10 The Metrical Theory of

Word Stress
RENE KAGER

0 Introduction

0.1 Remarks on the Nature of Stress

The study of word stress addresses the location of prominent syllables within
words, as well as the rhythmic, positional, quantitative, and morphological
factors that govern patterns of syllable prominence. Although the mental real-
ity of prominence is undisputed, an unambiguous phonetic correlate has not
yet been discovered. Prominent syllables are potentially capable of bearing
pitch movements with a strong perceptual load. They also tend to be of longer
duration, as well as of higher intensity, but both of the latter factors are usually
subordinated to pitch. On the other hand, the use of pitch is by no means an
exclusive property of stress systems, as it is widespread in tonal and pitch
accent systems. However, stress is different from both tone and pitch accent
in several ways.
Firstly, stress is culminative, that is, in stress languages (with few exceptions)
every (content) word has at least one stressed syllable. Second, stress is
hierarchical, since a prominence hierarchy may occur among multiple stresses.
Third, stress is delimitative in systems where it marks word edges. Fourth,
stress is rhythmic in systems where stressed and stressless syllables alternate,
and where clashes (adjacent stresses) are avoided. Naturally, stress does not
assimilate to adjacent syllables, as this would produce clashes. Fifth, stress
contrasts tend to be enhanced segmentally: stressed syllables may be
strengthened by vowel lengthening or by gemination, while stressless syllables
may be weakened by vowel reduction.
Traditionally, word stress systems have been categorized along various
dimensions. One distinction is between fixed systems, where the location of
stress is predictable (that is, rule-governed), and free systems, where it is
unpredictable (that is, distinctive). A second distinction is that between systems
368 René Kager

where stress is governed purely by phonological factors such as distance from

word edges, rhythmic factors, and syllable weight, and systems where it is
governed by morphological factors, such as the distinction between roots and
suffixes. A third distinction is that between bounded systems, where stresses
fall within limited distances from each other and from word edges, and
unbounded systems, where no constraints on interstress distance hold.
We outline below developments in the metrical theory of word stress over
the past decade. On the empirical side, this implies a narrowing to those
aspects of word stress that have been most closely studied for their theoretical
relevance, and some inevitable neglect of other aspects.

0.2 The Origins of Metrical Theory

Metrical theory arose during the late seventies as part of nonlinear phonology,
the research program of which autosegmental phonology is the other main
branch. Founded by Liberman (1975), and elaborated on by Liberman and
Prince (1977) and Halle and Vergnaud (1978), metrical theory shared with its
autosegmental counterpart the goal of developing alternatives to the nonlocal
devices of linear theory, such as rule variables and abbreviatory conventions.
To that end, hierarchical representations were defined, on which processes
involving nonadjacent elements could be formalized as local operations. From
the beginning, word stress has been the central empirical domain of metrical
phonology, although the theory has also been applied to nonstress phenomena
such as vowel harmony and syllable structure.

0.2.1 The Metrical Tree

A central idea of metrical theory is to capture the hierarchical nature of stress
in a representation of its own, outside the segmental matrix that includes other
features. In the metrical tree, stress is represented as a hierarchy of binary
branching structures, each of which is labeled strong-weak (sw) or weak-strong
(ws). Consider the metrical tree of the word Alabama, in (1).

(1) word

AA
swsw
A la ba ma
Stress, as represented in the metrical tree, is a relational property: a node is
strong only by virtue of the fact that it is the sister of a weak node. Thus in
(1), the first syllable is stronger than the second, while the third is stronger
than the fourth. The superior nodes are themselves in a weak-strong
 Metrical Theory of Word Stress 369
I

I relationship, which represents the relative prominence of the first and third
syllables.

0.2.2 Metrical Grids

While the metrical tree displays the relative prominence of nodes, it fails to
represent rhythmic alternation between strong and weak syllables, as well as
clash, a situation which occurs when adjacent syllables are stressed. Liberman
(1975) introduced the metrical grid as a representation of rhythmic structure.
The grid corresponding to the tree in (1) is (2):

(2) *
* *
** * *

Alabama

The height of the grid columns represents the degree of prominence. Thus
in (2) the third syllable is the most prominent, the initial one is less prominent
by one degree, while the second and fourth are the least prominent. The grid
perspicuously depicts the rhythmic alternation of strong and weak syllables.
Early metrical theory derived the grid from the tree by a mapping rule, which
imposes a prominence relation between syllables dominated by pairs of sister
nodes.

0.2.3 Prosodic Categories and the Foot

Purely relational trees without feet, as in (1), fail to represent nonrelational
stress contrasts that may actually be found in trees of identical shape. Such a
contrast occurs between the final syllables of pairs such as contest vs. tempest,
whose strong-weak trees are indistinguishable. Thus, purely relational trees
do not provide a uniform representation of stressed syllables. For this purpose,
Liberman and Prince (1977) retained a segmental stress feature. Aiming at a
fully metrical theory, Halle and Vergnaud (1978) and Selkirk (1980) intro-
duced the foot as a categorial label into trees. Each foot has a unique head
(its strong, or only syllable), and optional weak syllables. This introduction
allowed the elimination of segmental stress features, since the distribution of
stressed syllables coincides with that of heads of feet. Consider the enriched
trees in (3):

(3) (a) Wd (b) Wd (c) Wd

I

o Fw

A
as Cc as
/\
Fs

Ow
Fs

a
I
F,
I

a
Z\
as
F

G,
A la ba ma con test tern pest
1
370 René Kager

The foot is included in a hierarchy of prosodic categories ranging upward

from the syllable (a), the foot (F), the prosodic word (Wd), to still higher
categories (see chapters 15 and 16, this volume). The hierarchy is closed, in
that every category of level n must be dominated by some category of level
n+1. An exhaustivity condition requires every syllable to be included in metrical
structure. Since the word Wd dominates at least one foot F, every word must
have a stressed syllable (culminativity).
Independent evidence for feet was found in their function as a domain for
segmental rules. Selkirk (1980) observed that some consonantal allophones in
English are conditioned by feet; for example, aspirated alveolar stops occur
foot-initially, their flapped allophones foot-medially (cf. thOwDal, thowthxlIDi).
Nespor and Vogel (1986) adduce a large number of cases from other languages.

1 Classical Metrical Theory

Metrical theory was given a substantial body of principles in Hayes (1980),
elaborating on earlier versions of parametric stress theory such as Prince (1976),
Halle and Vergnaud (1978), and McCarthy (1979), and on typological work by
Hyman (1977) and Odden (1979). Hayes broadened the scope of metrical theory
to include a large number of typologically widely varying systems, while
shifting the focus of the theory to a small number of parameters. In this
parametric approach, grammars fall apart into a core and a periphery. Core
grammars consist of a set of rule specifications, defined by values of parameters
that are provided by Universal Grammar. Limiting the number of parameters
constrains the expressive power of the theory, which is desirable from the
perspective that grammars can be learned.' Stress systems turned out to be a
highly successful testing ground for the parametric approach.2

1.1 Basic Parameters of Word Stress

Parameters govern the shape of metrical feet, the way in which feet are assigned,
as well as metrical structure above the feet. We start our review with foot-
shape parameters.

1.1.1 Boundedness
A major distinction can be drawn between systems in which stresses fall within
limited distances both from each other and from word edges, and systems
where the distribution of stresses is not restricted in this way. The relevant
parameter of boundedness has two values: bounded and unbounded. Bounded
feet contain no more than two syllables, while unbounded feet are not subject
to any restrictions on size. We illustrate this with head-initial feet, in (4).
 Metrical Theory of Word Stress 371

(4) (a) Bounded feet (b) Unbounded feet

F

Aa
F F
1

a
(\
A
s

0, aw
A
as av., aw
A
F

as 0,
F

a
i

as Gs aw

Feet are always uniformly right-branching or left-branching. Foot construction

is constrained by a universal Maximal Foot Construction Principle, which
ensures that the largest possible foot must be constructed. Monosyllabic ex-
pansions, or degenerate feet, are motivated both by culminativity and by
exhaustivity. By culminativity, every content word must contain one stressed
syllable, hence one foot. A monosyllable cannot fulfill this requirement unless
its single syllable forms a degenerate foot. By exhaustivity, all syllables of a
word must be organized into feet. Words whose syllables cannot all be parsed
in maximal feet (such as words with an odd number of syllables which are
parsed into bounded feet) require the help of degenerate feet to parse the
remaining syllables. See section 1.2 below.

1.1.2 Foot Dominance

The second foot-shape parameter, foot dominance, determines the side of the
foot where the head is located. It achieves this indirectly, through the notions
dominant and recessive node. In left-dominant feet, all left nodes are dominant
and right nodes recessive, while the reverse situation holds in right-dominant
feet. Universally, recessive nodes may not branch, so that left-dominant feet
must be left-branching, and right-dominant feet right-branching. The unmarked
foot-labeling principle marks all dominant nodes as strong, as in (5), but we
will see below the justification for keeping the dominant/recessive distinction
separate from the strong / weak distinction.
(5) (a) F (b) F

s s
s

as Ow ow Ow a, Ow Ow as

In informal terminology, which we will occasionally use in following sections,

bounded left-dominant feet are called trochees, and bounded right-headed feet
are called iambs.

