The

VANCOUVER PUBLIC LIBRARY

MOUNT PLEASANT
BRANCH

Michel Chossudov
 Digitized by the Internet Archive
in 2021 with funding from
Kahle/Austin Foundation

https://archive.org/details/globalizationofpoO000chos
THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY
AND THE NEW WORLD ORDER

Second Edition
Also by Michel Chossudovsky

War and Globalisation

The Truth Behind September I
The Globalization of Poverty
and the New World Order

Second Edition

Michel Chossudovsky

Global Research
The Globalization of Poverty and the New World Order — Second Edition. Copyright
© 2003 by Michel Chossudovsky. All rights reserved — Global Research, Center for
Research on Globalization (CRG).

No part of this book may be used or reproduced in any manner whatsoever without
written permission of the publisher.

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SECOND EDITION
Cover Artwork by Paul Marcus, © 2003
Cover Graphics by Richard Corey and Blaine Machan
Printed and bound in Canada
Printed on acid free paper
ISBN 0-9737147-0-0

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Chossudovsky, Michel
The Globalization of Poverty and the New World Order /Michel Chossudovsky /
2nd ed.
Includes bibliographical references and index
ISBN 0-9737147-0-0 (paperback)
First ed. published under the title: The Globalisation of Poverty: Impacts of IMF and
World Bank Reforms
1. International Monetary Fund — Developing countries. 2. International Monetary
Fund — Europe, Eastern. 3. World Bank — Developing countries. 4. World Bank —
Europe, Eastern. 5. Poverty — Developing countries. 6. Poverty — Europe, Eastern.
1. International Monetary Fund. II. World Bank. II. Title.
HG3881.5 158 C47 2003 339.4°6 — dce20 2003-22287

National Library of Canada Cataloguing in Publication

Chossudovsky, Michel
The Globalization of Poverty and the New World Order /Michel Chossudovsky /
2nd ed.
Includes bibliographical references and index
ISBN 0-9737147-0-0
First ed. published under the title: The Globalisation of Poverty: Impacts of IMF and
World Bank Reforms
|. International Monetary Fund — Developing countries. 2. International Monetary
Fund — Europe, Eastern. 3. World Bank — Developing countries. 4. World Bank —
Europe, Eastern. 5. Poverty — Developing countries. 6. Poverty — Europe, Eastern.
I. Title.
HG3881.5 158 C47 2003 339.4°6 C2003-902648-5
To my daughters Maya and Natacha
 Content
Preface to the Second Edition
Introduction
The Post Cold War Recession
Demise of the “Asian Tigers”
Poverty and Economic Dislocation in the West
A Thriving Criminal Economy
Wall Street Bankers behind the Scenes
The Cheap Labor Economy
Accumulation of Wealth,
Distortion of Production
Overproduction: Increased
Supply, Reduced Demand
Global Integration, Local Disintegration
Destroying the Local Economy
War and Globalization 10
Disarming the New World Order 1]

PART I
GLOBAL POVERTY AND MACRO-ECONOMIC REFORM

Chapter I
The Globalization of Poverty ib
Global Geopolitics L7
Social Polarization and the
Concentration of Wealth
IMF Economic Medicine
Economic Genocide
Destroying the National Economy
The Dollarization of Prices
The “Thirdworldization” of the
Former Eastern Bloc
The Role of Global Institutions
Entrenched Rights for Banks and
Multinational Corporations
Chapter 2
Global Falsehoods
Manipulating the Figures on Global Poverty
Defining Poverty at “a Dollar a Day”
The United Nations’ Poverty Figures
Double Standards in the “‘Scientific”
Measurement of Poverty
Concealing Country-level Realities

Chapter 3
Policing Countries Through Loan “Conditionalities”
The Global Debt
A Marshall Plan for the Rich Countries
Policy-based Lending
Enlarging the Debt
The IMF “Shadow Program”
The Policy Framework Paper
The IFIs’ Lending Facilities
International Monetary Fund
World Bank
Phase One: “Economic Stabilization”
Destroying A Nation’s Currency
The Social Consequences of Devaluation HHS
HHL
BBS
HH
WW
Has
NY
NSN
oo
WSN
ns
WH
OH

The “Dollarization” of Domestic Prices

The Deindexation of Wages
Analyzing the Impact of Devaluation
Taking Control of the Central Bank
Destabilizing a Nation’s Public Finances
The Budget Deficit: A Moving Target
Engineering the Collapse of—
State Investment
Price Liberalization
The Pricing of Petroleum
Products and Public Utilities
Phase Two: “Structural Reform”
Trade Liberalization
 Divestiture and Privatization of
State Enterprises
Tax Reform
Land Tenure and the Privatization of
Agricultural Land
Deregulation of the Banking System
Liberalizing Capital Movements
Recycling Dirty Money towards
Debt Servicing
“Poverty Alleviation” and the
“Social Safety Net”
“Good Governance”: Promoting
Bogus Parliamentary Institutions
The Consequences of Structural Adjustment
The IMF Tacitly Acknowledges Policy Failure
The Counterfactual Argument
The Social Impact of Macro-economic Reform
The Restructuring of the Health Sector
The Resurgence of Communicable Diseases

Chapter 4
The World Bank and Women’s Rights
The World Bank’s Gender Perspective
Derogating Women’s Educational Rights
Cost Recovery in Health
Hidden Agenda

Chapter 5
The Global Cheap-Labor Economy
Introduction
Macro-economic Reform Supports the
Relocation of Industry
Industrial Export Promotion
Global Adjustment
“Decomposition” of National Economies
World Unemployment
Declining Wages

5a
 Plant Closures and Industrial Delocation
in the Developed Countries 74
The Worldwide Compression
of Consumer Spending 13
Relocation within Trading Blocs 76
The Dynamic Development
of Luxury Consumption TM
The Rentier Economy 78
The Globalization of Manufacturing 79
Import-led Growth in the Rich Countries 79
The Appropriation of Surplus
by non-Producers 80
An Example: the Garment Industry 81
Wages and Labor Costs
in the Developed Countries 82
Mobile and Immobile Sectors 90
The Immobility of Labor 90
The Sectors of non-Material Production 90
The Impact of the Scientific Revolution va
The Delocation of the Services Economy 91

PART II
SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA

Chapter 6
Somalia: the Real Causes of Famine
The IMF Intervention in the Early 1980s
Towards the Destruction of Food Agriculture
Collapse of the Livestock Economy
Destroying the State
Famine Formation in sub-Saharan Africa:
The Lessons of Somalia
Concluding Remarks

Xl
Chapter 7
Economic Genocide in Rwanda 103

Part A
The IMF and the World Bank set the Stage
The Legacy of Colonialism 2
The Economy since Independence
The Fragility of the State
The IMF-World Bank Intervention

Part B
Installing a US Protectorate in Central Africa
Militarization of Uganda
Militarization and the Ugandan External Debt
Financing both Sides in the Civil War
Postwar Cover-up
In the Wake of the Civil War:
Reinstating the IMF’s Deadly Economic Reforms
Post War “Reconstruction and Reconciliation”
Civil War in the Congo
American Mining Interests
Concluding Remarks

Chapter 8
“Exporting Apartheid” to sub-Saharan Africa
The Expropriation of Peasant Lands
Derogating Customary Land Rights
Afrikaner Farms in Mozambique
Creating “Rural Townships”
Foreign Aid Supports the
Establishments of White Farms
Fostering Ecotourism
Carving up the National Territory

X11
Chapter 9
Wreaking Ethiopia’s Peasant Economy,
Destroying Biodiversity 137
Crisis in the Horn 137,
The Promise of the “Free Market” 138
Wrecking the Peasant Economy 139
Laundering America’s GM Grain Surpluses 141
Biodiversity up for Sale 142
Impacts of Famine 143

PART HI
SOUTH AND SOUTHEAST ASIA

Chapter 10
India: The IMF’s “Indirect Rule”
Introduction
Crushing the Rural and Urban Poor
“Eliminating the Poor” through
Starvation Deaths
The IMF Supports Caste Exploitation
Poverty Supports Exports
to the Rich Countries
Towards Political Collapse
The IMF’s Indirect Rule

Chapter 11
Bangladesh: Under the Tutelage of the “Aid” Consortium
The 1975 Military Coup
The Establishment ofa Parallel Government
Establishing a Bogus Democracy
Supervising the Allocation of State Funds
Undermining the Rural Economy
Dumping US Grain Surpluses
Undermining Food Self-Sufficiency
The Fate of Local Industry
The Recycling of Aid Money
“The Social Dimensions of Adjustment”

XIV
Chapter 12
The Post-War Economic Destruction of Vietnam 167
Rewriting the History of the War 168
The New Vietnam War 169
Reimbursing the “Bad Debts”
of the Saigon Regime 170
Destroying the National Economy erg
Excluding Domestic Producers
from their Own Market 173
Thwarting the Channels of Internal Trade Ge)
The Disintegration ofthe
State’s Public Finances 174
Collapse of State Capital Formation hees)
Reintegrating the Japanese Empire 176
The Outbreak of Famine be
Child Malnutrition 179
Into the Net of International Agri-business 180
Vietnam as a Major Exporter of Rice 180
The Concentration of Land 181
The Destruction of Education 183
Collapse of the Health System 185
The Resurgence of Infectious Diseases 186

PART IV
LATIN AMERICA

Chapter 13
Debt and “Democracy” in Brazil 1
Brazil’s Debt Saga: Act I: Plan Collor 193
Act Il: Conforming to
“The Washington Consensus” 194
Act III: In the Aftermath
of Collor’s Impeachment 196
Act IV: A Marxist Sociologist
as Finance Minister 1p
Act V: Rescheduling the Commercial Debt 198

XV
 Act VI, Epilogue: The Management
of Poverty at Minimal Cost to the Creditors 200
Consolidating a Parallel Government 203

