UNIVERSITY OF DELHI

DYAL SINGH COLLEGE (M)

Core Paper: History of Modern Europe - II

Internal Assessment Assignment

Topic/ Question: What were the factors responsible

for the unification of Italy?

Submitted to: Submitted by:

Dr. Shantanu Kumar Das Mansi Rautela

Department of History B.A. (H) History
Dyal Singh College (M) Semester: VI
University of Delhi Roll no. 18/85023
 The Unification of Italy: The Risorgimento

The revolutions of 1848 in Italy have been seen by many as a

culmination of the growing desire on the part of Italians to be united. In a
way, it indicated the emergence of a ‘national consciousness’ in Italy.
There is no doubt that many in 1848-9 wished to see Italy unified- some
like Mazzini as a republic, some like Gioberti as a federation and some
people would have been happy to see the extension of the authority of the
house of Savoy over the rest of Italy. But, as Denis Mack Smith has
shown, the Risorgimento historians have greatly exaggerated the degree
of ‘national consciousness’ on display in 1848-9. The years of political
turbulence in mid-century also showed how deeply divided Italy had been.
All over Italy local grievances, local causes and local rivalries proved to
be more important than ‘national’ issues. The peasants and the people in
general showed little enthusiasm for the revolutionaries. Mazzini’s
republican ideas found their rivals in the supporters of old dynasties.
Moderates and radicals were in conflict. If the Italians displayed a sense
of patriotism, it was more for their towns, villages and regions than for
any notion of Italy. Yet, within a decade Italy was unified. Gramsci, the
Italian Marxist historian, characterised what happened in 1848-9 as a
‘passive revolution’.

Charles Albert, the ruler of Piedmont, was hopelessly disappointed by

his defeat at the hands of Austria. He abdicated in favour of his son
Victor Emmanuel II and went to Portugal in exile where he died later.
The new king made his peace with Austria and even allowed his general
to bombard Genoa, the port city, which refused to accept the terms of
peace.

He was keen to strengthen royal power and build up Piedmont as a

powerful state, capable of taking on Austria. He appointed first d’Azeglio
(till 1852) and then Cavour, both conservative in their ideas and
temperament, as his ministers. At the same time, he never really lost the
loyalty of Garibaldi, the romantic and the disciple of Mazzini.While
Mazzini would not settle for less than a republic for united Italy,
Garibaldi would accept monarchy if it united Italy. The old constitution,
the Statuto, continued, but it did not introduce a parliamentary system.

Italy’s man of destiny for the next decade was count Camillo Cavour.
His influence in Italy during this period was significant; his success was
brilliant. Cavour belonged to a wealthy aristocratic family. After a brief
stint with the army, he went abroad to study. After completing his studies
in France and Britain, he returned to Piedmont. He had developed an
interest in politics and in the future of Italy. When Charles Albert
gradually introduced liberal reforms History of Europe 4 after 1846,
Cavour found an opportunity to articulate his views. Cavour took
advantage of the new freedom granted to the press to start his own paper,
Il Risorgimento. He was elected to the parliament as a conservative
deputy from Turin and in 1850 joined Azeglio’s cabinet as the minister
for Marine, agriculture, commerce and finance. He devoted himself to the
task of developing Piedmont, economically and politically.

Differences with Azeglio oblige him to leave the ministry for some time.
But he intrigued with the parliamentary opposition and mangled to effect
a working alliance between his supporters, the moderate conservatives
and a section of centrist deputies. This was known as ‘connubio’ or
marriage.

He was recalled and in 1852 became the prime minister. He had earlier
articulated that the problems of a state require a moderate policy, which,
he felt, could be achieved by shunning both despotism and anarchy.
Cavour was against the adventurism of Mazzini. He was also against
republicanism.
As a minister Cavour paid particular attention to the economic
development of Piedmont, which was still predominantly agricultural.
The development of industry was almost negligible. Piedmont and
Lombardy had seen the beginning of industrialisation. Piedmont had a
sense of rivalry with the Austrian policies in Lombardy. There were
factories to process silk yarn in Piedmont and Genoa had a small
beginning in metal industry. Cavour adopted free trade policy to
encourage economic development. There was some expansion of the
railway network. By 1860 Piedmont had 819 km of railway lines,
compared to 522 in Lombardy and 451 in the rest of Italy. He also spent
money to develop a powerful army and navy. He, however, strongly felt
that Italy’s quest for independence from Austria needed support from
foreign powers.