1.1.3 Quantity-sensitivity
The third foot shape parameter, quantity-sensitivity, governs the distribution of
light and heavy syllables in terminal nodes of feet. In quantity-insensitive feet,
 372 René Kager

no restrictions hold, so that all syllables are treated as light (or equally heavy).
In quantity-sensitive feet, heavy syllables may not occur in recessive positions,
and are stressed. Quantity-determined (or Obligatory Branching) feet are
quantity-sensitive, with the extra requirement that dominant terminal nodes
must dominate heavy syllables. The three types are shown below with left-
dominant, bounded feet in which dominant nodes are strong. We indicate
heavy syllables as H, and light syllables as L in (6). Where either H or L is
indicated, the template indicated refers specifically to patterns possessing the
requisite H or L; when a simple a is indicated, the template is appropriate for
either an H or L syllable, with the more specific template taking precedence
over the more general, in this informal presentation.
(6) (a) Q-insensitive (b) Q-sensitive (c) Q-determined

/\
Gs
F

0
or F
I

a
/\
6,
F

6
or F
I

a as
A
F

av,
or F
I

a
L H L H
We made reference above to an unmarked labeling convention. Here we
observe the marked convention, according to which dominant nodes are marked
as strong iff they dominate a branching node (heavy syllables count as
branching, as we will see shortly). This produces one more quantity-sensitive
foot, the Labeling Based on Branching (LBOB) foot. Its left-dominant version is
in (7).3

(7) F or F or F

as aw Gv,
A as a
I

H L L L

In the geometrical spirit of early metrical theory, Hayes proposes that syllable
weight is tied essentially to whether certain syllable-internal constituents do or
do not branch. The constituents in question are the rhyme and the nucleus.'
Foot construction inspects branchingness on one of two projections. On the
rhyme projection (8), both long-voweled and closed syllables are heavy, as
opposed to open short-voweled syllables. On the nucleus projection (9), long-
voweled syllables are heavy as opposed to all others.
(8) (a) R (b) R (c) R

V
A
VV
/\ (includes Coda C)
VC
(9) (a) N (b) N (c) N
V
/\
VV
I

V
(excludes Coda C)
i

Metrical Theory of Word Stress 373

1.1.4 Directionality and Iterativity

Next we consider the parameters of foot construction. One parameter of
directionality determines the direction in which foot construction scans the
stress domain: starting at the right edge (right-to-left), or at the left edge (left-
to-right). As a rule of thumb, construction starts at the word edge where the
stress pattern is invariant, while at the other edge it systematically varies with
the number of syllables in the word. By a second parameter of iterativity, feet
are constructed iteratively or noniteratively. In noniterative systems, words
have a single foot at the edge. Bidirectional systems result from noniterative
foot assignment at one edge, and iterative foot assignment starting at the
opposite side.

1.1.5 Word Tree Dominance: Branching and Labeling

Finally, let us turn to the parameters of the word tree, the supra-foot structure
governing prominence hierarchies among stresses. The word tree branches
uniformly, and its labeling is derived indirectly, much as at foot-level. The
dominance parameter has two values: /eft-dominant and right-dominant. Again,
the unmarked convention labels dominant nodes strong, placing main stress
on a peripheral foot (10a, b). The marked rule labels dominant nodes strong
if and only if they branch, so that nonbranching dominant feet are weak (10c,
d). This is illustrated with right-dominant word trees in (10).

/s
(10) (a) Wd (b) Wd (c) Wd (d) Wd

/\
F, F Fs
/\ F, F,, Fs
I
F, F,
/\
Fs F Fs F,,
I

Word-level labeling may refer to the internal structure of feet, but never to
that of syllables. More generally, the Metrical Locality principle (Hammond
1982) states that rules may refer only to elements at the same or adjacent layers
of metrical structure.

1.2 Exemplification of Bounded Systems

1.2.1 Quantity-insensitive Bounded Systems

Four quantity-insensitive bounded patterns arise by varying the parameters of
dominance and directionality, as in (11).
 374 René Kager

(11) (a) L-dominant, (b) L-dominant,

left to right right to left

/\ /\
as
F

ow as ow
F

as
F

ow a
F F

a as
F

ow as
F

aw as
F

ow

(c) R-dominant, (d) R-dominant,

left to right right to left
F F F F F F F F

aw as aw as ow as a a ow as ow as ow as

Hungarian (Kerek 1971) exemplifies (11a). Main stress is initial and secondary
stresses fall on all odd-numbered syllables. A left-dominant word tree produces
initial main stress, as in (12).

(12) (a) boldog "happy"

(b) boldogsa:g "happiness"
(c) boldogtalan "unhappy"
(d) bcildogtalansa:g "unhappiness"
(e) lége§lègmegengestelhetetlenebbeknek
"to the most irreconcilable ones"

Warao (Osborn 1966) exemplifies (11b). Main stress is on the penultimate

syllable, and secondary stresses on even-numbered syllables counting backward
from the main stress:

(13) (a) ya.pu.rii.ki.ta.ne.há.se "verily to climb"

(b) e.na.ho.n5.a.ha.ku.ta..i "one who caused him to eat"

The word tree is right-dominant. Words such as (13b) require an additional

rule to delete initial degenerate feet in weak positions (such destressing rules
are discussed in section 1.5).
The pattern of (11c) is attested in Araucanian (Echeverria and Contreras
1965), where main stress is on the second syllable, and secondary stresses on
following even-numbered syllables. The word tree is left-dominant, and weak
degenerate feet are deleted, as in Warao. See (14).

(14) (a) eiti.a.e.new "he will give me"

(b) ki.mti.faiii.wulay "he pretended not to know"

The pattern of (11d) occurs in Weri (Boxwell and Boxwell 1966). Main stress
is on the final syllable, and secondaries are on preceding odd-numbered syl-
lables counting from the word end. The word tree is right-dominant. See (15).
1

Metrical Theory of Word Stress 375

(15) (a) ()lemma "mist"

(b) akonetepál "times"

Piro (Matteson 1965) is a bidirectional system. Main stress is on the penult,

and secondary stresses are on odd-numbered syllables counting from the word
begining. Quantity-insensitive trochees are assigned noniteratively at the right
edge, and then iteratively from left to right:

(16) Wd
1.--ss
rzsN
A AIA
F, F, F,
as a, as Ow a as a,
Fs

"their voices already changed"

rits lu no ti nit kg na

The word tree is right-dominant, and the weak degenerate foot preceding the
main stress foot is eliminated.
In all systems discussed so far, main stress falls at the edge where foot
construction starts. Hammond (1985) states this in his Directionality Dominance
Hypothesis, according to which the first application of foot assignment uniquely
determines word tree dominance.' The Directionality Dominance Hypothesis
seems to be falsified by Creek (Hayes 1981) and Cairene Arabic (McCarthy
1979), where rightward foot construction combines with a right-dominant word
tree. Hammond, observing that both systems lack overt secondary stresses,
suggests that main stress and secondary stresses are on distinct parallel metrical
planes, a situation which renders them immune to the Directionality Dominance
Hypothesis. However, overt secondary stresses running towards the main stress
do occur in systems such as Wargamay (Dixon 1981) and Cayuga (Foster 1982),
which seems to reduce the Directional Dominance Hypothesis to a statement
regarding frequency, rather than a firm metrical universal.

1.2.2 Quantity-sensitive Bounded Systems (Uniform Labeling)

Four types of quantity-sensitive bounded systems result from Dominance and
directionality:

(17) (a) L-dominant, (b) L-dominant,

left to right
FF F FFrightFto FFFF
left

IA I A IIA
F F F
A IA IIA
F

as a. a as aw a a as Ow a
I
0 as Ow a as aw a a as aw
L LLHL LHHL L LL L H LLHHL L
 376 René Kager

(c) R-dominant, (d) R-dominant,

left to right right to left
F F F FF F FF
A A AHA
aw as as, 0, aw 0, 0 0 Ow a,
A
F
AI AlA
as, 0, aw 0, 0 0, 0, a aw a,
F F F

L L L HL LHHL L L LLHLLHHLL
Central Siberian Yupik (Jacobson 1985) has rightward iambs (the final syl-
lable is never stressed, see section 1.4 on extrametricality) (see 18a), while
Tubatulabal (Voegelin 1935) has leftward iambs (see 18b).
FF
(18) (a)

aw
F
A Iaas
F (b)

0 a 0,
I I /\F

a,
L L HL HL L L
sa gti yaa ni taa ha wi la
"in his (another's) drum" "the summer(obj.)"
Both languages seem to lack prominence distinctions between stresses, which
is accounted for by not assigning a word tree. Iterative quantity-sensitive
trochaic systems are extremely rare, an observation to which we will return in
section 5.1. A noniterative example is Latin, as we see in section 1.4.1.