Chapter 14
IMF Shock Treatment in Peru 207
Historical Background 208
The APRA’s Non Orthodox
Economic Policy (1985-87) 211
The APRA’s Debt-Negotiating Strategy PAY?
The Economic Program Enters a Deadlock 213
De Facto “Shock Treatment” (1988-90) 214
Failure of the APRA’s Non-orthodox
Economic Package 23
The Restoration of IMF Rule pe)
The August 1990 IMF-Fujishock 216
The IMF-World Bank Tutelage 218
The Granting of Fictitious Money 219
The Role of the Military 219
The Collapse of the State 22)
The Plight of the Rural Economy 221
The Concentration of Land PPA
The Illegal Narco-economy 222
The Anti-Drug Agreement with Washington 223
US Military and Security Objectives 225

Chapter 15
Debt and the Illegal Drug Economy: The Case of Bolivia PPS)
Bolivia’s New Economic Policy 229
Economic and Social Impact 230
Programmed Economic Stagnation gol
The Impact on the Rural Economy Zo
The Laundering of Dirty Money 242
“Eradication” of Coca Production 231
The Narco-State 231

XVI
PART V
THE FORMER SOVIET UNION AND THE BALKANS

Chapter 16
The “Thirdworldization” of the Russian Federation 20
Macro-Economic Reform
in the Russian Federation 229
Phase I: The January 1992
Shock Treatment 239
The Legacy of Perestroika 241
Developing a Bazaar Bourgeoisie 242
Distorting Social Relations 242
Pillage of the Russian Economy 243
Undermining Russian Capitalism 243
Acquiring State Property “at a Good Price” 244
Weakening Russia’s High-Tech Economy 245
Taking Over Russia’s Banking System 246
Undermining the Ruble Zone 247
Phase II]: The IMF Reforms Enter an Impasse 247
Abolishing the Parliament
in the Name of “Governance” 248
“Western Aid” to Boris Yeltsin 250
Into the Strait-Jacket of Debt-Servicing Zo1
The Collapse of Civil Society Zo

Chapter 17
Dismantling Former Yugoslavia,
Recolonizing Bosnia-Herzegovina 257)
Neocolonial Bosnia 258
Historical background 259
Mr. Markovic goes to Washington 261
Crushed by the Invisible Hand 262
Overhauling the Legal Framework 262
The Bankruptcy Program 263
“Shedding Surplus Workers” 264
The Political Economy of Disintegration 265

XVII
 “Western Help” 266
Post War Reconstruction
and the “Free Market” 267
Reconstruction Colonial Style 269
From Bosnia to Kosovo 270
Taking over Kosovo’s Mineral Wealth 272
The Installation of aMafia State 213
Neoliberalism, the Only Possible World? 273

Chapter 18
Albania’s IMF Sponsored Financial Disaster Zt?
Historical Background ofthe Crisis 279
The IMF-World Bank Sponsored Reforms 280
An “Economic Success Story” 281
The Bankruptcy Programme 282
Financial Deregulation 283
The Scramble for State Property 286
Selling Off Strategic Industries 286
Foreign Control over Infrastructure 287
The Grey Economy 251
Rural Collapse 288
Macro-economic Chaos 290
The Outbreak of Endemic Diseases Pe)
Criminalization of the State 21
“Guns and Ammo for Greater Albania” 22
Organized Crime Invests in Legal Business 293
Recycling Dirty Money Towards
Western Creditors 294
What Prospects under the Socialists? 295

PART VI
THE NEW WORLD ORDER

Chapter 19
Structural Adjustment in the Developed Countries 301
Dismantling the Welfare State 301
The Conversion of Private Debts 302

XVill
 Towards a Narrowing of the Tax Base
Under the Political Trusteeship
of Finance Capital
The Illusory “Independence”
of the Central Bank
Crisis of the State

Chapter 20
Global Financial Meltdown
The 19%7 Wall Street Crash
The Institutional Speculator
The 1997 Financial Meltdown
The Asian Crisis
“Economic Contagion”
The 199% Stock Market Meltdown
Financial Deregulation
The Merger Frenzy
Financial Deregulation at a Global Level

Chapter 2]
Economic Warfare
Manipulating the “Free Market”
The Demise of Central Banking
Creditors and Speculators
Who Funds the IMF Bailouts?
Strong Economic Medicine
Deregulating Capital Movements
Speculators Call the Shots
on Crisis Management
The Concentration of Wealth

Chapter 22
The Recolonization of Korea
The IMF Mission Arrives in Seoul
Shuttling back to Washington
“Arm Twisting” in the wake
of the Presidential Race

1X
 Enforcing “Enabling Legislation”
through Financial Blackmail 334
Wall Street Bankers meet on Christmas Eve. 55)
No Capital Inflows under the Bailout 337
The Macro-Economic Agenda 337
Dismantling the Chaebots 338
Wall Street on a Shopping Spree 339
Taking over Korea’s Commercial Banks 340
California and Texas Tycoons to the Rescue 340
US and German Capitalists share the Spoils 342
Instating a System of Direct Colonial Rule 343
Reunification and the “Free Market” 343
Colonizing North Korea 344

Chapter 23
The Brazilian Financial Scam 347
Squeezing Credit 348
Background of the IMF Agreement 348
Enticing Speculators 349
“A Marshall Plan for Creditors and Speculators” 350
Wall Street in Charge of Brazil’s Central Bank 204
“Dollarization” of Latin America Zoi
SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY SS)
INDEX 369

XX
 Preface to the Second Edition

Barely a few weeks after the military coup in Chile on September 11, 1973,
overthrowing the elected government of President Salvador Allende, the
military Junta headed by General Augusto Pinochet ordered a hike in the
price of bread from 11 to 40 escudos, a hefty overnight increase of 264%.
This economic shock treatment had been designed by a group of econo-
mists called the “Chicago Boys”.
At the time of the military coup, I was teaching at the Institute of
Economics of the Catholic University of Chile, which was a nest of
Chicago trained economists, disciples of Milton Friedman. On_ that
September 11, in the hours following the bombing of the Presidential
Palace of La Moneda, the new military rulers imposed a 72-hour curfew.
When the university reopened several days later, the “Chicago Boys” were
rejoicing. Barely a week later, several of my colleagues at the Institute of
Economics were appointed to key positions in the military government.
While food prices had skyrocketed, wages had been frozen to ensure
“economic stability and stave off inflationary pressures.” From one day to
the next, an entire country was precipitated into abysmal poverty: in less
than a year the price of bread in Chile increased thirty-six times and
eighty-five percent of the Chilean population had been driven below the
poverty line.
These events affected me profoundly in my work as an economist.
Through the tampering of prices, wages and interest rates, people’s lives
had been destroyed; an entire national economy had been destabilized. |
started to understand that macro-economic reform was neither “neutral”
as claimed by the academic mainstream — nor separate from the broader
process ofsocial and political transformation. In my earlier writings on the
Chilean military Junta, I looked upon the so-called “free market” as a well-
organized instrument of “economic repression”.

XX]
 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

Two years later in 1976, I returned to Latin America as a visiting pro-

fessor at the National University of Cordoba in the northern industrial
heartland of Argentina. My stay coincided with another military coup
d’Jtat. Tens of thousands of people were arrested and the Desaparecidos
were assassinated. The military takeover in Argentina was a “carbon copy”
of the CIA-led coup in Chile. Behind the massacres and human rights vio-
lations, “free market” reforms had also been prescribed — this time under
the supervision of Argentina’s New York creditors.
The International Monetary Fund’s (IMF’s) deadly economic prescrip-
tions applied under the guise of the “structural adjustment program” had
not yet been officially launched. The experience of Chile and Argentina
under the “Chicago Boys” was a dress rehearsal of things to come. In due
course, the economic bullets of the free market system were hitting coun-
try after country. Since the onslaught of the debt crisis of the 1980s, the
same IMF economic medicine has routinely been applied in more than 150
developing countries. From my earlier work in Chile, Argentina and Peru,
I started to investigate the global impacts of these reforms. Relentlessly
feeding on poverty and economic dislocation, a New World Order was tak-
ing shape.
Meanwhile, most of the military regimes in Latin America had been
replaced by parliamentary “democracies”, entrusted with the gruesome
task of putting the national economy on the auction block under the World
Bank sponsored privatization programs. In 1990, I returned to the Catholic
University of Peru where I had taught after leaving Chile in the months fol-
lowing the 1973 military coup.
I had arrived in Lima at the height of the 1990 election campaign. The
country’s economy was in crisis. The outgoing populist government of
President Alan Garcia had been placed on the IMF “black list”. President
Alberto Fujimori became the new president on the 28th of July 1990. And
barely a few days later, “economic shock therapy” struck — this time with
a vengeance. Peru had been punished for not conforming to IMF diktats:
the price of fuel was hiked up by 31 times and the price of bread increased
more than twelve times in a single day. The IMF — in close consultation
with the US Treasury — had been operating behind the scenes. These
reforms — carried out in the name of“democracy” — were far more devas-
tating than those applied in Chile and Argentina under the fist of military
rule.
In the 1980s and 1990s I traveled extensively in Africa. The field-
research for the first edition was, in fact, initiated in Rwanda which, despite

XX11
 PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION

high levels of poverty, had achieved self-sufficiency in food production.