The failure of 1848-9 had once again brought to the fore the methods
which were open to the Italians to follow to achieve unity and liberation.
The revolutionary attempts of Mazzini did not win many supporters, as it
was not seen to be within the realm of practical politics. The federalists
still pinned their hopes on the possibility of one.

Carlo Cattaneo, the revolutionary from Milan, still clung to federalism.

But many former revolutionaries, who flocked to Piedmont where alone
the old constitution survived, came to the conclusion that Italy could not
be united without military strength. Giorgio Pallavicino, who took part
in the Lombard insurrection of 1821 against the Austrians, declared,’ to
defeat cannons and soldiers, cannons and soldiers are needed. Arms are
needed and not Mazinian pratings. Piedmont has soldiers and cannons.
Therefore I am a Piedmontese…Piedmont these days is a monarchy.
Therefore I am not a republican.’ In 1853 yet another attempt by
Mazzinians in Milan failed. Another expedition to Sicily, led by the
socialist Carlo Pisacane, also failed. In the circumstances, the
foundation of the Italian national Society in august 1857 marked a new
turn. The society aimed at liberating and unifying Italy under the
leadership of Piedmont. The Society was headed by Pallavicino, with
Daniele Manin, the leader of the Venetian republic in 1848, La Farina,
the leader of Sicily in 1848 and Garibaldi joining in. This seemed to have
come as a shot in the arm of Cavour who had already internationalised
the Italian question, as it were, in the Paris peace conference after the
Crimean war. He joined the Crimean war and was invited to be a part of
the peace conference in Paris. Here he gave publicity to the repressive
policy of Austria in provinces of Italy under Austria’s control. He hoped
to secure the sympathies of the European powers, particularly of France,
to Piedmont’s efforts to liberate Italy from Austria. While Mazzini
believed that Italy will ‘do it alone’ (Italia fara da se), Cavour felt that
assistance of foreign powers was absolutely necessary to drive Austria
out of Italy.

The question of possible French assistance in the event of a future war

with Austria was central to the question of Italian liberation and
unification. Napoleon had some association with the Italian movement
earlier and was believed to have wanted to ‘do something for Italy’, but
he was given to prevarication. The attempt of Orsini, a follower of
Mazzini to assassinate the emperor in January, 1858 brought the question
to the fore again. Before he perished on the scaffold, he urged the
emperor to intervene and liberate his country. Napoleon III was now
persuaded to do something for Italy, and he also perceived possible
territorial gain for France as well. He met Cavour at Plombieres in the
Vosges in July 1858 and drew up a secret agreement in January 1859.
France would support Piedmont with an army if Austria were to attack
her. In the event of Austrian defeat in the war Piedmont would extend her
territory over north Italy to create a kingdom of Upper Italy (including
Lombardy, Venetia and the Romagna)

A separate Kingdom of Central Italy comprising Tuscany, Parma,

Modena, Umbria and the Marches would be set up under Napoleon’s
cousin Prince Napoleon, who would marry the younger daughter of
Victor Emmanuel II, Clotilde. But in executing the plan the international
context had to be considered. The roles of Britain, Prussia and Russia
would be crucial. The isolation of Austria at the moment was convenient.
The neutrality of Russia could be depended upon and Britain if somewhat
wary of Napoleon’s ambition was unlikely to intervene.

