Ayub khan

Introduction
Muhammad Ayub was born in May 14, 1907,
Rehana, NWFP, India (now Rehana, Khyber
Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan) and he died in April 19, 1974,
near Islamabad. He serves Pakistan as a president from
1958 to 1969, whose rule marked a critical period in the
modern development of his nation.

After studying at Aligarh Muslim University and at the

British Royal Military College Ayub Khan was
commissioned an officer in the Indian army (1928).
In World War 2 he was second-in-command of a
regiment in Burma and commanded a battalion in India.
After the 1947 partition of British India, he was rapidly
promoted in the army of the new Muslim state of
Pakistan: from major general (1948) to commander in
chief (1951). In addition, Ayub became minister of
defense (1954) for a brief period.

Beginning of political career

After several years of political turmoil in Pakistan, in 1958 President Iskandar Mirza, with army
support, abrogated the constitution and appointed Ayub as chief martial law administrator. Soon
after, Ayub had himself declared president, and Mirza was exiled. Ayub reorganized the
administration and acted to restore the economy through agrarian reforms and stimulation of
industry. Foreign investment was also encouraged.

Basic Democracies
Ayub introduced the system of basic democracies in 1960. It consisted of a network of local self-
governing bodies to provide a link between the government and the people. Primary governing
units were set up to conduct local affairs; their members were elected by constituencies of 800–
1,000 adults. A national referendum among all those elected confirmed Ayub as president. He
was reelected under this system in 1965, against a strong challenge from an opposition united
behind Fatima Jinnah, the sister of Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the creator of Pakistan.

Kashmir Issue
When the United States began to rearm India after China’s invasion of northern India in 1962,
Ayub established close relations with China and received substantial military aid from it. In the
meantime, Pakistan’s dispute with India over Jammu and Kashmir worsened, culminating in the
outbreak of war in 1965. After two weeks of fighting, both sides agreed to an UN-called cease-
fire and came to a boundary settlement.
Resignation
The failure to gain Kashmir, combined with student unrest over suffrage restrictions so
intensified internal turmoil that at the end of 1968 Ayub announced he would not stand for
reelection. Riots continued, and he resigned his office on March 26, 1969, to be succeeded by
General Yahya Khan, commander in chief of the army.

Martial law 1958

On the night of 7th October 1958, the constitution was
suspended by a Presidential proclamation. The ministers
were dismissed; the legislatures dissolved and political
parties were banned. The Commander in Chief of the
Army, General Mohammad Ayub Khan, was appointed
Chief Martial Law Administrator. The proclamation
dwelt at length on the chaotic state of the country, lack
of scruples on the part of parliamentary leaders,
widespread corruption, irresponsible conduct of
services, and disorderly finances. Another
announcement stated that the object of this ‘take over’
was to ‘clear the messes’ and prepare the country for a
more practicable form of government. Three weeks’
experience of the new government showed, however,
that Iskandar Mirza was still playing and trying to use
the same weapons against his new colleagues that he
had so successfully used against the politicians. He was
made to vacate office on 27th October 1958 and the
Chief Martial Law Administrator Mohammad Ayub Khan became the President of the country.
The Constitution Commission, appointed in 1960, recorded its considered opinion that the
breakdown of the Constitution of 1956 was caused by the absence of organized political parties
in the country and the want of probity among the politicians as a class.

The cabinet consisted of civilians as well as generals. The office of Prime Minister was abolished
and Ayub Khan’s cabinet began to function as a Presidential cabinet. In the courts set up by the
new Government, military officers sat alongside judges and magistrates to try anti-social
offenses. A rigorous system of price control was enforced. Hoarded stocks were brought out.
Arrears of Government revenues and taxes flowed speedily into the treasury. National life was
revitalized within a few days.

General screening of all Government servants was ordered. This was necessary because the
morale of public services had been destroyed by indiscriminate recruitment and rapid
promotions. The administration was blamed for many sins of omission and commission, but
inefficiency and corruption were the main charges. Services recorded of all state-employed were
examined carefully with the result that the name of 133 officers of class I, 221 officers of class II
and I, 303 officials of class III were removed from the public payroll. None of the foregoing
Governments could have taken such an unprecedented step to tone up the administrative
bureaucracy.
The proclamation of martial law and the abrogation of the Constitution resulted in a complete
void in the legal set-up. Therefore, three days after the imposition of martial law, on 10 th October
1958 the Laws Orders was promulgated to bring about new legal order. The Laws Order 1958
seemed to have provided a legal framework to the state for the continuity of the legal system
after the abrogation of the Constitution. The legal vacuum and the crisis which country had faced
after the dissolution of the first Constituent Assembly in 1954 were thereby avoided. The
expression used in the order Republic shall be governed as nearly as may be in accordance with
the late constitution.