1.2.3 Bounded Labeling-Based-on-Branching Feet

In Cairene Arabic (McCarthy 1979), main stress is (a) on final superheavy syllables
(CVVC, CVCC), else (b) on heavy penults (CVV, CVC), or else (c) on the
rightmost nonfinal odd-numbered light syllable counting from the nearest
preceding heavy syllable or the intial syllable; see (19).
(19) (a) sakakfin "knives" (e) muxtalifa "different (fern. sg.)"
(b) Tamalti "you (fern. sg.) did" (f) gajaratuhu "his tree"
(c) martaba "mattress" (g) gajaratahfimaa "their (dual)
(d) büxala "misers" tree (nom.)"
McCarthy analyzes superheavy syllables into a heavy syllable plus a
degenerate syllable which is the final consonant. The absence of final stress
is analyzed by making final syllables invisible to the stress rules (by extra-
metricality, see section 1.4 below). Word stress is located by assigning right-
dominant Labeling-Based-on-Branching feet from left to right, and building a
right-dominant word tree, as in (20).
(20) (a)

F,
Wd (b)
/\
Wd

F,

a
1 A
as aw
Fr
a
I

a
H LL H L
mux ta li <fa> mar ta <ba>
1

Metrical Theory of Word Stress 377

(c) Wd (d)
Z\ Wd

F,
AA
Z--------_____s.,,,,
F, F,

a
I
/\
a,
L
F,

ow
LH
F,

a
I

as aw
LLLLta Lhu <maa>
as cr.
sa ka kii <n>
4a ja ra

1.2.4 Obligatory Branching (OB) Feet

Yapese (Jensen 1977) has final stress except in words whose final vowel is
short and whose penultimate vowel is long. A bounded left-dominant
Obligatory Branching (OB) foot at the right edge of the word produces this
pattern. In (21c) we have a word that has no heavy syllables, and thus no OB
foot can be constructed; as a result, a right-dominant word tree is constructed
directly over syllables; see (21).

(21) (a) Wd (b) Wd (c) Wd

I I

F F
A 0 a
I

as
as aw Ow
HL LH LL
sAalap "expert" magpda? "wedding" pa?ag "my hand"

The mirror-image pattern of Yapese occurs in Malayalam (Mohanan 1986).

1.3 Exemplification of Unbounded Systems

There are three basic types of unbounded systems, default-to-opposite, default-

to-same and peripheral-plus-heavies.
Default-to-opposite systems stress a heavy syllable closest to an edge, else (in
words without heavy syllables) the syllable at the opposite edge. They occur
in two mirror-image variants: Eastern Cheremis (Sebeok and Ingemann 1961)
stresses the rightmost heavy, else the initial syllable, while Komi Jazva (Kiparsky
1973a) stresses the leftmost heavy, else the final syllable. Prince (1976) intro-
duced an analysis based on unbounded quantity-sensitive feet, which are left-
dominant when stress defaults initially, and right-dominant when it defaults
finally. Word tree dominance is of opposite parity to that of feet in such a
language; see (22), which represents the analysis of Eastern Cheremis.
 I

378 Rene Kager

(22) (a) Wd (b) Wd

AAA
F,

Gs Ow
L L HLHL
Gs
Fw F,

Ow as Ow
A
Gs Ow Ow aw
L LL L
Default-to-same systems stress a heavy syllable closest to an edge, else the
syllable at the same edge. Again, two mirror-image variants occur. Aguacatec
Mayan (McArthur and McArthur 1956) stresses the rightmost heavy syllable,
else the final syllable, Khalka Mongolian (Street 1963) the leftmost heavy
syllable, else the initial syllable. Halle and Vergnaud (1978) employ unbounded
Obligatory Branching feet. In words that have no heavy syllables, and hence
no feet, the word tree is constructed directly over syllables. Word tree
dominance matches the default side, as in (23), which represents the analysis
of Aguacatec Mayan.

(23) (a) Wd (b) Wd

ZNi
AAA Fw

GS GW
Fw

aW GS aw
F,

ow ow ow as
L L HLHL
GS
L LL L
Peripheral-plus-heavies systems stress a peripheral syllable and all heavy syl-
lables. The mirror-image variants are initial main stress plus heavies (Papago,
see Saxton 1963), and final main stress and heavies (Western Greenlandic
Eskimo, see Schultz-Lorentzen 1945). Here, the dominance of feet and word
trees match, as shown in (24), which represents the analysis of Papago.

(24) (a) Wd (b) Wd

I

F, F,,, Fw
s/\
(\
F

A A A
Gs aw as Ow Cc a
L asHLHL
Gs Ow
Ow
L L LL L
 Metrical Theory of Word Stress 379

1.4 Extrametricality
The concept of extrametricality, introduced by Liberman and Prince (1977),
became a cornerstone of metrical theory in Hayes (1981). Extrametrical elements
are not analyzed by the metrical stress rules, neither regarding its structural
descriptions nor its structural change; informally speaking, rules may be said
to be "blind" to extrametrical elements, and those extrametrical elements may
be said to be "invisible" to the rules. Extrametricality is restricted to peripheral
elements, and has three types of motivation: (a) at word edges, it avoids foot
types that are otherwise rare or not found; (b) it functions to analyze
stresslessness of peripheral syllables, and (c) it marks exceptions to the stress
rules.

1.4.1 Motivating Extrametricality

Extrametricality helps to constrain foot typology in bounded systems that stress
the third syllable from the edge. Cross-linguistically, ternary feet are relatively
rare in nonperipheral positions (but see sections 4.2.3 and 5.4), and extra-
metricality theoretically eliminates them in favor of binary feet.
In Latin, stress is antepenultimate if the penult is light (reficit), else penultimate
(refe:cit, refectus, fdcit). The pattern is generated by making final syllables
extrametrical and by assigning a quantity-sensitive trochee at the right edge.
We indicate extrametricality by angled brackets:

(25) (a) F (b) F (c) F

aAa a
1

a
1

L L H L
re fi<cit> re fe:<cit> fa<cit>

Hayes claims that extrametricality allows the elimination of ternary feet in

languages like Latin and English, universally restricting the class of bounded
feet to binary feet.'
Extrametricality's second function can be illustrated with Hopi (Jeanne 1982).
Hopi has second syllable stress (manifested as high tone) in words whose
initial syllable is light, and initial stress otherwise. But disyllabic words have
initial stress regardless of the weight of the initial syllable:

(26) (a) ?gcvewa "chair" (b) qat6sompi "headband"

(c) Mayo "cottontail" (d) kóho "wood"

Both quantity-sensitive trochees and iambs fail to produce this pattern.

However, final syllable extrametricality leads to a simple analysis with a
quantity-sensitive iamb at the left edge, as in (27); this illustrates how final
extrametricality may affect foot construction at the opposite edge.
380 René Kager

(27) (a) F (b) F (c) F (d) F

I

a
A
am, as
I

0 a
I

H LL H L
?acve<wa> qö tosom<pi> taa<vo> ko<ho>

Finally, extrametricality as an exception-marking device can be illustrated

with Polish (Franks 1985), where main stress is penultimate except for a small
number of words, such as uniwersytet "university", which have antepenultimate
stress. Interestingly, the addition of a suffix leads to regular penultimate stress,
as in uniwersytet+u. This is explained by the assumption that extrametricality
markings are lost automatically in nonperipheral positions, as illustrated in
(28b):

(28) (a) F (b)

A
as aw
A
asaw
uniwersy<tet> uniwersy<tet>-u ---> uniwersytetu

Segment extrametricality is motivated by systems that have different criteria

for syllable weight in final and nonfinal positions. In Estonian (Prince 1980)
nonfinal CVV and CVC syllables are heavy. But in final position, only CVV(C)
and CVCC are heavy. By consonant extrametricality, CV<C> is formally
nonbranching, hence light, but CVC<C> is still formally branching.

1.4.2 Constraining Extrametricality

Extrametricality is subject to the following constraints (Hayes 1981): (a) Only
phonological or morphological constituents, such as the segment, syllable, suffix,
etc., can be extrametrical. (b) A Peripherality Condition requires extrametrical
elements to be at the edge of the stress domain. Harris (1983) deviates from
this in his analysis of Spanish, where the stem is the domain of segment
extrametricality, but the word is the stress domain. Archangeli (1986) solves a
similar problem in Yawelmani by transferring extrametricality from the stem,
in which it is lexically marked, to the stress domain. (c) The right edge is the
unmarked (and perhaps only) edge where extrametricality may occur. (d)
Nonperipheral extrametricality is automatically erased (as in 28b). Kiparsky
(1985) argues that extrametricality can be persistent even when temporarily
suppressed by nonperipherality, and is lost only at the end of the lexicon.'
Inkelas (1989) construes extrametricality as a mismatch between morphological
and prosodic structures of words in the lexicon, as in (29).

(29) [Fame], la prosodic structure

[Pamelalm morphological structure

1
 Metrical Theory of Word Stress 381

She argues that peripherality, nonexhaustivity, and postlexical erasure of

extrametricality are consequences of this domains approach. (e) Finally,
extrametricality is blocked when it would affect the entire domain (e.g., a
monosyllable), which guarantees culminativity.

1.5 Destressing and Stray Syllable Adjunction

In section 1.2, we discussed systems that required a rule to eliminate excessive
stresses produced by foot construction. Destressing is implemented as foot
deletion in foot-based theory. Consider again Piro, where weak degenerate

(30)
rsr
feet are deleted, as in (30).

Wd

s
Wd

s
________-------....

