Unit Six

6. Customary and Local Governance Systems and Peace Making

Study Hours: 8 Face to Face Hours

Dear Students!

You have discussed theories related to inter-ethnic relations and multiculturalism in unit 5.
In this unit, you will discuss issues related to customary and local governance and
peacemaking in the Ethiopian setting. The chapter also discusses the role of customary
institutions in settling intra and inter-ethnic conflicts; the role of women and women’s
institutions in conflict resolution and peacemaking; and the major features of legal
pluralism in Ethiopia. Remember: your participation is very important as the modular
course employs a student-centered approach.
Content of the Unit:

 Indigenous and local governance

 Institutions of intra and inter-ethnic conflict resolution

 Structures of indigenous justice systems

 Strengths and limitations of indigenous conflict resolution institutions

 Women’s role in conflict resolution and peacemaking

 Legal pluralism: interaction between customary and state legal systems

Unit Learning Outcomes:

Up on the successful completion of this unit, you will be able to:

 Identify customary systems of governance and conflict resolution institutions of the

various peoples of Ethiopia;

 Compare similarities and difference among indigenous institutions conflict

resolution in a cross-cultural perspective;

 Analyze the strengths and limitations of indigenous institutions conflict resolution

  Explain the role of women and women’s institutions in settling disputes and
making peace in different cultural settings

6.1 Indigenous and local governance

Indigenous systems of governance have been used to maintain social order across
Ethiopian regions. The role of indigenous governance was indispensable before the
advent of the modern state system. Anthropologists have been studying indigenous
systems of governance in Ethiopia and other parts of Africa. Some of the indigenous
systems of governance have been well- studied while many other are not adequately
studied. Understanding of indigenous systems of governance helps us know our cultures.
We do not have space to take examples from every region and culture. We have outlined
some examples of indigenous systems of governance to start discussions.

The Oromo Gadaa

The Gaada of the Oromo is one of the well-studies indigenous systems of governance.
Scholars have been studying the Oromo Gaada since the 1950s. Scholars studied the
Oromo Gaada include Paul Baxter, Eike Haberland and Asmerom Legesse. Asmerom, a
famous anthropologist, is widely known for his ethnographic studies on the Oromo
political system. He published a lot on the Gaada system, particularly focusing on the
Borena Oromo. The following are two of his books: Gadaa: Three Approaches to the
Study of African Society, published in 1973; and Oromo Democracy: An Indigenous
Political System, printed in 2000.

The Gadaa system is ‘an age grading institution of the Oromo that has a complex system
of administration, law making and dispute settlement’ (Pankhurst and Getachew 2008,
xiv). The Gadaa is a highly celebrated institution of governance and dispute settlement
among the Oromo people. Gadaa is widely mentioned as an egalitarian (democratic)
system of governance. In the Gadaa system, political power is transferred from one
generation set
(Luuba) to another every eight years. Gaada officials such as the Abba Gaada and Abba
Seera(father of law) serve for eight years and leave their position to the new generation of
Gadaa officials.
The Gaada system involves a continuous process of law making and revision. The law
making process has rooms for wider participation of the people. Gumi gaayo, a law
making assembly of the Borana Oromo, is a good example. Gumi gaayo is held every
eight years to revising, adapting, making and publicizing the customary law (seera) and
custom (aadaa) of the Oromo. The Waliso Oromo have a law making assembly known as
yaa’iiharaa, an equivalent of gumigaayo, held every eight years. The Gaada is an
indigenous system of governance, conflict resolution, and peacemaking. The indigenous
system of governance among the Oromo also include institutions of conflict resolution
such as the Jaarsa Biyyaa (literally: elders of the soil/land) institution. We will discuss the
role of the Jaarsa Buyyaa in settling conflicts and restoring peace in the next section of
this chapter.

The Gedeo Baalle

The Gedeo of southern Ethiopia have an indigenous system of governance called Baalle.
The Baalle and the Gaada system of the Oromo have some similarities. For example,
both have grading system and exercise periodic transfer of power (i.e., every eight years).
The role of religion is high in the two indigenous systems of governance. Moreover, the
customary law of the Gedeo is called Seera. The Ya’a, the general assembly, is the highest
body of the Gedeo indigenous system of governance. The Baalle is a complex system
which has three administrative hierarchies: Abba Gada, Roga (traditional leader next the
Abba Gada), and two levels of council of elders known as Hulla Hayyicha and Songo
Hayyicha. The Abba Gada is the leader of the Baalle. The Baalle system has a body of
laws called Seera. Conflicts are resolved by the Songo hayyicha at village level. When
disputes are not settled at the village level, cases can be referred to first to the Hulla
Hayyicha and finally to the Abba Gada. In general, the Gedeo system of governance has
the following major institutions: the ya’a
(general assembly), the Seera (customary law), the Abba Gada, and council of elders. 1

1
Getachew Senishaw. (2014).
 Reading

We have seen some similarities between the Oromo Gaada and the Gedeo
Baalle system. This is a good example of cross-cultural similarities in Ethiopia.

Similarities are also observed in the naming of indigenous institutions.

ethnic groups use a similar term with slight variations to refer to their respective
customary law: Seera (Oromo), Sera (Sidama), Serra (Siltie),

Gorden asera (Soddo Gurage), Senago sera (Mesqan Gurage), and Seera (Gedeo).

Read more on these issues and share your findings in class discussions.

Reflect your views on the following questions.

 What does the similarities between Gaada and

the Gedeo Baalle system indicate?

 Why do we have such cross-cultural similarities?

 Does it indicate long-term interactions among different cultural/ethnic

groups?

Dere Woga of the Gamo

The Gamo are among Omotic peoples of southern Ethiopia. Unlike their neighboring
people such as Wolayta and Dawro, the Gamo did not have a centralized political system.
The Gamo people were organized into several local administrations locally known as
deres. According to anthropological findings, there were more than 40 deres across the
Gamo highlands. Each dere had its own ka’o (king) and halaqa (elected leader). The
indigenous system of governance embraces the dere woga (customary law) and the
dubusha assemblies. The highest body of the indigenous governance is the dere dubusha,
a general assembly that is responsible to make and revise customary laws, resolve major
disputes that cannot be solved at the lower levels. The dubushas assembly has three
hierarchies: 1) the dere dubusha (at the top), sub-dere dubusha (at the middle), and
guta/neighborhood dubusha (at the village level). Minor cases and disputes are resolved
by the dere cima, council of elders. Like the Oromo Gada and the Gedeo Baalle, the
indigenous governance of the Gamo is embedded in the Gamo belief system. It is
believed that telling a lie and hiding the truth are considered as violation of taboo, which
would lead to spiritual pollution and then misfortunes including lack of fertility, illness,
and death of human beings and livestock.

Now, let us shift to indigenous institutions of conflict resolution and peace making. Now
let us shift to indigenous institutions of conflict resolution.

6.2 Intra and inter-ethnic conflict resolution institutions

Conflicts and disputes exist in every society and community. Conflicts may arise between
individuals, groups and communities within the same ethnic group. In some cases
conflicts may involve groups from different ethnic background. Peoples across Ethiopian
regions have indigenous institutions and mechanisms of conflict resolution and
peacemaking. These institutions are parts of indigenous systems of governance. Major
features of customary justice systems, institutions, and practices are discussed in this
section. As Ethiopia is a big multicultural country, we need to discuss these issues taking
some examples. You, as a student, are expected to read different materials and discuss
issues with your classmates to expand your knowledge.

