Portifolio Grapgic Desing
Portifolio Grapgic Desing
DURESSA
URGESSA
GRAPHIC DESIGN
PORTIFOLIO
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LANGUAGE PLAYING FOOT BALL
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OROMIC ONLINE PAGES
ENGLISH WATCHING MOVIE
READING BIBLE
AMHARIC
CONTENT
THOERY OF VESUAL PERCEPTION
TYPOGRAPHY
QUOTES
LOGO
WORD AS AN IMAGE
AND MESSAGE REFELECTION
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BASIC DESIGN STUDIO II
ARCHETCTURAL STUDIO I
Theories Of Visual Perception
Introduction
Visual perception is the ability to see, organize, and interpret one's environment. In
our example, your eyes 'took in' the lines as well as the points on the ends of the lines.
At the same time, your brain was organizing and making sense of the image. This is a
very important process because it gives us the ability to learn new information. With-
out visual perception, you would not be able to make sense of the words on a page,
recognize common objects, or have the eye-hand coordination required for many
daily tasks.
Gestalt theory of Perception
The human brain is wired to see structure, logic, and patterns. It helps us make sense
of the world. In the 1920s a group of German psychologists developed theories
around how people perceive the world around them, called Gestalt principles. The
Gestalt principles of grouping (“Gestalt” is German for “unified whole”) represent the
culmination of the work of early 20th century. Gestalt principles or laws are rules that
describe how the human eye perceives visual elements, recognize patterns and simpli-
fy complex images when perceive objects. These principles aim to show how complex
scenes can be reduced to more simple shapes. They also aim to explain how the eyes
perceive the shapes as a single, united form rather than the separate simpler elements
involved. Designers use the principles to organize content on websites and other
interfaces so it is aesthetically pleasing and easy to understand.
Principle #1: figure-ground
Any number of characteristics can be similar: color, shape, size, texture, etc. When a
viewer sees these similar characteristics, they perceive the elements as being related
due to the shared characteristics.
That’s because your eye naturally follows a line or a curve, making continuation a
stronger signal of relatedness than the similarity of color.
This is thought to provide greater scope for the simultaneous activation of far-flung
representations, which many believe to be an important engine of creative thought.
Along similar lines, another cognitive theory focuses on how concepts are combined
to generate novelty. Research suggests that conceptual combination – bringing two
different sets of information together – is often involved in creative ideation, that
original insights are more likely when two disparate features are brought together, and
that connections between these concepts might only be seen at a very high level of ab-
straction. This kind of thinking has been called metaphoric logical, the idea being that
something like ‘angry weather’ is only comprehensible in a nonliteral fashion. Such
processes may suggest creative alternatives to well-worn lines of thought.
More generally, research in the ‘creative cognition approach’ tradition, another im-
portant contemporary view of creativity developed mainly by Ronald A. Finke, Steven
M. Smith, and Thomas B. Ward, has likewise emphasized ideas drawn from cognitive
psychology (e.g., conceptual combination, conceptual expansion, creative imagery,
and metaphor) to understand how individuals generate ideas and explore their impli-
cations in laboratory-based invention and design tasks. Such processes are thought to
play out in two fundamental regimes of thought: generating ideas and exploring their
implications. In practice, the two are strongly interleaved and combined in the ‘gene-
plore’ model of creative thought (from generate + explore).
Finally, metacognitive processes (thinking about one's own thinking) are also fre-
quently tied to creativity. Many tactics for increasing creative problem solving have
been proposed and popularized, including ‘think backwards,’ ‘shift your perspective,’
‘put the problem aside,’ and ‘question assumptions.’ Tactical thinking is especially
useful for programs designed to facilitate creative problem solving since they are a
function of conscious decisions and can be employed when necessary.
Semiotics Approach
Visual semiotics is a sub-domain of semiotics that analyses the way visual images
communicate a message. Studies of meaning evolve from semiotics, a philosophical
approach that seeks to interpret messages in terms of signs and patterns of symbolism.