AA
as
F,
Ow
Fw

as C7w
Fw

I A0,
0 as
nit ká na
Fs

, 6,
AAAF,

ths lu
aw
Fw

as
no
Gw a
ti nit kg na
as
Fs

aw
tits lu no ti
The output of destressing in (30) violates the prosodic exhaustivity requirement.
Metrical theory assumes that repair is automatic, in the form of a universal
convention of Stray Syllable Adjunction. Hayes suggests that Stray Syllable
Adjunction is structure-preserving: the dominance of derived feet matches
the system's parametric value, when possible. In (30) this makes the stray
syllable adjoin leftward under the preceding foot. Where this is impossible,
stray syllables are adjoined directly under the word tree.
Foot deletion renders the surface pattern stress opaque with respect to foot
assignment rules. Familiar considerations of learnability thus necessitate
constraints on destressing rules, an example of which is Hayes's condition that
destressing may not affect the main stress foot.

2 Grid Theory
Tree theory came under attack when Prince (1983) and Selkirk (1984) introduced
a pure grid theory. They showed that rhythmic notions such as alternation and
clash are best represented in grids. They also argued that metrical theory is
simplified by eliminating constituency altogether, since parametric theory can
be stated equally well in terms of pure grids.
 382 René Kager

2.1 The Autonomous Metrical Grid

The grid is a hierarchical representation of stress and rhythm, and in its purest
form eliminates reference to the notion of constituency. It consists of a sequence
of columns of grid marks, whose height represents prominence levels, while
horizontal distance between marks represent rhythmic structure. All syllables
are represented by a mark at the lowest layer, stressed syllables by a mark on
the next layer up, while distinctions between main and secondary stresses are
represented on still higher layers. Grid layers roughly correspond to the
categorial levels (a, F, Wd) of tree notation, as indicated vertically alongside
the grid in (31).

(31) * Wd
* *
* *F
******* a
Let us now focus on some formal properties of grid notation: (1) The grid
represents stress as a hierarchical rather than a relational property. (2) Grid
structure is subject to a constraint that forms the analogue of the closed prosodic
hierarchy in tree theory:

(32) Continuous Column Constraint (after Hayes 1994)

A grid containing a column with a mark on layer n + 1 and no mark on
layer n is ill-formed. Phonological rules are blocked when they would
create such a configuration.

(3) Culminativity is not a formal consequence of the grid, whereas it follows

from the prosodic hierarchy in tree theory. Deriving culminativity in grid
theory would require an ad hoc principle to the effect that every grid has at
least one Foot layer mark, and another to the effect that the highest layer
consists of only one mark. (4) Rhythmic notions are defined in grids quite
adequately: clash as the adjacency of two marks on layer n without an
intervening mark on layer n-1 (as in 33a); lapse as a sequence of marks on layer
n, none of which has a corresponding mark on layer n+1 (as in 33b); alternation
as a sequence of marks without clash or lapse (as in 33c). (5) The grid allows
for straightforward implementation of the delimitative aspects of word stress.
By definition, End Rules affect peripheral marks, and so does extrametricality.

(33) (a) * * (b) (c) * * *

** *** ******
Clash Lapse Alternation

The autonomous grid requires parametric construction principles, which, as

van der Hulst (1984) shows, fully match up to those of tree theory in descrip-
tive capacities.
1

Metrical Theory of Word Stress 383

2.2 Parameters of Grid Theory

2.2.1 Quantity-sensitivity
Prince (1983) introduces a mora-based approach to quantity-sensitivity (on the
mora, see chapter 5, this volume). The moraic representation he proposes con-
sists also of marks organized in rows. In the grid, a light syllable is repre-
sented with one mark at the mora layer, a heavy syllable with two (this is
referred to as bipositional representation). The characteristic sonority decline
between the moras of heavy syllables, interpreted as falling prominence, is
projected on the Foot layer by a rule called Quantity-sensitivity (QS):
(34) (a) * F (b) F
** *
11
11

V I

a a
Thus grid theory marks heavy syllables as inherently stressed. In contrast, tree
theory marks heavy syllables as stressed only if they are heads of feet, and
unfooted heavy syllables are stressless.

2.2.2 Perfect Grid

The best illustration of the rhythm-based nature of grid-only theory is its
treatment of iterative bounded systems by the rule of Perfect Grid. Perfect
Grid (PG) provides the rhythmic basis of such systems by adding a Foot layer
mark on top of every other syllable layer mark:
* * * * * F
(35) PG
********** -->
********** a
Perfect Grid is governed by two parameters. Directionality fixes its starting
point at the left or right edge. A starting parameter makes Perfect Grid start
either with a rhythmic peak, or with a rhythmic trough. This generates the four
basic quantity-insensitive systems of section 1.2.1, as illustrated in (36).

(36) (a) Warao (right-to-left; trough (b) Araucanian (left-to-right; trough

first) first)
* Wd * Wd
* * * * * * F
F
******* ******* a
a
(c) Weri (right-to-left; peak (d) Hungarian (left-to-right; peak
first) first)
* Wd * Wd
* * * * F * * * * F
******* ******* a
a
 384 René Kager

Starting with a trough at the right edge, or with a peak at the left edge,
produces "trochaic" rhythm (36a, d). Starting with a trough at the left edge, or
with a peak at the right edge, produces "iambic" rhythm (36b, c). Thus Perfect
Grid makes a notion such as trochaic stress rule undefinable, since the starting
edge has to be taken into account. By the strictly alternating clash-avoiding
nature of Perfect Grid, no additional rules are needed to eliminate analogues
of degenerate feet in clashing positions. Compare (36a) to (11b), and (36b) to
(11c).
Since Perfect Grid only fills out portions of the grid that have been left blank
by the rule Quantity-sensitivity, quantity and rhythm become separate notions.
In contrast, tree theory integrates both into the concept of Foot.

2.2.3 End Rules

End Rules place a mark on top of a mark that is peripheral on the next layer
down. A particular instance of End Rule must be specified for which row of
the grid it applies to; we may say it is "parameterized" in that respect. When
applying to the Foot layer, or row, End Rule produces edge stresses, but its
common function is to assign main stress at Word layer by promoting a Foot
layer mark to word prominence. Dominance specifies whether to select the
rightmost (ER(F)), or leftmost (ER(I)) landing site, which is to say, whether
the leftmost or the rightmost stress has the greatest prominence in the word;
see (37).
End Rules are constrained by the Continous Column Constraint. Thus, for
a mark to be inserted at a layer, a landing site has to be present in the form
of a mark at the next layer down.
(37) (a) ER(F;Wd) * Wd (b) ER(I;Wd) * Wd
* * * *
F " F
**** **** **** ****
> ->

2.2.4 Unbounded Systems

The analysis of unbounded systems is based on two devices: Quantity
Sensitivity (QS) and the End Rule (ER). Default-to-opposite systems require an
End Rule at Foot layer, and another at Word layer at the opposite edge. The
"rightmost heavy, else initial" type is defined by the rule set QS, ER(LF),
ER(F;Wd):

(38) (a) *
(b) * ER(F;Wd)
* *
ER(I;F)
* * ** * * ** * * * * * * * *

LLHLLHL LLLLLLL
For Default-to-same systems, tree theory constructs the word tree over syllables
without intervening feet in the default case (see section 1.3.2). Analogously, in
 Metrical Theory of Word Stress 385

grid theory, the End Rule defaults one layer down if no proper Foot layer
landing site is found, as in (39).

(39) (a) (b) ER(I;Wd)

* * ** * * ** * * * * * * * *

LLHLLHL LLLLLLL
Peripheral-plus-heavies systems require End Rules at Foot and Word layers, at
identical edges, as in (40).

(40) (a) * (b) *

ER(I;Wd)
" * ER (I;F)
* * ** * * ** * * * * * * * *

LLHLLHL LLLLLLL

2.3 Operations on Grids

Grid theory shows its rhythm-based nature in its formalization of destressing
and rhythmic stress shifts. Such processes become simple operations (deletions,
insertions, movements) of grid marks, triggered by illformed grid configurations
such as clash or lapse. We will review these operations here.

2.3.1 Delete x
Destressing rules can be written in a simple format: Delete x. Three advantages
come from this. (a) This is a local operation, requiring no deletion of a prosodic
category, nor stray adjunction. (b) The triggering clash is directly represented.
A dominance parameter specifies whether to delete the first or the second of
two clashing grid marks, as in (41). (c) The integrity of the main stress needs
no stipulation, because the Continuous Column Constraint blocks deletion of
a grid mark supporting another on the next layer up.

(41) (a) * * (b) * * "

** ** ** **

2.3.2 Insert x
The second type of adjustment is the insertion of a grid mark to resolve a
lapse. Insert x is parametrized for dominance in much the same way as Delete
x, yielding two basic types, those in (42a) and (b).

(42) (a) (b)

* * _> ** ** **
386 René Kager

Insert x typically applies peripherally to produce a "rhythmic antipole."