There are different indigenous institutions of conflict resolution and peacemaking across
regions and cultures in Ethiopia. Authors use different terms to discuss these indigenous
institutions. The following are some of them: customary dispute resolution mechanisms;
traditional mechanisms of conflict resolution; grassroots justice systems; and customary
justice institutions. To get more information, see books edited by Alula Pankhurst and
Getache Assefa (2008) and Gebre Y., Fekade A. and Assefa F. (2011). In this module, we
use indigenous institutions of conflict resolution and customary/indigenous justice
systems interchangeably.

Study findings reveal variations and similarities among indigenous institutions of conflict
resolution in Ethiopia. Indigenous justice institutions and mechanisms share several
common aspects including the following:
  High involvement of elders at different stages of conflict resolution and
peacemaking process.
 Preference and respect for elders known for their qualities including experience in
dispute resolution; knowledge of customary laws, procedures, norms and values of

the society; impartiality, respect for rules and people; the ability of listening and
speaking politely; honesty and tolerance.
 Indigenous dispute resolution practices focus on restoring social relationships,
harmony, and peaceful coexistence.

Indigenous justice systems also have differences in terms of hierarchies, procedures and
level of complexities. For example,

 In some cultural settings, conflict resolution mechanisms involve several

hierarchies and complicated procedures;
 The compositions and responsibilities of council of elders also vary from society to
society. For example, different types of elders address different forms of disputes
in some cultural settings; whereas the same body of elders deal with various types
of disputes in other settings.
Reading

Getachew Assefa and Alula Pankhurst (2008) have outlined ten major
characteristics of indigenous dispute resolution in Ethiopia.
participation, voluntary and consensual proceedings, and forgiveness and
compensation are among the major features listed by the authors. Read the last
chapter Grassroots Justice in Ethiopia (2008) edited by Alula Pankhurst and
GetachewAssefa take note on major characteristics of indigenous dispute
resolution; their advantages and limitations in Ethiopia.

Indigenous/customary justice institutions have been widely used across Ethiopian regions
and cultures. With some exceptions, customary justice institutions include three major
components. The three components are 1) customary laws, 2) council of elders, and 3)
customary courts or assemblies.
Customary law: it refers to a body of rules, norms, and a set of moral values that serve as
a wider framework for human conduct and social interactions. The Sera of the Sidama,
the dere woga of the Gamo, the Seera Addaa of the Oromo; Gordena Sera of Kestane
Gurage are examples of customary laws. In most cases, customary laws are available
orally. Some customary laws are published in recent years. For example, the Sebat Bet
Gurage published their customary law named Kitcha: The Gurage Customary Law in
1998. Similarly, Kistane/Sodo Gurage have a written version of customary law known as
Gordena Shengo.

Council of elders: It is the second important institution of customary justice systems. The
council of elders embraces highly respected and well-experienced community members
who have a detail knowledge of the customary laws. Members of the elder’s council are
also known for their personal qualities such as truthfulness and experience in settling
conflicts. Elders often serve their communities on voluntary basis without any payment.
The number of the elders varies based on the nature of the case. The institution of council
of elders has different names in various ethnic groups: Yehager Shimagile (Amhara),
Jaarsaa Biyyaa (Oromo), Hayyicha (Gedeo), Guurtii (Somali), Dere Cima (Gamo), Deira
Cimma (Wolayita), and Cimuma (Burji).

Reflect your view on the following questions

The last three ethnic groups use similar terms to refer to council of elders:
Dere Cima (Gamo), Deria Cimma (Wolayita), and Cimuma

(Burji).

 How do you explain this similarity?

 Do you think that it is due to similarities in culture and language?

Customary courts are public assemblies that serve two major purposes: (a) hearing,
discussing and settling disputes, and (b) revising, adapting, and making laws.

As noted above, in most cases, indigenous justice systems in Ethiopia embrace three
major structures: customary laws, customary courts, and council of elders. Let us
summarize the Gamo customary justice system to portray the three major structures. The
customary justice system of the Gamo people of Southern Ethiopia has the following
branches: 1) Dere Woga, customary laws, 2) Dere Cima, council of elders, and 3)
Dubusha, customary courts or assemblies.

The three structures of Gamo customary justice system

The Dere Woga: It is a comprehensive body of rules and procedures that govern a wide
range of issues including inheritance, property ownership, marriage and divorce, conflict
resolution and gender division of labour.

The Dere Cima: Literally, dere cima means elders of the land/country. It includes notable
and respected elders experienced in resolving disputes. Elders serving in dispute
resolution are expected to have a sound knowledge of the customary laws, norms and
values of the community.

Dubusha: it is customary courts. Dere dubusha, the biggest customary court in a given
Gamo community, has two major functions: (a) hearing, discussing and resolving disputes,
and (b) revising and making laws. In most Gamo communities, the structure of the
customary courts has three levels: Guta dubusha, at the village level; sub-dere dubusha,
at the kebele level; and dere dubusha at the higher level. Cases would be heard at the guta
dubusha level, if not settled, referred to the second and third level of the structure.
According to the indigenous belief, dere dubusha is a sacred place where supernatural
power exists. It is a place where curses are uttered in its name; justice is delivered; and
important assemblies are held. Dubushas are places where truth prevails. Misconducts
such as telling a lie during dubusha assemblies are considered as transgression of taboos,
which in turn would bring misfortunes to individuals and communities. Customary courts
are easily accessible as each Gamo community has several customary courts [Sources:
Temesgen Minwagaw 2011; Getaneh Mehari 2016].

Strengths and limitations of customary justice systems/institutions

Study findings indicate that indigenous institutions of dispute resolution have strengths
and limitations. Some of their strengths and limitations are outlined below.

Strengths of customary justice institutions

  Incur limited cost in terms of time and resources/money; elders do not request
payment for their services; fines and compensation are relatively small;
 Conflict resolution process are held in public spaces in the community; different
parties (victims, offenders and community members) participate in the process;
decisions are communicated in public;

 Decisions are easily enforced through community-based sanctions including social

exclusion; compliance ensured through blessings and the threat of curses;
 Customary systems aimed at restoring community cohesion, social relations,
collective spirit and social solidarity
 Rely on respect for elders, the tradition of forgiveness, transferring compensations,
embedded in indigenous beliefs

Limitations of customary justice institutions

• Limitations related to protecting and safeguarding women’s rights. Indigenous

justice institutions are dominated by men. For example, the council of elders are
not open to elderly women. Women are excluded from participation at customary
courts and assemblies with a few exceptions.
• Indigenous institutions of dispute resolution and peacemaking are effective to
resolve dispute and restore peace within the same ethnic group. Their potential in
resolving inter-ethnic conflicts and restoring long-lasting peace is very limited.

Elders of neighboring ethnic groups work together in times of inter-ethnic

conflicts and settle disputes. However, indigenous institutions of conflict
resolution have limitations in restoring long-lasting peace when conflicts occur
between parties from two or more ethnic groups.

