond with
either usage.
The tenor melody of Vir iste in W, also differs in some respects from
readings in English chant manuscripts (I have examined the melodic tradi-
tions of Sarum, York, Peterborough, and W o r c e ~ t e r ) . 'Although
~~ the varia-
tion at "michi" (Ex. 2), in which W 1 stands apart from all the chant sources,
Example 2

A
-
Others 4
cl - --
-

mi
- - - -

-
-

chi -
a
- -

could be the product of an accident in the transmission of the version employed

in the organum, the reading of W 1 at "diligerent" (Ex. 3 ) may be a legitimate
Example 3
A Wl Sarum

-
di - li - ge - rent di - li - ge - rent -

A York Peterborough Worcester

di - li - ge - rent d - I - ge - rent di - li - ge - rent

local form of the line, distinct from the other traditions.lae Other portions of
the chant raise the possibility of a relationship between W1 and one b r another
of the chant dialects. In the bpening of the verse (Ex. 4), W 1 agrees with York
and Peterborough against Sarum and Wor~ester."~T h e concluding melisma
l S 8 In the examples that follow, the Sarum reading has been taken from Cambridge, M S

Mm. ii, 9, fols. I 73'- I 74'(facsm in Frere, Antiphonale Sarisburiense, plts. 3 SO, 3 I ), which
has been collated with the following Sarum manuscripts: London, Add. M S 28598, fol. 87";
Add. M S 3 242 7, fol. I 77'; Lansd. M S 46 3, fol. I 50'; Lansd. M S 46 I , fol. 3 ''-3 I"; Oxford, e
Musaeo M S 2, pp. 642-43; Bodley M S 948, fol. 2435; Cambridge, University Library, Add.
M S 2602, fols. I 80"- I 8 1'. The York reading is taken from London, Sion College, M S Arc. L.
40. 2/L. I , p. 576, collated with Oxford, Cough liturg. M S I , fol. ~ 5 ' .The Peterborough text
is taken from Cambridge, Magdalene College, M S F. 4. 10, fol. I 8or, and that of Worcester
from Worcester, Chapter Library, M S F. 160 (see Antiphonaire monastique XIlle sikle:
Codex F 160 de la bibliothique de la catbidrale de Worcester, PalCographie musicale, Vol. XI1
[Tournai, 19221, plt. 2 36).
l S 8 The York sources disagree at "-li-"; Cough liturg. M S I presents a three-note neume,
c-a-b.
140 The W l reading of "eo" repeats the noteg in the descending line a-g-f-e. The secondg
is omitted from Ex. 4 because it falls at the beginning of a staff (see above, fn. 137). A
relationship also appears to exist among W,, Peterborough, and Worcester at the beginning of
the Response. Their melodies open with f-e-f, while Sarum and York read f-f-f. This grouping
is reversed at "autem," where W,, Sarum, and York read e-f-f against the f-f-f in
Peterborough and Worcester.
366 JOURNAL O F T H E AMERICAN MUSICOLOGICAL SOCIETY

Example 4

' Pro e - o

Sarum
n
I(

tcB - - - 9 -
-- - \

-
- - I 4-
-
'
CJ
Pro e - o

' Pro e - o
II
Peterborough ?
of the verse, on "orabam" (Ex. 5 ; the text is omitted in W,), presents a less
distinct pattern of textual allegiance. T h e melisma of W 1 continues for several
notes beyond the conclusion of the other readings."' Before the final melodic
turn,g-a-g, the lines in Sarum and York are more angular than the melodies
of W1 and of the Benedictine sources. Of greater significance, however, is the
departure of Worcester and Peterborough from W,, Sarum, and York in their
treatment of the first melodic arch. This variation suggests that W 1 is more
closely related to Sarum and York than to the Benedictine tradition. Given the
evidence in Example 4, York would appear to have a stronger claim than
Sarum to relatedness with W,.
It seems clear that neither Responsory tenor came directly out of any of the
English chant dialects examined. T h e departures from Sarum in both cantus
firmi are significant enough to render weak the hypothesis that the organa
were originally intended to function within the liturgical tradition at Salis-
bury. This tends to support the implications of both the liturgical evidence
and that of the manuscript itself. The English Benedictine dialects frequently
differ from each other and from W,. T h e one instance of a striking correlation
between W l and Benedictine usage is the Wl-York-Peterborough relationship
shown in Example 4. This points as strongly to the north of England as it does
to Peterborough and the monasteries of the Ethelwold revival. Although the
evidence is by no means unequivocal, Example 5 appears to suggest that W1
has a closer relationship with York than with Peterborough. This conclusion
14' I cannot resist offering an explanation, completely speculative as it is, for the melodic
extension at the end of the W 1melisma. Is it possible that the composer of the organum setting,
when copying his cantus firmus from a chant book, wrote down not only the end of the verse but
also the cue to the Gloria Patri that quite probably followed it in the antiphonal before him?
The melodic shape of such a cue would have been very similar to the W l extension. T h e text
belonging with the melisma was not copied into W 1 .If both it and the text of the Gloria Patri
cue were mlssing from the chant book, the composer might not have realized that he had
reached, and passed, the end of the verse.
 THE ORIGINS O F W1

Example
w,

lo - ra -
Sarum

0-ra - - bam

York

8
0-ra -
Peterborough

o - - - r a - - barn

Worcester

accords well with the liturgical practice of York regarding the two Respon-
sories. The divergent treatments of the Doxology in Virperfecte, however, and
a number of differences in melodic detail rule out the direct use of materials
from York by the composer of the two organa. In the complete absence of
indigenous-i.e., non-Sarum-Scottish chant sources 14' and of melodic tradi-
tions from Hyde Abbey and the home of Paris, Bibl. Nat., f. lat. MS I 2036
for Vir perfecte, it would be incautious to argue that the lack of a truly close
melodic correspondence with known English chant dialects and the presence of
northern melodic elements and liturgical practices confirm the Scottish origin
of the organum tenors. Nevertheless, the possibility that these cantus firmi do,
in fact, follow a Scottish tradition is certainly not weakened by the evidence.
Indeed, as we shall see presently, the liturgical history of Scotland, and of St.
Andrews in particular, offers considerable support for this interpretation.
The two Responsories occupy a special position among the organa of W1.
They are unica appended to a cycle of widely disseminated works drawn from
'''The only medieval Scottish chant book known to me to transmit either of the two
Responsories is the early fourteenth-century antiphonal, Edinburgh, National Library of
Scotland, Adv. M S I 8. 2 . I 3 B, probably from the diocese of Glasgow, in which Vir iste appears
as the ninth Responsory for Matins (fol. 196'). Its readings agree with those of the Sarum
tradition, by which Glasgow was heavily influenced from the thirteenth century onward (see fn.
I 78).
368 J O U R N A L OF THE AMERICAN MUSICOLOGICAL SOCIETY

the "central" Parisian repertoire, local creations manifesting local stylistic

traits.14s Their purpose, clearly, is to supplement the cycle by providing
organa for a major feast that was inadequately represented in the particular
collections of Parisian music drawn upon by the compiler of W1. This festival
must have been important enough to require embellishment with polyphony,
especially if other feasts were to receive such treatment. T h e addition of the
two Responsories makes the feast of St. Andrew the only liturgical event
represented in W, to have more than one Office organum duplum. T h e
manuscript also transmits M 46, Alleluia, Per manus (fol. 48'), an Alleluia
for the Common of Apostles and presumably appropriate to Andrew.144It
probably also transmitted the Gradual M 30, Constitues (on the missing
bifolio 36-3 7), also for apostle^.'^^ And included in fascicle VIII is a clau-
sula-the only clausula a 3 in Wl-on In odorem (fol. 91'-91') from the
Alleluia, Dilexit Andream, for Andrew. Thus W, transmits (or once trans-
mitted) five liturgical items for the feast of St. Andrew, more than for any
other event. Clearly, the house for which the manuscript was prepared had a
special veneration for the apostle.
Devotion to St. Andrew was widespread throughout the British Isles,146
and the apostle was the patron saint of all of Scotland as well as the specific
patron of St. Andrews. But the cult of St. Andrew was of particular signifi-
cance at St. Andrews: the cathedral was dedicated to him and held important
relics of the apostle, brought to Scotland under miraculous circumstances by
St. Regulus.147This fact made it one of the principal attractions for pilgrims in
medieval Britain.14' I suggested above that the Parisian organum cycle in W ,

See Flotzinger, Discantussatz, pp. 2 2 I -3 I .