Contemporary semiotics consists of two branches originating contemporaneously in
late 19th century France and the United States. Originating in literary and linguistic
contexts, one branch (referred to as semiology) originated from the work of Swiss
linguist Ferdinand Saussure. The second branch expands on the work of American
pragmatist philosopher Charles Sanders Peirce.
A sign can be a word, sound, a touch or visual image. Saussure divides a sign into
two components: the signifier, which is the sound, image, or word, and the signified,
which is the concept or meaning the signifier represents. For Saussure, the relation
between the signifier and the signified is arbitrary and conventional. In other words,
signs can mean anything we agree that they mean, as well as mean different things to
different people.
The broadening concept of text and discourse encourages additional research into
how visual communication operates to create meaning. Deely explains that "at the
heart of semiotics is the realization that the whole of human experience, without
exception, is an interpretive structure mediated and sustained by signs." Semiotics
now considers a variety of texts, using Eco's terms, to investigate such diverse areas as
movies, art, advertisements, and fashion, as well as visuals. In other words, as Berger
explains, "the essential breakthrough of semiology is to take linguistics as a model and
apply linguistic concepts to other phenomena--texts--and not just to language itself."
Anthropologists like Grant McCracken and marketing experts like Sydney Levy have
even used semiotic interpretations to analyze the rich cultural meanings of products
and consumer consumption behaviors as texts. In their book Discourses in Place:
Language in the material world, Ron Scollon and Suzie Wong Scollon note that visual
semiotics has to do with turning "from the spoken, face-to-face discourses to the
representations of that interaction order in images and signs" (82). Interaction order
involves the various social interactions that takes place in any setting, such as being
alone, being with a companion, at a meeting, watching a show etc., and it "is almost
always complex", with various interactions occurring at once (83). When it comes to
images, says Scollon and Wong, there are also multiple relationships. These include
the relationships between the components of a visual image, the relationships between
the producers of the visual image, the relationships between the producers and the
components, as well as the relationships between the components of an image and
those who are viewing it. That's are the main point.
The science of signs – back to the pictograph
▪ A sign is anything that stands for something else.
▪ Iconic – pictures, illustrations and photos – and film
▪ Indexical—a casual or other connection to something that
w can figure out – ashes are a sign of fire, colors in sky suggest
sunset
▪ Symbolic –signs that have to be learned
This interaction order has four main semiotic systems, says Scollon and Wong. These
include represented participants, modality, composition and interactive participants.
Represented participants are elements of a visual image, and are either narrative
("present unfolding actions and events or... processes of change") or conceptual ("show
abstract, comparative or generalized categories") (Scollon and Wong 86). Modality
is how true to reality a visual image is, and main indicators include color saturation,
color differentiation, depth, illumination and brightness, among others
With modality, it is often found "that truth, veracity, or sincerity might be expressed in
very different ways from one society to another," with Western cultures favoring natu-
ralistic representation, or as true to seeing it in person as possible (Scollon and Wong
89-90). Composition is the way in which represented participants within a visual
image are arranged in relation to one another, with the three main systems of com-
positions being ideal-real(top to bottom), given-new(left to right), and center-mar-
gin relationships (Scollon and Wong 92). So, for example, when reading a menu at a
fast-food restaurant, the given information would be something such as "hamburger",
and the new information would be the price, read left to right and recognized in that
order. As
mentioned above, interactive participants, explain Scollon and Wong, are the various
relationships that occur around a visual image, such as those between the producers
of the image and the represented participants in that image. In this way, these four
components work together to help convey the meaning of signs and symbols.
Huxley-Lester Model
This model states seeing is:
Sensing + Selecting + Perceiving = Seeing
Sensation: physical act of eyes taking in light
Selection: concentrating & isolating the focus of your vision Perceiving: grasping
or understand what you see.
Sight and thought are inseparable. We go through cycles of perceiving, focusing on
particular things we see, learning from that and committing it to memory and then
applying that knowledge to what we perceive. The more knowledge and experience
you gain, the easier it is to interpret what you’re looking at. So, “the more you know,
the more you see.”