 How do you explain this problem?

 Is there a possibility of crafting hybrid institutions to resolve disputes

occurring between different ethnic groups? Discuss this issue among your
classmates.
6.3 Inter-ethnic conflict resolution
As noted above, one of the weaknesses of indigenous institution of peacemaking is their
limitation in resolving inter-ethnic conflicts. However, there are some example of
interethnic conflict resolution institutions in some parts of Ethiopia. Abbo Gereb is one of
the indigenous institutions that address inter-ethnic conflicts. It is a dispute resolution
institution in Rayya and Wajirat district, Southern Tigray. Abbo Gereb, literally means the
father of the river Gerewo. Abbo Gereb serves to settle disputes between individuals or
groups from highland Tigray and lowland Afar. Conflict between the two groups often
arise because of dispute over grazing land or water resources, particularly in dry season.
When conflict arises between parties from two ethnic groups, notable elders from Tigray
and Afar come together to resolve the dispute and restore peaceful relations. Most of the
elders involved in inter-ethnic conflict resolutions are bilingual: speaking Tigrigna and
Afar.2

Ethnographic findings also reveal the existence of inter-ethnic conflict resolution

mechanisms when conflicts arise between Afar, Issa, Tigrayans and Argobba. The
mechanisms of inter-ethnic disputes have different names. It is called Xinto among the
Afar,
Edible among the Issa, Gereb among the Tigrayans, and Aboroge among the Amhara.3

Although we have some studies on indigenous institutions of inter-ethnic conflict

resolution, this area is not well-studied.

Do you know institutions/mechanisms of conflict resolution that

address inter-ethnic conflicts? Bring your experience and knowledge

to class discussion!

2
Shimeles Gizaw and Taddese Gessese. (2008).
3
Alula Pankhurst and Getachew Assefa. (2008).
6.4 Women’s role in conflict resolution and peacemaking
Ethiopian women participate in the process of dispute settlement in exceptional cases. For
example, in some cultures, women participate in dispute settlement processes when cases
are related to marriage and women’s issues. Despite this weaknesses, women are not
completely excluded for indigenous systems of governance, conflict resolution, and
peacemaking activities. In some societies, women use their own institutions to exercise
power, protect their rights, and actively participate in peacemaking activities. The next
section discusses the role of women in conflict resolution and peacemaking.

The elderly have been playing an important role in settling disputes

and restoring peace. Their words and instructions were highly
respected across cultures in Ethiopia. Intra and inter-ethnic
conflicts have become common in our country in recent
years.
- What do you think are the causes of these conflicts?

- Is it related to the decline of respect for the elderly in recent

times?

- Or has the culture of peaceful coexistence deteriorated?

One of the limitations of customary justice systems, as noted above, is the marginalization
of women. In most cases, indigenous institution of conflict resolution are dominated by
men. This does not mean that women are completely excluded from conflict resolution
and peacemaking activities. Three examples that illustrate the role of women in conflict
resolution and peacemaking are outlined below. Read them and discuss issues related to
women’s role in peacemaking in Ethiopia.

Women’s peacemaking sticks4

Sidama women have two instruments of power: the Yakka and the Siqqo. The Yakka is women’s
association or unity group. The Siqqo is a stick that symbolizes peace and women honor. The

4
International Institute of Rural Reconciliation (IIRR). 2009.
Siqqoand the Yakka are closely associated. Mobilizing the Yakka and holding the Siqqo, Sidama
women stand for their customary rights. They do this, for example, when a woman is beaten up by
her husband or a pregnant woman is mistreated. For example, if a man prohibits his wife from
Yakka participation, the women group impose a fine on him. The fine could be an ox. If a woman
is illtreated by her husband, the Yakka leader (known as Qaritte) mobilizes the Yakka and leads
them to the house of the man. The husband would not have a choice when he is surrounded by the
Yakka holding their Siqqo shouting and singing. If he is found guilty, the man would be forced to
slaughter a sheep and give part of it to the Yakka. Sidama women also use their Siqqo to make
peace between quarrelling parties. Oromo women also have a peace stick called Sinqee. Sinqee
serves the purpose of protecting women’s rights and making peace. Quarrelling men stop fighting
when a woman stands between them holding her Sinqee.

The function of women’s peacemaking institutions such as Siqqo has been

declining. There are attempts to renew these institutions. The Walda Sinqee
Association was established to promote the use of the Sinqee as a means of
conflict resolution. The Association provide other services to women: refugee

centers for abused women, legal and financial support, and capacity building
trainings. Sinqee associations are now recognized and supported by women’s
affairs and culture and tourism offices in Oromia.

 Is strengthening women’s institutions important to foster peacemaking

in Ethiopia?

 Do you know other women’s peacemaking institutions in other parts

of Ethiopia? Discuss this issue in some detail

Don Kachel: Agnuak women peacemaking institution

Women in many regions of Ethiopia play an important role in peacemaking. Agnuak women have
a peacemaking institution known as Don Kachel (IIRR, 2009, p. 28)5. Literally, DonKachel means
‘let us all live in peace’. It involves a peace-making movement initiated by Jaye, a group of wise
and elderly Agnuak women. The Jaye start a peace-making movement based on information
gathered through women’s networking. The Jaye gather information about potential conflicts

5
International Institute of Rural Reconciliation (IIRR). 2009.
from different sources, including gossips spread in the community. The Jaye quickly act upon
receiving information about, for example, a heated argument that could lead to conflict and
fighting. The Jaye call the disputing parties for a meeting to settle the dispute. A few neutral
observers will also be invited to monitor the process of the meeting. After examining the
arguments of the two parties, the Jaye give their verdict. The party that caused the conflict request
for forgiveness in public and pay some compensation. A sheep or goat is slaughtered after the
conflict resolved; the meat is cooked and shared by participants of the meeting. Finally the Jaye
would announce the meeting is over, the problem resolved, using these words ‘Now let us all live
in peace together!’ The practice of Don Kachel is currently being adopted by other ethnic groups
including the Nuer, Mejenger, Opo, and Komo.

The role of women as mothers has been highly respected in Ethiopia. At times
of potential conflict, women, bearing their breast, would say the following to
stop conflicts: ‘please stop quarreling for the sake of my breast that feeds
you!’Women use powerful words such as ‘batebahuh tutie’ in Amharic
speaking areas to influence quarrelling individuals. Younger people used to
respect the words of mothers and the elderly.

 What do you observe in today’s Ethiopia?

 How far the youth respect words of mothers and parents?

 How do younger people respond to advice of the elderly?

 Where are we heading in this regard?

Women’s institution of reconciliation: Raya-Azebo, Tigray

Elderly and highly respected women in a village in Raya-Azebo, Tigray established a
reconciliation institution called the Debarte. The Debarte plays an important role in avoiding
harms associated with the culture of revenge. A man may kill another man in a fight. The incident
would trigger the feeling of revenge among male relatives of the murdered man. In such a tense
situation, the wife of the killer requests for the Debarte intervention. The Debarte quickly start
their intervention to stop the act of revenge. The Debarte instruct the murderer’s wife to gathering
her female relatives together. The wife and her female relatives get ready wearing their netela
upside down and covering their hair with black cloths to show their grief and regret. After these
preparations, the Debarte lead the female relatives of the killer to the home of the murdered man.
The women cry loudly while walking to their destination. As they come near to the home of the
killed person, they utter the following words: ‘Abyetye ezgio! Abyetye ezgio!’ ‘Oh God help us!
God help us! Upon their arrival at the compound of the victim, the Debarte kneel down and cover
theirheads with the dust of the compound. They beg the relatives/family of the murdered man to
give uprevenge and consider forgiveness. Initially, the relatives may not respond to the request;
however, they will change their mind and open the door to show their consent for reconciliation.
After persuading the victim’s relatives to give up revenge, the Debarte give the way for elders who
start the peace-making process.