14' Husmann, "Origin," p. 3 25. The Alleluia also occurs in F, fols. I 35'-I 36', and W,, fol.
82'-82". Both of the latter manuscripts transmit an Alleluia intended specifically for Andrew:
M 45, Alleluia, Dilexit Andream (F, fol. I 35'-135"; W 2 ,fols. 80"-81'); see Husmann,
"Origin," p. 326.
14' Husmann, "Origin," pp. 3 2 2 - 2 3 , 325-26.

"6 Some 637 English religious institutions were dedicated to St. Andrew, including

Rochester Cathedral and Hexham Priory (Augustinian), in Yorkshire; see Francis Bond,
Dedications and Patron Saints of English Churches: Ecclesiastical Symbolism, Saints, and
Their Emblems (Oxford, I 914), p p 40-41,
ld7The cathedral replaced-it 1s not known exactly when-an earlier church of St.
Andrew (called, from the sixteenth century onwards, the church of St. Regulus), which dated,
perhaps, from the mid-eleventh century. See David MacGibbon and Thomas Ross, The
Ecclesiastical Architecture of Scotland from the Earliest Christian Times to the Seventeenth
Century, 3 vols. (Edinburgh, 1896-97), I, 185-90; 11, 5-29 See also Alexander Penrose
Forbes, Kalendars of Scottish Saints (Edinburgh, 1872), p. 436; and James M . M a c l n l a y ,
Ancient Church Dedications in Scotland, 2 vols. (Edinburgh, 1910-14), I, 208; 11, 473-74.
O n the place of St. Regulus in the Scottish liturgy, see John Dowden, "Notes on the True Date
of the October Festival of St. Regulus of St. Andrews as Bearing on the Suggested Identification
of St. Regulus and the Irish St. Riaghail," Proceedings ofthe Society ofAntiquaries ofScotland,
XXVII (1892/93), 247-54.
This was already so in the second half of the eleventh century; see Marjorie Anderson,
"St Andrews before Alexander I," The Scottish Tradition: Essays in Honor ofRonald Gordon
 THE ORIGINS OF W1 369

would have been liturgically appropriate at St. Andrews. Would the two
Responsories have fitted there as well?
The few liturgical sources that survive from St. Andrews are inadequate
for our purpose;149to arrive at an idea of the early liturgical practice at St.
Andrews, and with it at an answer to our question, we must examine the
ecclesiastical history of the area. Prior to the reign of the English-born Queen
(later Saint) Margaret, wife of Malcolm I11 (both died in I 09 3 ), there appear
to have been no religious institutions in Scotland of the types found on the
Continent and in England.lso T h e introduction of non-Celtic clergy and their
rites into Scotland was essentially the work of the royal family, particularly
Margaret and her sons Edgar, Alexander I, and David I (who ruled succes-
sively after the death of Malcolm).161Margaret was disturbed by the unortho-
dox practices she found in Celtic Scotland ls2 and sought the advice of
Lanfranc, archbishop of Canterbury, in reforming the Scottish Church. T h e
earliest group of new foundations were Benedictine and, in large measure,
represented the influence of Canterburyt Dunfernline (a daughter house of
Christ Church, Canterbury) and Coldingham (founded after 1098, a daugh-
ter house of Durham).ls3 Moreover, a Benedictine monk, Turgot (the prior

IdeThe one source that predates the fifteenth century is the mid-thirteenth-century pontif-
ical published in Wordsworth, Pontijicale ecclesiae S. Andreae. The only other books known to
me, both heavily indebted to Sarum, are the Arbuthinott missal edited in Forbes, Liber beati
Terrenani de Arbuthinott, and the fragment, St. Andrews University Library, M S 1654,
described in Ian T. Gillan, "A Fifteenth-Century Manual-Fragment from St. Andrews," Innes
Review, VI (1955), 14-18
lS0 Easson, Medieval Religious Houses, Scotland, pp. I - 3 On St. Andrews before ca. I 100,
see Anderson, "St Andrews before Alexander I," pp. 1-1 3,
lS1 Their work is examined in G. W . S. Barrow, "The Royal House and the Religious
Orders," in his The Kingdom of the Scots, pp. 165-87.
'''See Turgot, Vita S. Margaretae Scotorum Reginae, in J . H . Hinde, ed., Symeonis
Dunelmensis opera et collectanea, Publications of the Surtees Society, Vol. LI (Durham, I 868),
pp. 244-45: "Praeterea in aliquibus locis Scottorum quidam fuerant, qui, contra totius
ecclesiae consuetudinem, nescio quo ritu barbaro, Missas celebrare consueverant: quod regina,
zelo Dei accensa, ita destruere atque annihilare studuit, ut deinceps qui tale quid praesumerat,
nemo in tota Scottorum gente appareret." It is unlikely that much remained of the "barbarous
rite" after the early twelfth century, although a community of culdees (cllide?, Celtic regular
clergy, continued to exist at St. Andrews. By the mid-thirteenth century, the culdees had lost
any appreciable voice in cathedral affairs (although they occasionally figured prominently in
episcopal and royal administration). About 1250, the culdees were formed into a secular
college-the oldest in Scotland-and given the church of St. Mary on the Rocks in the city of
St. Andrews. By 1298, this institution had acquired from King Edward I of England the status
of Royal Free Chapel. As such, it would have enjoyed a considerable degree of independence
from the cathedral chapter. O n this college, see Easson, Medieval Religious Houses, Scotland,
pp. 184, 191; and, in particular, G. W . S. Barrow, "The Cathedral Chapter at St. Andrews
and the Culdees in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries," lournal of Ecclesiastical History, 111
(1952)~23-39.
Is' Barrow, "Royal House," pp. 165-69; idem, "Benedictines, Tironensians, and Cister-
cians," Kingdom of the Scots, pp. 193-98. In part, perhaps, because the Durham monks
always feared the encroachment of York, Durham had close liturgical and ecclesiastical ties with
Canterbury. T h e Durham rite can be fitted into a "Canterbury group" of English liturgies,
along with Canterbury, St. Albans, Worcester, and-less directly related-Whitby and
3 7O JOURNAL OF THE A M E R I C A N MUSICOLOGICAL SOCIETY

and archdeacon of Durham, also the adviser and biographer of Margaret),

was elected bishop of St. Andrews ( I I 07- I 5).154
Since the General Council held at Windsor in 1072, when Lanfranc and
Thomas I, archbishop of York, established that all lands north of the Humber
would fall under the authority of the Province of York, York had claimed
metropolitan jurisdiction over Scotland.lss It is certain that the liturgical
influence of York must have been felt strongly as a consequence of the activity
of Margaret's sons Alexander I ( I 106/7-24) and David I ( I I 24-53), who
began to introduce Augustinian canons into Scotland.lse At the time, the
Canons Regular were receiving significant patronage and favored treatment in
the north of England, including the foundation of two important Augustinian
houses by two successive archbishops of York: Hexham, in Northumberland
(by Thomas 11, ca. I I 12) and St. Oswald's, Nostell, in' Yorkshire (by
Thurstan, between I I 1 4 and I I I 9).15' With the aid of Archbishop Thurstan,
Alexander I founded the immensely prestigious priory of Scone ca. I 1 2 0 ,
bringing in canons from Nostell to staff the community.1s8In addition Alexan-
der established an Augustinian canon, Robert, as bishop of St. Andrews, the
highest ecclesiastical office in Scotland (Robert reigned I 124-59). Bishop
Robert came originally from Nostell and had been prior of Scone.15' Robert
sought the aid of Athelulf (Athelwold), prior of Nostell, in establishing an
Augustinian priory at St. Andrews; when the priory was finally established, as