From the early 1990s, Rwanda had been destroyed as a functioning nation-
al economy; its once vibrant agricultural system was destabilized. The IMF
had demanded the “opening up” of the domestic market to the dumping of
US and European grain surpluses. The objective was to “encourage
Rwandan farmers to be more competitive”. (See Chapter 7.) -_
From 1992 to 1995, I undertook field research in India, Bangladesh
and Vietnam and returned to Latin America to complete my study on
Brazil. In all the countries I visited, including Kenya, Nigeria, Egypt,
Morocco and The Philippines, I observed the same pattern of economic
manipulation and political interference by the Washington- based institu-
tions. In India, directly resulting from the IMF reforms, millions of people
had been driven into starvation. In Vietnam — which constitutes among the
world’s most prosperous rice producing economies — local-level famines
had erupted resulting directly from the lifting of price controls and the
deregulation of the grain market.
Coinciding with the end of the Cold War, at the height of the econo-
mic crisis, [ traveled to several cities and rural areas in Russia. The IMF-
sponsored reforms had entered a new phase — extending their deadly grip
to the countries of the former Eastern bloc. Starting in 1992, vast areas of
the former Soviet Union, from the Baltic states to Eastern Siberia, were
pushed into abysmal poverty.
Work on the first edition was completed in early 1996, with the inclu-
sion ofa detailed study on the economic disintegration of Yugoslavia. (See
Chapter 17.) Devised by World Bank economists, a “bankruptcy program”
had been set in motion. In 1989-90, some 1100 industrial firms were wiped
out and more than 614,000 industrial workers were laid off. And that was
only the beginning of a much deeper economic fracturing of the Yugoslav
Federation.
Since the publication of the first edition in 1997, the World has
changed dramatically; the “globalization of poverty” has extended its grip
to all major regions of the World including Western Europe and North
America.
A New World Order has been installed destroying national sovereignty
and the rights of citizens. Under the new rules of the World Trade
Organization (WTO) established in 1995, “entrenched rights” were gran-
ted to the world’s largest banks and multinational conglomerates. Public
debts have spiraled, state institutions have collapsed, and the accumulation
of private wealth has progressed relentlessly.

XX1ll
 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

The US-led wars on Afghanistan (2001) and Iraq (2003), mark an

important turning point in this evolving New World Order. As the second
edition goes to print, American and British forces have invaded Iraq,
destroying its public infrastructure and killing thousands of civilians. After
13 years of economic sanctions, the war on Iraq plunged an entire popula-
tion into poverty.
War and globalizaton go hand in hand. Supported by America’s war
machine, a new deadly phase of corporate-led globalization has unfolded.
In the largest display of military might since the Second World War, the
United States has embarked upon a military adventure, which threatens the
future of humanity.
The decision to invade Iraq had nothing to do with “Saddam’s
weapons of mass destruction” or his alleged links to Al Qaeda. Iraq pos-
sesses 11 percent of the World’s oil reserves, i.e. more than five times those
of the US. The broader Middle East-Central Asian region (extending from
the tip of the Arabian peninsula to the Caspian sea basin) encompasses
approximately 70% of the World’s reserves of oil and natural gas.
This war, which has been in the planning stage for several years,
threatens to engulf a much broader region. A 1995 US Central Command
document confirms that “the purpose of US engagement. . . is to protect
US vital interest in the region - uninterrupted, secure US/Allied access to
Gulf oil” .
In the wake of the invasion, Iraq’s economy has been put under the
jurisidiction of the US military occupation government led by retired
General Jay Gardner, a former CEO of one of America’s largest weapons
producers.
In liaison with the US administration and the Paris Club of official
creditors, the IMF and World Bank are slated to play a key role in Iraq's
post-war “reconstruction”. The hidden agenda is to impose the US dollar
as Iraq’s proxy currency, in a currency board arrangement, similar to that
imposed on Bosnia-Herzegovina under the 1995 Dayton Accord. (See
Chapter 17.) In turn, Iraq’s extensive oil reserves are slated to be taken over
by the Anglo-American oil giants.
Iraq’s spiralling external debt will be used as an instrument of eco-
nomic plunder. Conditionalities will be set. The entire national economy
will be put on the auction block. The IMF and the World Bank will be
called in to provide legitimacy to the plunder of Iraq’s oil wealth.
The deployment of America’s war machine purports to enlarge
America’s economic sphere of influence in an area extending from the

XXIV
 PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION

Mediterranean to China’s Western frontier. The US has established a per-

-manent military presence not only in Iraq and Afghanistan, but it has mil-
|itary bases in several of the former Soviet republics as well. In other words,
‘militarization supports the conquest of new economic frontiers and the
worldwide imposition of the “free market” system.

|Global Depression

The onslaught of the US-led war is occurring at the height of a global

economic depression, which has its historical roots in the debt crisis of the
early 1980s. America’s war of conquest has a direct bearing on the econo-
“mic crisis. State resources in the US have been redirected towards financ-
ing the military-industrial complex and beefing up domestic security at the
expense of funding much needed social programs which have been slashed
to the bone.
In the wake of September 11, 2001, through a massive propaganda
campaign, the shaky legitimacy of the “global free market system” has
been reinforced, opening the door to a renewed wave of deregulation and
privatization, resulting in corporate take-overs of most, if not all, public
services and state infrastructure (including health care, electricity, water
and transportation).
Moreover, in the US, Great Britain and most countries of the European
Union, the legal fabric of society has been overhauled. Based on the repeal
of the Rule of Law, the foundations of an authoritarian state apparatus have
emerged with little or no organized opposition from the mainstay of civil
society.
The new chapters added to this second edition address some of the key
issues of the 21st century : the merger boom and the concentration of cor-
porate power, the collapse of national and local level economies, the melt-
down of financial markets, the outbreak of famine and civil war and the
dismantling of the Welfare State in most Western countries.
In Part 1, a new Introduction and a chapter entitled “Global
Falsehoods” have been added. Also in Part 1, the impacts of “free markets”
on women’s rights are examined. In Part II], on sub-Saharan Africa, the
chapter on Rwanda has been expanded and updated following fieldwork
conducted in 1996 and 1997. Two new chapters, respectively, on the 1999-
2000 famine in Ethiopia and on Southern Africa in the post-Apartheid era
have been added. The chapter on Albania in Part 5, focuses on the role of
the IMF in destroying the real economy and precipitating the breakdown

XXV
 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

of the country’s banking system.

A new Part 6 entitled “The New World Order” includes five chapters.
Chapter 18 centers on the “structural adjustment program” applied in
Western countries under the surveillance of the World’s largest commer-
cial and merchant banks. The ongoing economic and financial crisis is
reviewed in Chapters 19 and 20. Chapters 21 and 22 examine, respectively,
the fate of South Korea and Brazil in the wake of the 1997-1998 financial
meltdown, as well as the complicity of the IMF in furthering the interests
of currency and stock market speculators.
I am indebted to many people in many countries who provided me with
insights on the economic reforms and assisted me in carrying out the coun-
try-level research, which was conducted (since the beginning of my work
on the first edition) over a period of more than ten years. In the course of
my fieldwork, I came in contact with members of peasant communities,
industrial workers, teachers, health workers, civil servants, students, mem-
bers of research institutes, university professors and members of non-
governmental organizations, with whom I developed ties of friendship and
solidarity. This book is dedicated to their struggle.
I am also indebted to Paul Marcus, Richard Corey and Blaine Machan
for the design and artwork, which went into the front cover, to Lea Gilboe
who assisted in the editing of the manuscript and to Johanne Dionne and
Donna Kurtz for the layout and final editing of the book.
The support of the Social Sciences and Humanities’ Research Council
of Canada (SSHRC) and the University of Ottawa, Faculty of Social
Sciences” Research Committee is gratefully acknowledged. The views
expressed in this book are those of the author.

XXVI1
 Introduction

Humanity is undergoing, in the post-Cold War era, an economic and social

crisis of unprecedented scale leading to the rapid impoverishment of large
sectors of the world population. National economies are collapsing and
unemployment is rampant. Local level famines have erupted in sub-
Saharan Africa, South Asia and parts of Latin America. This “globalization
of poverty” — which has largely reversed the achievements of post-war de-
colonization — was initiated in the Third World coinciding with the debt
crisis of the early 1980s and the imposition of the IMF’s deadly economic
reforms.
The New World Order feeds on human poverty and the destruction of
the natural environment. It generates social apartheid, encourages racism
and ethnic strife, undermines the rights of women and often precipitates
countries into destructive confrontations between nationalities. Since the
1990s, it has extended its grip to all major regions of the World including
North America, Western Europe, the countries of the former Soviet Bloc
and the “Newly Industrialized Countries” (NICs) of South East Asia and
the Far East.
This worldwide crisis is more devastating than the Great Depression of
the 1930s. It has far-reaching geo-political implications; economic disloca-
tion has also been accompanied by the outbreak of regional wars, the frac-
turing of national societies and, in some cases, the destruction of entire
countries. By far, this is the most serious economic crisis in modern history.

The Post Cold War Recession

In the former Soviet Union, directly resulting from the IMF’s deadly “eco-
nomic medicine” initiated in 1992, economic decline has surpassed the
plunge in production experienced at the height of the Second World War,
following the German occupation of Belarus and parts of the Ukraine in
2 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

1941 and the extensive bombing of Soviet industrial infrastructure. From a

situation of full employment and relative price stability in the 1970s and
1980s, inflation has skyrocketed, real earnings and employment have col-
lapsed and health programmes have been phased out. In turn, cholera and
tuberculosis have spread at an alarming speed across a vast area ofthe for-
mer Soviet Union.! “
The pattern in the former Soviet Union has been replicated throughout
Eastern Europe and the Balkans. National economies have collapsed one
after the other. In the Baltic states (Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia), as well
as in the Caucasian republics of Armenia and Azerbaijan, industrial output
declined by as much as 65 percent. In Bulgaria, old age pensions had, by
1997, collapsed to two dollars a month.” The World Bank conceded that 90
percent of Bulgarians are living below the World Bank defined poverty
threshold of $ 4 a day.’ Unable to pay for electricity, water and transporta-
tion, population groups throughout Eastern Europe and the Balkans have
been brutally marginalized from the modern era.

