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The Handys and Pukui write that commoners were of the same stock as alii according to
genealogical history (Malo 1951: 88 in Handy and Handy 1972: 323-324). The konohiki did not
arbitrarily issue demands to the commoners, subordinate though they were. Events such as these
reinforce the value of communicating knowledge for the betterment of all.”. These extraordinary
capabilities equate to extraordinary mana, and this gives aumakua higher rank in the family than
ordinary human beings. Meyer, Manulani Aluli. 1998. Native Hawaiian epistemology: contemporary
narratives. D.Ed. diss., Harvard University. Economic functions were now sharply segregated along
class lines, subject to enforcement by the ones who held power. Many other well-known researchers
not mentioned by Cordy have written about contact with Tahiti in this era. Before removal, threats
were made, and sometimes dwellings were burnt (Ii 1959: 29, Kirch and Sahlins 1992 I: 71, 87 in
Cordy 2000: 53). Another chief, Moikeha, took two wives, Hinaaulua and Hooipoikamalanai of the
Puna family that had recently arrived on Kauai (Fornander 1996: Appendix IX, Kamakau 1991: 77,
106, Kamakau 1992b: 449; in Cachola-Abad 2000: 287). If the alii or his agent in charge of the
ahupuaa did not meet the quota expected at makahiki he could be replaced (Malo 1951: 145).
Kanahele writes that conspicuously consuming chiefs relied heavily on the toil and loyalty of lesser-
status people (Kanehele 1995: 52). He states that the Kamehameha pedigree reached back 99
generations, but that makaainana had “little genealogical depth” (Goldman 1970: 216, 235). Kirch
also seems to accept the idea that cultural change could possible come with migrations. Goldman
holds that commoners labored and produced food for the chiefs, and supplied tribute during
makahiki. So Kirch, like Goldman, seems to accept theoretically that mana when it manifests in the
human realm is not specially limited to those with chiefly genealogies. Similarly, there are more
opportunities for younger scholars already immersed in Hawaiian culture to access such academic
fields as archaeology and linguistics. The alii nui did this in part by again heeding the advice of
experts and counselors in many areas of governance, including food production (Van Dyke 2008: 15;
Young 1998: 74). However, this challenge can be overcome by those willing to engage both sides.
Punaaikoa of Kauai, Liloa of Hawaii Island and many others were remembered in the traditions as
catering to the needs of the lesser chiefs and respecting their rights to the lands to which they had
been assigned (Kalakaua 1990: 124 in Cachola- Abad 2000: 282; Cachola-Abad 2000: 335;
Fornander 1996: 143, Kamakau 1992b: 75 in Cachola-Abad 2000: 417). The anthropologists see
radical societal changes that primarily affected the makaainana. She writes that, “The last generation
of chiefs who arrived from Kahiki redefined the roles of alii” (Cachola-Abad 2000: 264). But it is
also clear that many of the traditionalists see other things happening. Kila, son of Laamaikahiki of
the line of Paumakua of Oahu, is noted for being industrious alii that cultivated Waipio Valley in
Hamakua, Hawaii Island. Alii nui who did not respect the property rights of their subjects eventually
had to face the consequences. Therefore the idea of inland expansion being a major factor in the
establishment of self-sufficient communities and changes within those communities, as in the
development of the ahupuaa system, is less applicable on Oahu (Cordy 2002a: 46-47). Only he could
wear capes made solely of rare yellow feathers from honeycreepers (Kaeppler 1985: Malo 1951: 77
in Cordy 2000: 57). Makaainana were responsible for virtually all agricultural production: food,
apparel, status goods like the brightly colored feathers for cloaks and capes, logs for the double-
hulled canoes often 70 used in warfare, while the alii filled virtually all administrative positions
(Malo 1951: 18, 61 in Hommon 1976: 68; Malo 1951: 60-61, 64 in Hommon 1976: 72-73; Hommon
1976: 89; Buck 1964: 578-80, Kamakau 1961: 62, Malo 1951: 76-77 in Hommon 1976: 116).
Although the konohiki was an important middle manager, the overall responsibility of meeting the
needs of the tenant farmers fell on his superiors. Buck 1949, Handy 1923, Henry 1928: 229-230,
Kirch 1984 Goldman 1970 in Cachola-Abad 2000: 80). Their universe was not structured into
separate realms of heaven and earth.