Selkirk (1984) observes that rhythmically conditioned Insert x preserves
culminativity, i.e., the relative prominence of main stress. She proposes a
convention to the effect that insertion of a mark on the highest layer is
automatically accompanied by a corresponding rise of the culminative peak:

(43) *
* * * * *
* * * * * * * * *
*** *** *** *** *** ***
Apalachicola Apalachicola (not Apalachicola)

2.3.3 Move x
Move x involves a (leftward or rightward) shift of a mark to resolve a clash,
as in (44).

(44) *
(a) * * (b) *
* * * * ** * *
*** _4 *** *** ___)
***

By the Continuous Column Constraint, Move x cannot affect the strongest

of two beats (45a), and requires a proper landing site on the next layer down
(45b).

(45) (a) * * ** * *
(b)
** * * ** **
*** -) * ** *** -4 ***

Prince and Selkirk suggest that Move x may be decomposed into Delete x and
Insert x. Delete x resolves the clash, while Insert x assigns the rhythmic "antipole."

3 Early Bracketed Grid Theory

Evidence for feet in studies of prosodic morphology and foot-governed stress

shifts have renewed interest in the question of whether rhythmic structure in
phonology involves consituent structure. The advantages of the grid sketched
above encouraged not a return to metrical trees, but rather a metrical grid with
constituency markers added to it. The representations that arose were
characterized by flat, n-ary constituency and direct representation of rhythmic
structure.
 Metrical Theory of Word Stress 387

3.1 New Arguments for Constituency

3.1.1 Stress Shifts by Deletion of Stressed Vowels
Significant arguments for metrical constituency were advanced based on the
behavior of stress shifts accompanying deletions of stressed vowels. Al-Mozainy,
Bley-Vroman, and McCarthy (1985) found that syncope in Bedouin Hijazi Arabic
leads to migrations of stress whose direction depends on the shape of the
metrical tree. In Bedouin Hajazi Arabic, stress is on superheavy final syllables
(46a); if there is no superheavy final syllable, it falls on a heavy penult (46b);
if there is no heavy penult, it falls on the antepenult (46c).

(46) (a) makttiub "written" (b) rnaktilufah "tied" (fern. sg.)

(c) mgalana "our property"
The analysis is essentially the same as for Latin (see section 1.4.1), while
final superheavy syllables are analyzed as in Cairene Arabic (see section 1.2.3).
Final syllables are extrametrical, and a quantity-sensitive trochee is constructed
at the right edge. A rule of Low Vowel Deletion deletes short / a / in an open
syllable if the following syllable is also open and contains short / a / . This rule
produces alternations such as sdhab "he pulled", sahdbna "we pulled", versus
shdbat "she pulled". A particular interaction between stress and Low Vowel
Deletion is revealed by alternations such as ?inkisar "he got broken" vs. ?inksdrat
"she got broken" (> / ?inkasarat/ ). Stress assignment cannot follow Low Vowel
Deletion, since this would produce *?Inksarat. The surface opacity is explained
by ordering stress before Low Vowel Deletion, if it is assumed that a deletion
of the vowel in the head of a foot results in a rightward migration of stress
within the foot:

(47) F F
N a
I

asaw
?inkasa<rat> > ?ink-sa<rat>

This analysis has two interesting implications, both of which have been
confirmed by studies of similar phenomena in other languages, including
Tiberian Hebrew (Prince 1975), various Arabic dialects (Kenstowicz 1983; Hayes
1994), Russian (Halle and Vergnaud 1987), and Sanskrit (Halle and Vergnaud
1987). First, the deletion of a stressed vowel does not result in the deletion of
the stress, but rather into its migration to an adjacent vowel. Thus, stress
seems to display a stability effect that hitherto had been observed only in
autosegmental phenomena such as tone and length. Second, the direction of
the stress shift is predictable from the dominance of the foot whose head is
deleted: stress shifts rightward in trochees, leftward in iambs. More generally,
 388 René Kager

within the foot, the stress shifts to the nonhead syllable. Stability follows from
the integrity of constituency, and the assumption that every constituent must
have a head.

3.1.2 Prosodic Morphology and Phrasal Rhythmic Adjustments

McCarthy and Prince (1986) demonstrate that many languages have mor-
phological operations (infixation, reduplication, etc.) that refer to prosodic units
such as the syllable and the foot. Minimal word conditions also refer to feet.
See chapter 9, for extensive discussion. Another domain of evidence for metri-
cal constituency is in stress shifts and other rhythmic adjustments at the phrasal
level. Chapters 15 and 16 discuss phrasal phonology in more detail.

3.2 The Arboreal Grid

The arboreal tree notation of Hammond (1984) has ancestors in Leben (1982),
Lerdahl and Jackendoff (1983), as well as work in dependency phonology.
These proposals shared a flat, n-ary constituent structure, and a direct
representation of constituent heads and nonheads. The strict relationality of
early tree notation, with its binary branching and strong-weak labeling, were
weakened within tree theory by the nonrelational notion of head of a prosodic
category. Moreover, Prince (1983) demonstrated how tree geometry could be
bypassed by pure grid mechanisms to locate heavy syllables and peripheral
elements. Hammond (1984) added to this by detecting inadequacies in the
classical tree with respect to the representation of rhythm.
Hammond (1984) modified the classical tree by vertically aligning heads
with their mother constituent nodes, so that a grid-like hierarchical configuration
of heads arises. Compare the standard tree of Apalachicola (48a) to that in
Hammond's notation (48b), where circles represent heads of constituents:

(48) (a)

/
w
AAA
w s

as ass, as a., CFS CrW

(b)

------1:
NNN -
(c)

*
*
* *

**
*
** *
Wd
F

A pa la chi co la Apalachicola Apalachicola

Containing all information present in grids, the notation is equally adequate
as a representation of rhythmic structure (compare 48b and 48c). Hammond
builds a major argument for arboreal grids on the fact that they allow for an
adequate format of destressing rules. He hypothesizes that universally, stress
clash is the obligatory trigger for destressing rules:
 Metrical Theory of Word Stress 389

(49) Clash Resolution Hypothesis (CRH)

All destressing rules must apply so as to eliminate adjacent heads of
feet.

In the arboreal grid, clash is very directly represented as the adjacency of

two heads of subtrees. Consequently, rules of destressing can be stated as
deletion of a head of a foot (with the automatic removal of the foot). (50a)
illustrates prestress destressing, (50b) poststress destressing (both outputs are
subject to further stray syllable adjunction):

(50) (a) A I
(b)
N I

! I\ . .. IN ! .

Thus arboreal grids rationalize restrictions on foot-branching in Hayesian

defooting rules.

3.3 Improving tree theory: Prince (1985)

Prince (1985) argues that the boundedness parameter can be eliminated from
tree theory, as unbounded feet are derivable by independently needed means.
Unbounded feet serve to locate heavy syllables, and to mark domain edges, as
he had already suggested in Prince (1983). Tree theory already provides ma-
chinery for both purposes: heavy syllables can be located by bounded Obliga-
tory Branching feet, while edges are marked by peripheral noniterative bounded
feet. For example, "Rightmost heavy, else initial" systems can be reanalyzed
by bounded Obligatory Branching feet, and a noniterative trochee at the left
edge. A right-dominant bounded word tree is constructed at the right word
edge:

(51) (a) Wd (b) Wd

__.-------1 1

F F F
N N FN
.
N
. . .
LLLHLLLHLL LLLLLL
The exhaustivity requirement makes primitive bounded feet expand into
derived unbounded feet by Stray Syllable Adjunction. Elimination of primitive
unbounded feet is supported by the observation that they are hard to motivate
as prosodic constituents by familiar diagnostics such as stress shifts, foot-
domain rules, and prosodic morphology (Prince 1983; Kager 1989).
 390 René Kager

The second major contribution of Prince (1985) is collapsing foot construc-

tion and destressing rules. Let us see how this is achieved. First, Prince spells
out a principle of foot assignment tacitly assumed in earlier work. Iterative
rules produce "back-to-back" parsings (52a), and never apply to syllables that
have already been footed on previous iterations (52b).

(52) (a) F F F (b) F FF

a 666 --> Goon
NN N IN
6666 -> 6666
This is formulated in the Free Element Condition (53).

(53) Free Element Condition

Rules of primary metrical analysis apply only to Free Elements those
that do not stand in the metrical relationship being established; i.e., they
are "feature-filling" only.

The Free Element Condition constitutes a diagnostic of rules that build

metrical structure. It excludes destressing rules from this class, as they do not
respect previously assigned structure. Under the hypothesis that the Free
Element Condition explicates the difference between foot assignment and
destressing rules, the rule types may be collapsed in every other respect. This
can be formally achieved by merging the parts of destressing (deletion of the
foot and a subsequent application of Stray Adjunction) into one format, foot
reassignment: [a[F[a[F ) [a ali. Destressing rules are then structure-changing
applications of foot assignment. This hypothesis correctly predicts that foot
shape parameters extend to destressing rules. Foot dominance determines which
of the two syllables survives as the head of the new foot. Quantity-sensitivity
may restrict the weight of syllables to be destressed (in some cases, heavy
syllables are immune in English, cf. bandna vs. banddnna, while in others, they
are not: dapdrtment vs. departméntal).

4 The Halle and Vergnaud Theory

Halle and Vergnaud (1987), proposed a different approach to metrical theory,
based on a bracketed grid notation. The theory strongly emphasizes formal
properties of constituency.