On the imposition of martial law, state power came into the hands of President Mirza and
General Ayub Khan who had been appointed as a Chief Martial Law Administrator. The logical
result of this sharing of power had to be a struggle between the two men, and it ensued soon
thereafter. President Mirza tried to rationalize the power structure and state framework by
appointing Ayub Prime Minister on 24th October 1958. He formed a new cabinet consisting of
non-political personalities. This did not satisfy Ayub Khan who had a strong claim to power,
being the Commander-in-Chief of the Army. President Mirza was nervous about his future and
he tried to enlist the support of the Air Force and Ayub’s rivals within the army. He allegedly
made an unsuccessful attempt to order Air Commodore Robb, the Chief of Staff of Pakistan Air
Force to arrest four Generals close to Ayub including Major-General Yahya Khan. Ayub decided
to rid himself of Mirza and assume complete control over the affairs of the state. Mirza was
arrested and sent to exile to Great Britain where he later died. Ayub quickly set about proving to
skeptics that he was not merely the army’s “front man” but the “absolute master” in Pakistan.

Measures taken by Ayub Khan

Rehabilitation of peace
In the absence of any effective governmental authority,
the law-and-order situation was deteriorating throughout
the country. Therefore, the priority of the military
government was to check the criminal activities within the
boundaries of the state; special military cells were
established to facilitate the masses in case of trouble and
to take precautionary measures against the trouble
mongers’ factors in the society.
Price Control

The next step, which the military administration took, was

the management of price control cells and bodies. During
the times of democratic governments, there was no check
over the prices of the daily commodities of life. Hoarding
was very common. These factors were the primary source
of inflation. The situation was aggravated by the excessive
profits earned by the retailers. The military government
printed price lists and made sure that no one could earn excessive profits by exploiting the needs
of the consumers.
Check on Smuggling

Identification of economic flaws and their rectification was one of the most high-pitched
priorities of the military government. Smuggling was one of the monstrous issues that resisted
the growth of the country’s economy. Chittagong and Karachi Seaports had been used for
smuggling for a long. The role played by the politicians in burgeoning such evil should not be
neglected. As soon as the military government took over, strict disciplinary actions were initiated
against the smugglers; crackdowns were planned to seize the people involved in such notorious
activities. Settlement of the properties

Since the independence of the country, the issue of the abandoned properties could not be
resolved. However, the issue was settled within a year after the military takeover.

Rehabilitation of migrants
When India was divided, a large number of people migrated from India to Pakistan. They
reached Pakistan in very poor condition. Quaid and Liaquat took a keen interest in the
rehabilitation of the immigrants on a priority basis; however, the later rulers did not consider it
important enough to take steps for their resolution. As soon as the military government was
established, the rehabilitation ministry, under the supervision of Gen. Azam Ali, worked so
rigorously that it came up with the settlement of the majority of migrants in a very short time.
Several housing societies were established to provide shelter to the migrants, Korangi being one
of them.
Reforms Introduced by Ayub Khan
Ayub Khan used two main approaches to governing in his first few years. He concentrated on
consolidating power and undermining the opposition. He also aimed to establish the groundwork
for future stability through altering the economic, legal, and constitutional institutions. The
imposition of martial law targeted “antisocial” practices such as abducting women and children,
black marketeering, smuggling, and hoarding. Many in the Civil Service of Pakistan and Police
Service of Pakistan were investigated and punished for corruption, misconduct, inefficiency, or
subversive activities.

Corruption had become so widespread within the national and civic systems of administration
that Ayub Khan was welcomed as a national hero by the people. The new military government
promised that they would carry out reforms in the entire government structure and would cleanse
the administration of the rampant corruption. A thorough screening process of all government
servants was conducted and service records were closely scrutinized. Public servants were tried
for misconduct by tribunals consisting of retired judges of the Supreme Court or High Court.
Disciplinary actions such as dismissal or compulsory retirement of the public servant could take
place against corrupt officials. A public servant could also be disqualified from holding any
public office for 15 years. About 3,000 officials were dismissed and many others were reduced
in rank as a result of these measures. A law called the Elective Bodies Disqualification Order,
popularly known as E.B.D.O, was promulgated for the disqualification of politicians. Under this
law, a person could be disqualified from being a member of any elective body. Under this harsh
law, several politicians like Suhrawardy and Qayyum Khan were disqualified. The E.B.D.O,
particularly its application, was severely criticized in the legal and political circles throughout
Pakistan.

