Paper 3
Paper 3
When we see so much violence around us every day, we might conclude that people have an
innate tendency, or even an instinct, to be aggressive. Some well-known philosophers and
psychologists have argued that this is the case. For instance, the philosopher Thomas Hobbes
(1588–1679) took this view, arguing that humans are naturally evil and that only society
could constrain their aggressive tendencies. On the other hand, the philosopher Jean-Jacques
Rousseau (1712–1778) was more positive. He believed that humans are naturally gentle
creatures who are aggressive only because we are taught to be so by our society. The
influential psychologist Sigmund Freud, who lived through the disaster of World War I in
which millions of his fellow human beings were massacred, argued that although people do
have a “life instinct,” they also have a “death instinct”—an impulse toward destruction of
themselves and others.
However, just because we can aggress does not mean that we will. It is not necessarily
evolutionarily adaptive to aggress in all situations. For one, aggressing can be costly if the
other person aggresses back. Therefore, neither people nor animals are always aggressive.
Rather, they use aggression only when they feel that they absolutely need to (Berkowitz,
1993a). In animals, the fight-or-flight response to threat leads them sometimes to attack and
sometimes to flee the situation. Human beings have an even wider variety of potential
responses to threat, only one of which is aggression. Again, the social situation is critical. We
may react violently in situations in which we are uncomfortable or fearful or when another
person has provoked us, but we may react more calmly in other settings. And there are
cultural differences, such that violence is more common in some cultures than in others.
There is no doubt that aggression is in part genetically determined. Animals can be bred to be
aggressive by breeding the most aggressive offspring with each other (Lagerspetz &
Lagerspetz, 1971). Children who are aggressive as infants also are aggressive when they are
adults (Coie & Dodge, 1998; Dubow, Huesmann, & Boxer, 2003; Raine, 1993) and identical
twins are more similar than fraternal twins in their aggressive tendencies and criminal
records. Behavioral genetics studies have found that criminal and aggressive behavior is
correlated at about .70 for identical twins but only at about .40 for fraternal twins (Tellegen et
al., 1988).
Avsalom Caspi and his colleagues (2002) found evidence for the person-by-situation
interaction in determining aggression. They focused on the the influence of a particular
genetic factor, the monoamine oxidase (MAOA) gene, located on the X chromosome, that
produces an enzyme that influences the production of serotonin, a neurotransmitter that
influences mood, appetite, and sleep and that inhibits aggression. Supporting the role of
genetics in aggression, they found that individuals who had lower levels of activity of this
gene were more at risk to show a variety of aggressive behaviors as adults. However, they
also found that the genetic factor was only important for children who had also been severely
mistreated. This person-by-situation interaction effect is shown in Figure 9.4. Although much
more research is needed, it appears that aggressive behavior, like most other behaviors, is
affected by an interaction between genetic and environmental variations.
Caspi and his colleagues (2002) found evidence for a person-by-situation interaction
regarding the role of genetics and parental treatment in aggression. Antisocial behavior and
aggression were greater for children who had been severely maltreated, but this effect was
even stronger for children with a gene variation that reduced the production of serotonin.
Evolutionary principles suggest that we should be less likely to harm those who are
genetically related to us than we are to harm others who are different. And research has
supported this finding—for instance, biological parents are much less likely to abuse or
murder their own children than stepparents are to harm their stepchildren (Daly & Wilson,
1998, 1999). In fact, these researchers found that preschool children living with a stepparent
or foster parent were many times more likely to be murdered by their parent than were
children who lived with both biological parents.
The Role of Biology in Aggression
Aggression is controlled in large part by the area in the older part of the brain known as
the amygdala (Figure 9.5, “Key Brain Structures Involved in Regulating and Inhibiting
Aggression”). The amygdala is a brain region responsible for regulating our perceptions of,
and reactions to, aggression and fear. The amygdala has connections with other body systems
related to fear, including the sympathetic nervous system, facial responses, the processing of
smells, and the release of neurotransmitters related to stress and aggression.
In addition to helping us experience fear, the amygdala also helps us learn from situations
that create fear. The amygdala is activated in response to positive outcomes but also to
negative ones, and particularly to stimuli that we see as threatening and fear arousing. When
we experience events that are dangerous, the amygdala stimulates the brain to remember the
details of the situation so that we learn to avoid it in the future. The amygdala is activated
when we look at facial expressions of other people experiencing fear or when we are exposed
to members of racial outgroups (Morris, Frith, Perrett, & Rowland, 1996; Phelps et al., 2000).
Although the amygdala helps us perceive and respond to danger, and this may lead us to
aggress, other parts of the brain serve to control and inhibit our aggressive tendencies. One
mechanism that helps us control our negative emotions and aggression is a neural connection
between the amygdala and regions of the prefrontal cortex (Gibson, 2002).