Reflect your views on the following questions

 What do you think about the contribution of the

Debarte in
avoiding revenge and making peace?

 Do you know other women’s institutions involved in making peace?

 Do you think that women could play an important role in

peacemaking in the current situation of Ethiopia?

6.5 Legal pluralism: interrelations between customary, religious and state

legal systems
Legal pluralism is an important concept in disciplines that study legal issues. It refers to
the existence of two or more legal or justice systems in a given society or country. Legal
pluralism indicates the co-existence of multiple legal systems working side-by-side in the
same society. Legal pluralism is evident in the Ethiopian context. Multiple legal
institutions, including customary laws and courts, state laws and courts, and religious
laws and courts (e.g., the Sharia Law) work side-by-side in most parts of the country. The
FDRE Constitution provides ample space for religious and customary laws and courts to
address personal and family cases. The following two Articles show this reality.
  In accordance with provisions to be specified by law, a law giving
recognition to marriage concluded under systems of religious or
customary laws may be enacted (Article 34(4).
 Religious and customary courts that had state recognition and
functioning prior to the adoption of the Constitution shall be
organized on the basis of recognition accorded to them by the
Constitution. (Article 78(5))

Legal pluralism is a pervasive phenomenon in Ethiopia. This is because a single legal

system does not have a capability to address all legal cases and maintaining peace and
order.

Hence, the following justice institutions work side-by-side in most parts of the country,
especially in remote and rural areas: state/formal justice institutions, customary justice
institutions, and religious courts. The following figure shows the formal and customary
justice institutions working side-by-side in one of the districts in Gamo zone.
Three elements are portrayed in the figure above: 1) state justice institutions: state law,
districts court, and the police; 2) customary institutions: dere woga/customary law,
dubusha/customary court, and dere cima/council of elders; and 3) social court attached to
each kebele administration. The picture will be more complex if we add religious courts
such as the Sharia court which is very important in regions such as Afar, Somali, and
Harari.
 Reflect your views on the following questions

 What are the advantages and disadvantages of legal pluralism

(having multiple justice/legal systems/institutions)?

 Do you think that state justice institutions and customary justice institutions
support each other to maintain peace and order?

Discuss these and related issues among your classmates.

6.6 Unit Summary

Dear students, this unit discusses issues related to institutions of indigenous/local
governance, conflict resolution and peace making. We cannot completely avoid conflicts
in the social world. Societies have devised different institutions and mechanisms to
control, manage and resolve conflicts in order to maintain peace and social order. In this
unit, you have also discussed the role of women and women’s institutions in calming
quarrelling parties and making peace is also presented and discussed. You will have more
discussion on indigenous knowledge systems in the next unit.

6.7 Assessment Techniques:

The assessment methods to be used in this unit include; quiz, group assignment,
individual assignments, administering different examinations and mandatory reading
assignments.

6.8 Facilities Required:

White/Blackboard, LCD/Power Point Presentations, Whiteboard Markers.… etc.

Suggested Reading Materials

Alula Pankhurst and Getachew Assefa (Eds.). 2008. Grassroots Justice in Ethiopia: The
contribution of customary dispute resolution. Addis Ababa: French Center of Ethiopian
Studies.
Alula Pankhurst and GetachewAssefa. 2008. Understanding Customary Dispute
Resolution in Ethiopia. In Grassroots Justice in Ethiopia edited by Alula Pankhurst and
GetachewAssefa.

Dejene Gemechu. 2007. Conflict and conflict resolution among Waliso Oromo of Eastern
Macha, the case of the Guma. Addis Ababa University: Department of Sociology and
Social Anthropology

Gebre Yintso, Fekade Azeze, and Assefa Fiseha (Eds.). 2011. Customary dispute
resolution mechanisms in Ethiopia. Addis Ababa: The Ethiopian Arbitration and
Conciliation
Center.

Getaneh Mehari. 2014. Betwixt and Between? Culture and women’s rights in the context
of multiple legal and institutional settings, the Dorze case, south-western Ethiopia. PhD
Dissertation, Addis Ababa University.

Getachew Senishaw. 2014. The Nexus of Indigenous Ecological Knowledge, Livelihood

Strategies, and Social Institutions in Midland Gedeo Human-Environment Relations.
PHD dissertation, Department of Social Anthropology, Addis Ababa University.

International Institute of Rural Reconciliation (IIRR). 2009. Culture at Crossroads:

Ethiopian women in peace-making. Nairobi, Kenya.

Shimeles Gizaw and Taddese Gessese (2008). Customary Dispute Resolution in Tigray
Region: Case Studies from Three Districts. In Grassroots Justice in Ethiopia edited by
Alula Pankhurst and GetachewAssefa.

Tarekegn Adebo and Hannah Tsadik (Eds.) Making peace in Ethiopia: Five cases of
traditional mechanisms of conflict resolution. Addis Ababa: Master Printing Press.
 Unit Seven

7. Indigenous Knowledge Systems (IKS) and Practices

Study Hours: 8 Face to Face Hours

Dear Students!

You have discussed customary and local governance systems and peacemakingin Chapter
6. In this chapter, you will discuss issues related to indigenous knowledge systems and
practices. The chapter discusses who indigenous peoples are and their knowledge; special
features of indigenous peoples; significances of indigenous knowledge; indigenous
knowledge and development; preservation, challenges and limitations of indigenous
knowledge; and the erosion of indigenous knowledge systems. Dear students, as this is
modular course, your active participation is of vital importance.

Contents of the Unit:

In this part of this module, we will explore more about indigenous knowledge systems
(IKS). The conceptualizations of IKSs starting from definitional concerns to scholarly
agreed up on features and the development, significance and preservation of indigenous
knowledge will be highlighted.Finally, analysis is made on the challenges associated with
the decline and erosion of indigenous knowledge.

Unit Learning Outcomes:

Up on the successful completion of this unit, you will be able to:

 Identify who indigenous people are, and their knowledge

 Describe the significances of indigenous knowledge

 State the challenges facing indigenous knowledge

 Suggest viable ways of promoting and protecting IK
 7.1. Definition of concepts
7.1.1. Indigenous Knowledge Systems (IKS)
IKS is defined as technical insight of wisdom gained and developed by people in a
particular locality through years of careful observation and experimentation with the
phenomena around them. IKS is not just a set of information that is in the minds of the
people, which can be simply taped and applied. It is accessible by recall and practice
(Mangetane, 2001). IKS is embodied in culture and is described as an integrated pattern
of human knowledge, beliefs and behavior. It consists of language, ideas, beliefs, customs,
taboos, codes, institutions, tools, techniques, artifacts, rituals, ceremonies, folklores and
gender. This culture is passed down from one generation to the next generation and
generally it provides a holistic view of how to use natural resources based on traditional
ethical perspectives (Atteh,1991). Indigenous knowledge systems (IKS) refer to a body of
empirical knowledge and beliefs handed down through generations of long-time
inhabitants of a specific locale, by cultural transmission, about the relationship of living
beings with each other and their environment (Warren 1991).