- -

Guisborough, all of which are known to have received copies of Lanfranc's Constitutions when
they were first issued; see Gordon, "Manuscript Missals," fols. 35-40. A thirteenth-century
breviary from Coldingham, London, British Library, Harley M S 4664, is generally taken to be
representative of the rite of Durham; see, for example, Husmann, "Zur Frage der Herkunft der
Notre-Dame-Handschrift W,," p. 34.
164 O n Turgot, see Dowden, Bishops of Scotland, pp. 1-2. Eadmer, a Canterbury monk

closely associated with St. Anselm, was elected bishop of St. Andrews in I I 2 0 but resigned,
unconsecrated, in I I 2 I ; see Watt, Fasti ecclesiae Scoticanae, p. 290; and Dowden, Bishops of
Scotland, pp. 3-4.
lS6 See David Wilkins, ed., Concilia Magnae Britanniae et Hiberniae a synodo Verola-
miensi A.D. CCCCXLVI ad Londinensen A . D . c I ~ I ~ C C X V4I I vols. , (London, 1737). I,
324-25. According to Hugh the Chanter, a York chronicler writing in the third decade of the
twelfth century, Malcolm 111 and Margaret had sent Fothad 11, bishop of St. Andrews from ca.
1059-93, to Thomas, archbishop of York, to profess obedience; see Gordon Donaldson,
"Scottish Bishops' Sees before the Reign of David I," Proceedings ofthe Society ofAntiquaries
of Scotland, LXXXVII (1952/53), I 16-17. Turgot and Bishop Robert (see below) were both
consecrated by the archbishop of York.
15' Barrow, "Royal House," pp. I 69-84.
16?On Hexham, see Knowles and Hadcock, Medieval Religious Houses, England and
Wales, pp, 159-60. The history of Hexham Priory has some remarkable parallels with that of
St. Andrews. It was an ancient Celtic foundation, held important relics of Andrew the Apostle,
and became an Augustinian house in the early twelfth century. For the most recent consid-
eration of the theory that the relics of St. Andrew were brought to Scotland from Hexham, see
Anderson, "St Andrews," pp. 6-1 3 . O n Nostell, see Knowles and Hadcock, op, cit., p. 169.
Easson, Medieval Religrous Houses, Scotland, p. 8 3.

l S 9 Dowden, Bishops of Scotland, pp. 4-6.

 THE ORIGINS OF W l 37'

a cathedral chapter, by David I in I 144,it was settled by canons from Nostell,

one of whom became its first prior.leO
Although a certain residual Benedictine element might have remained, it
would appear highly likely that the canons of the newly founded Augustinian
cathedral priory of St. Andrews brought most of their liturgical materials with
them from Nostell in Yorkshire.lel Since Nostell was Augustinian, those
materials in their essence would have reflected the practices in use in the
diocese of York.
There is, then, a strong likelihood that the York tradition regarding Vir
perfect and Vir iste would have been followed at St. Andrews. If this is so, W 1
may well reflect the use of those chants at St. Andrews. Since the two
Responsories would have been acquired from Nostell / York in the first half of
the twelfth century, well over a hundred years before the appearance of the
earliest extant northern reading, it would hardly be surprising to find that the
dialects of W1 and York differ in detail and in more substantial ways.
Several works of fascicle XI appear to be further examples of northern
liturgical practice. Some may have come directly from the use of York, while
others may have been borrowed from other northern centers or may reflect the
general usage of an area-the north of Britain-defined less by ecclesiastical
or political factors than by geographic determinants.le2 T h e Sequence Laudes
Chn'sto decantemus (fols. 204'-2057 occurs in insular sources only in W1 and
in the use of York.le3 And the Sanctus with Osanna trope Voce vita (fol.
2 I 3'-2 I 3") follows the practice of York books in coupling the trope with
Sanctus VIII, whereas the Sarum tradition gives it to Sanctus XVII.le4

lBO Barrow, "Royal House," pp, I 71-72; Easson, Medieval Religious Houses, Scotland,
pp. 82, r 71. For other foundations by David I, see Easson, pp. 5-6. Athelulf also established
Augustinian canons in the newly founded northern cathedral of Carlisle (ca. 1 I 33-36) and
served as its first bishop; see John Wilson, "An Augustinian Cathedral: Carlisle," Transactions
of the Scottish Ecclesiological Society, Vol. 111 (1909-1 2), pp. 261-78; Dickinson, Origins of
the Augustinian Canons, pp. 245-50; and Knowles and Hadcock, Medieval Religious Houses,
England and Wales, p. I 52.
lB1Apparently there was no group of clergy that regularly served the high altar of St.

Andrews at the time of Robert's appointment in I 124; see Watt, Fasti ecclesiae Scoticanae, p.
299.
l B ZPfaff, New Religious Feasts in Later Medieval England, p. 6.

lBSHenderson, Missale ad usum insipis ecclesiae Eboracensis, 11, 2 10-1 I ; see also Cle-

mens Blume, ed., Sequentiae ineditae: Liturgische Prosen des Mittelalters, IV. Folge, Analecta
hymnica medii aevi, XXXIV (Leipzig, rgoo), I 12-14,
'"York. Oxford, lat. liturg. M S b. 5, fols. 87'-88'; Sarum: Paris, Bibliothique de
['Arsenal, M S r35, fols. 284"-285'. Sanctus melodies VIII and XVII in the modern chant
publications are, respectively, Nos. I 16 and 3 2 in Peter Josef Thannabaur, Das einstimmige
Sanctus der rflmischen Messe in der handschriftlichen ~berlieferungdes I I . bis 16,Jahrhun-
derts, Erlanger Arbeiten zur Musikwissenschaft, Bd. I (Munich, I 962). It is worthy of note that
the Agnus trope Mortis dira (fasc. XI, fol. 2 14'-2 14') appears to follow the opposite pattern of
association. Arsenal I 35 assigns it to Agnus IX (fol. >g7') while Oxford, lat. liturg. b. 5 gives it
to Agnus XVII (fol. 89'). Agnus melodies IX and XVII are, respectively, Nos. I !4 and 34 in
Martin Schildbach, "Das einstimmige Agnus Dei und seine handschriftliche tTberlieferung
372 JOURNAL O F T H E AMERICAN MUSICOLOGICAL SOCIETY

Worthy of particular notice are the striking correspondences between W 1 and

the rite of the important Benedictine abbey of St. Mary's, York.les Although
by no means dependent on the use of the diocese of York, the late fourteenth-
century ordinal of the abbey (Cambridge, St. John's College, M S D. 27) lea
does exhibit a certain relationship to the York missal lB7and thus can be seen
as another representative, with York, of the practice in the northern part of
Britain. No fewer than five of the seven Kyries in fascicle XI are included in
the ordinal, including two, Kyrie virginei lux and Conditor Marie, that are
not known from any third source.1B8T h e ordinal also contains a reference to
the Sequence Paranymphus salutat virginem ( W1, fol. 2 0 l r - 2 0 1'; ordinal,
fol. 5oV),which is found in French sources but is known in the British Isles
only from W,, the ordinal, and a polyphonic setting in the Worcester
fragments.lBQMoreover, the ordinal places Inviolata integra et casta es Maria
among the Offertories suitable for feasts of the Virgin from Septuagesima
Sunday to Easter (fol. 5 1 ~ )Inviolata
. began life as a trope to the Responsory
Gaude Maria virgo 'I0 and is found in a number of insular sources in the
context of the Re~ponsory."~It also achieved a n independent life in some
continental manuscripts as a Sequence.l12 In the eleventh fascicle of W1, it is

vom 1 0 .bis zum 1 6 . Jahrhundert" (Ph.D, diss., Erlangen, 1 9 6 7 ) . In fasc. XI, Mortis dira is not
assigned specifically to one or the other melody, but the intended choice is clear from the
following pieces of evidence: of the three Agnus tropes on fol. 2 14'-2 14", the first, Factus homo,
is coupled with Agnus IX; it is the custom in fasc. XI for a trope to be either accompanied by its
host chant or immediately to follow a trope that is so accompanied and to belong to the same
chant; a setting a j of Mortis dira in fasc. VIII (fol. 94'-94') is accompanied by Agnus IX; in
Arsenal I 35, all three of the fasc. XI Agnus tropes are affiliated with Agnus IX (fols.
287V-288v). Thus it appears clear that Mortis dira follows Sarum rather than York in this
instance.
le6 This relationship was pointed out by Flotzinger ("Beobachtungen," pp. 251-57), who,

however, concluded that as a consequence of it, "diirfen wir seinen Entstehungsort [that of W l l
eher in dieser Umgebung, d.h., in der siidlichen HHlfte der Insel-wenn iiberhaupt-suchen"
(p. 2 5 7 ) .
l e e The complete text of this manuscript is edited in McLachlan and Tolhurst, The Ordinal

and Customary of the Abbey oJSt. M a y , York.