The prefrontal cortex is in effect a control center for aggression: when it is more highly
activated, we are more able to control our aggressive impulses. Research has found that the
cerebral cortex is less active in murderers and death row inmates, suggesting that violent
crime may be caused at least in part by a failure or reduced ability to regulate emotions
(Davidson, Jackson, & Kalin, 2000; Davidson, Putnam, & Larson, 2000).
Figure 9.5 Key Brain Structures Involved in Regulating and Inhibiting Aggression.
Brain regions that influence aggression include the amygdala (area 1) and the prefrontal
cortex (area 2). Individual differences in one or more of these regions or in the
interconnections among them can increase the propensity for impulsive aggression.
Hormones are also important in creating aggression. Most important in this regard is the male
sex hormone testosterone, which is associated with increased aggression in both animals and
in humans. Research conducted on a variety of animals has found a strong correlation
between levels of testosterone and aggression. This relationship seems to be weaker among
humans than among animals, yet it is still significant (Dabbs, Hargrove, & Heusel, 1996).
In one study showing the relationship between testosterone and behavior, James Dabbs and
his colleagues (Dabbs, Hargrove, & Heusel, 1996) measured the testosterone levels of 240
men who were members of 12 fraternities at two universities. They also obtained descriptions
of the fraternities from university officials, fraternity officers, yearbook and chapter house
photographs, and researcher field notes. The researchers correlated the testosterone levels and
the descriptions of each of the fraternities. They found that the fraternities that had the highest
average testosterone levels were also more wild and unruly, and in one case were known
across campus for the crudeness of their behavior. The fraternities with the lowest average
testosterone levels, on the other hand, were more well-behaved, friendly, academically
successful, and socially responsible. Another study found that juvenile delinquents and
prisoners who have high levels of testosterone also acted more violently (Banks & Dabbs,
1996). Testosterone affects aggression by influencing the development of various areas of the
brain that control aggressive behaviors. The hormone also affects physical development such
as muscle strength, body mass, and height that influence our ability to successfully aggress.
Although testosterone levels are much higher in men than in women, the relationship between
testosterone and aggression is not limited to males. Studies have also shown a positive
relationship between testosterone and aggression and related behaviors (such as
competitiveness) in women (Cashdan, 2003). Although women have lower levels of
testosterone overall, they are more influenced by smaller changes in these levels than are
men.
It must be kept in mind that the observed relationships between testosterone levels and
aggressive behavior that have been found in these studies cannot prove that testosterone
causes aggression—the relationships are only correlational. In fact, the effect of aggression
on testosterone is probably stronger than the effect of testosterone on aggression. Engaging in
aggression causes temporary increases in testosterone. People who feel that they have been
insulted show both more aggression as well as more testosterone (Cohen, Nisbett, Bosdle, &
Schwarz, 1996), and the experience of stress is also associated with higher levels of
testosterone and also with aggression. Even playing an aggressive game, such as tennis or
chess, increases the testosterone levels of the winners and decreases the testosterone levels of
the losers (Gladue, Boechler, & McCaul, 1989; Mazur, Booth, & Dabbs, 1992). Perhaps this
is why the fans of the Montreal Canadiens, a professional ice hockey team, rioted after
their team won an important game against the Pittsburgh Penguins in 2010.
Testosterone is not the only biological factor linked to human aggression. Recent research has
found that serotonin is also important, as serotonin tends to inhibit aggression. Low levels of
serotonin have been found to predict future aggression (Kruesi, Hibbs, Zahn, & Keysor,
1992; Virkkunen, de Jong, Bartko, & Linnoila, 1989). Violent criminals have lower levels of
serotonin than do nonviolent criminals, and criminals convicted of impulsive violent crimes
have lower serotonin levels than criminals convicted of premeditated crimes (Virkkunen,
Nuutila, Goodwin, & Linnoila, 1987).
In a laboratory setting, participants from both groups were then randomly assigned to receive
either a drug that raises serotonin levels or a placebo. Then the participants completed a
competitive task with what they thought was another person in another room. (The
opponent’s responses were actually controlled by computer.) During the task, the person who
won each trial could punish the loser of the trial by administering electric shocks to the
finger. Over the course of the game, the “opponent” kept administering more intense shocks
to the participants.
As you can see in Figure 9.6, the participants who had a history of aggression were
significantly more likely to retaliate by administering severe shocks to their opponent than
were the less aggressive participants. The aggressive participants who had been given
serotonin, however, showed significantly reduced aggression levels during the game.
Increased levels of serotonin appear to help people and animals inhibit impulsive responses to
unpleasant events (Soubrié, 1986).