Demise of the “Asian Tigers”

In East Asia, the 1997 financial crisis — marked by speculative assaults

against national currencies — has largely contributed to the demise of the
so-called “Asian Tigers” (Indonesia, Thailand and Korea). The IMF
bailout agreements, imposed in the immediate wake of the financial melt-
down, were conducive — virtually overnight — to abrupt declines in the
standard of living. In Korea, following the IMF’s “mediation” — reached
after high-level consultations with the World’s largest commercial and
merchant banks — “an average of more than 200 companies [were] shut
down per day (. . .) 4,000 workers every day were driven out onto streets
as unemployed”. (See Chapter 22.) Meanwhile, in Indonesia, — amidst
violent street riots — wages in the cheap labor sweat shops in the export
processing zones had plummeted from 40 to 20 dollars a month, and the
IMF had insisted on the deindexation of wages as a means of mitigating
inflationary pressures.
In China, under the privatization or forced bankruptcy of thousands of
state enterprises, 35 million workers are slated to be laid off.’ According to
a recent estimate, there are some 130 million surplus workers in China’s
rural areas. In a bitter irony, the World Bank had predicted that, with the
adoption of “free market” reforms, poverty in China would fall to 2.7 per-
cent in 2000.'
 INTRODUCTION 3

Poverty and Economic Dislocation in the West

During the Reagan-Thatcher era, harsh austerity measures resulted in the

gradual disintegration of the Welfare State. The economic stabilization
measures (in principle adopted to alleviate the evils of inflation) con-
tributed to depressing the earnings of working people and weakening the
role of the state. Since the 1990s, the economic therapy applied in the
developed countries contains many of the essential ingredients of the struc-
tural adjustment programmes imposed by the IMF and the World Bank in
the Third World and Eastern Europe.
In contrast to the developing countries, however, policy reforms in
Europe and North America are imposed without the intermediation of the
IMF. The accumulation of large public debts in Western countries has
provided the financial elites with political leverage as well as the power to
dictate government economic and social policy. Under the sway ofneolib-
eralism, public expenditures are trimmed and social welfare programs are
undone. State policies promote the deregulation of the labor market: dein-
dexation of earnings, part-time employment, early retirement and the
imposition of so-called “voluntary” wage cuts. . .
In turn, the practice of attrition — which shifts the social burden of
unemployment onto the younger age groups — has contributed to barring an
entire generation from the job market.* The rules of personnel management
in the United States are: “bust the unions, pit older workers against
younger, call in the scabs, slash wages and cut company paid medical
insurance”’.”
Since the 1980s, a large share of the labor force in the United States
has been driven out of high pay unionized jobs into low pay minimum wage
Jobs. Thirdworldization of Western cities. . .poverty in America’s ghettoes
is, in many respects, comparable to that of the Third World. While the
“recorded” rate of unemployment in the US declined in the 1990s, the
number of people on low wage part-time jobs has spiralled. With further
declines in minimum wage employment, large sectors of the working pop-
ulation are pushed out of the labor market altogether:
The real savage edge of the recession cuts basically through the
communities and new immigrants in Los Angeles, where unemploy-
ment rates have tripled and where there is no social safety net. People
are in free fall, their lives are literally falling apart as they lose their
minimum wage jobs."”
In turn, economic restructuring has created profound divisions
4 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

between social classes and ethnic groups. The environment of major met-
ropolitan areas is marked by social apartheid: the urban landscape is com-
partmentalized along social and ethnic lines. In turn, the state has become
increasingly repressive in managing social dissent and curbing civil unrest.
With the wave of corporate mergers, downsizing and plant closures, all
categories of the labor force are affected. The recession hits middle class
households and the upper echelons of the labor force. Research budgets are
curtailed; scientists, engineers and professionals are fired; highly paid civil
servants and middle managers are ordered to retire.
Meanwhile, the achievements of the early post-war period have large-
ly been reversed through the derogation of unemployment insurance
schemes and the privatization of pension funds. Schools and hospitals are
being closed down creating conditions for the outright privatization of
social services.

A Thriving Criminal Economy

The “free market” reforms favor the growth of illicit activities as well as
the concurrent “internationalization” of the criminal economy. In Latin
America and Eastern Europe, criminal syndicates have invested in the
acquisition of state assets under the IMF-World Bank sponsored privatiza-
tion programmes. According to the United Nations, total worldwide rev-
enues ofthe “transnational criminal organizations” (TCOs) are of the order
of one trillion dollars, representing an amount equivalent to the combined
GDP of the group of low income countries (with a population of 3 billion
people).'' The United Nations estimate includes the trade in narcotics, arms
sales, smuggling of nuclear materials, etc. as well as the earnings derived
from the Mafia-controlled services economy (e.g. prostitution, gambling,
exchange banks, etc.). What these figures do not adequately convey is the
magnitude of routine investments by criminal organizations in “legitimate”
business undertakings, as well as their significant command over produc-
tive resources in many areas ofthe legal economy.
Criminal groups routinely collaborate with legal business enterprises
investing in a variety of “legitimate” activities, which provide not only a
cover for the laundering of dirty money but also a convenient procedure for
accumulating wealth outside the realm of the criminal economy. According
to one observer, “organized crime groups outperform most Fortune 500
companies. . .with organizations that resemble General Motors more than
they resemble the traditional Sicilian Mafia”.'” According to the testimony
||
| INTRODUCTION 5

| of FBI director Jim Moody to a US Congressional Sub-committee, crimi-

_ nal organizations in Russia are “cooperating with other foreign criminal
groups, including those based in Italy and Colombia (. . .) the transition to
_ capitalism [in the former Soviet Union] provided new opportunities quick-
ly exploited by criminal organizations”."’

Wall Street Bankers behind the Scenes

_ Al political consensus has developed; governments throughout the world

_ have unequivocally embraced the neoliberal policy agenda. The same eco-
nomic prescriptions are applied worldwide. Under the jurisdiction of the
_ IMF, the World Bank and the WTO, the reforms create an “enabling envi-
ronment” for global banks and multinational corporations. This is not,
however, a “free” market system: while supported by neoliberal rhetoric,
the so-called structural adjustment program, sponsored by the Bretton
Woods institutions, constitutes a new interventionist framework.
The IMF, the World Bank and the WTO, however, are mere bureau-
cracies. They are regulatory bodies operating under an intergovernmental
umbrella and acting on behalf of powerful economic and financial inter-
ests. Wall Street bankers and the heads ofthe world’s largest business con-
glomerates are indelibly behind these global institutions. They interface
regularly with IMF, World Bank and WTO officials in closed sessions, as
well as in numerous international venues. Moreover, participating in these
meetings and consultations are the representatives of powerful global busi-
ness lobbies, including the International Chamber of Commerce (ICC),
The Trans Atlantic Business Dialogue (TABD) (which brings together in
its annual venues the leaders ofthe largest Western business conglomerates
with politicians and WTO officials), the United States Council for
International Business (USCIB), the Davos World Economic Forum. the
Washington based Institute of International Finance (IIF) representing the
world’s largest banks and financial institutions, etc. Other “‘semi-secret”
organizations — which play an important role in shaping the institutions of
the New World Order — include the Trilateral Commission, the
Bildebergers and the Council on Foreign Relations.

The Cheap Labor Economy

The globalization of poverty is occurring during a period of rapid techno-

logical and scientific advance. While the latter has contributed to vastly
6 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

increasing the potential capacity of the economic system to produce nec-

essary goods and services, expanded levels of productivity have not trans-
lated into a corresponding reduction in levels of global poverty. At the
dawn of anew millennium, this global decline in living standards is not the
result of a scarcity of productive resources.
On the contrary, downsizing, corporate restructuring and relocation of
production to cheap labor havens in the Third World have been conducive
to increased levels of unemployment and significantly lower earnings to
urban workers and farmers. This new international economic order feeds
on human poverty and cheap labor: high levels of national unemployment
in both developed and developing countries have contributed to depressing
real wages. Unemployment has been internationalized, with capital migrat-
ing from one country to another in a perpetual search for cheaper supplies
of labor. According to the International Labor Organization (ILO), world-
wide unemployment affects one billion people or nearly one third of the
global workforce."' National labor markets are no longer segregated: Ori
ers in different countries are brought into overt competition with one
another. Workers rights are derogated as labor markets are deregulated.
World unemployment operates as a lever which regulates labor costs
at a world level: the abundant supplies of cheap labor in the Third World
and the former Eastern Bloc contribute to depressing wages in the devel-
oped countries. Virtually all categories of the labor force (including the
highly qualified, professional and scientific workers) are affected, even as
competition for jobs encourages social divisions based on class, ethnicity,
gender and age.

Micro-Efficiency, Macro-Insufficiency

The global corporation minimizes labor costs on a world level. Real wages
in the Third World and Eastern Europe are as much as seventy times lower
than in the US, Western Europe or Japan: the possibilities of production are
immense given the mass of cheap impoverished workers throughout the
world.
While mainstream economics stresses the “efficient allocation” of
society’s “scarce resources”, harsh social realities call into question the
consequences of this means of allocation. Industrial plants are closed
down, small and medium sized enterprises are driven into bankruptcy, pro-
fessional workers and civil servants are laid off and human and physical
capital stand idle in the name of “efficiency”. The relentless drive towards
 INTRODUCTION Zi

__ the “efficient” use of society’s resources at the micro-economic level leads

to exactly the opposite situation at the macro-economic level. Resources
are not used efficiently when there remain large amounts of unused indus-
| trial capacity and millions of unemployed workers. Modern capitalism
appears totally incapable of mobilizing these untapped human and
| resources.

Accumulation of Wealth, Distortion of Production

This global economic restructuring promotes stagnation in the supply of

necessary goods and services, while redirecting resources towards lucra-
tive investments in the luxury goods economy. Moreover, with the drying
up of capital formation in productive activities, profit is sought in increas-
ingly speculative and fraudulent transactions, which, in turn, tends to pro-

| mote disruptions on the world’s major financial markets.