Moreover, Ayub Khan focused on the long-standing question of land reforms in West Pakistan.
It was meant to reduce the power of groups opposing him like the landed aristocracy. The Land
Reform Commission was set up in 1958. In 1959, the government imposed a ceiling of 200
hectares of irrigated and 400 hectares of unirrigated land in the West Wing for a single person. In
the East Wing, the landholding ceiling was raised from thirty-three hectares to forty-eight
hectares. Landholders retained their dominant positions in the social hierarchy and their political
influence. Four million hectares of land in West Pakistan were released for public acquisition
between 1959 and 1969. It was sold mainly to civil and military officers. It created a new class of
farmers having medium-sized holdings. These farms became immensely important for future
agricultural development, but the peasants benefited scarcely at all.

Besides, a legal commission was set up to suggest reforms of the family and marriage laws.
Ayub Khan examined its report and issued the Family Laws Ordinance in 1961. It restricted
polygamy and “regulated” marriage and divorce, giving women more equal treatment under the
law. It was a humane measure supported by women’s organizations in Pakistan. The ordinance
could not have been promulgated owing to opposition from the ulema and the fundamentalist
Muslim groups. This law like family planning was relatively mild and did not seriously
transform the patriarchal pattern of society.

Furthermore, Ayub Khan adopted an

energetic approach toward economic development. It soon bore fruit in a rising rate of economic
growth. Ayub Khan period is credited with Green Revolution and economic and industrial
growth. Land reform, consolidation of holdings, and strict measures against hoarding were
combined with rural credit programs and work programs, higher procurement prices, augmented
allocations for agriculture, and, especially, improved seeds put the country on the road to self-
sufficiency in food grains. This is popularly known as the Green Revolution. The Export Bonus
Vouchers Scheme (1959) and tax incentives stimulated new industrial entrepreneurs and
exporters. Bonus vouchers facilitated access to foreign exchange for imports of industrial
machinery and raw materials. Tax concessions were offered for investment in less-developed
areas. These measures had important consequences in bringing industry to Punjab and gave rise
to a new class of small industrialists.

Moreover, Ayub Khan introduced certain reforms in the field of education. It was meant to raise
the literacy level and trained manpower in Pakistan. He made technical education mandatory. 
The two-year degree program was extended to three years. Civil Defense training was made
mandatory in schools and colleges.

Last but not the least, Ayub khan introduced labor reforms. Ayub showed interest to work for the
betterment of the labor class. It was made mandatory for the factory owners to recognize the
elected union council and to consider its opinion in all the issues. The government provided
security to the leader and members of the union council from any revengeful activity of the
factory owner. In September 1961, a law was passed about the basic daily wages of the laborers.
Social security scheme was promulgated by which the labor was to be facilitated in case of any
emergency.

Ayub’s policies of concentrating political power in his own hands, his control over the press and
media, imposing the state of emergency in the country, and his interference in religion were also
responsible for his downfall. By the end of 1968, the public resentment against the Ayub’s
regime touched a boiling point and an anti-Ayub movement was launched by the urban-middle
class; including students, teachers, lawyers, doctors, and engineers. Law and order broke down
and Ayub was left with no other option but to step down.

Constitution of 1962

After the military coup of 1958, Ayub Khan waited for some time intending to pave the path of
public opinion in his favor. A legislative commission was established in the leadership of Justice
Shahaab-ud-din. The commission forwarded the report on 6 th May 1961. Justice Manzoor Qadir
designed and drafted the whole constitution. Ayub, bypassing a presidential ordinance, enacted
the new constitution on 8th June 1962.