In sum, IKS refers to “ a total of knowledge and practices, whether explicit or implicit,
used in the management of socioeconomic, ecological and spiritual facets of life (Hoppers,
2005: 2), stored in the collective memory and communicated orally among members of
the community and to the future generations [through, stories, myth, songs, etc].

7.1.2. Indigenous peoples, and Indigenous Knowledge

Indigenous peoples
In international context, while the term ‘indigenous’ is understood (mostly by Europeans)
as being similar or synonym to ‘traditional’, ‘aboriginal’, ‘vernacular’, ‘African’, ‘Black’,
and ‘native American’, the phrase ‘indigenous people' refers to a specific group of people
occupying a certain geographic area for many generations (Loubser, 2005). Indigenous
people possess, practice and protect a total sum of knowledge and skills constitutive of
their meaning, belief systems, livelihood constructions and expression that distinguish
them from other groups (Dondolo, 2005; Nel, 2005).

However, the concept “indigenous” is a social and historical construct with high political,
social, and economic stakes. Definitions of indigenous in international governing
organizations (IGOs), in indigenous communities, and in the academic literature are
highly contested. The World Bank's definition of indigenous peoples includes close
attachment to ancestral territories and the natural resources in them; presence of
customary social and political institutions; economic systems primarily oriented to
subsistence production; an indigenous language, often different from the predominant
language; and self-identification and identification by others as members of a distinct
cultural group (The world Bank in Corntassel, 2003:86).

Indigenousness, as defined by indigenous peoples, focuses on the relationship with the

community in which they live. In each definition the distinction between the communities
is cited. Both definitions also highlight the relationship of indigenous peoples to the
power structure within the state, noting that indigenous groups are disadvantaged or lack
control. Territory is also essential in the definitions. Being indigenous is about “continuity
of habitation, aboriginality, and often a ‘natural’ connection to the land” (Clifford
1997[1994]:287). For example, in the cosmology of Native Hawaiians the land is an
ancestor who gave birth to Hawaiians (Trask 1999). Thus, the relationship to the land is a
form of kinship. There is a sense of stewardship and of duty to not only use the resources
that the land gives for sustenance, but to do what each generation can to perpetuate the
health and fertility of the land.

Academic definitions focus on the following elements of indigenous identity: living in

tradition-based cultures, having political autonomy prior to colonialism, and seeking to
preserve cultural integrity in the present (Corntassel, 2003). They also recognize the role
of land to indigenous peoples—noting that they are descended from inhabitants of the
land they occupy (ibid).

In 1986, however, a working definition of Indigenous peoples was offered by the UN

Working Group on Indigenous Issues, developed within the comprehensive Study by
Martinez Cobo J. on the problem of discrimination against indigenous populations.
According to this definition:

Indigenous communities, peoples and nations are those which, having a

historical continuity with pre-invasion and pre-colonial societies that
developed on their territories, consider themselves distinct from other sectors
of the societies now prevailing on those territories, or parts of them. They
form at present non-dominant sectors of society and are determined to
preserve, develop and transmit to future generations their ancestral territories,
and their ethnic identity, as the basis of their continued existence as peoples, in
accordance with their own cultural patterns, social institutions and legal
systems (MartinezCobo, 1982).

In sum, despite the lack of an authoritative / formal universal definition for the concept of
indigenous peoples, the United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues (UNPFII)
sets outs distinguishing features as a guide for the identification of indigenous peoples
across the globe. This includes the:

• Self- identification as Indigenous peoples at the individual level and accepted by the
community as their member;
• Historical continuity with pre-colonial and/or pre-settler societies;
• Strong link to territories and surrounding natural resources;
• Distinct social, economic or political systems;
• Distinct language, culture and beliefs;
• Formation of non-dominant groups of society; and
• Resolve to maintain and reproduce their ancestral environments and systems as distinctive
peoples and communities (UNPFII, n.d. Available from:
https://www.un.org/esa/socdev/unpfii/documents/5session_factsheet1.pdf.).

Regarding their number, it is estimated that there are approximately 370 million
indigenous peoples live in some 90 countries across the world (Bartlett, 2007). While they
constitute 5 per cent of the world’s population, they make up 15 per cent of the world’s
disadvantaged. Of the 7,000 languages in the world today, it is estimated that more than
4,000 are spoken by the indigenous peoples (Edmund Jan Osmanczyk ed., 1990).
Practicing their respective unique traditions, indigenous people retain social, cultural,
economic and political characteristics which are distinct and different from those of the
larger societies in which they live (Bahar , 2010).

Spread across the world from the Arctic to the South Pacific, they are the descendants --
of those who inhabited a country or a geographical region at the time when people of
different cultures or ethnic origins arrived. The new arrivals later became dominant
through conquest, occupation, settlement or other means (UNPFII fact sheet, n.d.).

Reflect on the following questions

 Can you list some of the distinguishing features Indigenous peoples?

 Where and how do you think IK is stored and transmitted from one
generation to the next?

 How do the term ‘indigenous’ is understood by the western world?

Indigenous Knowledge (IK)

Literatures on indigenous knowledge does not provide a single definition of the concept.
This is in part due to the differences in background and perspectives of the authors,
ranging from social anthropology to agricultural engineering

According to Warren, indigenous knowledge is the local knowledge – knowledge that is

unique to a given culture or society. Since every population is unique in terms of its
environment, its resources, and its tools (both physical and conceptual), IK will also be
unique. IK contrasts with the international knowledge system generated by universities,
research institutions and private firms. It is the basis for local-level decision making in
agriculture, health care, food preparation, education, natural-resource management, and a
host of other activities in rural communities .

(Warren, 1991). For Kwaku and Morena (2010), IK is a unique local knowledge to a
given culture or society. IK exists in rural and urban societies as part of life that their
livelihood depends on specific skills and knowledge for survival.

The World Bank refers IK as a large body of knowledge and skills which is developed
outside the formal system including development planning, environmental assessment,
resource management, local conservation of biological resources, and conflict resolution
(World Bank, 1998).

IK has different but closely related names such as 'folk knowledge', 'local knowledge or
wisdom', 'non-formal knowledge', 'culture', 'indigenous technical knowledge', 'traditional
ecological knowledge', 'traditional knowledge', and others. All these terms have similar
concepts and refer to how members of a community perceive and understand their
environment and resources, particularly the way they convert those resources through
labor(Akabogu, 2002).

In sum, indigenous knowledge is the knowledge that people in a given community have
developed over time, and that continues to develop. It is based on experience, often tested
over centuries of use, adapted to local culture and environment, dynamic and changing
(International Institute of Rural Reconstruction, IIRR, 1996).

Reflect on the following questions

 Who are indigenous people?

What is indigenous Knowledge?