They brought from the south the dynastic patterns and superimposed them on the landmen (Handy
and Handy 1972: 77-78). In contrast to the anthropologists’ view that the work in the koele and
other fields and the subsequent production was to benefit the alii class, the context that many of the
traditionalists write about can perhaps be summarized as a mutually beneficial arrangement of
payment for services rendered. Henry, Teiura. 1928. Ancient Tahiti. Bishop Museum Bulletin 48. The
kapu system also governed the behavior of ordinary men and women in their daily lives, prohibiting
women from consuming such items as pork or bananas, and requiring that the food of men and
women be cooked in separate earth ovens” (Kirch 1985: 7; Kirch gives very similar information in
2010: 40). Further evidence that calls anthropologist conclusions about Hawaii’s history into doubt
can be seen in other biases that may inform their writing. And Marion Kelly and Kehau Cachola-
Abad do use archaeological information that is emphasized to a much greater degree by
anthropologists. And something perhaps to be expected is found in the bibliographies of the writers
examined. Northwestern University: Department of Anthropology. 2011. Faculty 2011: Timothy
Earle. Professor Amy Hubbard, chair of the steering committee and chair of the Department of
Communicology said, “Graduate students must be able to share their research, not only with other
scholars, but also with family, friends, and the community. A glance at Kirch and Sahlins (Anahulu:
the Anthropology of History in the Kingdom of Hawaii, 1992) reveals that most of that work is
dedicated to times in the nineteenth century. Laie, Hawaii: The Pacific Institute, Brigham Young
University -Hawaii. ------. 2005b. Classical Hawaiian education: Generations of Hawaiian culture.
Punaaikoa of Kauai was loved by the people for being compassionate to the makaainana, catered to
the needs of the lesser chiefs (Kalakaua 1990: 124 in Cachola-Abad 2000: 282). In later times,
commoner lineages passed down orally from earlier times were eventually preserved in family Bibles
after the early nineteenth-century. As a result much was lost (Cordy 2000: 86; Handy and Handy
1972: 77-78, 484; Kane 1997: 16). This, coupled with the relative isolation of Polynesian island
places until western contact, validates the method that to compare and contrast aspects of Polynesian
society and culture is sound (Kirch 2000: 300; Kirch 2010: 8; Kirch and Green 2001: 213). The
anthropologists generally emphasize these mechanisms only in terms of alii controls on makaainana.
United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, 2011. Earle interprets these as
signs of an increased control over 58 commoner labor which shows a growing differential between
the commoners who did the work and the chiefs who managed their efforts and benefitted while
consolidating their political power (Earle 1997: 44). Goldman, like Cordy, spends very little time
discussing anything that may be considered rank among makaainana. In this chapter I have
presented the views of several anthropologists and traditionalists as they have examined genealogy
and rank in ancient Hawaiian society after the formalization of the ahupuaa system. Not only is there
nothing apart from this world, but all things are descended from the same source and are therefore
genealogically related (Charlot 2005b: 65-66, 85-87, 144; Kameeleihiwa 1992: 23; Maly 2001: 3;
McGregor 2007: 18; Young 1998: 76-77). Applying an estimate of twenty year per generation to the
genealogies, the sons of Maweke, Mulielealii, Keaunui, and Kalehenui were in control of all the
districts of Oahu except Koolauloa from 1320-1340 CE (Cordy 2002a: 20-23). Marion Kelly
received her M.A. from Columbia in 1954. Hawaii National Park, Hawaii Macappleville Press. ------.
1995. Hele wawae, walk feet: Historic resource values report on shoreline foot-paths of the island of
Hawaii. However, this challenge can be overcome by those willing to engage both sides. This larger
group was composed of several allied kainga (Cordy 2000: 114; Kirch 1985: 293; Kirch 2010: 16-19;
Kirch and Green 2001: 235). This was chiefly mana, an invisible force flowing through the persons
of men and women of perfect pedigree to benefit the entire community, manifesting as good
governance, security, and prosperity for all” (Kane 1997: 32-34). Approaches using an average
number of years per generation have been made. Another reason to think that the oral traditions are
valuable as historical text is that the ones who know most about the traditions, the experts who have
spent many years in its intensive study, say that this is so. McGregor, Davianna Pomaikai. 2007. Na
kuaaina: Living Hawaiian culture.