4.1 The Representation of Stress

In Halle and Vergnaud's bracketed grid notation, stress is represented as a
grid enriched by bracketing to indicate stress constituents. A hierarchy of
 Metrical Theory of Word Stress 391

layers is assumed, in which they are labeled as line 0, 1, and so forth. By

bracketing, adjacent marks on the same line are organized into constituents,
whose unique head is vertically aligned with a mark at the next-higher line:

(54) line 2
(* * *) line 1
(* *) (* *) (* *) line 0
Apa lachi cola

Line 0 represents the place markers of stress-bearing units, which may be

either syllables or rhyme elements (moras, under some interpretatons). Brackets
on line 0 match the foot boundaries of tree theory. Line 1 contains the heads
of line 0 constituents, which may be organized into constituents that correspond
to the higher level prosodic categories of tree theory, such as the word tree.
Line 2 contains the heads of line 1 constituents, and so forth.
The bracketed grid notation shares with Hammond's arboreal grid simu-
ltaneous representation of prominence, rhythm, and constituency. However,
bracketed grid notation has the additional option of representing constituency
without prominence, and prominence without constituency, applications of
which we will see below.' A related difference is that bracketed grids allow
the formulation of rules that move, delete, or insert grid marks, as in pure
grid theory, as well as operations on brackets,

4.2 Parameters and Conditions

4.2.1 Constituent Construction
Three major parameters of constituent construction are Boundedness (bounded,
unbounded), Headedness (left-headed, right-headed), and Directionality (left-to-
right, right-to-left). For Hungarian (cf. 12), bounded left-headed constituents
are constructed on line 0, whose heads are located on line 1. On line 1, an
unbounded left-headed constituent is constructed whose head is located on
line 2:

(55) * line 2
* * *) line 1
(*
*)
(*) (*) (*) line 0

In Halle and Vergnaud's terminology, the rule set that constructs bounded
constituents on line 0 and locates their heads on line 1 is the Alternator, similar
to Perfect Grid, discussed above. It must be iterative by the Exhaustivity
Condition, requiring all line 0 elements to be in a constituent, and which they
construe as a condition on foot construction, i.e., on rule application. Thus
Halle and Vergnaud reject the iterativity parameter.
 392 René Kager

4.2.2 Quantity-sensitivity and Premarked Brackets

Halle and Vergnaud's approach to quantity-sensitivity follows Prince (1983):
a rule pre-assigns a grid mark on line 1 (an "accent") to all heavy syllables.'
The Faithfulness Condition guarantees that heavy syllables are parsed as heads
of line 0 constituents:

(56) Faithfulness Condition (HV, pp. 15-16)

The output metrical structure respects the distribution of heads (accented
elements), in the sense that each head is associated with constituent
boundaries in the output structure and that these are located at the
appropriate positions in the sequence. [ . . . I

In (57), an accent blocks construction of a left-headed foot over the first and
second syllable (under rightward application).

(57) * * * *
QS line 1
* * * * * * * * * *
--> -4 (*) (* *) (* *) line 0
LHLLL LHLLL LH LL L
Decomposition of quantity-sensitivity and rhythm unifies all bounded feet
construction by a single rule, the Alternator. We will see advantages of this in
section 4.3 on bidirectionality.
Another way in which heavy syllables can be marked off is by preassigning
a bracket at line 0, a mechanism introduced in Halle (1990). This device may
be employed in systems where stress-bearing units are rhyme segments (moras),
as in Cairene Arabic (see section 1.2.3). A preassigned left bracket "[" before
a heavy syllable blocks the construction of a line 0 constituent over the first
and second moras in (58):

(58) * * *
* ** * * * * [** * * *
__>
> (*) [**) (* *) (*)
LHLLL LHLLL L H LL L
If rhyme segments (moras) can be stress-bearing units, it is predicted that
foot boundaries may occur inside heavy syllables. Halle and Vergnaud argue
that this is the case in systems such as Winnebago. In words starting with a
sequence of light syllables, stress is on the third syllable, while in words starting
with a heavy syllable, stress is on the second syllable. The third mora is stressed
by initial mora extrametricality, and an initial right-headed bounded foot, as
in (59).

(59) (a) * (b) *

<*> * * _4 <*> (* *) <*>* * <*> (* *)
L LL LLL H L H L
 Metrical Theory of Word Stress 393

4.2.3 Ternarity
Hayes (1980) and Levin (1988a) draw attention to the stress pattern of Cayuvava
(Key 1961), where stresses are on the antepenultimate syllable and on every
third syllable preceding it. For such ternary systems, Halle and Vergnaud
introduce a parameter (+ / Head-Terminal). If the parameter is set negatively,
one nonhead element is allowed between a foot bracket and the head. The
result is a ternary, head-medial, amphibrach. The Cayuvava pattern is generated
by marking final syllables extrametrical and a leftward application of bounded
[HT] feet:
* * * line 1
(60)
********** (* * *) (* * *) (* * *) e> line 0
-->

4.3 Line Conflation and Bidirectionality

In the analysis of most unbounded systems, one stress is realized phonetically,
while the other "stresses" are merely potential. Halle and Vergnaud eliminate
the latter by Line Conflation. When two lines are conflated, a constituent on the
lower line is preserved only if its head is also the head of a constituent on the
next higher line. Consider conflation of lines 0 and 1:

(61)
* * line 2
*) line 1
* *) (
CE
*) (* * * * * * * * (* *) line 0
r* *)(* * * *)
LLLHLLLHL
LLL HLLLHL
Line Conflation also functions to analyze bidirectionality. Rejecting the
iterativity parameter, HV reanalyze bidirectional systems by means of two
iterative rules of opposing directionality. Main stress is generated by one
iterative pass, the output of which is subject to Line Conflation. A second
iterative pass from the opposite edge generates secondary stresses as in (62).10

(62) * * * line 2
r(*)*(* *)*)(* *) > (
* * * (* *) >
*)
(*
* *)
(* *) (*) (* *)
line 1
line 0

Finally, Halle and Vergnaud use Line Conflation for systems such as Eng-
lish, that have a quantity-sensitive main stress rule and a quantity-insensitive
secondary stress rule. The rules can be identified if the Alternator applies in
two strata. In the cyclic stratum, where the Alternator is preceded by Quantity
Sensitivity, Line Conflation eliminates all stresses but the primary. The noncyclic
Alternator assigns secondary stress quantity-insensitively, since Quantity
Sensitivity is not in the noncyclic stratum.
 394 René Kager

4.4 Cyclicity and Stress Erasure

Halle and Vergnaud develop a theory of cyclic stress which can be appreciated
by reviewing their analysis of Vedic, based on generalizations proposed by
Kiparsky in an unpublished manuscript. In Vedic, vowels in stems and suffixes
can bear lexical stress diacritics, which we will call accents. The location of the
word stress is determined by the Basic Accentuation Principle: "Stress the
leftmost accented vowel or, in the absence of accented vowels, the leftmost
vowel." The Basic Accentuation Principle is apparently restricted to words
that are composed of a stem and a set of suffixes which we will refer to as
recessive suffixes. Words with one or more suffixes not chosen from the set of
recessive suffixes (which we may therefore call dominant) follow a different
mode: stress falls on the last dominant suffix in the word if it is accented, else
on the initial syllable, even if the stem is accented. Two aspects need explanation.
First, the contrast between accented and unaccented stems is neutralized before
dominant suffixes (accented -in takes stress in rath+M+e "charioteer" (dat. sg.),
with an accented stem rath, as well as in mitr+Irt+e "befriended" (dat. sg.), with
an unaccented stem mitr). Second, accented recessive suffixes that follow a
dominant suffix are ignored.
Following a proposal by Halle and Mohanan (1985), HV assume that
dominant suffixes are cyclic, and trigger the rules of the cyclic stratum, while
recessive suffixes are noncyclic. Noncyclic affixes are represented on the same
metrical plane as the stem, but each cyclic affix induces a new metrical plane.
Below, we show the addition of a cyclic suffix m2 to a stem ml. Stem and suffix
each have their metrical planes P1, P2. The suffixal plane P2 is automatically
expanded with a copy of the content of previous planes (here P,):
(63) Pi P,

,i
aZN
1-1

aa aaa
N/
1.1

P2
0

Y
a 0
\/
a a_

P2

The stress rules of the cyclic stratum apply to each of the planes P,, P2. Halle
and Vergnaud propose that information about stress recorded on the stem
plane is not carried over in the plane-copying;" see (64).

(64) Stress Erasure Convention (SEC, HV, p. 83)

The input to rules of cyclic strata information about stress generated on
previous passes through the cyclic rules is carried over only if the affixed
constituent is itself a domain for the cyclic stress rules. If the affixed
constituent is not a domain for the cyclic rules, information about stresses
assigned on previous passes is erased.
1

Metrical Theory of Word Stress 395

Let us see how the Vedic stress data are analyzed under this proposal. The
Basic Accentuation Principle can be formalized by a rule set which essentially
functions as the analysis of default-to-same systems (see section 1.3). In the
noncyclic stratum this rule set accounts for words with only recessive suffixes.
The same rule set is applied in the cyclic stratum to words containing dominant
cyclic suffixes. Here, stress erasure neutralizes any contrasts between accented
and unaccented stems before dominant suffixes. When the last dominant suffix
is accented, it ends up as the only accent surviving erasure, and it attracts
word stress. When the last dominant suffix is unaccented no accents survive
at all, and stress defaults to the initial syllable; see (65).