'"Ibid., 111, iv. When it differs from York, the missal part of the ordinal tends to agree with
Whitby, another northern Benedictine house.
lea W 1 ,fols. I 9 3'- I 94' and I gqV-I 95'; ordinal, fols. j o V - 5 I '. The other three Kyries that
the two sources have in common are Rex virginum, Lux etgloria, and Kyn'e virginitatis amator
( W , , fols. I 93', 1 93', and 194'; ordinal, fol. 51').
l e e Worcester, Chapter Library, Add. M S 6 8 , fragment XXX, fol. cr-cV.

lTO See Clemens Blume, "Inviolata, der Hlteste Marien-Tropus im Brevier: Geschichte des
Textes und der Melodie," Die Kirchenmusik, zugleich Mitteilungen des Dikesun-Ckilienve-
reins Paderborn, IX ( I 9 0 8 ) , 41- 4 8 .
IT' See, for example, Frere, Antiphonale Sarisburiense, Vol. 111, plt. 402; and Antiphonaire
monastique XIIIe sikle: Codex F de la bibliothe'que de la cathldrale de Worcester, plts. 2 7 1 ,
272.
lT2See,for example, R. J . Hesbert, ed., Le Prosaire de la Sainte-Chapelle: Manuscrit du
chapitre de Saint-Nicolas de Bari (vers r z f o ) , Monumenta musicae sacrae, I ( M c o n , I ~ S Z ) ,
pits. 2 1 4 , 2 1 5 .
 THE ORIGINS OF W1 373
placed at the end of a group of Offertories (fols. 2 I 1'-2 I 2=); the St. Mary's
brdinal confirms that the work could indeed function in such a capacity."s
Taking all of these items together, and adding to them the two St. Andrew
Responsories, a fairly substantial body of compositions in W1 appears to
emanate from the region, and perhaps in part from the diocese, of York.
In matters of ecclesiastical jurisdiction, as opposed to liturgical heritage,
the Scottish clergy consistently opposed the claims of York for authority over
Scotland. While the papacy initially supported the position of York, it came to
decide in favor of the Scots in the later twelfth century: in I I 76, Alexander 111
released the Scottish clerics from their ties to the English church that had
been stipulated in the Treaty of Falaise (I 1 7 4 ) a~nd Celestine 111 in I 1 9 2
removed Scotland (with the exception of the diocese of Galloway) from the
metropolitan jurisdiction of York altogether, placing it under direct papal
s u p e r ~ i s i o n . ~Perhaps
"~ partly in reaction to continued pressure from York, a

Another work included among the Offertory settings of fasc. XI, 0 vere beata (fol.
2 10'-210') has a similar history. The cantus firmus survives in a thirteenth-century Sarum
gradual of uncertain provenance, Oxford, Bodleian Library, Rawl. liturg. M S d. 3 , fol.
43'-4jV, where it serves as an Offertory for feasts of the Virgin from Purification to Advent.
(In the Oxford manuscript, however, the cantus firmus lacks the elaborate texted Alleluia
termination, Alle psallite celi regine, that W 1 is the only source to provide for this particular
item; Alle psallite celi regine is appended to another Offertory composition, Mater patris et
jlia, in the Sarum manuscript Arsenal 135, fol. 2ogV.) The use of Hereford assigned the
Offertory to Thursday within the Octave of the Assumption; see W . G. Henderson, ed., Missale
ad usum percelebris ecclesiae Herefordiensis (Leeds, 1 8 7 4 ) ~p. 3 0 6 Finally, the chant appears
In a fragment (apparently uncatalogued) in the County Records Office, Gloucester (I a m
grateful to Professor Frank LI. Harrison for drawing my attention to this source). Although the
fragment bears no rubrics stipulating the function of the chant, 0 vere beata is preceded and
followed by two other melodies that were used as Offertories: Preter rerum ( W 1 ,fasc. XI, fol.
2 1 I', and several Continental sources, regarding which see Clemens Blume, ed., Tropi
graduales: Tropen des Missale i m Mittelalter, 11: Tropen zum Proprium Missarum, Analeaa
hymnica medii aevi, XLIX [Leipzig, I 9061, p. 3 3 2) and Mater patris etjlia (see above and
Blume, Tropi graduales, p. 3 3 I ). 0 vere beata is a most unusual Offertory, however, for it is
primarily syllabic in style and limited in range. In fact, the chant appears in the York rite as a
Prosa to Sancta et immaculata, the eighth Responsory of Matins on Christmas (London, Sion
College, M S Arc. L. 40. 2/L. I , pp. 42-43; Lawley, Breviarium ad usum insignis ecclesiae
Eboracensis, Vol. I, cols. 8 3 -84; Oxford, Bodleian Library, Laud misc. M S 84, fols. I 7'- I 8').
The Sion College manuscript, the only York source known to me to include music for the Prosa,
presents both Responsory and Prosa on A , whereas the Offertory sources, W 1included, transmit
0 vere beata on D (the Benedictine Worcester antiphonal transmits the Responsory, without
the Prosa, on D also; see Antiphonaire monastique XIIIe sikle: Codex F. 160 de la biblio-
the'que de la cathtdrale de Worcester, plt. 29). But in the Sarum rite, Sancta et immaculata
itself survives on A in the printed Sarum antiphonal of 1519/20 (see Frere, Antiphonale
Sarisburiense, Vol. 111, plt. d). Although it appears likely that 0 vere beata originated in the
York rite within the context of a Responsory, it is not certain whether the W 1tenor derives from
a lost York tradition in which the work was used as an Offertory or from an English tradition
further south.
'" E. L. G. Stones, ed. and trans., Anglo-Scottish Relations, r I 74-1 3 2 8 (London, I 96f),
pp. xxi-xxii, 1-5 There is some question as to when and by which pope Scotland was finally
removed from the authority of York; see R. K. Hannay, "The Date of the Filia Specialis Bull,"
Scottish Historical Review, XXIII (1926), I 71-77.
3 74 JOURNAL OF T H E AMERICAN MUSICOLOGICAL SOCIETY

significant wave of Sarum influence spread through much of Scotland in the

course of the thirteenth century,17' so that by the end of the century a number
of secular cathedrals had adopted constitutions based on the Salisbury model.
This does not mean, however, that the churches would necessarily have taken
over the Sarum rite in toto, although this does appear to have happened in at
least one instance: Elgin Cathedral in Moray, which adopted the Sarum use
in I 242.176It was pointed out earlier that the Augustinian abbey of Barnwell
adopted the use of Sarum but the customs of St. Victor in Paris.177When the
cathedral of Glasgow responded to the Sarum influence in I 2fi8,it adopted
only those portions of the Salisbury constitution and statutes that it found
suitable.17' Although St. Andrews did not adopt a constitution of the Sarum
type in the thirteenth century, it is clear from the surviving books that the rite
of Sarum had come to prevail in the diocese by the fifteenth century. It is
impossible to determine how early or how gradually this occurred, but it is not
improbable that before the end of the thirteenth century, some elements of the
Sarum liturgy might have been present at St. Andrews, even if older elements
were not completely supplanted at that time.17'