Typography
Introduction
Writing is one of the most fundamental forms of communication, and it traces its
roots back to hieroglyphs or pictograms. Used by ancient civilizations of the world to
represent ideas, these images soon evolved into alphabets and phonographic writing,
which led to the development of various typographic systems.
Let’s go through the evolution of typography briefly to gain a bit of insight. We will
not delve fully into the rich history of typography (as it can go on endlessly) but cover
some essentials that changed the course of typography.
The Evolution of Typography:
Ancient Era – Saying it with Pictures
Ancient cave paintings that date back to 20,000 B.C. are perhaps the very first record-
ed written communication. However, formal writing is said to have been developed
by the Sumerians at around 3,500 B.C. As civilizations advanced, the need to commu-
nicate complex concepts grew—hence the development of Egyptian hieroglyphics.
By 3100 B.C., the Egyptians began incorporating symbols or ideograms into their art,
architecture and writings. Also, by 1600 B.C. Phoenicians developed phonograms,
or symbols used to represent spoken words. At present, we have a number of pho-
nograms laced in the English alphabet such as % to represent “percentage” and # to
represent “number” and so on and so forth.
It is Phoenicians who are credited with creating the very first alphabet and around
1000 B.C.—the same alphabet was used by the Greeks. In fact, the word Alphabet is a
combination of the first two Greek letters, Alpha and Beta.
The Romans, after several years, used this Greek Alphabet and on the basis of the
same, styled the Uppercase Alphabet, which is still used today. They also refined the
art of handwriting and fashioned a number of different styles of lettering. Additional-
ly, they also introduced different scripts – formal and informal for official and unoffi-
cial writings respectively.
The Middle Ages – Handwritten and Well-Illustrated Manuscripts
The Middle Ages were all about hand-written and well-illustrated manuscripts.
It led to the evolution of a wide range of writing styles. Unicals and half unicals
were prominent features, with rounded, elaborate lettering. The art of Calligra-
phy along with page layout and lettering forged new ground. Calligraphy masters
travelled across the known world to share their knowledge with the educated elite.
The ability praise pushed students right into the fixed mindset,
and they showed all the signs of it, too: When we gave them a
choice, they rejected a challenging new task that they could learn
from. They didn’t want to do anything that could expose their
flaws and call into question their talent.
When people with a fixed mindset talk about their conflicts, they as-
sign blame. Sometimes they blame themselves, but often they blame
their partner. And they assign blame to a trait — a character flaw.
“No one can build you the bridge on which you, and only you, must cross the
river of life,” wrote the thirty-year-old Nietzsche. “The true and durable path
into and through experience,” Nobel-winning poet Seamus Heaney counseled
the young more than a century later in his magnificent commencement
address, “involves being true … to your own solitude, true to your own
secret knowledge.”
Almost anybody can learn to think or believe or know, but not a
single human being can be taught to feel. Why? Because when-
ever you think or you believe or you know, you’re a lot of oth-
er people: but the moment you feel, you’re nobody-but-yourself.
https://www.themarginalian.org/2014/01/29/carol-dweck-mindset/
AND
https://www.themarginalian.org/2017/09/25/e-e-cummings-advice/
Fixed vs. Growth: The Two Basic Mindsets That Shape
Our Lives
How to fine-tune the internal monologue that scores every aspect
of our lives, from leadership to love.
“If you imagine less, less will be what you undoubtedly deserve,” Debbie Millman counseled in one of the
best commencement speeches ever given, urging: “Do what you love, and don’t stop until you get what
you love. Work as hard as you can, imagine immensities…” Far from Pollyanna platitude, this advice
actually reflects what modern psychology knows about how belief systems about our own abilities and
potential fuel our behavior and predict our success. Much of that understanding stems from the work
of Stanford psychologist Carol Dweck, synthesized in her remarkably insightful Mindset: The New
Psychology of Success (public library) — an inquiry into the power of our beliefs, both conscious and
unconscious, and how changing even the simplest of them can have profound impact on nearly every
aspect of our lives.