(65) (a) Accented stem plus accented dominant suffix

* Plane copy, Stress
* *
stress erasure rules
a cr + cr > GG+0 > 001-0
**
** * *
*
* * *
*

(b) Accented stem plus unaccented dominant suffix

* Plane copy, Stress
* *
stress erasure rules
aa+a > 00+0
**
>
*
(3 (5+6
** *
*
*

Addition of an accented recessive affix has no effect on the stress pattern of

the base, as it is adjoined onto the same plane. The cyclic stress rules guarantee
one accent on the base plane to the left of the recessive accent, so that the
noncyclic stress rules (i.e., the Basic Accentuation Principle) ignore the latter.

4.5 Integrity of Metrical Structure

Integrity of metrical structure (that is, the tendency for rules not to change
metrical structure once assigned in a derivation) is a main source of motiva-
tion of constituency. Here, we will review Steriade's (1988) argument for in-
tegrity from enclitic stress in Latin. (See for nonenclitic stress section 1.4.1).
Upon addition of an enclitic element such as -que "and", stress shifts to the
syllable immediately before the enclitic:

(66) (a) li:mina "thresholds" li:minattque "and thresholds"

(b) mti:sa "the muse" mulsa#que "and the muse"

The patterns of the enclitic forms do not match the basic generalization on
stress, which is that stress is antepenultimate (instead of penultimate) when
 396 René Kager

the penult is light. The opacity of stress is explained if the stress rules reapply
to enclitic forms while respecting the metrical structure of the base (cf. the Free
Element Condition discussed in section 3.3). Nonperipheral base-final syllables
lose their extrametricality:

(67) (a) * . * * *
(* *)
(*. *) (*) (*) (* *)
li:mina<que> > li:miná<que> not *li:mina<que>
* *
(b) *
(*) . (*) (*) (*. *)
mii:sa<que> > mu:sá<que> not *mii:sa<que>

A right-headed line 1 constituent promotes final feet. This analysis

demonstrates the integrity of constituency in two ways. First, stress rules,
when reapplying, cannot construct a foot over syllables that are already part
of a foot (cf. 67a). Second, stress rules, when reapplying, fail to expand existing
feet by incorporation of free elements (cf. 67b). Steriade employs a stronger
version of Prince's Free Element Condition, one that extends to foot
reassignment.

5 Asymmetric Rhythmic Theory

Hayes (1985, 1987, 1994), McCarthy and Prince (1986), and Prince (1990)
develop a theory based on an asymmetric inventory of foot templates. It is
motivated by the typology of iterative bounded systems, as well as by pro-
cesses that change syllable quantity in foot-governed contexts. Another field of
motivation, prosodic morphology, is discussed in chapter 9 this volume.

5.1 The Iambic-Trochaic Rhythmic Law and the

asymmetric foot inventory

At the root of asymmetric rhythmic theory is an observation about the

correlation between quantity-sensitivity and rhythm in iterative systems. Hayes
(1985) proposes a significant asymmetry between iambic and trochaic styles of
alternation. Iterative iambic systems display quantity-sensitivity almost without
exception, and use feet whose members are of uneven duration. In contrast,
iterative trochaic systems strongly tend towards durational evenness of the
members of feet.' Hayes (1987, 1994) reflects this asymmetry in his asymmetric
foot inventory:
 Metrical Theory of Word Stress 397

(68) (a) Syllabic trochee: Form (* )

aa
(b) Moraic trochee: Form (* .) or (*)
LL H
(c) Iamb: Form (. *) if possible; else form (. *) or (*)
LH LL H

Trochees are durationally balanced, and contain two elements of identical

duration, either syllables or moras. Iambs are durationally unbalanced, and
contain a light syllable plus a heavy syllable in their maximal (canonical)
expansion. This foot inventory is slightly less parametric than that of Hayes
(1981), since quantity-sensitivity and dominance no longer combine freely to
yield four foot types. A comparison of the feet in (68) to those of Hayes (1981)
shows us that the syllabic trochee closely corresponds to the quantity-insensitive
left-dominant foot, and the iamb to the quantity-sensitive right-dominant foot.
There is one important difference, however, since degenerate feet are no longer
automatically constructed when no larger foot can be formed. That is, in many
systems the syllabic trochee lacks a monosyllabic expansion, while mora-based
feet (the moraic trochee and the iamb) lack monomoraic expansions.' We will
address degenerate feet in section 5.2.
Continuing the comparison with the foot inventory of Hayes (1981), we see
that the bounded quantity-insensitive right-dominant foot has disappeared.
This is motivated by the typological rarity of quantity-insensitive iambic styles
of alternation (see Weri and Araucanian in section 1.2.1, and the reanalysis in
section 5.1.3). Finally, the quantity-sensitive left-dominant foot has been replaced
by the bimoraic trochee, which embodies the ancient law of equivalence between
one long syllable and two short ones. This foot no longer includes an uneven
expansion of a heavy plus a light syllable [H Ll which seems to be unattested
14
in iterative systems. Let us now exemplify the asymmetric foot inventory.

5.1.1 Syllabic Trochees

The syllabic trochee produces the following patterns in its rightward and
leftward modes:
(69) (a) Syllabic trochees (b) Syllabic trochees
(left-to-right) (right-to-left)
(* .) (* .) (* .) (*
(* .) .)
(* .) (* .)
acsaa CFO CFCTO
.)
aaaaaaaa
Warao (see section 1.2.1) exemplifies (69b). In contrast to the approach de-
scribed earlier, no defooting of degenerate feet is required. Pintupi (Hansen
and Hansen 1969) exemplifies (69a):

(70) (a) ptilitjkalat1u "we (sat) on the hill"

(b) Vámulimpatlinjku "our relation"
398 René Kager

In the earlier theory, this pattern would be generated by syllable extra-

metricality. Section 5.2 addresses the apparent complication of secondary
stresses at edges in rightward trochaic systems such as Hungarian. Most syl-
labic trochee systems, such as Warao and Pintupi, have no underlying quan-
titative distinctions. Piro constitutes a truly quantity-insensitive system, in which
underlying weight distinctions are completely ignored by trochaic feet.

5.1.2 Moraic Trochees

The moraic trochee produces the patterns of (71):
(71) (a) Moraic trochees (b) Moraic trochees
(left-to-right) (right-to-left)
(*
(* .) (*)(* ) (*)(* -) .) (*) (* )(*)(* .)
.

LL H LL LHLL LLHLLL HLL

The rightward pattern is attested in Cairene Arabic. It had been captured in
classical theory by Labeling-Based-on-Branching (LBOB) feet (see section 1.2.3).
Since LBOB feet are not motivated outside the cases that the moraic trochee
now serves to analyze, they can be eliminated from the theory. Leftward moraic
trochees occur in Wargamay (Dixon 1981) and in some other systems. In the
earlier theory, this pattern would require uneven quantity-sensitive trochees,
with an irrelevant difference of bracketing: a string of a heavy syllable plus a
light syllable is parsed by uneven trochees as a single foot (H L)F, while moraic
trochees parses it as a heavy foot followed by a stray syllable (H)F L. The case
for uneven trochees is weakened further by Hayes's (1985) observation that
their rightward mode is unattested (this would parse a heavy syllable followed
by light syllables as (H L)F (L L)F ). Hayes claims that, consequently, the uneven
trochee can be completely eliminated. However, evidence for the uneven trochee
is presented by Myers (1987) and Kager (1989) for English, Jacobs (1990) for
Latin, and Dresher and Lahiri (1991) for Germanic.

5.1.3 lambs
The iamb produces patterns such as those below:
(72) (a) Iambs (left-to-right) (b) Iambs (right-to-left)
( *) ( *) (*) ( *) . ( *) . ( *) . ( *)
LH LLH LLL LHLLHLLL
Absence of degenerate feet is motivated by the stress patterns of final syllables
in systems with rightward iambs, which form the great majority of iambic
systems. The few leftward iambic systems (such as Tilbatulabal [Voegelin 1935],
18b) apparently require degenerate feet. Kager (1989), however, shows that
these can be reanalyzed by moraic trochees.
Most iambic systems have underlying quantitative contrasts, and are what
we might call truly quantity-sensitive. However, iambic rhythms also occur in
 Metrical Theory of Word Stress 399

a few systems lacking weight distinctions, such as Weri. Hayes argues that such
systems are formally within the scope of the iambic expansion (L L)F, even
though they lack the uneven expansion (L H)F. Moreover, some of these systems
establish unevenness at the surface by rhythmic lengthening (see section 5.3).