17'On the dissemination of the Salisbury use, see Walter Howard Frere, The Use of
Sarum, 2 ~01s.(Cambridge, I 8y8-1yo1), I, xxi-xxxvii. For the sources of a fifteenth-century
Scottish legend that Edward I of England had suppressed the Scottish rite and ordered its
books to be burned and replaced with ones following the use of Sarum, see Thomas Innes,
"Of the Salisbury Liturgy Used in Scotland," Miscellany of the Spalding Club, Vol. I1
(Aberdeen, r 842), p. 3 6 4 If this fable has any historical basis at all, I suspect that it is to be
found in Edward's policy, instituted in I 296 and carried forward with vigor, if with little
success, of reserving to himself the right to appoint replacements to vacant Scottish bishoprics.
'" Cosmo Innes, ed., Registnrm episcopatus Moraviensis, Publications of the Bannatyne
Club, No. [581 (Edinburgh, 1 8 3 7 ) ~p. 109. Earlier in the thirteenth century, Elgin appears to
have considered adopting a constitution modelled on that of Lincoln; see Dowden, Medieval
Church in Scotland, pp. 6f-66.
1'7Moreover, when St. Paul's Cathedral, London, accepted the Sarum rite in 1414,it took
over the "singing and saying" from Salisbury but retained its own ceremonial; see Edmund
Bishop, Liturgica historica: Papers on the Liturgy and Religious Life of the Western Church
(Oxford, 1918), p. 403.
17'See the series of documents published in Cosmo Innes, ed., Registnrm episcopatus
Glasguensis, Publications of the Bannatyne Club, No. [711, 2 ~01s.(Edinburgh, 1 8 4 3 ) ~I,
166-67, 169-71, 174-76, 189-91, A number of surviving liturgical sources attest to the
impact of Sarum on Glasgow; these include Nos. 8, 10, 14, and 34-37 in McRoberts,
Catalogue of Scottish Medieval Liturgical Books. The so-called "Sprouston breviary"
(Edinburgh, National Library of Scotland, Adv. M S 18. 2. I ~ B may ) also come from the
diocese of Glasgow; see Elspeth D. Yeo and Ian 0 . Cunningham, Summary Catalogue ofthe
Advocate's Manuscripts (Edinburgh, I 97 I ), p, 9 3. Other Scottish cathedrals for which there is
evidence of Sarum influence in the thirteenth century include Dunkeld (apparently between
I 2 3 6 and I 249; see Easson, Medieval Religious Houses, Scotland, p. I 69) and Ross ( I 25f/56;
see Easson, p. I 70). See also Harrison, Music in Medieval Britain, p. 14.
"@It is important to remember that in the thirteenth century the liturgy of Sarum still
manifested considerable variation in detail from book to book (see the collations in Legg, Sarum
Missal, and the index in Walter Howard Frere, ed., Graduale Sarisburiense, Publications of the
Plainsong and Mediaeval Music Society [London, 18981) The high degree of uniformity that
one tends to associate with this use was actually achieved during the course of the fourteenth
century; 6.Bishop, Liturgica historica, pp. z7;, 300.
 THE ORIGINS OF W1 3 75
Some portions of the insular repertoire in W1 show a decided Sarum in-
fluence. This is nowhere more evident than among the eight polyphonic San-
ctus and Agnus tropes added to the original corpus of the r n a n u s ~ r i p t , 'no
~~
fewer than seven of which are found, in addition to appearances in other Brit-
ish and continental sources, in M S I 35 of the Bibliotheque de 1'Arsenal in
Paris.'" Fascicle XI also contains elements of the Sarum rite, but it is by no
means overwhelmingly an example of Sarum influence,''' It may be worthy
of note that the repertoire of fascicle XI, like the group of tropes just mentioned,
has more concordances with Arsenal I 35 than with any other Sarum source
(although the readings in W l and Arsenal I 35 often differ, showing that the
relationship is not a n intimate one). Thus Arsenal I 35 alone among the
Sarum manuscripts transmits the Kyries Lux et gloria (fol. 2 3 1'-2 3 I"; W1,
fol. I 93') and Virginitatis amator (fols. 2 30"-2 3 1 '; W1, fol. I 94V).'88And it
contains all three of the Agnus Dei chants set in fascicle XI (see above, fn.
1 6 4 ) ~as well as both of the Sanctus tropes that are not unique to fascicle
XI.'84 Finally, it and W , are the only known sources for the Sequence Virgo
parens gaudeat (W,, fol. 208'-208"; Arsenal I 35, fols. 266'-267').
In sum, the repertoire of W1 appears to be consistent with what can be
surmised regarding the liturgical practice at St. Andrews. T h e arguments
presented in the preceding pages have been based on evidence that is often
circumstantial. Nevertheless, the factors involved in the adoption of the Pari-
sian organa, the evidence surrounding Vir perfect and Vir iste, and the
makeup of the insular collection in the manuscript point to St. Andrews more
then any other house as the institution for which W1 was prepared.

la' See above, fn. I 2.

la' Fols. 28 3'-284', 287'-287'. The eighth work, Perpetuo numine (W,,fols. 9 1'-92') is
found in the English Benedictine tradition (e.g., in the St. Albans Gradual, London, British
Library, Royal M S 2 B. IV, fols. 188"-189'). T h e monophonic Sanctus and Agnus tropes
added to fasc. X, presumably at the same time as the polyphonic tropes just mentioned, belong
to a strikingly different pattern of dissemination. Seven of the twelve works appear to be unique
to W,. One of the remaining five, Lux lucis (fols. I ~ O ' - I ~ I ' ) achieved
, an international
diffusion (see Clemens Blume and Henry Marriott Bannister, eds., Tropi graduales: Tropen
des Missale im Mittelalter, I : Tropen zum Ordinarium Missae, Analeaa hymnica medii aevi,
XLVII [Leipzig, I 9051, p. 3 75), but in a substantially different melodic state (one similar to
that used for the polyphonic setting in W,, fasc. VIII, fols. 9 3'-94') The remaining four works
are unknown in insular liturgical sources, Wl apart, although they are found-again, in rather
different melodic readings-in German, Swiss, and French manuscripts (some of which are
important in the history of early polyphony, e.g., St. Gall 383, which transmits three of the four
tropes).
'''The parallels with Sarum are summarized in Harrison, Music in Medieval Britain, p.
I 30; and Flotzinger, "Beobachtungen," pp. zf4-55.
la' Both Kyries are present, as well, in the St. Mary's ordinal, fol. SI', and Virginitatis
amator is also found in the York gradual, Oxford, lat, liturg. M S b. 5, fols. 83'-84'.
la' Maria mater egregia ( W,, fol. 2 I 2'; Arsenal, fol. 28jV); Voce vita ( W,, fol. 2 1 3'-2 1 3";

Arsenal, fols. 284'-z8jr, with a different Sanctus melody). The Arsenal manuscript also
transmits the melodies of the two unique Sanctus tropes, but with different texts: Muter mitis
vere vitis (W,, fol. 2 I 2'-2 I 2') as Gaude virgo mater Dei (Arsenal, fol. 28jv) and De virgine
nato (fols. 2 I 2'-2 I 3') as Cbristo regi regum (fol. 284').
376 JOURNAL O F T H E AMERICAN MUSICOLOGICAL SOCIETY