A privileged social minority has accumulated vast amounts of wealth at
g. expense of the large majority of the population. The number of billion-
a ires in the US alone increased from 13 in 1982 to 149 in 1996 to more than
300 in 2000. The Global Billionaires Club (with some 450 members) has a
total worldwide wealth well in excess of the combined GDP of the group of
low income countries with 59 percent of the world’s population. (See Table
1.1.) The private wealth of the Northwest Arkansas Walton family, owners
of the retail chain Wal-Mart ($ 85 billion) — including heiress Alice Walton,
brothers Robson, John and Jim and mother Helen — is more than twice the
GDP of Bangladesh ($ 33.4 billion) with a population of 127 million people
and a per capita income of $ 260 per annum."
Moreover, the process of wealth accumulation is increasingly taking
place outside the real economy divorced from bona fide productive and
commercial activities: “Successes on the Wall Street stock market [meaning
speculative trade] produced most of last year’s [1996] surge in
billionaires.”'’ In turn, billions of dollars accumulated from speculative
transactions are funneled towards confidential numbered accounts in the
more than 50 offshore banking havens around the world. The US investment
bank, Merrill Lynch, conservatively estimates the wealth of private
individuals managed through private banking accounts in offshore tax
havens at $ 3.3 trillion.'* The IMF puts the offshore assets of corporations
and individuals at $ 5.5 trillion, a sum equivalent to 25 percent of total world
income. The largely ill-gotten loot of Third World elites in numbered
accounts was estimated in the 1990s at $ 600 billion, with one third of that
held in Switzerland.”
8 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

Overproduction: Increased Supply, Reduced Demand

The expansion of output in the global capitalist system takes place by

“minimizing employment” and compressing workers’ wages. This process
in turn backlashes on the levels of consumer demand for necessary goods
and services: unlimited capacity to produce, limited capacity to consume.
In a global cheap labor economy, the very process of expanding output
(through downsizing, lay-offs and low wages) contributes to compressing
society’s capacity to consume.
The tendency is, therefore, towards overproduction on an unprece-
dented scale. Corporate expansion in this system can only take place
through the concurrent disengagement of idle productive capacity, namely
through the bankruptcy and liquidation of“surplus enterprises”. The latter
are closed down in favor of the most advanced mechanized production:
entire branches of industry stand idle, the economy of entire regions is
affected, and only a part of the world’s agricultural potential is utilized.
This global oversupply of commodities is a direct consequence ofthe
decline in purchasing power and rising levels of poverty. The latter is also
the result of the minimization of labor costs and employment at a world
level under the brunt of the IMF-World Bank-WTO reforms.
Oversupply contributes in turn to further depressing the earnings of the
direct producers through the closure of excess productive capacity.
Contrary to Say’s law of markets, heralded by mainstream economics, sup-
ply doesnt create its own demand. Since the early 1980s, overproduction
of commodities leading to plummeting (real) Commodity prices has
wreaked havoc particularly among Third World primary producers, but
also in the area of manufacturing.

Global Integration, Local Disintegration

In developing countries, entire branches of industry producing for the
internal market are driven into bankruptcy on the orders of the World Bank
and the IMF. The informal urban sector — which historically has played an
important role as a source of employment creation — has been undermined
as a result of currency devaluations, the liberalization of imports and com-
modity dumping. In sub-Saharan Africa, for instance, the informal sector
garment industry has been wiped out and replaced by the market for used
garments (imported from the West at 80 dollars a ton).”!
Against a background of economic stagnation (including negative
 INTRODUCTION 9

| growth rates recorded in Eastern Europe, the former Soviet Union and sub-
Saharan Africa), the world’s largest corporations have experienced
unprecedented growth and expansion of their share of the global market.
| This process, however, has largely taken place through the displacement of
_ pre-existing productive systems — 1.e. at the expense of local-level, region-
_ al and national producers. Expansion and “profitability” for the world’s
largest corporations is predicated on a global contraction of purchasing
_ power and the impoverishment of large sectors of the world population. In
turn, “free market” reforms have contributed ruthlessly to opening up new
economic frontiers, while ensuring “profitability” through the imposition
of abysmally low wages and the deregulation of the labor market. In this
process, poverty is an input on the supply side. The gamut of IMF-World
Bank-WTO reforms imposed worldwide plays a decisive role in regulating
labor costs on behalf of corporate capital.
Survival of the fittest: the enterprises with the most advanced
technologies or those with command over the lowest wages survive in a
world economy marked by overproduction. While the spirit of Anglo-
Saxon liberalism is committed to “fostering competition”, G-7 macro-
economic policy (through tight fiscal and monetary controls), has, in prac-
tice, supported a wave of corporate mergers and acquisitions, as well as the
bankruptcy of small and medium-sized enterprises.

Destroying the Local Economy

At the local level, small and medium sized enterprises are pushed into
bankruptcy or obliged to produce for a global distributor. In turn, large
multinational companies have taken control of local-level markets through
the system of corporate franchising. This process enables large corporate
capital (the franchiser) to gain control over human resources, cheap labor
and entrepreneurship. A large share of the earnings of small local level
firms and/or retailers is thereby appropriated by the global corporation,
while the bulk of investment outlays is assumed by the independent pro-
ducer (the franchisee).
A parallel process can be observed in Western Europe. Under the
Maastricht treaty, the process of political restructuring in the European
Union increasingly heeds to dominant financial interests at the expense of
the unity of European societies. In this system, state power has deliberate-
ly sanctioned the progress of private monopolies: large capital destroys
small capital in all its forms. With the drive towards the formation of eco-
10 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

nomic blocks both in Europe and North America, the regional and local-
level entrepreneur is uprooted, city life is transformed and individual
small-scale ownership is wiped out. “Free trade” and economic integration
provide greater mobility to the global enterprise while, at the same time,
suppressing (through non-tariff and institutional barriers) the movement of
small, local-level capital.” “Economic integration” (under the dominion of
the global enterprise), while displaying a semblance of political unity,
often promotes factionalism and social strife between and within national
societies.

War and Globalization

The imposition of macro-economic and trade reforms under the supervision

of the IMF, World Bank and World Trade Organization (WTO) purports to
“peacefully” recolonize countries through the deliberate manipulation of
market forces. While not explicitly requiring the use of force, the ruthless
enforcement of the economic reforms nonetheless constitutes a form of war-
fare. More generally, the dangers of war must be understood. War and
globalization are not separate issues.
What happens to countries that refuse to “open up” to Western banks
and MNCs, as demanded by the World Trade Organization ? The Western
military-intelligence apparatus and its various bureaucracies routinely
interface with the financial establishment. The IMF, the World Bank and
the WTO — which police country level economic reforms — also collabo-
rate with NATO in its various “peacekeeping” endeavors, not to mention
the financing of “post-conflict” reconstruction under the auspices of the
Bretton Woods institutions. . .
At the dawn of the third millennium, war and the “free market” go hand
in hand. War does not require the WTO or a multilateral investment treaty
(i.e. a MAT) entrenched in international law: War is the MAI of last resort.
War physically destroys what has not been dismantled through deregulation,
privatization and the imposition of ‘free market” reforms. Outright
colonization through war and the installation of Western protectorates is
tantamount to providing “national treatment” to Western banks and MNCs
(as stipulated by the WTO) in all sectors of activity. “Missile diplomacy”
replicates the “gunboat diplomacy” used to enforce “free trade” in the 19th
century. The US Cushing Mission to China in 1844 (in the wake of the
Opium Wars) had forewarned the Chinese imperial government “that refusal
to grant American demands might be regarded as an invitation to war.”
 INTRODUCTION II

Disarming the New World Order

The ideology of the “free” market upholds a novel and brutal form of state
interventionism predicated on the deliberate tampering of market forces.
Derogating the rights of citizens, “free trade” under the World Trade
Organization (WTO) grants “entrenched rights” to the world’s largest
banks and global corporations. The process of enforcing international
agreements by the World Trade Organization at national and international
levels invariably bypasses the democratic process. The WTO articles
threaten to lead to the disempowerment of national societies as it hands
over extensive powers to the financial establishment. (See Chapter 1.)
Beneath the rhetoric on so-called “governance” and the “free market”,
neoliberalism provides a shaky legitimacy to those in the seat of political
power.
The New World Order is based on the “false consensus” of
Washington and Wall Street, which ordains the “free market system” as the
only possible choice on the fated road to a “global prosperity”. All politi-
cal parties including Greens, Social Democrats and former Communists
now share this consensus.
The insidious links of politicians and international officials to power-
ful financial interests must be unveiled. To bring about meaningful
changes, State institutions and intergovernmental organizations must even-
tually be removed from the clutch of the financial establishment. In turn,
we must democratize the economic system and its management and own-
ership structures, resolutely challenge the blatant concentration of
ownership and private wealth, disarm financial markets, freeze speculative
trade, arrest the laundering of dirty money, dismantle the system of off-
shore banking, redistribute income and wealth, restore the rights of direct
producers and rebuild the Welfare State.
It should, however, be understood that the Western military and secu-
rity apparatus endorses and supports dominant economic and financial
interests — i.e. the build-up, as well as the exercise, of military might
enforces “free trade”. The Pentagon is an arm of Wall Street; NATO coor-
dinates its military operations with the World Bank and the IMF’s policy
interventions, and vice versa. Consistently, the security and defense bodies
of the Western military alliance, together with the various civilian govern-
mental and intergovernmental bureaucracies (e.g. IMF, World Bank, WTO)
share a common understanding, ideological consensus and commitment to
the New World Order. The international campaign against “globalization”
He THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

must be integrated within a broader coalition of social forces geared

towards dismantling the military-industrial complex, NATO and the
defense establishment including its intelligence, security and police appa-
ratus.
The global media fabricates the news and overtly distorts the course of
world events. This “false consciousness” which pervades our societies, pre-
vents critical debate and masks the truth. Ultimately, this false consciousness
precludes a collective understanding of the workings of an economic
system, which destroys people’s lives. The only promise of the “free mar-
ket” is a world of landless farmers, shuttered factories, jobless workers and
gutted social programs with “bitter economic medicine” under the WTO and
the IMF constituting the only prescription. We must restore the truth, disarm
the controlled corporate media, reinstate sovereignty to our countries and to
the people of our countries and disarm and abolish global capitalism.
The struggle must be broad-based and democratic encompassing all
sectors of society at all levels, in all countries, uniting in a major thrust:
workers, farmers, independent producers, small businesses, professionals,
artists, civil servants, members of the clergy, students and intellectuals.
People must be united across sectors, “single issue” groups must join hands
in a common and collective understanding on how this economic system
destroys and impoverishes. The globalization ofthis struggle is fundamen-
tal, requiring a degree of solidarity and internationalism unprecedented in
world history. This global economic system feeds on social divisiveness
between and within countries. Unity of purpose and worldwide coordina-
tion among diverse groups and social movements is crucial. A major thrust
is required which brings together social movements in all major regions of
the world in a common pursuit and commitment to the elimination of
poverty and a lasting world peace.