7.1.3. Special Features of Indigenous Knowledge

Ellen and Harris (1996) identified the following special features of indigenous knowledge
that distinguish it broadly from other knowledge. As to them IK is:

1. Local, in that it is rooted in a particular community and situated within broader cultural
traditions; it is a set of experiences generated by people living in those communities.
Separating the technical from the non-technical, the rational from the non-rational
could be problematic. Therefore, when transferred to other places, there is a potential
risk of dislocating IK.

2. Tacit knowledge and, therefore, not easily codifiable.

3. Transmitted orally, or through imitation and demonstration. Codifying it may lead to
the loss of some of its properties.

4. Experiential rather than theoretical knowledge. Experience and trial and error,
tested in the rigorous laboratory of survival of local communities constantly reinforce
IK.

5. Learned through repetition, which is a defining characteristic of tradition even when

new knowledge is added. Repetition aids in the retention and reinforcement of IK.

6. Constantly changing, being produced as well as reproduced, discovered as well as lost;

though it is often perceived by external observers as being somewhat static

Reflect on the following questions

 Can you list some of the distinguishing features Indigenous peoples?

 Where and how do to you think IK is stored and transmitted from one generation to
the next?

7.2 Significance of indigenous knowledge

Until relatively recently, the development of a community’s conception of knowledge was
influenced primarily by the philosophy and methods of western science. “Few, outside of
some anthropologists and historians recognized that there are numerous sciences
embedded in cultures of other peoples and civilizations throughout the world (Davies, S.
and Ebbe, K., editors, 1995).

Today, however, both scholars and public policy makers are recognizing the importance of
various local or culture-based knowledge systems in addressing the pressing problems of
development and the environment” (ibid).

Indigenous knowledge is important in that people in a community value whatever

resource they get from the environment through sustainable production systems. These
communities are conscious of the need to self-reliant in capital stocks and management
skills ( Mangetane et al, 2001).
The knowledge of local people is an enabling component of development. In this regard; a
large percentage of the earth's genetic diversity has been maintained and managed through
farmer's IKS ( Dewes,1993).

Indigenous knowledge system enable people to develop strategies for handling household
and communal activities (Mangetane et al., 2001). For example in Ethiopia Debo and Jige
are an important uniting forces in communal activities. Members of the community unite
to provide essential inputs, including direct labor to operations. ''This deployment of
manpower is strongly supported by IKS, which is composed of technologies, rules,
information, approaches, and relationships that are vital to sustainable development''
(Kalawole, 2001).

Over the years, IKS authorities (elders) make local rules to protect important resources
such as useful plants, water bodies, stone terracing, agro-forestry, watersheds and rivers,
food preservations, conflict management, calendar, fallowing as a soil regeneration
practice, etc. According to Paula Puffer Paula (1995), indigenous / local knowledge can
help find the best solution to a development challenges. For example, familiarity with
local knowledge can help extensionists and researchers understand and communicate
better with local people.

In general, indigenous knowledge is an important part of the lives of the poor. IK is a key
element of the “social capital” of the poor; their main asset to invest in the struggle for
survival, to produce food, to provide for shelter or to achieve control of their own lives.
Furthermore, one cannot overlook indigenous knowledge’s ability to provide effective
alternatives to Western know-how. IK offers local people and their development workers
further options in designing new projects or addressing specific problems and wider
disasters. Instead of relying on imported Western technologies, people in the developing
nations can choose from readily available indigenous knowledge or, where appropriate,
combine indigenous and Western technology.

However, it is important to note that not all indigenous practices are beneficial to the
sustainable development of a local community; and not all IK can a priori provide the
right solution for a given problem. Typical examples are slash and burn agriculture and
female circumcision. Hence, before adopting IK, integrating it into development
programs, or even disseminating it, practices need to be scrutinized for their
appropriateness just as any other technology. (A frame work for action, 1998).

Reflect on the following questions

 Why do we study indigenous knowledge?

 Do you think indigenous knowledge is an important part of the lives of the

indigenous people? How?

7.3. Indigenous knowledge and development

Needless to mention again, indigenous knowledge refers to what indigenous people know
and do, and what they have known and done for generations – practices that evolved
through trial and error and proved flexible enough to cope with change (Melchias, 2001).

Indigenous knowledge passes from one generation to the next and enable indigenous
people to survive, manage their natural resources and the ecosystems surrounding them
like animals, plants, rivers, seas, natural environment, economic, cultural and political
organization. Knowledge of these elements form a set of interacting units known as
indigenous coping systems. In other words, ''IK is relevant to development process such
as agriculture, animal husbandry, traditional medicine, saving and credit, community
development, poverty alleviation, and peaceful coexistence'' ( Boven and Morohashi,
2002).

Indigenous knowledge may help identify cost-effective and sustainable mechanisms for
poverty alleviation that are locally manageable and meaningful. It increases and enhances
livelihood options, revitalize agriculture, increase food security, improve health and
promote a sense of cultural pride within the community (Kudzayi et al, 2013). Many
plants currently growing wild in the ancestral domain produce natural dye, fiber, detergent
and natural oil. Several plants in the ancestral domain have medicinal uses. Chemical
compounds of these plants could be identified for the production of organic medicine
(ibid).''Indigenous knowledge is used at the local level by communities as the basis for
decisions pertaining to food security, human and animal health, education, natural
resources management, and other vital activities'' (Nicolas, 2000).

Nicolas further states that indigenous institutions, indigenous technology, and low-cost
approaches can increase the efficiency of development programs because IK is a locally
owned and managed resource. Utilizing IK helps to increase the sustainability of
development efforts because the IK integration process provides for mutual learning and
adaptation, which in turn contributes to the empowerment of local communities.

Since efficiency, effectiveness, and sustainability are key determinants of the quality of
development work, harnessing indigenous knowledge has a clear development business
case. Early indications point to significant improvements in development project quality,
if IK is leveraged with modern technologies. Building on IK systems also empowers local
communities. Empowerment, especially of the poor, is a core objective of most
development efforts( ibid ).

According to the 1998/99 World Development Report, knowledge, not capital, is the key
to sustainable social and economic development. Building on local knowledge, the basic
component of any country’s knowledge system, is the first step to mobilize such capital.

As to the same report, the challenge for the development community is to find better ways
to learn about indigenous institutions and practices and where necessary adapt modern
techniques (i.e., “global best practices”) to the local practices. Only then will global
knowledge be rendered relevant to the local community needs. The key factor in the
adaptation process is the involvement of those who possess indigenous knowledge. A
study of 121 rural water projects in 49 countries found that 70 percent succeeded when
the intended beneficiaries participated in project design, compared to a 10 percent success
rate among programs where they did not.6

In sum, indigenous knowledge is the knowledge that helps a society make decisions about
activities, such as agriculture and education, that are acceptable to their life ways.
Indigenous knowledge, along with western- based knowledge, helps create development

6
1998/99 World development Report: Knowledge for Development.
solutions that are culturally acceptable by the community. In the past, such knowledge has
been ignored and development solutions have been created that were not economically
feasible or culturally acceptable by the local community. When western scientific ideas
are paired with indigenous knowledge systems, researchers going overseas or working
with local communities can prepare an initial development plan that has a complete
picture (Puffer, 1995).