Kirch does offer an explanation, but it is quite different than the explanation offered by some
traditionalist writers. Some like Kehau Cachola-Abad and Edith McKinzie have spent years
researching the oral traditions to gain and then to pass down to future generations the knowledge of
chiefly lives and their genealogies. Another reason to think that the oral traditions are valuable as
historical text is that the ones who know most about the traditions, the experts who have spent many
years in its intensive study, say that this is so. Goldman holds that the indigenous oral traditions at
the very least represent the Polynesian viewpoint on their own history (Goldman 1970: xii). To some
traditionalist writers like Charlot, Kameeleihiwa, and Maly, genealogy is much more (Charlot 2005b:
65-66, 85-87; Kameeleihiwa 1992: 19-21; Maly 2001: 3). Within the luakini, rituals were conducted
for success in warfare and agriculture. 55 Participants were the ruler, chiefs and commoner aides,
and priests. Numerous offerings, including human sacrifice, would accompany the return of Ku to
prominence (Cordy 2000: 62). It is more accurate to say that the obligations of alii to makaainana are
sometimes mentioned but not emphasized. Although Goldman does not specifically state that
craftsmen had mana, he does not deny it either, and seems to afford them status towards the
aristocracy, who did possess mana. On succession of a new paramount to the throne, the hale naua
ritual would identify those individuals who could prove a genealogical tie to the paramount within
ten generations (Cordy 2000: 57).21 These would become the bulk of the kingdom’s chiefs; those
who could not would be the commoners (Cordy 2000: 50). Kirch states that these highest chiefs
were called alii akua, “god-kings” (Kamakau 1961: 4; Malo 1951: 54; Valeri 1985: 143). By 1600
CE, approximately around the reign of Umi a Liloa, the disintegration of the kinship relationship
between chiefs and commoners was well under way (Hommon 1976: 277; Hommon 2001: 147).
They see the formalization of the ahupuaa system not as win-lose, in which a small group of elites
benefits from the work of the masses, but instead they see a win-win dynamic in which all parties
prosper. In the passage he cites, Kameeleihiwa does not stop with just a separation of male and
female, but provided a broader context that is absolutely fundamental: that kapu is essential for
social order and harmony. Centralization of power was therefore taken to a new level with the
extension of sovereignty to parts of other islands, to culminate in the ascendency of Kamehameha
over the entire archipelago by the first years of the nineteenth century. Because alii can specifically
recall their genealogical lineages that link them to the divine parents and the godly realms, they have
a closer connection to these realms than others who cannot trace their lineages (Cachola-Abad 2000:
79-80; Van Dyke 2008: 16). In later times, commoner lineages passed down orally from earlier times
were eventually preserved in family Bibles after the early nineteenth-century. Hanau mua were
responsible for memorizing all the relatives, whether living, passed on, or aumakua, and learned the
family prayers, names, and legends (Pukui 1983: no. 2107, no. 2171, no. 2484; Pukui, Haertig, and
Lee 1972 I: 190). The traditions say that makaainana had been alii in the beginning but had carelessly
given themselves up to the pursuit of gratification and pleasure, and had lost interest in preserving
their status, therefore the genealogical 63 connection between them and chiefs was lost (Goldman
1970: 227; Malo 1951: 87 in Goldman 1970: 230). He mentions the placating of the god Lono in the
hookupu offerings, but the context in which this discussion is placed shows how Cook’s arrival and
death corresponded to the Hawaiian ritual calendar and beliefs. Exceptions here are Kameeleihiwa
(Native Land and Foreign Desires: How Shall We Live in Harmony?, 1992) and Kelly (Changes in
Land Tenure in Hawaii: 1778-1850, 1956), who spend more time than these other scholars discussing
pre-contact times, but who also do so in the context of events of the mid-nineteenth century. In
contrast, the concept of rank was virtually non-existent among makaainana, and genealogies in any
meaningful sense did not exist among them (Hommon 1976: 105, 175, 279; Hommon 2001: 147).
For the traditionalists the roles of the makaainana are clear: they labor and produce the food and
other supplies needed by the konohiki and the alii nui. As with the anthropologists, there is variation
of language and in emphasis. He won over the judges and the audience with his passionate speech
about his travels to Cameroon, West Africa to collect blood samples and track newborns, both prior
to and after birth to determine the effects of malaria parasite infections. These would become the
bulk of the kingdom’s chiefs; those who could not would be the commoners (Cordy 2000: 50). The
derivation of au is from era or eon, and makua is from parent or ancestor (Pukui, Haertig, and Lee
1972 I: 35). When the flow of mana was re-established, peace and prosperity would reign,
benefitting not only some, but all. He explains that Oahu is a wet island with perennial streams even
on leeward sides. Martha Beckwith, the authoritative scholar on Hawaiian mythology, writes that
chants were memorized with such accuracy that they could be gathered from different places but
showed little variation (Beckwith 1976: 312, 319; Charlot 2005b: 198-203; Handy and Handy 1972:
196; Pukui, Haertig, and Lee 1972 I: 55).