Endnotes _

1. Associated Press, 14 August 1993.

2. The Wind in the Balkans, The Economist, London, February 8, 1997, p. 12.
3. Jonathan C. Randal, “Reform Coalition Wins, Bulgarian Parliament”, The
Washington Post, April 20 1997, p. A21.
4. Korean Federation of Trade Unions, “Unbridled Freedom to Sack Workers
Is No Solution At All”, Communiqué, Seoul, 13 January 1998.
5S. Eric Ekholm, “On the Road to Capitalism, China Hits a Nasty Curve:
Joblessness”, New York Times, January 20, 1998.
 INTRODUCTION 13

Ibid.
See World Bank, 1990 World Development Report, Washington DC, 1990.
In the United States, the majority of jobs created in the 1980s were
part-time and/or temporary contracts. See Serge Halimi, “Mais qui donc
finance la création de millions d’emplois aux Etats-Unis”, Le Monde diplo-
matique, March 1989.
See Earl Silber and Steven Ashby, “UAW and the ‘Cat’ Defeat”, Against the
Current, July/August 1992.
. Mike Davis, “Realities of the Rebellion”, Against the Current, July/August
Le A
See the proceedings on the United Nations Conference on Crime Prevention,
Cairo, May 1995. See also Jean Hervé Deiller, “Gains annuels de 1000 mil-
liards pour |’Internationale du crime”, La Presse, Montreal, 30 April 1996
. Daniel Brandt, “Organized Crime Threatens the NewWorld Order”, Namebase
Newsline, Ohio, no 8, January-March 1995.
. Reuters News Dispatch, January 25, 1995.
International Labor Organization, Second World Employment Report,
Geneva, 1996.
. International Billionaires, the World’s Richest People, Forbes Magazine,
New York, annual. List at http://www.forbes.com/.
Tbid.
Charles Laurence, “Wall Street Warriors force their way into the Billionaires
Club”, Daily Telegraph, London, 30 September 1997.
. “Increased Demand Transforms Markets,” Financial Times, London, June 21,
1995, p: I.
Financial Times, London, 7 June 1996, p. LI.
Peter Bosshard, “Cracking the Swiss Banks,” The Multinational Monitor,
November 1992
1. Based on author’s interviews in Tunisia and Kenya, December 1992.
While the large multinational enterprises move freely within the North-
American free trade area, non-tariff restrictions prevent small-scale local cap-
ital in one Canadian province to extend its activities to another Canadian
province.
Quoted in Michel Chossudovsky, Zowards Capitalist Restoration, Chinese
socialism after Mao, Macmillan, London, 1986, p. 134.
 PART I

GLOBAL POVERTY AND

MACRO-ECONOMIC REFORM
 Chapter 1

The Globalization of Poverty

Since the early 1980s, the “macro-economic stabilization” and structural

adjustment programs imposed by the IMF and the World Bank on develop-
ing countries (as a condition for the renegotiation of their external debt) have
led to the impoverishment of hundreds of millions of people. Contrary to the
spirit of the Bretton Woods agreement, which was predicated on “economic
reconstruction”, and the stability of major exchange rates, the structural
adjustment program has contributed largely to destabilizing national curren-
cies and ruining the economies of developing countries.
Internal purchasing power has collapsed, famines have erupted, health
clinics and schools have been closed down and hundreds of millions of
children have been denied the right to primary education. In several
regions of the developing world, the reforms have been conducive to a
resurgence of infectious diseases including tuberculosis, malaria and
cholera. While the World Bank’s mandate consists of “combating poverty”
and protecting the environment, its support for large-scale hydroelectric
and agro-industrial projects has also speeded up the process of deforesta-
tion and the destruction of the natural environment, leading to the forced
displacement and eviction of several million people.

Global Geopolitics

In the wake of the Cold War, macro-economic restructuring has supported

global geopolitical interests including US foreign policy. Structural adjust-
ment has been used to undermine the economies ofthe former Soviet Bloc
and dismantle its system of state enterprises. Since the late 1980s, the IMF-
World Bank “economic medicine” has been imposed on Eastern Europe,
Yugoslavia and the former Soviet Union with devastating economic and
social consequences. (See Chapters 16 and 17.)
While the mechanism of enforcement is distinct, the structural adjust-
18 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

ment program has, since the 1990s, been applied also in the developed
countries. Whereas the macro-economic therapies (under the jurisdiction
of national governments) tend to be less brutal than those imposed on the
South and the East, the theoretical and ideological underpinnings are
broadly similar. The same global financial interests are served. Monetarism
is applied on a world scale and the process of global economic restructur-
ing strikes also at the very heart ofthe rich countries. The consequences are
unemployment, low wages and the marginalization of large sectors of the
population. Social expenditures are curtailed and many of the achieve-
ments of the welfare state are repealed. State policies have encouraged the
destruction of small and medium-sized enterprises. Low levels of food
consumption and malnutrition are also hitting the urban poor in the rich
countries. According to a recent study, 30 million people in the United
States are classified as “hungry”.
The impacts of structural adjustment, including the derogation of the
social rights of women and the detrimental environmental consequences of
economic reform, have been amply documented. While the Bretton Woods
institutions have acknowledged “the social impact of adjustment’, no shift
in policy direction is in sight. In fact, since the early 1990s, coinciding with
the collapse of the Eastern bloc, the IMF-World Bank policy prescriptions
(now imposed in the name of “poverty alleviation”) have become increas-
ingly harsh and unyielding.

Social Polarization and the Concentration of Wealth

In the South, the East and the North, a privileged social minority has accu-
mulated vast amounts of wealth at the expense of the large majority of the
population. This new international financial order feeds on human poverty
and the destruction of the natural environment. It generates social
apartheid, encourages racism and ethnic strife, undermines the rights of
women and often precipitates countries into destructive confrontations
between nationalities. Moreover, these reforms — when applied simultane-
ously in more than 150 countries — are conducive to a “globalization of
poverty”, a process which undermines human livelihood and destroys civil
society in the South, East and the North.
 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY 19

IMF Economic Medicine

Under IMF jurisdiction, the same “menu” of budgetary austerity, devalua-

tion, trade liberalization and privatization is applied simultaneously in
more than 150 indebted countries. Debtor nations forego economic sover-
eignty and control over fiscal and monetary policy, the Central Bank and
the Ministry of Finance are reorganized (often with the complicity of the
local bureaucracies), state institutions are undone and an “economic tute-
lage” is installed. A “parallel government”, which bypasses civil society, is
established by the international financial institutions (IFIs). Countries
which do not conform to the IMF’s “performance targets” are blacklisted.
While adopted in the name of “democracy” and so-called “good gov-
erance”’, the structural adjustment program requires the strengthening of
the internal security apparatus and the military intelligence apparatus:
political repression — with the collusion of the Third World élites — sup-
ports a parallel process of “economic repression”.
“Good governance” and the holding of multi-party elections are added
conditions imposed by donors and creditors, yet the very nature of the
economic reforms precludes a genuine democratization — i.e. their imple-
mentation invariably requires (contrary to the “spirit of Anglo-Saxon lib-
eralism’’) the backing of the military and the authoritarian state. Structural
adjustment promotes bogus institutions and a fake parliamentary democra-
cy which, in turn, supports the process of economic restructuring.
Throughout the Third World, the situation is one of social desperation
and the hopelessness of a population impoverished by the interplay of mar-
ket forces. Anti-SAP riots and popular uprisings are brutally repressed:
Caracas, 1989: President Carlos Andres Perez, after having rhetorically
denounced the IMF of practicing “an economic totalitarianism which kills
not with bullets but with famine”, declares a stateof emergency and sends
regular units of the infantry and the marines into the slum areas (barrios de
ranchos) on the hills overlooking the capital. The Caracas anti-IMF riots
had been sparked off as a result of a 200 percent increase in the price of
bread. Men, women and children were fired upon indiscriminately. “The
Caracas morgue was reported to have up to 200 bodies of people killed in
the first three days (. . .) and warned that it was running out ofcoffins.” °
Unofficially, more than a thousand people were killed; Tunis, January
1984: the bread riots instigated largely by unemployed youth protesting the
rise of food prices; Nigeria, 1989: the anti-SAP student riots leading to the
closing of six of the country’s universities by the Armed Forces Ruling
Council; Morocco, 1990: a general strike and a popular uprising against
20 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

the government’s IMF-sponsored reforms; Mexico, 1993: the insurrection

of the Zapatista Liberation Army in the Chiapas region of southern
Mexico; protest movements against the IMF reforms in the Russian
Federation and the storming of the Russian parliament in 1993; mass
protest movement of the people of Ecuador against the adoption of the US
dollar as their national currency in January 2000 leading to the resignation
of the President; Cochabamba, Bolivia, April 2000: thousands of peasants
protest against the privatization of the country’s water resources and the
imposition of user fees.
The list is long.