Participants who reported having engaged in a lot of aggressive behaviors (right panel)
showed more aggressive responses in a competitive game than did those who reported being
less aggressive (left panel). The aggression levels for the more aggressive participants
increased over the course of the experiment for those who did not take a dosage of serotonin
but aggression did not significantly increase for those who had taken serotonin. Data are from
Berman et al. (2009).
Perhaps unsurprisingly, research has found that the consumption of alcohol increases
aggression. In fact, excessive alcohol consumption is involved in a majority of violent crimes,
including rape and murder (Abbey, Ross, McDuffie, & McAuslan, 1996). The evidence is
very clear, both from correlational research designs and from experiments in which
participants are randomly assigned either to ingest or not ingest alcohol, that alcohol
increases the likelihood that people will respond aggressively to provocations (Bushman,
1997; Graham, Osgood, Wells, & Stockwell, 2006; Ito, Miller, & Pollock, 1996). Even
people who are not normally aggressive may react with aggression when they are intoxicated
(Bushman & Cooper, 1990).
Alcohol increases aggression for a couple of reasons. First, alcohol disrupts executive
functions, which are the cognitive abilities that help us plan, organize, reason, achieve goals,
control emotions, and inhibit behavioral tendencies (Séguin & Zelazo, 2005). Executive
functioning occurs in the prefrontal cortex, which is the area that allows us to control
aggression. Alcohol therefore reduces the ability of the person who has consumed it to inhibit
his or her aggression (Steele & Southwick, 1985). Acute alcohol consumption is more likely
to facilitate aggression in people with low, rather than high, executive functioning abilities.
Second, when people are intoxicated, they become more self-focused and less aware of the
social situation, a state that is known as alcohol myopia. As a result, they are less likely to
notice the social constraints that normally prevent them from engaging aggressively and are
less likely to use those social constraints to guide them. We might normally notice the
presence of a police officer or other people around us, which would remind us that being
aggressive is not appropriate, but when we are drunk we are less likely to be so aware. The
narrowing of attention that occurs when we are intoxicated also prevents us from being aware
of the negative outcomes of our aggression. When we are sober, we realize that being
aggressive may produce retaliation as well as cause a host of other problems, but we are less
likely to be aware of these potential consequences when we have been drinking (Bushman &
Cooper, 1990).
Alcohol also influences aggression through expectations. If we expect that alcohol will make
us more aggressive, then we tend to become more aggressive when we drink. The sight of a
bottle of alcohol or an alcohol advertisement increases aggressive thoughts and hostile
attributions about others (Bartholow & Heinz, 2006), and the belief that we have consumed
alcohol increases aggression (Bègue et al., 2009).
If you were to try to recall the times that you have been aggressive, you would probably
report that many of them occurred when you were angry, in a bad mood, tired, in pain, sick,
or frustrated. And you would be right—we are much more likely to aggress when we are
experiencing negative emotions. When we are feeling ill, when we get a poor grade on an
exam, or when our car doesn’t start—in short, when we are angry and frustrated in general—
we are likely to have many unpleasant thoughts and feelings, and these are likely to lead to
violent behavior. Aggression is caused in large part by the negative emotions that we
experience as a result of the aversive events that occur to us and by our negative thoughts that
accompany them (Berkowitz & Heimer, 1989).
One kind of negative affect that increases arousal when we are experiencing it
is frustration (Berkowitz, 1989; Dollard, Doob, Miller, Mowrer, & Sears,
1939). Frustration occurs when we feel that we are not obtaining the important goals that we
have set for ourselves. We get frustrated when our computer crashes while we are writing an
important paper, when we feel that our social relationships are not going well, or when our
schoolwork is going poorly. How frustrated we feel is also determined in large part through
social comparison. If we can make downward comparisons with important others, in which
we see ourselves as doing as well or better than they are, then we are less likely to feel
frustrated. But when we are forced to make upward comparisons with others, we may feel
frustration. When we receive a poorer grade than our classmates received or when we are
paid less than our coworkers, this can be frustrating to us.
Although frustration is an important cause of the negative affect that can lead to aggression,
there are other sources as well. In fact, anything that leads to discomfort or negative emotions
can increase aggression. Consider pain, for instance. Berkowitz (1993b) reported a study in
which participants were made to feel pain by placing their hands in a bucket of ice-cold
water, and it was found that this source of pain also increased subsequent aggression. As
another example, working in extremely high temperatures is also known to increase
aggression—when we are hot, we are more aggressive. Griffit and Veitch (1971) had students
complete questionnaires either in rooms in which the heat was at a normal temperature or in
rooms in which the temperature was over 32 degrees Celsius (90 degrees Fahrenheit). The
students in the latter condition expressed significantly more hostility.