My second objective is to offer evidence that shows that while there are some similarities between
the anthropologists and traditionalists, their views of ancient Hawaiian society are largely in
opposition. In the traditionalist view then, pre-contact Hawaiian society is much more balanced than
is portrayed in the works of the anthropologists chosen for this study. Hommon writes that from first
settlement to about 1300 CE, population on Hawaii Island was slowly expanding in primarily coastal
areas until the average populations of each of the six districts would have been about 3000 (Hommon
1976: xiii, 234). On Maui and Oahu, similar developments were occurring. Further, the dynamic that
the anthropologists see governing human society in old Hawaii is the not the impulsion back to the
good, but rather the exercise of power by one particular group over another group. Mana was 101
thus not simply or directly an attribute to pedigree, but a benefice of the gods granted to whom they
would favor” (Goldman 1970: 220). He holds that more change occurred during this era than during
any other time prior to western contact (Kirch 1985: 303; Kirch 2000: 293). Cordy ties the expansion
of the Kona field system not only to meet increasing population growth, but to provide sustenance to
the alii living at the new chiefly centers along the coast centered from Kailua Kona to Kealakekua to
Honaunau (Cordy 2000: 248). As Americans head to the polls in 2024, the very future of our country
is at stake. This affords them not only senior status, but also a greater share of the spiritual energy
and power, or mana, from those realms. With this greater power then comes greater responsibility to
maintain pono in which all forces are in balance, so they and all others can prosper. If the makaainana
did not receive any benefits from public works projects like fishponds and the larger irrigation
systems, or if they were not having their needs met and were being exploited by lesser chiefs, it was
the duty of the alii nui to put a stop to it (Cachola-Abad 2000: 155, 156; Kalakaua 1990: 98 in
Cachola-Abad 2000: 278, 279; Malo 1951: 53 in Van Dyke 2008: 12-13). From these he gleaned that
there were two periods in Hawaii’s history separated by the traditions describing voyaging. The
traditionalists definitely think the oral traditions are valuable, and some glean from them what they
consider to be core values of the Hawaiian people as they have developed over the millennia. This
union, termed pio, produced the highest-ranking children in the Hawaiian aristocratic system”
(Charlot 1983: 42). More evidence that shows rank in commoner society involves the difficult
concept of aumakua. The first direct archaeological evidence for taro irrigation comes from these
years, and perhaps earlier on Oahu (Kirch 1985: 305; Kirch and Sahlins 1992 II: 119). Umi a Liloa in
Hawaiian means “Umi of Liloa,” or “Umi son of Liloa.” Many refer to Umi a Liloa as Umi. There is
little mention in their work that they wish to approach Hawaii’s history from an insider’s point of
view, or that they feel a personal as opposed to an academic connection to Hawaii. They draw their
information regarding societal change almost exclusively from the oral traditions. For them, this is
the governing dynamic that they operating in ancient Hawaiian society. University of Hawaii
System. 2011. Obituary: UH Manoa Hawaiian studies professor George Terry Kanalu Young, 1954-
2008. And just as with so many examples above, there are similar statements that can be found in the
other camp. Kameeleihiwa writes that the search for divine mana led alii to carefully consider
genealogical lines (Kameeleihiwa 1992: 41). Alii depended on elaborate and carefully preserved
genealogies for rank and 69 status (Hommon 1976: 175, 279). In this isolation, these colonizers faced
new challenges. Although there was much volcanic activity especially in the Puna District on Hawaii
Island in the 1600 to 1700s, life was disrupted to an even greater extent across the entire chain by the
increase in warfare as the struggle for power among the chiefs intensified (Cordy 2000: 317).
Kanahele in Waikiki 100 BC to 1900 AD: An Untold Story (1995) spends much of the time writing
about pre-contact times. Many other well-known researchers not mentioned by Cordy have written
about contact with Tahiti in this era. Again, some of the traditionalists have no problem with this, but
many emphasize that both groups proceeded from the same source. Marion Kelly received her M.A.
from Columbia in 1954.