Cavour pursued a policy of ‘defensive provocation’ and Austria appeared

to be likely to take an aggressive posture. Attempts at mediation failed,
and Austria invaded Piedmont History of Europe 9 in April, 1859. The
intervention of Napoleon III was decisive as the Austrians were defeated
in the battles of Magenta and Solferino. The French army assumed the
main role and the Piedmontese army and the Italian volunteers played a
subsidiary role. The policy of Cavour, however, was vindicated. The
railway lines that he laid helped the quick transit of armies and supplies
to the Lombard border. At the moment of triumph Napoleon performed a
volte face and concluded with Austria the truce of Villafranca in July,
1859. The context of the peace was two-fold; on the one hand, a series of
popular uprisings, often supported by liberal-minded nobles and the
educated classes, overthrew the old regimes in central Italy, and on the
other, there was an anxiety about intervention from other European
powers. In Tuscany the Grand Duke abdicated in April, 1859 and a
provisional government took over. Likewise old rulers were replaced by
provisional governments in Parma and Modena. In Umbria, the
Marches and greater part of the Papal States the Pope managed to keep a
feeble control. Any threat to the Pope was likely to alienate the Catholics
in France on whose support the emperor depended. But in Bologna, the
National society succeeded in setting up a provisional government.
Britain was not willing to see the disintegration of Austria. Prussia
appeared to be interested in helping Austria in return of a freer hand in
the German Confederation and massed troops along the Rhine frontier
to increase Napoleon’s anxiety. Russia also looked likely to give support
to Prussia. This provided the context of the peace of Villafranca, which
apparently sacrificed Italian interests to the ambitions of Napoleon.
According to the terms of the truce, Piedmont would extend her territory
by acquiring Lombardy, but Austria would retain Venetian. The old
rulers were to return to Tuscany and Modena and he Pope was to retain
his temporal possessions. This truce was widely criticised as the betrayal
of the Italian cause by Napoleon III.

But, as Seaman, has said, it was one of the ‘shoddier bits of mythologies
of history’. There was not an Italian cause to begin with. Napoleon was
supporting Piedmont against Austria and it is doubtful if the Austrians
could be defeated without the support of the French. Even then
Napoleon’s recourse to diplomacy with Austria without consulting
Piedmont, a party to the conflict, was not above reproach. He, however,
was not to insist on the transfer of Nice and Savoy to France.

Cavour resigned from the post of prime minister. The old rulers, however,
could not return to their duchies in central Italy. Popular assemblies were
elected and they confirmed the overthrow of the old rulers along with the
termination of the Pope’s temporal possessions over larger part of the
Legations. Napoleon’s prevarication continued. He suggested a European
congress to settle the issue and the retracted form the proposal. He now
looked to the foreign powers against. Britain’s new foreign secretary,
Lord John Russell, was in favour of a strong Italy and was a supporter
of the principle of self-determination. Napoleon also started negotiations
with Britain for a commercial treaty and supported freed trade. In view of
the changes in central Italy, napoleon turned around against and resumed
negotiations with Piedmont. Cavour also returned to power. Napoleon
was now prepared to accept the extension of Piedmont’s domination over
central Italy as well, but insisted on France being compensated by the
cession of History of Europe 12 Nice and Savoy. Cavour now organised
plebiscites in the duchies and the Papal States in March, 1860.
Universal suffrage was introduced and the result was an agreement to
merge with the kingdom of Piedmont. Victor Emmanuel II took over the
territories by a decree. New elections, on the basis of a more limited
franchise, followed in Piedmont-Sardinia, Lombardy the duchies and
Romagna. The new parliament met at Turin and ratified the absorption of
the new territories and endorsed the cession of Nice and Savoy to France.
The kingdom of Upper Italy emerged under Victor Emmanuel II and the
dream of Cavour was fulfilled, for he never really visualised the union of
the whole of Italy.

Yet Italy was, in fact, united within the next few months. What followed
was a dramatic climax. The next phase in the story belonged to Garibaldi,
but also to Cavour. It represented a complex web of internal and
international politics. In a way, it also marked as D.Mack Smith had put it,
a political confrontation between Cavour and Garibaldi. Garibaldi
disapproved of the cession of Nice and Savoy to France as he was a
native of Nice. He planned to go to Nice from Genoa and stop the
plebiscite.