It had the following salient features

1. It was in written form and had information about the state institutions and their mutual
relations.
2. The constitution was not passed with the consent of the elected representatives of the
people. It was the creation or brainchild of a single person.
3. The constitution was president-friendly; making amendments was easy only if supported
and endorsed by the president or it was a very lengthy and difficult job. For making any
amendment, the 2/3rd majority of the assembly had to pass the bill and then had to send it
to the president. If the president did not take up any objection for thirty days, the
amendment was considered valid. However, the president might disapprove or send back
the resolution with certain alterations. In that case, it was needed to gain the consent of
the 3/4th majority of the assembly. The president had to give consent in ten days or had to
propagate it for the opinion of Basic Democrats. In that case, the opinion of the B.DS was
considered final.
4. It was a federal system of government with East Pakistan and West Pakistan as its units.
The constitution contained the list of only federal authorities, the rest were given to the
federating units. The center had the authority to intervene in the provincial matters if
considered necessary.
5. Unlike previous constitutions, the Indian Act 1935 and the constitution of 1956, it was
presidential with all the executive powers resting with the president. He was the
constitutional head of government and state.
6. It was a unicameral system of government with only one house. The members of the
National Assembly were elected by the basic democrats.
 7. The judiciary was kept independent to the extent of theory. All the judges of the High
courts had to be selected and appointed by the president with the advice of the chief
justice. But the president was not bound to the opinion or wishes of the Chief Justice.
8. The constitution guaranteed the basic human rights for all the citizens of Pakistan without
any discrimination of caste, creed, and color.
The constitution of 1962 was a one-man show. It was designed for a single man. Apparently, it
gave many rights and securities to the people but actually it deprived the people of all kinds of
political rights and their representation in the legislation.

ELECTIONS OF 1965

There were four candidates; Ayub Khan, Miss Fatima Jinnah, and two persons with no party
affiliation in the 1965 elections. There was a short campaigning period of one month. It was
further restricted to nine meetings that were organized by the Election Commission. These
meetings were attended only by the members of the Electoral College and members of the press.
The public was barred to attend the projection meetings as it would have enhanced Miss Fatima
Jinnah’s image.

In 1964, Ayub confident in his apparent popularity and seeing deep divisions within the political
opposition called for Presidential elections. He was taken by surprise when opposition parties
dropped General Azam as a presidential candidate. The joint opposition agreed on supporting the
respected and popular Fatima Jinnah, the sister of the founder of Pakistan, Quaid-i-Azam
Mohammad Ali Jinnah.

Miss Fatima Jinnah Had a certain advantage over Ayub Khan and other candidates. Miss
Jinnah’s greatest advantage was that she was the sister of the Founder of Pakistan. She had
detached herself from the politics after the Founder’s death. She moved in the streets of big cities
and rural areas. She declared Ayub Khan as a dictator. Miss Jinnah’s line of attack was that by
coming to terms with India on the Indus Water dispute, Ayub had surrendered control of the
rivers over to India. She generated tremendous public enthusiasm. She drew enormous crowds in
all cities of East and West Pakistan.
Ayub Khan had a great advantage over the rest of
the candidates. The Second Amendment of the
Constitution confirmed him as President till the
election of his successor. He exercised complete
control over all governmental machinery during
elections. He utilized the state facilities as head of
state, not as the President of the Convention
Muslim League, and did not even hesitate to
legislate on electoral matters. Bureaucracy and
business helped him in his election campaign.
Being a political opportunist, he brought all the
discontented elements together to support him.
Students have assured the revision of the
University Ordinance and journalists the scrutiny
of the Press Laws. Ayub Khan also gathered the
support of the ulema who believe Islam does not
permit a woman to be the head of an Islamic state.

Miss Fatima Jinnah lost the election of 1965 and Ayub Khan was elected as the President of
Pakistan. On the indirect ballot, Ayub Khan defeated Fatima Jinnah by taking 64% of the vote.
The PML secured a thumping majority of 120 seats in those elections. The opposition could
clinch only 15 seats. Combined Opposition Party (COP) won 10 seats.

The rest of the seats went to the independents. The election did not conform to international
standards and journalists. It is widely held, that the elections were rigged in favor of Ayub Khan
using state patronage. He influenced the indirectly elected Electoral Colleges.

Democratic Action Committee

Ayub Khan took over the politics of Pakistan in 1958. He formulated and enforced many policies
to stabilize the country and legitimize himself. Land reforms, economic reforms, family law
reforms, social reforms, and constitutional reforms are among the most prominent. Ayub policies
were criticized by a large number of the urban population. Ayub almost ruled for a decade. It
created grievances in the people. Ayub authority lessens owing to the failure of reforms and the
war of 1965. Ayub was forced to lift the ban from opposition parties, trade unions, and student
unions. Political parties started to react against and criticize him. With the undaunted efforts of
Nawabzada Nasrullah Khan, a combined opposition front was launched against Ayub Khan. It is
popularly known as Democratic Action Committee. It contributed significantly to the downfall
of Ayub Khan and the restoration of democracy.