Most of the dates suggested for W1 have been general and based largely on
paleographical criteria.'" Rudolf Flotzinger has recently drawn on a different
kind of evidence in an attempt to arrive at a more precise dating for the
codex.ls6 H e notices that two works in fascicle XI, the Osanna trope Voce vita
(fol. 2 I 3'-2 I 3') and the Agnus trope Mortis dira (fol. 2 I 4'-2 I 4') stand
apart from the remainder of the collection in the fascicle in being proper not to
the Virgin but, seemingly, to Corpus Christi. Their presence in an otherwise
exclusively Marian repertoire may provide a clue, he feels, to the origins of the
manuscript. These origins may be related to the inception of the feast of
Corpus Christi, first proclaimed by the pope in I 2 6 4 T h e institution of the
feast provides, Flotzinger suggests, "einerseits in I 264 f i r unser Repertoire
einen terminus post quem zu sehen, f i r eine Datierung des Repertoires ergiibe
sich jedoch ein Zeitpunkt bald danach, also etwa um I 265 oder nur wenig
spzter" (p. 2 54). Furthermore, because of the direct dependence of elements in
the musical text of fascicle XI on readings in the main part of the manuscript,
the date of the earlier part of the book "1Hsst sich . . . auf, 'spiitestens
unmittelbar vor diesem Zeitpunkt,' vielleicht auch 'um I 2 65' priizisieren" (p.
26 I ).
Circumstances surrounding the early history of Corpus Christi cast doubt
on this hypothesis, however.''' T h e observance arose in the area of Li6ge in
the second quarter of the thirteenth century and was given official papal
recognition and prescribed for the whole Church in 1264 by a former
archdeacon of LiPge, Urban IV. Urban died the same year, and this may be
one reason why his promulgation appears to have carried so little force. The
feast does not seem to have been widely taken up in the thirteenth century,
apart from in parts of the Low Countries and in some other, widely scattered
areas (such as the diocese of Augsburg). It is not found in France before the
beginning of the fourteenth century, and then primarily in the south (Limoges,
Vienne). Clement V reconfirmed the feast in I 3 I I / I 2 at the Council of
Vienne, and John XXII incorporated Clement's action into the body of canon
law in I 3 I 7. It is only after I 3 I 7 that evidence of a widespread acceptance of
the observance begins to appear. Apparently, the first mention of the feast in
England occurs in I 3 2 0 , in a letter of the bishop of Exeter."' In I 3 25, the
For a survey of published opinion, see Liitolf, Ordinarium Missae-Satze, I, I 39.
"'Flotzinger, "Beobachtungen," pp. 253-54.
la' O n the origins of the feast, see C . Lambot, "L'Ofice de la Fete-Dieu: Apersus nouveaux
sur ses origines," Revue blnkdictine, LIV (1942), 61-123; and L. M. J. Delaissi, "A la
recherche des origines de I'ofice du Corpus Christi dans les manuscrits liturgiques," Scripto-
rium, IV ( I ~ S O )220-39.
, T h e disseminat~onof the feast in the thirteenth and fourteenth
centuries is traced in P. Browe, "Die Ausbreitung des Fromleichnamsfestes." Jahrbuch fur
Liturgiewissenschaft, VIII (1928), 107-43 (from which much of the following account is
drawn).
"'On the ~ntroductionof Corpus Christi into England, see Browe, "Ausbreitung," pp.
134-35. Flotzinger's statement ("Beobachtungen," p. 254) that the feast may have been
present in England as early as 1262 is not supported by the reference cited. See also Frere, Use
of Sarum, 11, xvii-xviii.
 THE ORIGINS O F W1 377
Augustinian General Chapter, meeting in Northampton, agreed to the obser-
vance of Corpus Christi by the Canons Regular.lBBIt is not at all certain,
however, that this decision would have been universally binding in an order as
decentralized as that of the Augustinians, particularly in those parts of Britain
(primarily in the north) beyond the immediate jurisdiction of the chapter. In
any event, the celebration of Corpus Christi became universally mandatory in
Britain as the result of counciliar action taken in I -3 3- 2.'" Under the circum-
stances, it would appear most improbable that Urban's action of I 264 could
be used as a dating tool for W1.lB1
O n e might speculate that the Corpus Christi pieces in fascicle XI could
have been used in a Mass of the Virgin falling within the Octave of Corpus
Christi. But their function may not have been limited to the framework of
Corpus Christi at all. T h e ordinal from St. Mary's, York assigns Mortis dira
to Easter and Pentecost, in addition to Corpus Christi, and permits the use of
Voce vita "in festis precipuis et duplicibus t a n t ~ m . " 'Thus
~ ~ these texts may
merely reflect the general rise of interest in the eucharist as the focal point of
the Mass in the thirteenth century, a trend of which Corpus Christi is but one
manifestation, albeit the major liturgical one.lB3
In attempting to date W1 we are thus forced to rely on two pieces of
evidence: the date of the Thomas Bell marginalium ( I 3 2 6 or a few years
la' Salter, Chapters of the Augustinian Canons, pp. xv-xvi; Eeles, Holyrood Ordinal, p.
xix.
l g O Wilkins, Concilia, 11, 5 6 0 As late as the end of the fifteenth century, Corpus Christi was

still occasionally being included not in the main body of a liturgical manuscript or print, but in a
supplement providing material for "new feasts"; see Pfaff, New Religious Feasts in Later
Medieval England, pp. 34-35, 80. The slowness with which Corpus Christi gained acceptance
is by no means atypical, for "papal promulgation, even if it commanded observance of a feast
throughout the church [as Urban's Bull of I 264 did not], was not sufficient, at any rate not in
England. Provincial legislation was also generally needed, but even then observance was
probably not 'universal' for a long time. . . ." (Pfaff, p. 4).
l S 1 Beyond this argument, it is not clear in what way the presence of the Corpus Christi
works in fasc. XI, unusual as it may perhaps be, indicates that the repertoire or the manuscript
date from about the time of the inception of the festival rather than merely from sometime after
that event. Nor is it by any means certain that the textual dependence of fasc. XI on the original
corpus of W 1implies an immediate bibliographical dependence as well. In terms of the time of
copying, the one section could be older than, contemporaneous with, or younger than the other,
regardless of whether the one reading being copied is older, younger, or of the same age as the
other. Liitolf (Ordinarium Missae-Siitze, I, 147, 193) has speculated on the possibility that the
presence in fasc. XI of the Tract Gaude Maria virgo (fols. 199~-zoo') and the Offertory Felix
namque (fols. 2 loV-211') may represent the influence of the Franciscan order, all the houses of
which were required, following the Chapter of Pisa in 1263, to have copies of these two chants.
But the chants were widely disseminated in the British Isles before the thirteenth century (see,
for example, Oxford, Bodleian Library, Rawl. M S C. 892, fols. I O ~ " - I Oand ~ ' I 16"-II~'),
and from the thirteenth century on, they were used in the Marian Mass by English Benedictine
houses and in the uses of Hereford and York (but not by many Sarum-influenced rites). See, for
example, Legg, Missale ad usum ecclesie Westmonasteriensis, Vol. 11, cols. I 128-29; Hender-
son, Missale ad usum insignis ecclesiae Eboracensis, 11, 162.
l S 2 Cambridge, St. John's College, M S D. 27, fol. 14'. Cf. the rubric for Voce vita in the

York gradual, Oxford, lat. liturg. M S b. 5, fol. 87".

lgS See Edmund A. Bowles, "Musical Instruments in the Medieval Corpus Christi Proces-
sion," this JOURNAL, XVII (1964)) 251-52.
3 78 JOURNAL O F T H E AMERICAN MUSICOLOGICAL SOCIETY

earlier), and the age of the handwriting. For the latter, Baxter suggested a date
in the first half of the fourteenth century, while E. K. Rand and H. G.
Wackernagel proposed a much earlier time of writing, perhaps as early as the
mid-thirteenth century.le4 In my view, this issue will not be resolved until the
writing in Scottish manuscripts, especially sources from St. Andrews, is
examined in detail.lg5 In the meantime, I a m inclined to give cautious
credence to Baxter, a specialist in medieval Scottish sources and the only one of
the three paleographers to have worked directly with W1. Should Baxter's
dating prove to be correct, the more venturesome among us might wish to
suggest a connection between the appearance of W1 and the liturgical Renais-
sance at St. Andrews after 1 3 14.

In the foregoing discussion, I have not sought to determine the locale in

which the particular state of the Parisian repertoire found in W1 was devel-
oped. These readings could have come from Paris or from some other
continental center, but it is also possible that some or all of them may have
come from within the British Isles. However, while Parisian polyphony
appears to have been cultivated in the thirteenth century at such institutions as

'''See above, fns. and 6. Rand was of the opinion that "the miniscule, rather than the
majuscule, form of the final s, as well as the more regular a of miniscule Carolingian script,
suggest a mid-thirteenth century date for the codices W , and FI," while Wackernagel suggested
that W , "might be later than F by one generation, and . . . also later than . . . the Summer
Canon." Neither Wackernagel nor Baxter offers specific reasons for his evaluation. O n the date
of F (mid-thirteenth century), see Rebecca A. Baltzer, "Thirteenth-century illuminated Min-
iatures and the Date of the Florence Manuscript," this JOURNAL, XXV ( I 972), 1-1 8; and
Robert Branner, "The Johannes Grusch Atelier and the Continental Origins of the William of
Devon Painter," Art Bulletin, LIV (1972), 24-30. O n the date of the Summer-Canon
manuscript, London, British Library, Harley M S 978 (mid-thirteenth century), see Bertram
Schofield, "The Provenance and Date of 'Sumer is Icumen in,' " The Music Review, IX
( I 948), 8 1-86. For a very tentative evaluation of the paleographical situation in W,, see
Roesner, "Manuscript," I, 4 4 ~ 4 7 .
''' A sizable group of Scottish book hands from the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries may
be seen in Alan O r r Anderson, et al., eds., The Chronicle of Melrose, fiom the Cottonian
Manuscript, Faustina B. I X in the British Museum: A Complete and FUN-Size Facsimile in
Collotype (London, I 936). It is uncertain, however, to what extent these scribes represent a
local, Cistercian "Melrose tradition" and whether or not a "St. Andrews tradition" would
resemble it closely. Certainly the style of paleography in W , does not correspond with those in
the Melrose Chronicle. Another element that some might wish to consider is the age of the
musical paleography. The conservative system of rhythmic notation used throughout W, might
suggest an early date of writing, one prior to the development of the full mensural system. This
would be a dangerous criterion, however, since the notation-that is, the notation system-
would have been taken, probably almost in toto, from the exemplars drawn upon in the
compilation of the manuscript. Unless the notational language of W , were updated by an
extremely sophisticated "editor" at the time the manuscript was prepared, the age of the
notational language would be that of the parent sources. The history of the craft of music writing
(as opposed to the development of the language of rhythmic notation) in the twelfth and
thirteenth centuries is a study that remains to be begun. O n these and other problems bearing
on the notation of W,, see Roesner, "Manuscript," Vol. I, Chap. 2 .
 THE ORIGINS OF W1 3 79
the English royal chapel,lee St. Paul's in London,le7Bury St. E d r n u n d ~ ,the
'~~
house at which Anonymous IV resided and worked,1ee and, perhaps, Reading
Abbey,20° no specific evidence links the Parisian tradition in W 1 with any of
these houses.201