One of the most basic beliefs we carry about ourselves, Dweck found in her research, has to do with
how we view and inhabit what we consider to be our personality. A “fixed mindset” assumes that our
character, intelligence, and creative ability are static givens which we can’t change in any meaningful way,
and success is the affirmation of that inherent intelligence, an assessment of how those givens measure
up against an equally fixed standard; striving for success and avoiding failure at all costs become a way
of maintaining the sense of being smart or skilled. A “growth mindset,” on the other hand, thrives on
challenge and sees failure not as evidence of unintelligence but as a heartening springboard for growth
and for stretching our existing abilities. Out of these two mindsets, which we manifest from a very early
age, springs a great deal of our behavior, our relationship with success and failure in both professional
and personal contexts, and ultimately our capacity for happiness.
The consequences of believing that intelligence and personality can be developed
rather than being immutably engrained traits, Dweck found in her two decades of
research with both children and adults, are remarkable. She writes:
For twenty years, my research has shown that the view you adopt for
yourself profoundly affects the way you lead your life. It can determine
whether you become the person you want to be and whether you accom-
plish the things you value. How does this happen? How can a simple belief
have the power to transform your psychology and, as a result, your life?
Believing that your qualities are carved in stone — the fixed
mindset — creates an urgency to prove yourself over and over.
If you have only a certain amount of intelligence, a certain per-
sonality, and a certain moral character — well, then you’d bet-
ter prove that you have a healthy dose of them. It simply wouldn’t
do to look or feel deficient in these most basic characteristics.
I’ve seen so many people with this one consuming goal of prov-
ing themselves — in the classroom, in their careers, and in their
relationships. Every situation calls for a confirmation of their in-
telligence, personality, or character. Every situation is evalu-
ated: Will I succeed or fail? Will I look smart or dumb? Will I
be accepted or rejected? Will I feel like a winner or a loser? . . .
There’s another mindset in which these traits are not simply a hand
you’re dealt and have to live with, always trying to convince your-
self and others that you have a royal flush when you’re secretly wor-
ried it’s a pair of tens. In this mindset, the hand you’re dealt is just
the starting point for development. This growth mindset is based on
the belief that your basic qualities are things you can cultivate through
your efforts. Although people may differ in every which way — in
their initial talents and aptitudes, interests, or temperaments — ev-
eryone can change and grow through application and experience.
At the heart of what makes the “growth mindset” so winsome, Dweck found, is
that it creates a passion for learning rather than a hunger for approval. Its hall-
mark is the conviction that human qualities like intelligence and creativity, and
even relational capacities like love and friendship, can be cultivated through effort
and deliberate practice. Not only are people with this mindset not discouraged by
failure, but they don’t actually see themselves as failing in those situations — they
see themselves as learning. Dweck writes:
Why waste time proving over and over how great you are, when you
could be getting better? Why hide deficiencies instead of overcoming
them? Why look for friends or partners who will just shore up your
self-esteem instead of ones who will also challenge you to grow? And why
seek out the tried and true, instead of experiences that will stretch you?
The passion for stretching yourself and sticking to it, even (or especially)
when it’s not going well, is the hallmark of the growth mindset. This is the
mindset that allows people to thrive during some of the most challenging
times in their lives.
This idea, of course, isn’t new — if anything, it’s the fodder of self-help books and
vacant “You can do anything!” platitudes. What makes Dweck’s work different,
however, is that it is rooted in rigorous research on how the mind — especial-
ly the developing mind — works, identifying not only the core drivers of those
mindsets but also how they can be reprogrammed.
Dweck and her team found that people with the fixed mindset see risk and effort
as potential giveaways of their inadequacies, revealing that they come up short in
some way. But the relationship between mindset and effort is a two-way street:
It’s not just that some people happen to recognize the value of challenging
themselves and the importance of effort. Our research has shown that
this comes directly from the growth mindset. When we teach people the
growth mindset, with its focus on development, these ideas about chal-
lenge and effort follow. . . .
As you begin to understand the fixed and growth mindsets, you will see
exactly how one thing leads to another—how a belief that your quali-
ties are carved in stone leads to a host of thoughts and actions, and how
a belief that your qualities can be cultivated leads to a host of different
thoughts and actions, taking you down an entirely different road.