Economic Genocide

Structural adjustment is conducive to a form of “economic genocide”

which is carried out through the conscious and deliberate manipulation of
market forces. When compared to previous periods of colonial history (e.g.
forced labor and slavery), its social impact is devastating. Structural adjust-
ment programs affect directly the livelihood of more than four billion peo-
ple. The application of the structural adjustment program in a large num-
ber of individual debtor countries favors the internationalization of macro-
economic policy under the direct control of the IMF and the World Bank
acting on behalf of powerful financial and political interests (e.g. the Paris
and London Clubs, the G7). This new form of economic and political dom-
ination — a form of “market colonialism” — subordinates people and gov-
ernments through the seemingly “neutral” interplay of market forces. The
Washington-based international bureaucracy has been entrusted by inter-
national creditors and multinational corporations with the execution of a
global economic design, which affects the livelihood of more than 80 per-
cent of the world’s population. At no time in history has the “free” market
— operating in the world through the instruments of macro-economics —
played such an important role in shaping the destiny of sovereign nations.

Destroying the National Economy

The restructuring of the world economy, under the guidance of the

Washington-based financial institutions, increasingly denies individual
developing countries the possibility of building a national economy: the
internationalization of macro-economic policy transforms countries into
open economic territories and national economies into “reserves” of cheap
labor and natural resources. The application of the IMF’s “economic med-
 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY Pal

icine” tends to further depress world commodity prices because it forces

individual countries to simultaneously gear their national economies
towards a shrinking world market.
At the heart of the global economic system lies an unequal structure of
trade, production and credit which defines the role and position of devel-
oping countries in the global economy. What is the nature of this unfold-
ing world economic system; on what structure of global poverty and
income inequality is it based ? By the turn ofthe century, the world popu-
lation will be over six billion, of which five billion will be living in poor
countries. While the rich countries (with some 15 percent of the world
population) control close to 80 percent of total world income, approxi-
mately 60 percent of the world population representing the group of “low-
income countries” (including India and China) — with a population in
excess of 3.5 billion people — receives 6.3 percent of total world income
(less than the GDP of France and its overseas territories). With a popula-
tion of more than 600 million people, the gross domestic product of the
entire sub-Saharan African region is approximately half that of the state of
Texas.3 Together, the lower and middle-income countries (including the
former “socialist” countries and the former Soviet Union), representing
some 85 percent of world population, receive approximately 20 percent of
total world income. (See Table 1.1.)
In many indebted Third World countries, real salaried earnings in the
modern sector had, by the early 1990s, already declined by more than 60
percent. The situation of the informal sector and the unemployed was even
more critical. In Nigeria, under the military government of General
Ibrahim Babangida, for instance, the minimum wage declined by 85 per-
cent in the course of the 1980s. Wages in Vietnam were below US$ 10 a
month, while the domestic price of rice had risen to the world level as a
result of the IMF program carried out by the Hanoi government: a Hanoi
secondary school teacher, for instance, with a university degree, received
in 1991 a monthly salary of less than US$ 15.* (See Chapter 12.) In Peru
— in the aftermath of the IMF-World Bank sponsored Fujishock imple-
mented by President Alberto Fujimori in August 1990 — fuel prices
increased 31 times overnight, whereas the price of bread increased 12
times. The real minimum wage had declined by more than 90 percent (in
relation to its level in the mid-1970s). (See Chapter 14.)
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 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY 23

The Dollarization of Prices

While there are sizeable variations in the cost of living between develop-
ing and developed countries, devaluation, combined with trade liberaliza-
tion and the deregulation of domestic commodity markets (under the struc-
tural adjustment program), is conducive to the “dollarization” of domestic
prices. Increasingly, the domestic prices of basic food staples are brought
up to their world market levels. This New World Economic Order, while
based on the internationalization of commodity prices and a fully integrat-
ed world commodity market, functions increasingly in terms of a water-
tight separation between two distinct labor markets. This global market
system 1s characterized by a duality in the structure of wages and labor
costs between rich and poor countries. Whereas prices are unified and
brought up to world levels, wages (and labor costs) in the Third World and
Eastern Europe are as much as 70 times lower than in the OFCD countries.
Income disparities between nations are superimposed on extremely wide
income disparities between social-income groups within nations. In many
Third World countries, more than 60 percent of national income accrues to
the upper 20 percent of the population. In many low and middle-income
developing countries, 70 percent of rural houscholds have a per capita
income between 10 and 20 percent of the national average. These vast dis-
parities in income between and within countries are the consequence of the
structure of commodity trade and the unequal international division of
Jabor which imparts to the Third World and, more recently, to the countries
of the former Soviet bloc, a subordinate status in the global economic sys-
tem. The disparities have widened in the course of the 1990s as a result of
the remolding of national economies under the structural adjustment pro-
gramme.

The “Thirdworldization” of the Former Eastern Bloc

The end of the Cold War has had a profound impact on the global distri-
bution of income. Until the carly 1990s, Eastern Europe and the Soviet
Union were considered as part of the developed “North” — 1.¢. with levels
of material consumption, education, health, scientific development, etc.
broadly comparable to those prevailing in the OFCD countries. Whereas
average incomes were on the whole lower, Western scholars, nonetheless,
acknowledged the achievements of the Eastern Bloc countries, particular-
ly in the areas of health and education.
Impoverished as a result of the IMF-sponsored reforms, the countries
24 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

of the former socialist Bloc are now categorized by the World Bank as
“developing economies”, alongside the “low” and “middle-income coun-
tries” of the Third World. The Central Asian republics of Kazakhstan and
Turkmenistan appear next to Syria, Jordan and Tunisia in the “lower mid-
dle-income” category, whereas the Russian Federation is next to Brazil
with a per capita income ofthe order of US$ 3,000. This shift in categories
reflects the outcome of the Cold War and the underlying process of “third-
worldization” of Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union.

The Role of Global Institutions

The inauguration of the World Trade Organization (WTO) in 1995 marked

a new phase in the evolution of the post war economic system. A new trian-
gular division of authority among the IMF, the World Bank and the WTO
has unfolded. The IMF had called for more effective “surveillance” of
developing countries’ economic policies and increased coordination
between the three international bodies signifying a further infringement on
the sovereignty of national governments.
Under the new trade order (which emerged from the completion ofthe
Uruguay Round at Marrakech in 1994), the relationship of the Washington
based institutions to national governments is to be redefined. Enforcement
of IMF-World Bank policy prescriptions will no longer hinge upon ad hoc
country-level loan agreements (which are not legally binding documents).
Henceforth, many of the mainstays of the structural adjustment program
(e.g. trade liberalization, privatization and the foreign investment regime)
have been permanently entrenched in the articles of agreement of the new
WTO. These articles set the foundations for policing countries (and enforc-
ing “conditionalities”) according to international law.
The deregulation of trade under WTO rules, combined with new
clauses pertaining to intellectual property rights, enable multinational cor-
porations to penetrate local markets and extend their control over virtually
all areas of national manufacturing, agriculture and the service economy.

Entrenched Rights for Banks and Multinational Corporations

In this new economic environment, international agreements negotiated by

bureaucrats under intergovernmental auspices have come to play a crucial
role in the remoulding of national economies. The Articles of Agreement
of the WTO provide what some observers have entitled a “charter of rights
 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY 25

for multinational corporations” derogating the ability of national societies

to regulate their national economies threatening national level social pro-
grams, job creation policies, affirmative action and community based ini-
tiatives. The WTO articles threaten to lead to the disempowerment of
national societies as it hands over extensive powers to global corporations.
The WTO was put in place following the signing ofa “technical agree-
ment” negotiated behind closed doors by bureaucrats. Even the heads of
country-level delegations to Marrakech in 1994 were not informed regard-
ing the statutes of the WTO, which were drafted in separate closed sessions
by technocrats. The WTO framework ensures a “single undertaking
approach” to the results of the Uruguay Round — thus, “membership in the
WTO entails accepting all the results of the Round without exception.’”*
Following the Marrakech meeting, the 550-page Agreement (plus its
numerous appendices) was either rubber-stamped in a hurry, or never for-
mally ratified by national parliaments. The articles of agreement of the WTO
resulting from this “technical agreement” — including Dispute Settlement
procedures — were casually entrenched in international law. The 1994
Marrakech Agreement — which instates the WTO as a multilateral body —
bypasses the democratic process in each of the member countries. It bla-
tantly derogates national laws and constitutions, while providing extensive
powers to global banks and multinational corporations. These powers have,
in fact, become entrenched in the articles of agreement of the WTO.
The process of actual creation of the WTO following the Final Act of
Uruguay Round is blatantly illegal. Namely, a totalitarian intergovernmen-
tal body has been casually installed in Geneva, empowered under interna-
tional law with the mandate to police country-level economic and social
policies, derogating the sovereign rights of national governments.
Similarly, the WTO almost neutralizes “with the stroke of a pen” the
authority and activities of several agencies of the United Nations including
the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD)
and the International Labor Organization (ILO). The articles of the WTO
are not only in contradiction with pre-existing national and international
laws; they are also at variance with “The Universal Declaration of Human
Rights”. Acceptance of the WTO as a legitimate organization is tantamount
to an “indefinite moratorium” or repeal of the Universal Declaration of
Human Rights.
In addition to the blatant violation of international law, WTO rules pro-
vide legitimacy to trade practices which border on criminality, including:
“intellectual piracy” by multinational corporations; the derogation of plant
26 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

breeders rights — not to mention genetic manipulation by the biotechno-

logy giants, and the patenting of life forms including plants, animals,
micro-organisms, genetic material and human life forms under the TRIPs
agreement. (See Chapter 9, which illustrates the role of the biotech con-
glomerates in Ethiopia.)
In the sphere of financial services, the provisions of the General
Agreement on Trade and Services (GATS) provide legitimacy to large-
scale financial and speculative manipulations directed against developing
countries, which are often conducive to the demise of country-level mon-
etary policy.
Under WTO rules, the banks and multinational corporations (MNCs)
can legitimately manipulate market forces to their advantage leading to the
outright re-colonization of national economies. The WTO articles provide
legitimacy to global banks and MNCs in their quest to destabilize institu-
tions, drive national producers into bankruptcy and ultimately take control
of entire countries.