'''See above, fn. 69; and Ian D. Bent, "The English chapel Royal before 1300,"
Proceedings ofthe Royal Musical Association, XC (1964), 93-94.
lS7 See the Inventory of I 295 printed in William Dugdale, History o f s t . Paul's Cathedral
in London (London, 1658), p. 220.
lSa Two fragmentary sources, both preserved in the bindings of Bury manuscripts, transmit
examples of Parisian polyphony: Cambridge, University Library, M S Ff. ii. 29, and Cam-
bridge, Jesus College, M S Q. B. I . For reservations regarding the English provenance of the
former, see Liitolf, Ordinarium Missae-Siitze, I, 2 I 4- I 6.
''' Anonymous IV is generally associated with the Benedictine abbey of Bury,% Edmunds,
since both primary sources for his treatise come from there; on the manuscripts and their
interrelationships, see Fritz Reckow, Die Musiktraktat des Anonymus 4, Beihefte zum Archiv
fiir Musikwissenschaft, Bd. IV-V, 2 vols. (Wiesbaden, 1 9 6 7 ) ~I, 1-18. The later of the two
sources, London, British Library, Cotton Tiberius M S B. IX, written in the third quarter of the
fourteenth century, is descended from the earlier, London, British Library, Royal M S I 2 C. VI,
written in the late thirteenth century (see Reckow, I, I 7-18); thus the Royal manuscript alone
need be considered when investigating the origins of the treatise. It appears most doubtful that
Royal I 2 C. VI was written at Bury St. Edmunds. It is one of a group of books procured for the
abbey in the fourteenth century-probably prior to the copying of the Cotton manuscript-by
Henry of Kirkestede (fl. I 338-78) whose initials and autograph index appear on fol. I".
Regarding Henry, see Richard H . Rouse, "Bostonus Buriensis and the Author of the Catalogus
scriptorum ecclesiae," Speculum, XLI (1966), 471-99 (esp p. 492 and plt. 7). T o be sure, the
manuscript is a Sammelcodex, and the section containing the treatise by Anonymous IV could
have been added to it after the book arrived at Bury. The fact that the index does not cite our
treatise in unequivocal language might give some support to this possibility, but, on the other
hand, the other music treatises listed in the index are described in vague terms also (Henry does
not appear to have been interested first and foremost in the music treatises, but rather in the
literary and philosophical works also found in the manuscript). At the very least, the original
home of Anonymous IV should be regarded as an open question. (It is one that I hope to pursue
in a future study.)
The index to a lost Reading collection of thirteenth-century polyphony, preserved in
London, British Library, Harley M S 978, fols. 1 6 0 " - I ~ I ' , cites some works that appear to
have been related to the Parisian tradition. See the transcription and analysis of the index in
Ludwig, Repertorium, pp. 270-78. For corrections and additions, see Schofield, "The Pro-
venance and Date of 'Sumer is Icumen in,' " passim; and Luther A. Dittmer, "An English
Discantum Volumen," Musica disciplina, VIII ( 1 9 5 4 ) ~35-45. Dittmer's suggestion (p. 35)
that one of the figures named in the index, W . de Wic[umbel, is actually Willelmus de
Winchecumbe should probably be disregarded; see Anselm Hughes, "The Topography of
English Medireval Polyphony," In memoriam Jacques Handschin, ed. H . Angles, et al.
(Strasbourg, I 9621, p. I 38; and Ian D. Bent, "A New Polyphonic 'Verbum bonum et suave,' "
Music & Letters, LI ( I 97o), 229.
"' At one point in his treatise, Anonymous IV gives examples of "multiplex numerus
modorum volurninum" to which, presumably, he or his readers had access; see Reckow, op, cit.,
I, 82-83. Taken together, the books cited correspond with W 1 to a striking degree. One book
contained organum quadruplum, such as Viderunt and Sederunt; fasc. I of W1 is devoted to this
genre and opens with these compositions. Another book contained organum triplum and
included Alleluia, Dies sanct$catus; fasc. VII is a collection of such Works and begins with this
Alleluia. The theorist mentions a book of organum duplum that included Judea et Jherusalem;
fascs. I11 and IV are devoted to organa a 2 , and the first work in the collection is Judea. Another
book contained conductus a 3 with cauda, such as Salvatoris hodie and Relegentur ab area; fasc.
IX opens with a group of such works, the first two of which are the compositions named by
jg0 J O U R N A L OF THE AMERICAN MUSICOLOGICAL SOCIETY

A related group of problems-questions dealing with the age and the

authority of the Parisian works as transmitted by Wl-have also gone
unconsidered here. Although some will disagree,202I believe that the search for
the origins of W1 as a physical document should proceed, in large measure,
independently of these issues. But if we are to arrive at a fuller understanding
of the process by which the Parisian style took hold as the foundation of the
central musical language of the later Middle Ages-if we are to write the
history of musical style in this period-it will be necessary to juxtapose,
combine, and reconcile what is known about the sources with what is known
about the music they transmit.