Reflect on the following questions

Can you list some of the major features of IK?

List the different but closely related names of IK.

7.4. Preservation, Challenges and Limitations of IK

Indigenous knowledge, which has generally been passed from generation to generation by
word of mouth, is in danger of being lost unless it is formally documented and preserved
(Amare, 2009). The future of IK, that reflects many generations of experience and
problem solving by thousands of indigenous people across the globe, is uncertain (Warren,
2004).

The loss of IK would impoverish society because, just as the world needs genetic
diversity of species, it needs diversity of knowledge systems (Labelle, 1997). The rapid
change in the way of life of local communities has largely accounted for the loss of IK.
Younger generations underestimate the utility of IK systems because of the influence of
modem technology and education (Ulluwishewa, 1999).

If IK is not recorded and preserved, it may be lost and remain inaccessible to other
indigenous systems as well as to development workers. Development projects cannot
offer sustainable solutions to local problems without integrating local knowledge (Warren,
1991).
"Since IK is essential to development, it must be gathered, organized and disseminated,
just like Western knowledge''(Agrawal, 1995 in Amare, 2009). As IK is the key to local-
level development, ignoring people’s knowledge leads possibly to failure. Similarly, ''one
should not expect all the expertise for third world development to come from developed
nations, academic institutions, multinational corporations or NGOs'' (Amare, 2009). In the
face of dwindling resources available to African countries, and noting that even the
industrialized nation governments cannot provide for all the needs of the people, it has
been suggested that IK, and the technical expertise developed there from become vital
tools for rural development(Atte, 1989).

Regarding the challenges and limitations of IK, Amare (2009) states the following :

Although the knowledge of indigenous communities has been found to be very useful, the,
exploitation of natural resources, and increased competition for employment, has set off a
problematic chain of events. This modernization has influenced indigenous traditional
spread of industrialization threatens the preservation and continued development of IK
systems (Sherpa, 2005). Industrialization, along with its attendant processes of
urbanization African which generate IK and practices can break down. Added to this is the
commercial society in many ways and Ethiopia is no exception.

IK can also be eroded by wider economic and social forces. Pressure on indigenous
peoples to integrate with larger societies is often great and, as they become more
integrated, the social structures pressure by multinational agrochemical companies eager
to break into new markets (Thrupp, 1989). As Grenier (1998) puts it: “the growth of
national and international markets, the imposition o f educational and religious systems
and the impact o f various development processes are leading more and more to the
“homogenization” o f the world’s cultures. Consequently, indigenous beliefs, values,
customs, know-how and practices may be altered and the resulting knowledge base
incomplete.

As with scientific knowledge, ( Amare, 2009), IK has the following limitations and
drawbacks and these must be recognized as well:

IK is sometimes accepted uncritically because of naive notions that whatever indigenous

people do is naturally in harmony with the environment. Thrupp (1989) argues that we
should reject “romanticized and idealistic views of local knowledge and traditional
 societies”. There is historical and contemporary evidence that indigenous peoples have
also committed environmental sins’ through over-grazing, over-hunting, or over-
cultivation of the land. It is misleading to think of IK as always being ‘good’, ‘right or
‘sustainable’.

Quite often the overlooked feature of IK, which needs to be taken into account, is that,
like
scientific knowledge, sometimes the knowledge which local people rely on is wrong or
even harmful. Practices based on, for example, mistaken beliefs, faulty experimentation,
or inaccurate information can be dangerous and may even be a barrier to improving the
wellbeing of indigenous people.

Doubleday (2003) pointed out that knowledge is power, so individuals are not always
willing
to share knowledge among themselves, or with outsiders. Knowledge is a source of
status and income (as is the case, for example, with a herbalist) and is often jealously
guarded. A related issue is that some indigenous peoples fear that their IK will be
misused, and lacking the power to prevent such abuses, they choose to keep quiet.

Reflect your views on the following questions

How can we preserve IK?

Why IK is conside red as an important part of the lives of the

indigenous peoples?

Do you think as with scientific knowledge, IK has limitations? How?

7.5. The Erosion of Indigenous Knowledge Systems(IKS)

Despite the fact that some IK is lost naturally as techniques and tools are modified or fall
out of use, the recent and current rate of loss is accelerating because of rapid population
growth, growth of international markets, educational systems, environmental degradation,
and development processes — pressures related to rapid modernization and cultural
homogenization (Louise Grenier, 1998). Below, some examples are given by Grenier to
illustrate these mechanisms:
• With rapid population growth—often due to in-migration or government relocation
schemes in the case of large development projects, such as dams — standards of living
may be compromised. With poverty, opportunities for short-term gain are selected over
environmentally sound local practices. With increasing levels of poverty, farmers, for
example, may also have less time and fewer resources to sustain the dynamic nature of IK
systems through their local experiments and innovations.
• The introduction of market-oriented agricultural and forestry practices focused on
monocropping is associated with losses in IK and IK practices, through losses in
biodiversity and cultural diversity. For instance, policies promoting generic rice and wheat
varieties devalue locally adapted species. With the ready availability of many commercial
foods, some biodiversity seems to become less relevant, such as seed and crop varieties
selected over the years for their long-term storage attributes.
• In the short term, chemical inputs seem to reduce the need to tailor varieties to difficult
growing conditions, contributing to the demise of local varieties.
• With deforestation, certain medicinal plants become more difficult to find (and the
knowledge or culture associated with the plants also declines).
• More and more knowledge is being lost as a result of the disruption of traditional channels
of oral communication. Neither children nor adults spend as much time in their
communities anymore (for example, some people travel to the city on a daily basis to go
to school, to look for work, or to sell farm produce; many young people are no longer
interested in, or do not have the opportunity for, learning traditional methods). It is harder
for the older generation to transmit their knowledge to young people.
• As IK is transmitted orally, it is vulnerable to rapid change — especially when people are
displaced or when young people acquire values and lifestyles different from those of their
ancestors.
• Farmers traditionally maintained their indigenous crop varieties by keeping household seed
stocks and by obtaining seed through traditional family and community networks and
through exchanges with nearby communities. Some of these traditional networks have
been disrupted or no longer exist.
• In the past, outsiders (for example, social, physical, and agricultural scientists, biologists,
colonial powers) ignored or maligned IK, depicting it as primitive, simple, static, “not
knowledge,” or folklore. This historic neglect (regardless of its cause — racism,
ethnocentrism, or modernism, with its complete faith in the scientific method) has
contributed to the decline of IK systems, through lack of use and application. This legacy
 is still continued, as a result of which many professionals are still skeptical (Louise
Grenier, 1998).

Also, in some countries, official propaganda depicts indigenous cultures and

methodologies as backward or out of date and simultaneously promotes one national
culture and one language at the expense of minority cultures. Often, formal schooling
reinforces this negative attitude. Local people’s perceptions (or misperceptions) of local
species and of their own traditional systems may need to be rebuilt. Some local people
and communities have lost confidence in their ability to help themselves and have become
dependent on external solutions to their local problems (ibid).

In sum, indigenous peoples often have much in common with other neglected segments of
societies, i.e. lack of political representation and participation, economic marginalization
and poverty, lack of access to social services and discrimination. Despite their cultural
differences, the diverse indigenous peoples share common problems also related to the
protection of their rights.