The mindsets change what people strive for and what they see as success.
. . they change the definition, significance, and impact of failure. . . they
change the deepest meaning of effort.
But her most remarkable research, which has informed present theories of why
presence is more important than praise in teaching children to cultivate a healthy
relationship with achievement, explores how these mindsets are born — they
form, it turns out, very early in life. In one seminal study, Dweck and her col-
leagues offered four-year-olds a choice: They could either redo an easy jigsaw
puzzle, or try a harder one. Even these young children conformed to the charac-
teristics of one of the two mindsets — those with “fixed” mentality stayed on the
safe side, choosing the easier puzzles that would affirm their existing ability, artic-
ulating to the researchers their belief that smart kids don’t make mistakes; those
with the “growth” mindset thought it an odd choice to begin with, perplexed why
Art by Lia Halloran for a letter by Marina Abramović from A Velocity of Being: Letters to a Young Reader. (Available as a print.)
Dweck quotes one seventh-grade girl, who captured the difference beautifully:
I think intelligence is something you have to work for … it isn’t just
given to you.… Most kids, if they’re not sure of an answer, will not raise
their hand to answer the question. But what I usually do is raise my
hand, because if I’m wrong, then my mistake will be corrected. Or I will
raise my hand and say, ‘How would this be solved?’ or ‘I don’t get this.
Can you help me?’ Just by doing that I’m increasing my intelligence.
Things got even more interesting when Dweck brought people into Columbia’s
brain-wave lab to study how their brains behaved as they answered difficult ques-
tions and received feedback. What she found was that those with a fixed mindset
were only interested in hearing feedback that reflected directly on their present
ability, but tuned out information that could help them learn and improve. They
even showed no interest in hearing the right answer when they had gotten a ques-
tion wrong, because they had already filed it away in the failure category. Those
with a growth mindset, on the other hand, were keenly attentive to information
that could help them expand their existing knowledge and skill, regardless of
whether they’d gotten the question right or wrong — in other words, their priori-
These findings are especially important in education and how we, as a culture,
assess intelligence. In another study of hundreds of students, mostly adolescents,
Dweck and her colleagues gave each ten fairly challenging problems from a non-
verbal IQ test, then praised the student for his or her performance — most had
done pretty well. But they offered two types of praise: Some students were told
“Wow, you got [X many] right. That’s a really good score. You must be smart at
this,” while others, “Wow, you got [X many] right. That’s a really good score. You
must have worked really hard.” In other words, some were praised for ability and
others for effort. The findings, at this point, are unsurprising yet jarring:
The ability praise pushed students right into the fixed mindset, and
they showed all the signs of it, too: When we gave them a choice, they
rejected a challenging new task that they could learn from. They didn’t
want to do anything that could expose their flaws and call into ques-
tion their talent.
It gets better — or worse, depending on how we look at it: The most unsettling
finding came after the IQ questions were completed, when the researchers asked
the kids to write private letters to their peers relaying the experience, including
a space for reporting their scores on the problems. To Dweck’s devastation, the
most toxic byproduct of the fixed mindset turned out to be dishonesty: Forty per-
cent of the ability-praised kids lied about their scores, inflating them to look more
This illustrates the key difference between the two mindsets — for those with a
growth one, “personal success is when you work your hardest to become your
best,” whereas for those with a fixed one, “success is about establishing their
superiority, pure and simple. Being that somebody who is worthier than the no-
bodies.” For the latter, setbacks are a sentence and a label. For the former, they’re
motivating, informative input — a wakeup call.
But one of the most profound applications of this insight has to do not with
business or education but with love. Dweck found that people exhibited the same
dichotomy of dispositions in their personal relationships: Those with a fixed
mindset believed their ideal mate would put them on a pedestal and make them
feel perfect, like “the god of a one-person religion,” whereas those with the growth
mindset preferred a partner who would recognize their faults and lovingly help
improve them, someone who would encourage them to learn new things and be-
come a better person. The fixed mindset, it turns out, is at the root of many of our
most toxic cultural myths about “true love.” Dweck writes:
The growth mindset says all of these things can be developed. All — you,
your partner, and the relationship — are capable of growth and change.