N e w York University

Anonymous IV. A volume of conductus a 2 with cauda included Ave Maria, Pater noster
commiserans and Hac in Die rege nato. The first two works appear in fasc. IX at the beginning
of gathering 19, a major point of division within the fascicle; Hac in Die rege nato is the last
conductus in the fascicle. Remembering that it was a regular medieval practice to identify books
by both their opening and their closing material, the relationship between this "volumen" and
W , is apparent. Anonymous IV also mentions collections of easier conductus, without cauda, for
two, three, and four voices. W , transmits works of this type for two and three voices in fascs. 11,
VIII, and IX; it may well have carried similar works a 4 on the leaves missing from the end of
fasc. I (fols. 7 f.; cf. F, fasc. I). Anonymous IV mentions no specific works, and it seems an
interesting coincidence that no such composition begins a fascicle or other major division in the
manuscript. The last book devoted to a specific genre cited by the theorist is a collection of
"simplices conducti lagiW-some kind of monophonic conductus. Although the first gathering of
fasc. X (fols. r 77-1 84) is missing, there can be no doubt that this gathering contained a
collection of monophonic conductus. Thus all of the "volumina" singled out for specific mention
by Anonymous IV are represented in W,. If the meaning of "volumen" may be broadened to
include, in addition to book or roll, a collection, fascicle, or gathering, it becomes tempting to
speculate that Anonymous IV may have had access to the repertoire tradition (but not
necessarily the specific readings or even the notational dialect) from which sprang the parent
sources drawn upon in the compilation of W,.
Handschin's hypothesis ("The Summer Canon and Its Background," Musica disciplina,
I11 [ I 9491, 88-91) that W . de Wicumbe (regarding whom, see above, fn. 200) may have been
involved in the preparation of W1,fasc. XI remains completely within the realm of pure
speculation. See the assessment of this theory in Roesner, "Manuscript," I, 94-102.
"'See, for example, Ernest Sanders, "Notre-Dame-Probleme," Die Musikforschung, XXV
('972). 339,
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The Origins of "W 1 "
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Journal of the American Musicological Society, Vol. 29, No. 3. (Autumn, 1976), pp. 337-380.
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4
A Monument of English Mediæval Polyphony: The Manuscript Wolfenbüttel 677
Jacques Handschin
The Musical Times, Vol. 74, No. 1086. (Aug., 1933), pp. 697-704.
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19
The Origin and Destination of the "Magnus liber organi"
Heinrich Husmann; Gilbert Reaney
The Musical Quarterly, Vol. 49, No. 3. (Jul., 1963), pp. 311-330.
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25
Peripheral Polyphony of the 13th Century
Ernest H. Sanders
Journal of the American Musicological Society, Vol. 17, No. 3. (Autumn, 1964), pp. 261-287.
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68
The Origin and Destination of the "Magnus liber organi"
Heinrich Husmann; Gilbert Reaney
The Musical Quarterly, Vol. 49, No. 3. (Jul., 1963), pp. 311-330.
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The Origin and Destination of the "Magnus liber organi"
Heinrich Husmann; Gilbert Reaney
The Musical Quarterly, Vol. 49, No. 3. (Jul., 1963), pp. 311-330.
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72
The Enlargement of the "Magnus liber organi" and the Paris Churches St. Germain
l'Auxerrois and Ste. Geneviève-du-Mont
Heinrich Husmann; Andres P. Briner
Journal of the American Musicological Society, Vol. 16, No. 2. (Summer, 1963), pp. 176-203.
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79
The Origin and Destination of the "Magnus liber organi"
Heinrich Husmann; Gilbert Reaney
The Musical Quarterly, Vol. 49, No. 3. (Jul., 1963), pp. 311-330.
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86
The Enlargement of the "Magnus liber organi" and the Paris Churches St. Germain
l'Auxerrois and Ste. Geneviève-du-Mont
Heinrich Husmann; Andres P. Briner
Journal of the American Musicological Society, Vol. 16, No. 2. (Summer, 1963), pp. 176-203.
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The Origin and Destination of the "Magnus liber organi"
Heinrich Husmann; Gilbert Reaney
The Musical Quarterly, Vol. 49, No. 3. (Jul., 1963), pp. 311-330.
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The Origin and Destination of the "Magnus liber organi"
Heinrich Husmann; Gilbert Reaney
The Musical Quarterly, Vol. 49, No. 3. (Jul., 1963), pp. 311-330.
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96
A Dominican Organum Duplum
Kenneth Levy
Journal of the American Musicological Society, Vol. 27, No. 2. (Summer, 1974), pp. 183-211.
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96
Proprietas und perfectio. Zur Geschichte des Rhythmus, seiner Aufzeichnung und
Terminologie im 13. Jahrhundert
Fritz Reckow
Acta Musicologica, Vol. 39, Fasc. 3/4. (Jul. - Dec., 1967), pp. 115-143.
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104
The Enlargement of the "Magnus liber organi" and the Paris Churches St. Germain
l'Auxerrois and Ste. Geneviève-du-Mont
Heinrich Husmann; Andres P. Briner
Journal of the American Musicological Society, Vol. 16, No. 2. (Summer, 1963), pp. 176-203.
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The Origin and Destination of the "Magnus liber organi"
Heinrich Husmann; Gilbert Reaney
The Musical Quarterly, Vol. 49, No. 3. (Jul., 1963), pp. 311-330.
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107
Notre-Dame und Saint-Victor. Repertoire-Studien zur Geschichte der gereimten Prosen
Heinrich Husmann
Acta Musicologica, Vol. 36, Fasc. 2/3. (Apr. - Sep., 1964), pp. 98-123.
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114
The Origin and Destination of the "Magnus liber organi"
Heinrich Husmann; Gilbert Reaney
The Musical Quarterly, Vol. 49, No. 3. (Jul., 1963), pp. 311-330.
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115
A Monument of English Mediæval Polyphony: The Manuscript Wolfenbüttel 677
Jacques Handschin
The Musical Times, Vol. 74, No. 1086. (Aug., 1933), pp. 697-704.
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117
The Origin and Destination of the "Magnus liber organi"
Heinrich Husmann; Gilbert Reaney
The Musical Quarterly, Vol. 49, No. 3. (Jul., 1963), pp. 311-330.
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117
The Enlargement of the "Magnus liber organi" and the Paris Churches St. Germain
l'Auxerrois and Ste. Geneviève-du-Mont
Heinrich Husmann; Andres P. Briner
Journal of the American Musicological Society, Vol. 16, No. 2. (Summer, 1963), pp. 176-203.
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121
The Enlargement of the "Magnus liber organi" and the Paris Churches St. Germain
l'Auxerrois and Ste. Geneviève-du-Mont
Heinrich Husmann; Andres P. Briner
Journal of the American Musicological Society, Vol. 16, No. 2. (Summer, 1963), pp. 176-203.
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122
The Enlargement of the "Magnus liber organi" and the Paris Churches St. Germain
l'Auxerrois and Ste. Geneviève-du-Mont
Heinrich Husmann; Andres P. Briner
Journal of the American Musicological Society, Vol. 16, No. 2. (Summer, 1963), pp. 176-203.
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123
The Enlargement of the "Magnus liber organi" and the Paris Churches St. Germain
l'Auxerrois and Ste. Geneviève-du-Mont
Heinrich Husmann; Andres P. Briner
Journal of the American Musicological Society, Vol. 16, No. 2. (Summer, 1963), pp. 176-203.
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124
The Enlargement of the "Magnus liber organi" and the Paris Churches St. Germain
l'Auxerrois and Ste. Geneviève-du-Mont
Heinrich Husmann; Andres P. Briner
Journal of the American Musicological Society, Vol. 16, No. 2. (Summer, 1963), pp. 176-203.
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124
The Origin and Destination of the "Magnus liber organi"
Heinrich Husmann; Gilbert Reaney
The Musical Quarterly, Vol. 49, No. 3. (Jul., 1963), pp. 311-330.
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137
Interrelationships among the Alleluias of the "Magnus liber organi"
Norman E. Smith
Journal of the American Musicological Society, Vol. 25, No. 2. (Summer, 1972), pp. 175-202.
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140
Interrelationships among the Alleluias of the "Magnus liber organi"
Norman E. Smith
Journal of the American Musicological Society, Vol. 25, No. 2. (Summer, 1972), pp. 175-202.
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144
The Origin and Destination of the "Magnus liber organi"
Heinrich Husmann; Gilbert Reaney
The Musical Quarterly, Vol. 49, No. 3. (Jul., 1963), pp. 311-330.
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145
The Origin and Destination of the "Magnus liber organi"
Heinrich Husmann; Gilbert Reaney
The Musical Quarterly, Vol. 49, No. 3. (Jul., 1963), pp. 311-330.
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193
Musical Instruments in the Medieval Corpus Christi Procession
Edmund A. Bowles
Journal of the American Musicological Society, Vol. 17, No. 3. (Autumn, 1964), pp. 251-260.
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194
Thirteenth-Century Illuminated Miniatures and the Date of the Florence Manuscript
Rebecca A. Baltzer
Journal of the American Musicological Society, Vol. 25, No. 1. (Spring, 1972), pp. 1-18.
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194
The Johannes Grusch Atelier and the Continental Origins of the William of Devon Painter
Robert Branner
The Art Bulletin, Vol. 54, No. 1. (Mar., 1972), pp. 24-30.
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196
The English Chapel Royal before 1300
Ian Bent
Proceedings of the Royal Musical Association, 90th Sess. (1963 - 1964), pp. 77-95.
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199
Proprietas und perfectio. Zur Geschichte des Rhythmus, seiner Aufzeichnung und
Terminologie im 13. Jahrhundert
Fritz Reckow
Acta Musicologica, Vol. 39, Fasc. 3/4. (Jul. - Dec., 1967), pp. 115-143.
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200
A New Polyphonic 'Verbum Bonum et Suave'
Ian D. Bent
Music & Letters, Vol. 51, No. 3. (Jul., 1970), pp. 227-241.
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201
Proprietas und perfectio. Zur Geschichte des Rhythmus, seiner Aufzeichnung und
Terminologie im 13. Jahrhundert
Fritz Reckow
Acta Musicologica, Vol. 39, Fasc. 3/4. (Jul. - Dec., 1967), pp. 115-143.
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