Reflect on the following summary questions

What are the factors that contribute to the loss of IK?

 Why do the recent and current rate of loss of IK is

accelerating?

 Why do we preserve IK?

 Do you think all indigenous practices are beneficial to the sustainable development of a local
community? How?

7.6. Unit summary

Dear Students!

In this unit we have addressed the most important concepts, aspects and dimensions of
indigenous knowledge as system of knowledge. We have seen that Indigenous knowledge
is defined as technical insight of wisdom gained and developed by people in a particular
locality through years of careful observation and experimentation with the phenomena
around them. IKS is embodied in culture and is described as an integrated pattern of
human knowledge, beliefs and behavior. the concept “indigenous” is a social and
historical construct with high political, social, and economic stakes… indigenous is about
pre-invasion, pre-colonial continuity of habitation, aboriginality, and often a ‘natural’
connection to the land. IK as a large body of knowledge and skills which is developed
outside the formal system including development planning, environmental assessment,
resource management, local conservation of biological resources, and conflict resolution
characterized usually by being locally distributed and owned by communities (groups or
individuals) as a tacit, repetitive, oral, usually practical and experiential and always in
some form of flux. The significance of IK has been being recognized by development
actors and practitioners of sustainable development across all levels. Hence, since IK is
essential to development, it must be preserved as in being gathered, recorded, organized
and disseminated knowledge. Recently, however, IK is facing real multifaceted challenges
related to modernization schemes and cultural homogenization attempts including but not
exclusively of fast-tracked population growth, economic and market globalization,
advances in educational systems, environmental degradation, and top-down development
plans and programs.

7.7. Assessment Techniques:

The assessment methods to be used in this unit include; quiz, group assignment,
individual assignments, administering different examinations and mandatory reading
assignments.

7.8. Facilities Required:

White/Blackboard, LCD/Power Point Presentations, Whiteboard Markers .… etc.
Suggested Reading Materials
Agrawal, A. (1995) Dismantling the divide between indigenous and scientific knowledge.
Development and Change 26(3): 413-39.
Amare Desta. (2009). Comprehending Indigenous Knowledge: An Ethnographic Study of
Knowledge Processes within Natural Resource Management. Information
Systems and Innovation Group. Submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
Department of Management. London School of Economics. Published by
ProQuest LLC 2014. USA

Atteh OD (1991). Indigenous local knowledge as key to local–level development:

possibilities,
constrains and planning issues in the context of Africa. Seminar on Reviving local
Self-reliance: Challenges for rural/regional development in Eastern and Southern
Africa, Arusha. Tanzania, 21-24 February.

Bahar Abdi (2010). The Emerging International Law on Indigenous Peoples’ Rights: A
Look at the Ethiopian Perspective. Master's thesis submitted to the faculty of law,
Addis Ababa University in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the degree
LLM in Public International Law.

Brokensha, D., Warren, D. and Werner. O. (1997) Indigenous knowledge systems and
development. Lanham: University Press o f America.

Christopher. TafaraGadzirayi, Edward Mutandwa , Jordan Chihiya, And Chikosha Mary.

(2006). Indigenous knowledge systems in sustainable utilization of wetlands
in communal areas of Zimbabwe: case of Hwedza district. African Journal of
Agricultural Research Vol. 1 (4), pp. 131-137. Bindura, Zimbabwe, Africa
(Available online at http://www.academicjournals.org/AJAR).

ChiwanzalKudzayi Maxwell C.C. Musingafi PaulMupa. (2013). Challenges in

Preserving
 Indigenous Knowledge Systems: Learning From Past Experiences. Information
and Knowledge Management www.iiste.org. Vol.3, No.2, 2013

Clifford, James. 1997 [1994]. “Diasporas.” Pp. 283-90 in The Ethnicity Reader:
Nationalism, Multiculturalism, and Migration, edited by M. Guibernau and J.
Rex. Cambridge, UK: Polity Press.

Corntassel, Jeff J. (2003). “Who is Indigenous? ‘People hood’ and Ethno nationalist
Approaches
to Rearticulating Indigenous Identity.” Nationalism and Ethnic Politics 9:75-100.
Dondolo, L. (2005). Intangible Heritage: The production of indigenous knowledge in various
aspects of social life. In Indilinga: African Journal of Indigenous Knowledge
Systems. Volume 4 Number 6. pp. 110 -126.

Davies, S. and Ebbe, K. (1995) Traditional knowledge and sustainable development;

proceedings of a conference, held at the World Bank in September 1993, World
Bank, environmentally sustainable development proceedings Series No. 4,
Washington D.C.

Dewes W (1993). Traditional Knowledge and sustainable development in Southern Africa.

Proceedings of a Conference held at the World Bank, Washington D.C, Sept 27-28,
Environmentally Sustainable Proceedings, Series No 4

Doubleday, N.C. (2003). Finding common ground: natural law and collective wisdom. In Inglis,
J., ed., Traditional ecological Knowledge: concepts and cases. International Program on
Traditional Ecological Knowledge; International Development Research Centre, Ottawa,
ON, Canada, pp. 41-53

Edmund Jan Osmanczyk (ed ): Inter-American Charter of Social Guaranties, at Art. 39

(1948),
reprinted in Encyclopedia of the United Nations and International Relations,
(1990), pp.432-433

Ellen Carm (2014). Inclusion of Indigenous Knowledge System (IKS) – A Precondition for
Sustainable Development and an Integral Part of Environmental Studies. Journal
of Education and Research March 2014, Vol. 4, No. 1, pp. 58-76
Ellen, R. and Harris, H (1996). Concepts of indigenous environmental knowledge in
scientific
and development studies literature - A critical assessment; draft paper East-West
Environmental Linkages Network Workshop 3, Canterbury

Flavier JM (1995).The regional program for the promotion of indigenous knowledge in

Asia,
in Warren, D.M., L.J. Slikkerveer and D. Brokensha (eds.) The cultural
dimension of development: Indigenous knowledge systems. London:
Intermediate Technology Publications. pp. 479-487.

Geusau, L.A. Wongprasert, S. Trakansupakon, P. (2002) Regional development in northern

Thailand: its impact on highlanders. In Johnson, M., ed., Lore: capturing traditional
environmental knowledge. Dene Cultural Institute; International Development Research Centre,
Ottawa, ON, Canada, pp. 143-163.

Grenier, L. (1998) Working with Indigenous Knowledge: A Guide for Researchers. IDRC,
Ottawa, Canada

Hoppers, C.O. (2005).Culture, Indigenous Knowledge and Development: The role of the
university. Centre for Education Policy Development. Occasional paper No. 5

International Institute of Rural Reconstruction. (1996). Recording and using indigenous

knowledge: A manual. Philippines: Author.

Judith G. Bartlett et al, (2007). Identifying Indigenous Peoples for Health Research in A
Global Context: A Review of Perspectives and Challenges. International Journal
of Circumpolar Health, vol. 66, No.4, (2007), p.288

Kalinda Griffiths (2018). Statistics, rights and recognition: the identification of

Indigenous peoples . A paper prepared for the 16th Conference of IAOS OECD
Headquarters, Paris, France, 19-21 September 2018

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