On 30th April 1967, Nawabzada Nasrullah Khan succeeded in forming a five-party alliance for
the opposition which was named as ‘Pakistan Democratic Movement’ but later renamed as
‘Pakistan Democratic Action Committee’. It played an important role in the removal of Ayub
Khan. He founded his party with the collaboration of four other parties in 1969. He named it as
‘Pakistan Jamhuri Party’ and became its Vice President.
In October 1968, the government sponsored a celebration called the Decade of Development.
The festival highlighted the frustrations of the urban poor afflicted by inflation and the costs of
the 1965 war instead of reminding people about the achievements of the Ayub Khan regime.
Ayub Khan had become the symbol of inequality for the masses. Bhutto capitalized on this and
challenged Ayub Khan at the ballot box. In East Pakistan, dissatisfaction with the system went
even deeper. In January 1969, several opposition parties formed the Democratic Action
Committee with the declared aim of restoring democracy through a mass movement.

Ayub Khan reacted by alternating conciliation and repression. It resulted in widespread disorder.
The army moved into Karachi, Lahore, Peshawar, Dhaka, and Khulna to restore order. In rural
areas of East Pakistan, curfew was ineffective; local officials sensed losing of government
control and began retreating from the peasant revolt. In February, Ayub Khan released political
prisoners, invited the Democratic Action Committee and others to meet him in Rawalpindi. He
promised a new constitution and said that he would not stand for reelection in 1970. Ayub Khan
sought a political settlement as violence continued although he was in poor condition and lacking
the confidence of his generals.

On March 25, 1969, martial law was again proclaimed; General Agha Mohammad Yahya Khan,
the army commander in chief, was designated chief martial law administrator (CMLA). The
1962 constitution was abrogated. Ayub Khan announced his resignation and Yahya Khan
assumed the presidency. Yahya Khan soon promised elections based on adult franchise to the
National Assembly, which would draw up a new constitution. He also entered into discussions
with leaders of mainstream political parties.

The new coalition demanded the lifting of the state

of emergency and the canceling of the criminal
law amendment which had been invoked to arrest
Mujib for participation in the same conspiracy.
These were both tools the government was using
to deal with the worsening political situation.
Jama‘at and the Awami League both wanted it
eliminated so they could pursue their political
objectives more freely. Faced with Mujib’s rising
popularity following his arrest, the government
responded by lifting the emergency and abrogating the amendment. It was a Pyrrhic victory for
the opposition. To begin with, it did away with the demands that the Jama‘at and the Awami
League had shared and which had fostered a working arrangement between them. Instead,
tensions between them continued in East Pakistan following the government’s conciliatory
overtures. It also removed the rationale for democratic demands from the political agenda and
focused attention instead on provincial demands in East Pakistan and populist demands in West
Pakistan. Consequently, Mawdudi’s efforts to revive interest in the Islamic constitution came to
naught. The Jama‘at’s political agenda became completely divorced from the critical political
issues in the country.

In August 1968, Mawdudi was taken ill and was compelled to leave Pakistan for medical
treatment in England. During his months of departure, Jama‘at’s affairs were overseen by Mian
Tufayl. Mawdudi’s absence reduced both the Jama‘at’s prominence in the Democratic Action
Committee and reduced the party’s flexibility. Mian Tufayl did not provide new strategies for
confronting either the more rambunctious Awami League or the new force in Pakistani politics,
the People’s Party, and was unable to control the IJT, which soon became a force in itself,
drawing the Jama‘at into the quagmire of East Pakistani politics.

Mawdudi returned before the Round Table Conference between Ayub Khan and the Democratic
Action Committee, which convened in March 1969 to reform the constitution to accommodate
the Awami League’s demands for autonomy. No mention was made of the socioeconomic
grievances which Mujib and Bhutto were manipulating so successfully. Mawdudi’s address to
the conference was removed from the realities of Pakistani politics. He placed the entire blame
for the crisis on the government’s intransigence over the demand for Islamization. It was the only
policy that could keep Pakistan united.
AYUB’S DECLINE

The immediate measures of the Martial law regime were successful but in the long term failed to
solve the problems.