One problem is that people with the fixed mindset expect ev-
erything good to happen automatically. It’s not that the part-
ners will work to help each other solve their problems or
gain skills. It’s that this will magically occur through their
love, sort of the way it happened to Sleeping Beauty, whose
coma was cured by her prince’s kiss, or to Cinderella, whose
miserable life was suddenly transformed by her prince.
This also applies to the myth of mind-reading, where the fixed mindset believes
that an ideal couple should be able to read each other’s minds and finish each
other’s sentences. She cites a study that invited people to talk about their relation-
ships:
Those with the fixed mindset felt threatened and hostile af-
ter talking about even minor discrepancies in how they and
their partner saw their relationship. Even a minor discrepancy
threatened their belief that they shared all of each other’s views.
But most destructive of all relationship myths is the belief that if it requires work,
something is terribly wrong and that any discrepancy of opinions or preferences
is indicative of character flaws on behalf of one’s partner. Dweck offers a reality
check:
Just as there are no great achievements without setbacks, there are
no great relationships without conflicts and problems along the way.
When people with a fixed mindset talk about their conflicts, they as-
sign blame. Sometimes they blame themselves, but often they blame
their partner. And they assign blame to a trait — a character flaw.
But it doesn’t end there. When people blame their partner’s per-
sonality for the problem, they feel anger and disgust toward them.
And it barrels on: Since the problem comes from fixed traits, it can’t be solved.
So once people with the fixed mindset see flaws in their partners, they be-
come contemptuous of them and dissatisfied with the whole relationship.
Those with the growth mindset, on the other hand, can acknowledge their part-
ners’ imperfections, without assigning blame, and still feel that they have a fulfill-
ing relationship. They see conflicts as problems of communication, not of person-
ality or character. This dynamic holds true as much in romantic partnerships as in
friendship and even in people’s relationships with their parents. Dweck summa-
rizes her findings:
When people embark on a relationship, they encounter a partner who is
different from them, and they haven’t learned how to deal with the differ-
ences. In a good relationship, people develop these skills and, as they do,
both partners grow and the relationship deepens. But for this to happen,
people need to feel they’re on the same side. . . . As an atmosphere of trust
developed, they [become] vitally interested in each other’s development.
What it all comes down to is that a mindset is an interpretative process that tells
us what is going on around us. In the fixed mindset, that process is scored by
an internal monologue of constant judging and evaluation, using every piece of
information as evidence either for or against such assessments as whether you’re
a good person, whether your partner is selfish, or whether you are better than the
person next to you. In a growth mindset, on the other hand, the internal mono-
logue is not one of judgment but one of voracious appetite for learning, constant-
ly seeking out the kind of input that you can metabolize into learning and con-
structive action.
In the rest of Mindset: The New Psychology of Success, Dweck goes on to explore
how these fundamental mindsets form, what their defining characteristics are in
different contexts of life, and how we can rewire our cognitive habits to adopt the
much more fruitful and nourishing growth mindset.
The Courage to Be Yourself: E.E. Cummings
on Art, Life, and Being Unafraid to Feel
“To be nobody-but-yourself — in a world which is doing its best,
night and day, to make you everybody else — means to fight the
hardest battle which any human being can fight.”
“No one can build you the bridge on
which you, and only you, must cross the
river of life,” wrote the thirty-year-old
Nietzsche. “The true and durable path into
and through experience,” Nobel-winning
poet Seamus Heaney counseled the young
more than a century later in his magnif-
icent commencement address, “involves
being true … to your own solitude, true to
your own secret knowledge.”
This may sound easy. It isn’t. A lot of people think or believe or know
they feel — but that’s thinking or believing or knowing; not feel-
ing. And poetry is feeling — not knowing or believing or thinking.
If, at the end of your first ten or fifteen years of fighting and working and feel-
ing, you find you’ve written one line of one poem, you’ll be very lucky indeed.
And so my advice to all young people who wish to become poets is:
do something easy, like learning how to blow up the world — unless
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