But more importantly, it became clear that societal power rested in the hands of the alii although they
made up only five percent of the total population (Cordy 2000: 51, 55). Following the ancestral
Polynesian pattern, the district ruler would still be the senior man from the senior lineage, and those
47 in charge of the lands which comprised the district would be relatives but on junior lines (Earle
1978: 168-70; Green 1980: 72-75 in Cordy 2002a: 20-23). Kanahele seems to favor a growing
population as a cause for societal change. These changes within the span of two or three generations
took a tremendous toll on the nation, and for this catastrophe Malo blamed the chiefs (Malo 1839 in
Osorio 2002: 38). This separation was kapu (Barrere 1961: 31-34; Cachola-Abad 2000: 81, 111-118;
Kameeleihiwa 1992: 36-37; Kane 1997: 26). On succession of a new paramount to the throne, the
hale naua ritual would identify those individuals who could prove a genealogical tie to the
paramount within ten generations (Cordy 2000: 57).21 These would become the bulk of the
kingdom’s chiefs; those who could not would be the commoners (Cordy 2000: 50). Many cautionary
tales warned alii of the disastrous consequences of being headstrong in wielding power and ignoring
advice from learned counselors (Charlot 2005b: 13). His major work Ka Moolelo Hawaii was written
about 1840 and was translated into English in 1898 by N.B. Emerson under the title Hawaiian
Antiquities (Hommon 1976: 128). He won over the judges and the audience with his passionate
speech about his travels to Cameroon, West Africa to collect blood samples and track newborns, both
prior to and after birth to determine the effects of malaria parasite infections. Cordy continues by
asserting that retellings and further research contributed to the popular version of migrants from
Tahiti deeply impacting Hawaiian society. And as I have previously shown, the anthropologists see
that the chiefs then used this separation to their own advantage to maintain a privileged lifestyle,
which for the anthropologists is the governing dynamic that they see in action in ancient Hawaii.
Aumakua, commonly known as ancestor or family gods, are one particular example of this
multiplicity. Alii nui did not yet possess the power to control large territories of each island; each
chief during this 18 Fornander uses the term primus inter pares, “first among equals,” in Fornander
1996: 64 in Cachola- Abad 2000: 270. 38 time was supreme lord over the territory he possessed
(Fornander 1996: 64, Kalakaua 1990: 77 in Cachola-Abad 2000: 270). Therefore by considering
aumakua as it is discussed in the work of some traditionalists, 114 the idea that rank was lost among
commoners held by the anthropologists needs to be modified. The puloulou, or kapu sticks now
marked off boundaries of heiau and alii dwellings to protect those within from commoner defilement
(Beckwith 1976: 370; Fornander 1996: 63, Kalakaua 1990: 97-98 in Cachola-Abad 2000: 278-279;
Cordy 2000: 148, 160, 165). Most researchers from both sides of this debate accept the idea that a
first wave of migrations occurred some time before 1000 CE, probably from the 28 Marquesas. The
histories give conflicting reasons for the founding of the aha alii. Goldman uses ethnographic
evidence from across Polynesia and from the Hawaiian oral traditions, especially those recorded and
presented by Fornander, to arrive at the conclusion that although there was some change from the
influx of Tahitians, it was primarily a new impetus and not a new cultural direction (Goldman 1970:
211). The governing dynamic of pono can be seen in what may be termed balancing mechanisms, or
checks on the behavior of not only makaainana but konohiki and alii nui. See Cordy 2000: vii. 45
limited development of inland agriculture. Contrary to this, many traditionalist writers believe that
the relationship between the alii and makaainana was not broken, but that kinship bonds between
them endured. But the disagreement about rank comes not within alii society but among
makaainana. Some traditions record that Umi a Liloa of Hawaii Island established this system in
which the produce from the work of the commoner compensated the alii nui and konohiki for their
administration of the whole system (Handy and Handy 1991: 534 in Cachola- Abad 2000: 355).
Kirch writes that commoners held only usage rights to lands on which they lived, and these 144 were
dependent on tribute of labor and produce paid on demand to the chiefs (Kirch 1984: 257; Kirch
2000: 248-249, 298). Charlot, John. 1983. Chanting the universe: Hawaiian religious culture. Pualani
Kanakaole Kanahele, hula master and Hawaiian activist says that archaeologists are essentially data
collectors, but they do not yet understand the data they have collected (Meyer 1998: 93). Earle
writes something similar, that foodstuffs from the koele fields made productive by commoner labor
would go to the chiefs (Earle 1978: 15-19). Cordy, Hommon, and Sahlins see the kapu in the context
of separating alii and makaainana, but they do not provide an explanation about the origin of the
separation or why it was necessary in ancient Hawaiian society. Kualii’s son Peleioholani became
sole ruler of Oahu and conquered Molokai at the height of Oahu’s power (Fornander 1880: 289 in
Cordy 2002a: 32-33; Cordy 2002b: 35). Over the years, it was becoming clear to the scholarly
community, like it had been to Cook, that striking similarities in physical characteristics, language,
material culture, imported biota, religious expression, and literary traditions yielded overwhelming
evidence that the Polynesians were closely related peoples with a common point of origin (Kirch
1985: 62-64; Kirch 2000: 213; Kirch and Green 2001: 14-16, 73).