GENERAL REASONS

 The concentration of political power in his own hands.

 Dictatorial powers of President: people wanted a parliamentary form of democracy
 Right of adult franchise curtailed by the system of basic democracy
 Hold of the military hierarchy, civil bureaucracy, and rural elite in policymaking.
 Disqualification of politicians and political parties under Elective Bodies Disqualification
Order (EBDO).
 Control of Press and Media under Press and Publication (Amendment) Ordinance:
Pakistan Times, Imroz, Mashriq were placed under National Press Trust.
 Restrictions on Individuals fundamental rights. State of emergency.
 Land and Muslim family laws Reforms were revolutionary in words than in deeds.
 Urbanization but not facilities in the cities.
 Strength of Convention Muslim League was fictitious
 The opposition of One Unit by the small provinces.
 Exaggerated claims about development in the ceremonies of Celebrations of a decay.
 Interference in Religion (Two Eids in 1967)
 News of his illness in early 1968.
 Roomer that he was going to appoint Gohar as his successor.
 Withdrawal of military support: Reduction on Armed Forces in the budget of 1967-68

ECONOMIC REASONS

 Economic growth in quantitative terms not in qualitative terms.

 Economic disparity: 80% of the bank assets were controlled by 22 families
 No Foreign Aid after 1965.
 Rapid Growth of Prices

DISSATISFACTION OF EAST PAKISTAN

 East Pakistan considered Marshal law as the rule of the Punjabi-dominated Army.
 Issue of Provincial Autonomy in East Pakistan
 East Pakistan was politically deprived.
 East Pakistan was economically deprived.

STRONG OPPOSITION

 The dynamic leadership of Bhutto, Asghar Khan, Mujeeb, Bhashani, etc.

 The wide popularity of Awami League in East Pakistan and P.P.P in West Pakistan.
Bhutto & PPP

 PPP established in Dec. 1967: Objectives of genuine democracy, Islamic Socialism,

Adult franchise, and Freedom of Press.
 Slogan: ‘Roti Kapra aur Makan’.
 The exploitation of Tashkent by Bhutto: Kashmir
 Students-Police clash (Nov. 1968) at Rawalpindi. One student died. Bhutto attended his
funeral. Achieved support of students.
 The arrest of Bhutto on Nov. 13, 1968, as he insists masses violate the law.
 Asghar Khan continued the movement.

Mujeeb and AL

 Agartala Conspiracy Case (separation of East Pakistan from West Pakistan with the
armed aid of India) against Mujeeb and a band of civil and military officers in Jan. 1968.
 Bhashani gave the lead till the release of Mujeeb.
 Slogan: ‘Gheraoo, Jalaoo’. Burnt govt. offices and ministers’ houses. Compelled a large
number of BD’s to resign. Some were burnt alive.

Political Alliances

 National Democratic Front in Oct. 1962 by a group of East Pakistanis for the restoration
of democracy. Became party after the death of Suharwardy, its leader.
 Combined Opposition Parties during Presidential elections of 1964-65. Failed to launch
effective movement due to internal differences.
 Pakistan  Democratic Movement. After the expire of the ban on EBDOed politicians.
April 1967. Included 5 parties i) Council ML. ii) Nizam-i-Islam Party iii) Jamat-i-Islami
iv) Awami League (Nasarullah Group) v) NDF. Demands:

1. Direct Elections on adult franchise

 2. Full powers to the directly elected parliament
 removal of emergency

1. restoration of civil rights

2. release of all political prisoners.
 Democratic Action Committee, Jan. 9, 1968. Included PDM, AL (six points) AL and JUI.
3 more demands:

144. i) withdrawal of all prohibitory orders under section 144.

145. ii) restoration of the right to strike

iii) withdrawal of all curbs on the press.

Round Table Conference with Ayub on March 10, 1969. Ayub accepted 2 demands:

1. direct elections on adult franchise

2. restoration of the parliamentary system.

DAC dissolved.

Non-Political Elements

 Anti Ayub Movement (1968-69) launched by the Urban middle class i.e., Students,
lawyers, teachers, doctors, laborers, politicians, etc.
 Joint Labor Council called for laborers strike.
 Central Medical Body held a successful strike of the Doctors.
 Association of teachers participated in the anti-Ayub movement.
Ayub resigned and Martial law was re-imposed on March 25, 1969.