5.2 Degenerate Feet

Degenerate feet are often discriminated against by metrical rules and conditions
in several ways. (a) Many languages impose minimal word conditions requiring
words to contain minimally one bimoraic or bisyllabic foot. (b) Degenerate feet
tend not to qualify as proper foot templates in prosodic morphology (cf. chapter
9 this volume). (c) Degenerate feet in weak positions often lose their foot status
at the surface by destressing (see section 1.5). (d) Degenerate feet are "repaired"
by various strategies such as lengthening and reparsing (cf. Kager 1989, 1993,
Prince 1990, Hayes 1994, Mester to appear).
Although metrical theory has always recognized the marked status of
degenerate feet, they were motivated on both theoretical and empirical grounds.
(a) Exhaustivity, the theoretical requirement that all syllables be parsed as part
of a foot, dictates that a degenerate foot be produced automatically when no
larger foot is possible. (b) Edge beats with secondary stress in iterative systems
are generated automatically by degenerate feet. (d) Degenerate feet may trigger
rules, in particular destressing rules, at intermediate stages in the course of the
derivation. (4) Culminativity requires degenerate feet in languages that do not
impose minimal word conditions.
With respect to exhaustivity, Hayes (1994) takes the position that foot
construction is maximally exhaustive within the limits of what constitute well-
formed feet in a particular system, and exhaustivity becomes a "soft" con-
straint whose satisfaction is weighed against other constraints. The favorable
consequences of eliminating degenerate feet for the typology of alternating
systems, as reviewed above, support this. Nonexhaustive foot parsing finds
another application in Hayes's theory of ternarity; see section 5.4. Hayes claims
that phonological evidence for weak edge beats is meager, and that their phonetic
or perceptual status may derive from sources other than stress, both durational
(prepausal lengthening) and intonational (boundary tones). For example, weak
degenerate feet in Icelandic (Amason 1985) show a different phonological
behavior than binary feet, since they are ignored by the rule of compound
stress assignment. Finally, in view of the fact that degenerate feet bear main
stress, Hayes (1991) proposes to restrict the occurrence of degenerate feet on
a parametric basis, as in (73).

(73) Degenerate foot parameter:

Parsing may form degenerate feet under the following conditions:
(a) Strong prohibition: absolutely disallowed.
(b) Weak prohibition: allowed only in strong position; i.e., when domin-
ated by a higher grid mark.
400 René Kager

The weak prohibition may be circumvented by the proposal of Kager (1989)

to generate strong degenerate feet by means of a default option of the End
Rule, as suggested by Prince (1983) for unbounded systems. Where no proper
Foot layer landing site can be found, the End Rule assigns default word stress
to the next layer down, i.e., the syllable layer.

5.3 Templatic Structure and Quantitative Rules

As a consequence of templatic foot structure, feet are defined independently
of the rules that assign them. Thus foot templates may be referred to
transderivationally by both stress and nonstress rules, a phenomenon called
metrical coherence (Dresher and Lahiri 1991). A templatic view of foot structure
echoes similar results in the theory of syllabification (Ito 1986), which invites
a general templatic prosodic theory.
Metrical coherence provides the second main source of motivation for the
asymmetric foot typology. It manifests itself in processes which conspire to-
ward the iambic-trochaic rhythmic law by altering the quantity of syllables.
Hayes (1985) observes that iambic systems tend to aspire towards dura-
tional unevenness, and have rules such as rhythmic vowel lengthening, con-
sonant gemination, vowel reduction, and vowel deletion, all of which increase
the durational constrasts between syllables. This makes sense from the
viewpoint that foot templates actively impose their quantitative requirements
through phonological rules. Consider Hixkaryana (Derbyshire 1979; Hayes
1994), where iambs are assigned from left to right with final extrametricality.
Bimoraic iambs of the form [L L], are expanded into canonical iambs [L H1,
by rhythmic iambic lengthening: (tóh)(kurIel)(hondl)(hagal)<ka> "finally to
Tohkurye".
In contrast, syllabic trochee systems generally lack rules that introduce
durational unevenness. Moraic trochee systems, which by definition have
underlying quantitative contrasts, are predicted to display processes that
increase durational evenness within the foot. Prince (1990) argues that
English instantiates the prediction by vowel shortening to match the moraic
trochee foot template. The addition of suffixes such as -ic and -ity to a
stem with a long vowel induces a shortening of the latter, as can be seen in
alternations such as come - conic. As Myers (1987b) shows, the suffixes that
trigger shortening are nonextrametrical Level-1 suffixes, whose addition pro-
duces a disyllabic trochee over the final heavy stem syllable and the suffix.
Prince construes shortening as a process that modifies an uneven trochee
(H L)F into a rhythmically balanced even bimoraic trochee (L L)F, cf. (kom),
> (komk)F. Observe that the uneven trochee, which forms the domain of
trochaic shortening, must be allowed as a possible foot under this analysis.
Prince suggests a markedness theory of foot well-formedness, according to
which the uneven trochee is a legal, but marked expansion of the ideally
bimoraic trochee.
i

Metrical Theory of Word Stress 401

5.4 Ternarity and Persistent Footing

Hayes (1994) proposes a theory of ternary systems which does not postulate
ternary feet, but rather derives ternarity by a marked foot assignment mode.
In the unmarked case, systems employ the unmarked Strong Local Parsing
mode (74a), which assigns feet adjacently, producing binary rhythm. Ternary
systems draw from the universal asymmetric foot inventory, but follow a
Weak Local Parsing mode (74b), which skips a syllable after each foot that has
been established. The extra unbracketed syllables between feet produce ternary
rhythm:

(74) (a) (* .)(* .) (* .) (* ) (b) (* .) (* .) (* )

66 66 06 066 606 Oa a GO
In systems based on the iamb or the moraic trochee, one mora may be skipped,
in systems based on the syllabic trochee, one syllable (the Minimal Prosodic
Distance).
Weak Local Parsing is another source of nonexhaustive foot parsing in
Hayes's theory. It may even produce sequences of two unbracketed syllables
when after skipping, one syllable remains at the end of the domain, which
cannot be footed, because of the ban on degenerate feet. Such sequences are
dealt with on a language-specific basis. They are tolerated in Cayuvava (75a),
which has leftward construction of syllabic trochees under final extrametricality.
Alternatively, foot construction is reapplied to the unbracketed sequence. This
option of persistent footing is exemplified by Chugach Yupik (Leer 1985) (75b),
which has rightward iambs:

(75) (a) (* .) - (* .)
6600606<a>
(b) ( *) ( *) . > ( *) ( *) (- *)
LLLLL LL LL LLLLL

6 Conclusion
After a decade of theoretical work on metrical systems, a consensus has emerged
on a number of points. First, stress requires hierarchical representation in
order to capture culminativity and prominence differences between stresses.
Second, the rhythmic nature of stress is most adequately represented by the
grid. Third, the grid is enriched by metrical constituency in order to capture
stress shifts, requirements of prosodic morphology, and template-governed
phenomena such as quantitative asymmetries. Researchers still seem to differ
in opinion about the symmetrical nature of the foot inventory, the status of
degenerate feet, exhaustivity, and the issue of what may constitute stress-
bearing units.

4F
402 René Kager

NOTES
This research was partially supported Estonian, Levin (1988a) for
by the Linguistic Research Foundation, Cayuvava, Woodbury (1987) for
which is funded by the Netherlands Yupik, and Dresher and Lahiri
organization for scientific research, (1991) for Germanic. See also
NWO, grant no. 300-171-023. For sections 4.2.1 and 5.4 on ternarity.
valuable comments on earlier versions 7 For a discussion of interactions
of this paper, I wish to thank John between metrical structure and
Goldsmith, Harry van der Hulst, and lexical phonology, see Kiparsky
Wim Zonneveld. (1982a, 1985) and chapters 2 and 3,
1 The learnability of stress systems is this volume.
studied from a parametric 8 Hammond (1987) claims that this
viewpoint by Dresher and Kaye power is not crucially needed.
(1990) and Hammond (1990). 9 There is thus no inherent
2 Other applications are dialectal connection between internal syllable
variation (Kenstowicz 1983) and structure and prosodic prominence,
diacronic phonology (Wheeler a link whose absence has been
1980). noticed.
3 Hammond (1986) argues for a foot 10 HV's analysis of bidirectionality is
type that restricts its dominant disputed by Levin (1988b). For an
nodes (to heavy syllables), without answer, see Halle (1990).
restricting its recessive nodes. He 11 See for discussion of the SEC,
proposes that this Revised Obligatory Harris (1989) and Halle, Harris, and
Branching foot should replace the Vergnaud (1991).
Obligatory Branching foot. The 12 Hayes cites experimental evidence
complex arguments for Revised from Woodrow (1951), who found
Obligatory Branching feet will not that rhythmically alternating stimuli
be reviewed here. with durational prominence
4 Onsets fail to contribute to weight, marking were perceived as iambic,
or only hardly ever do, though the and those with intensity marking
reader may see Everett and Everett were perceived as trochaic.
(1984) on Piraha, and Davis (1988) 13 Here we follow Hayes (1994), who
on Western Aranda, Madimadi, eliminates the degenerate stressless
Italian, and English. feet of Hayes (1987).
5 Van der Hulst (1984) proposes a 14 Recently, the asymmetric foot
more radical Main Stress First inventory has been challenged by
theory: Main stress is assigned proposals that advocate a
first, and secondary stresses run symmetric foot inventory, and
from the main stress, or the derive the rhythmic asymmetry by
opposite edge. independent means, cf. Jacobs
6 Nonbinary bounded feet have been (1990), Hammond (1990), Kager
proposed by Prince (1980) for (1993).