But he was persuaded to send an expedition instead to Sicily where the

peasants had already launched a revolt against the Neapolitan rule and the
landlords. Garibaldi asked for help inform the Piedmontese government,
particularly arms and ammunitions. But Cavour did not oblige him. As
Garibaldi had out it, ‘If the government stopped short of an absolute
veto on the Thousand, it did not neglect to raise up an infinity of
obstacles to our departure’. But Garibaldi succeeded in sailing with his
legendary ‘Thousand Red Shirts’ to Sicily and reached Marsala. He
confronted the Neapolitan army of about 25,000 and defeated them
within a month. They agreed to leave Sicily. He made himself the
dictator of Sicily. This was a most stunning victory by a ragged force of
volunteers. Yet, Garibaldi was helped by the rising of the peasants against
the Neapolitan army and the landlords backed by the Bourbon rulers.

The Bourbon rule in Naples was on the edge. Francis tried to salvage the
situation by granting a constitution and bringing in liberal ministers. He
even appealed to Napoleon III for help. Napoleon was plainly wary of
creating another European crisis. Cavour felt that the fall of the Bourbons
would present a choice between ‘annexation and revolution’. Garibaldi’s
spectacular adventure conjured visions of a popular revolution once more.
It also confronted Cavour with a few problems. Faced with Garibaldi’s
continued success in the south and a possible take over of even Naples,
Cavour sought to promote a conservative reaction there in favour of
Victor Emmanuel II. He felt that the fall of the Bourbons would present a
choice between ‘annexation and revolution’.

The international situation also worried Cavour. Britain was more than
a little anxious that Garibaldi’s adventure might in the end result in
further extension of French influence in the Mediterranean. Napoleon
III appeared to share Cavour’s anxiety about the adverse effects of
Garibaldi’s success and was opposed to Garibaldi crossing over to the
mainland. But Britain ultimately refused to a joint naval action in the
straits of Messina to prevent garibaldi from crossing over. France was
reluctant to act alone. Cavour sent Count Litta with a letter to Garibaldi
asking him not to cross the Straits. But Garibaldi disregarded the letter
and crossed the Straits of Messina into the mainland. He outmanoeuvred
the Neapolitans with a small army of about 3,300 men and landed at
Calabria in August.

After some initial difficulties Garibaldi once more defeated the

Neapolitan army with reinforcements from Sicily and with the support of
the rebel peasants in Calabria. He continued his march to Naples in the
north and the king also withdrew from Naples. Garibaldi arrived in
Naples in early September with only 30 companies and received a
tumultuous welcome from the inhabitants of the city. Garibaldi virtually
took over the administration of Naples, except for the north where the
royal forces were still entrenched. It was difficult for him to march to the
Papal States as he had planned through the loyal troops. This brought
Cavour back to main stage. He was well aware of the risk of intervention,
but nonetheless decided on it. The Piedmontese army marched into the
part of the Papal States still under the Pope and ruthlessly dealt with
resistance. In October, the Piedmontese troops reached the kingdom of
Naples and finally on 26 October, 1860 Victor Emmanuel and Garibaldi
met. “Garibaldi took off his hat and greeted the monarch theatrically
with the words: ‘I salute the first king of Italy’.”

On 8 November Garibaldi resigned his dictatorship and handed over

power formally to the king. He declined all honours which were offered
by the king and went to his humble home in the island of Caprera. It was
indeed a magnificent gesture of self-abnegation. But it is also fact that
neither Cavour nor the king would have been comfortable to see
Garibaldi continue in politics.

Italy was finally united. It was Garibaldi’s adventure that obliged Cavour
to take the risk of extending Piedmont’s domination to the south and thus
unify the whole of Italy. Venetia was added to the kingdom when
Prussia defeated Austria in 1866. Austria handed over Venetia to
Napoleon III to be given to the kingdom of Italy.

Finally, the Pope’s temporal dominion was further reduced when after the
withdrawal of the French garrison following the Franco Prussian war in
1870; Rome was made the capital of the Kingdom of Italy.
 Bibliography

1. https://archive.org/details/lifeofcavour00cado

2. Hobsbawm, Eric J.; 'The Age of Revolution: Europe 1789-1848'

3. Bury, J.P.T.(ed.); 'New Cambridge Modern HistoryVol. X';

Cambridge University Press.

4. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GPBLPHea7hI