The downfall of Ayub Khan (1969)

After independence and especially the death of Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, Pakistan
was entangled in a web of chaos and confusion. The instability can be seen with having four
Governor Generals, seven Prime Ministers and one President in eleven years. Not a single
government was stable enough to think and work in the right direction.

General Iskander Mirza decided to abrogate the first constitution of Pakistan and invite General
Ayub Khan to impose the first martial law in the country. The intentions of General Iskander
Mirza were quite personal in inviting Ayub, as he considered democracy as a useless tool in a
country like Pakistan where the literacy rate is low and there is a lack of political awareness
among the people. The plan which Iskander Mirza had in his mind failed when Ayub overthrew
him after a few days of proclaiming the Martial law in October 1958 and sent him in exile.

By and large, the ten-year rule of General Ayub Khan is seen as an era of progress and industrial
development. Ayub promulgated mega projects like the construction of Mangla Dam, the
Karachi Steel Mills, oil refineries and above all construction of a new capital at Islamabad. He
introduced various reforms to improve the state of affairs, like the Muslim Family Laws
Ordinance of 1961, imposing restrictions on polygamy and reinforcing inheritance rights of
women. The Land Reforms initiated by him were a step to reduce the increasing power of the
landed aristocracy.  He signed a boundary agreement with China in March 1963, which proved
to be the beginning of a long-term friendship between the two countries.

The prominent feature of a Martial Law regime is the rapid growth of development, but in the
long run, the various measures taken by a martial dictator come into the limelight and create
disruption among the society. Despite all the positive steps and development marking General
Ayub’s Era, the graph of his popularity began declining. The immediate cause was the elections
of 1965 and the Tashkent Declaration.

 If we minutely study the ten years of Ayub’s era, we calculate a few things. Like every
martial law administrator, Ayub liked to keep the power in his own hands. As soon as he
came to power, one of the first steps he took was the passing of EBDO (Disqualification
of politicians and political parties under the Elective Bodies Disqualification Order),
claiming to minimize corruption.

 People wanted a parliamentary form of government, but General Ayub. presented the
nation with the second constitution in 1962 which was presidential in nature.
 By introducing the system of Basic Democracy (BD), the right of the adult franchise was
curtailed.
 The control of the media and press was observed.
 The Land and Family Laws were very attractive but they were not fully implemented.
 The concept of urbanization was encouraged, but facilities were not provided.
 The whole of West Pakistan was made in one unit, with which the small provinces were
not happy.
 Rumours about his illness in early 1968, about making Gohar Ayub his successor,
withdrawal of military support added more to his unpopularity.

One more aspect which Ayub neglected from the beginning that caused a major upheaval in his
popularity graph was the case of East Pakistan. It is an atrocious truth that since independence all
the governments including that of Ayub Khan had neglected East Pakistan. Like his
predecessors, he did nothing to decrease the economic disparity between East and West Pakistan.
He was aware of the acute grievances of the Bengalis, but he did not try to tackle it seriously.  As
Bengal was a densely populated and politicized province, it’s feeling of deprivation increased by
the absence of democratic institutions in Ayub’s highly centralized regime. The East Pakistanis
also considered Martial law as the rule of Punjabi dominated Army. The issue of provincial
autonomy was also an issue that intensified with time and we see that in 1966 Sheikh Mujeeb ur
Rahman presented his six points formula for provincial autonomy of the East wing. Even then,
no heed was paid to the growing discontentment.

Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto exploited the Tashkent declaration to turn public opinion against Ayub. The
increasing popularity of the Awami League under Sheikh Mujib-ur-Rahman in East Pakistan and
Pakistan Peoples Party under Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto in West Pakistan was alarming for the stability
of General Ayub’s Regime. Then there was also Asghar Khan’s movement and few other
political alliances which were creating hurdles for a stable Ayub’s government.

Finally, the movement against his government intensified towards the end of 1968 and at the
beginning of 1969. The movement was launched by the Urban middle class i.e., Students,
lawyers, teachers, doctors, laborers, politicians etc.

It became quite difficult for General Ayub to face so much opposition from politicians as well as
common people from all walks of life. He ultimately decided to resign in March 1969. In his last
radio address to the nation on 25 March 1969, he said, “I cannot preside over the destruction of
my country”.

This ended a rather stable and progressive era in the history of Pakistan.