Endnotes

1. According to the Tufts University Centre on Hunger, Poverty and Nutrition

Policy.
Financial Times, 3 March 1989.
oS)
t It is worth noting that the share of the Third World in total world income has
declined steadily since the onslaught of the debt crisis. Whereas the group of
low-income countries increased its share of world population by more than 2
percent in the three-year period between 1988 and 1991, its share of world
income declined from 5.4 to 4.9 percent. Similarly, sub-Saharan A frica’s share
of world income declined in the same period from 0.9 to 0.7 percent. In 1993,
the World Bank redefined the basis of measuring and comparing per capita
income. The figures contained in Table 1.1 are based on a new World Bank
methodology which indicates a higher share for the low income countries than
during the 1980s.
4. Interviews conducted by author in Hanoi and Ho Chi Minh City in January
1991.
5. For details see the text of The Final Act Establishing the World Trade
Organization at the WTO webpage at http://www.wto.org/
 Chapter 2

Global Falsehoods

G7 governments and global institutions, including the IMF, the World

| Bank and the World Trade Organization casually deny the increasing lev-
| els of global poverty; social realities are concealed, official statistics are
| manipulated, and economic concepts are turned upside down. In turn, pub-
| lic opinion is bombarded in the media with glowing images of global
growth and prosperity. The world economy is said to be booming under the
impetus of “free market” reforms: “Happy days are here again . . .a won-
derful opportunity for sustained and increasingly global economic growth
is waiting to be seized.”' Without debate or discussion, so-called “sound
macro-economic policies” (meaning the gamut of austerity measures,
deregulation, downsizing and privatization) are heralded as the key to eco-
nomic success.
The dominant economic discourse has also reinforced its hold in aca-
demic and research institutions throughout the world. Critical analysis is
strongly discouraged; social and economic reality is to be seen through a
single set of fictitious economic relations, which serve the purpose of con-
cealing the workings of the global economic system. Mainstream eco-
nomic scholarship produces theory without facts (“pure theory”’) and facts
without theory (“applied economics”). The dominant economic dogma
admits neither dissent from nor discussion of its main theoretical para-
digm: the universities’ main function is to produce a generation of loyal
and dependable economists who are incapable of unveiling the social foun-
dations of the global market economy. Similarly, Third World intellectuals
are increasingly enlisted in support of the neoliberal paradigm; the inter-
nationalization of economic “science” unreservedly supports the process of
global economic restructuring.
This “official” neoliberal dogma also creates its own “counter-para-
digm” embodying a highly moral and ethical discourse. The latter focuses
on “sustainable development” and “poverty alleviation” while often
28 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

distorting and stylizing the policy issues pertaining to poverty, the protection
of the environment and the social rights of women. This “counter-ideology”
rarely challenges neoliberal policy prescriptions. It develops alongside and
in harmony rather than in opposition to the official neoliberal dogma.
Within this counter-ideology (which is generously funded by the
research establishment), development scholars (not to mention numerous
nongovernmental organizations) find a comfortable niche. Their role is to
generate (within this counter-discourse) a semblance of critical debate
without addressing the social foundations of the global market system. The
World Bank plays, in this regard, a key role in promoting research on
“poverty alleviation” and the so-called “social dimensions of adjustment”.
This ethical focus and the underlying categories (e.g. poverty alleviation,
gender issues, equity, etc.) provide a “human face” for the Bretton Woods
institutions and a semblance of commitment to social change. However,
inasmuch as this analysis is functionally divorced from an understanding
of the main macro-economic reforms, it rarely constitutes a threat to the
neoliberal economic agenda.

Manipulating the Figures on Global Poverty

The legitimacy of the “free market” reforms rests on the illusion that glob-
alization is conducive to long-term prosperity. This illusion is sustained
through the blatant manipulation of economic and social data including the
figures on poverty. The World Bank “estimates” that 18 percent of the
Third World is “extremely poor” and 33 percent is “poor”. In the World
Bank’s authoritative study on global poverty, the “upper poverty line” is
arbitrarily set at a per capita income of US$ | a day corresponding to an
annual per capita income of US$ 370 per annum.’ Population groups in
individual countries with per capita incomes in excess of US$ | a day are
arbitrarily identified as “non-poor”. Through the gross manipulation of
income statistics, the World Bank figures serve the useful purpose of rep-
resenting the poor in developing countries as a minority group.
The World Bank arbitrarily sets a “poverty threshold” at one dollar a
day, labelling population groups with a per capita income above one dollar
a day as “non-poor”. The World Bank, for instance, “estimates” that in
Latin America and the Caribbean only 19 percent of the population is
“poor” — a gross distortion when we know for a fact that in the United
States (with an annual per capita income of more than US$ 25,000) one
American in seven is defined (by the Bureau of the Census) to be below
 GLOBAL FALSEHOODS 29

| the poverty line. (See Table 2.2.) ?

This subjective and biased assessment is carried out irrespective of
actual conditions at the country level.’ With the liberalization of commod-
| ity markets, the domestic prices of basic food staples in developing coun-
tries have risen to world market levels. The one dollar a day standard has
no rational basis; population groups in developing countries with per ca-
pita incomes of 2, 3 or even 5 dollars a day remain poverty stricken (i.e.
unable to meet basic expenditures on food, clothing, shelter, health and
education).

Defining Poverty at “a Dollar a Day”

Once the “one dollar a day” poverty threshold has been set, the estimation
of national and global poverty levels becomes an arithmetical exercise.
_ Poverty indicators are computed in a mechanical fashion from the initial
one dollar a day assumption. The data is then tabulated in glossy tables
| with forecasts of declining levels of global poverty into the 21st century.
These forecasts of poverty are based on an assumed rate of growth of
per capita income; growth of the latter implies pari passu a corresponding
lowering of the levels of poverty. For instance, according to the World
Bank’s calculations, the incidence of poverty in China was to decline from
20 percent in 1985 to 2.9 percent in 2000.* Similarly, in the case of India
(where according to official data more than 80 percent of the population
have a per capita income below one dollar a day), a World Bank “simula-
tion” (which contradicts its own “one dollar a day” methodology) indicates
a lowering of poverty levels from 55 percent in 1985 to 25 percent in the
year 2000.”
The entire “one dollar a day” framework is totally removed from an
examination of real life situations. No need to analyse household expendi-
tures on food, shelter and social services; no need to observe concrete con-
ditions in impoverished villages or urban slums. In the World Bank frame-
work, the “estimation” of poverty indicators has become a numerical exer-
cise, which usefully serves to conceal the globalization of poverty.

The United Nations’ Poverty Figures

The United Nations echoes World Bank falsehoods. The United Nations
Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development Group claims
without supporting evidence that “the progress in reducing poverty over
30 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

the 20th century is remarkable and unprecedented. . . . The key indicators

of human development [in the late 20th century] have advanced strongly.”
The UNDP had devised a “human poverty index” (HPI) based on “the most
basic dimensions of deprivation: a short life span, lack of basic education
and lack of access to public and private resources.’ Based on these crite-
ria, the UNDP Human Development Group comes up with “estimates” of
human poverty which are totally inconsistent with country-level realities.
The human poverty index (HPI) for Colombia, Mexico and Thailand, for
instance, is around 10-11 percent. (See Table 2.1.) Country-level social
realties are fabricated: the UNDP measurements point to achievements in
poverty reduction in sub-Saharan Africa, the Middle East and India which
are totally at odds with country-level data and poverty estimates.
In fact, the human poverty estimates put forth by the UNDP portray an
even more distorted and misleading pattern than those of the World Bank.
For instance, only 10.9 percent of Mexico’s population are categorized by
the UNDP as “poor”. Yet this estimate contradicts the situation observed in
Mexico in the course of the last twenty years: mass unemployment, col-
lapse in social services, impoverishment of small farmers and a dramatic
decline in real earnings triggered by successive currency devaluations.

Double Standards in the “Scientific” Measurement of Poverty

Double standards prevail in the measurement of poverty. The World Bank’s

one dollar a day criterion applies only to “developing countries”. Both the
Bank and the UNDP fail to acknowledge the existence of poverty in
Western Europe and North America. Moreover, the “one dollar a day” stan-
dard contradicts established methodologies used by Western governments
to define and measure poverty in their own countries.
In the West, methods for measuring poverty have been based on min-
imum levels of household spending required to meet essential expenditures
on food, clothing, shelter, health and education. In the United States, for
instance, the Social Security Administration (SSA) in the 1960s set a
“poverty threshold” which consisted of “the cost of a minimum adequate
diet multiplied by three to allow for other expenses.” This measurement
was based on a broad consensus within the US Administration.’ The US
“poverty threshold” for a family of four (two adults and two children) in
1996 was $ 16,036. This figure translates into a per capita income of
eleven dollars a day (compared to the one dollar a day criterion of the
World Bank used for developing countries). In the US, 13.7 percent of the
 GLOBAL FALSEHOODS 31

US population and 19.6 percent of the population in central cities of met-

ropolitan areas were below the poverty threshold.""
Neither the UNDP nor the World Bank undertakes comparisons in
| poverty levels between “developed” and “developing” countries.
Comparisons of this nature would no doubt be the source of “scientific
embarrassment”, as the poverty indicators presented by both organizations
for Third World countries are in some cases /ower than the official pover-
ty levels in the US, Canada and the European Union. In Canada — which
occupies the first rank among all nations according to the UNDP Human
Development Index — 17.4 percent of the population are below the nation-
al poverty threshold compared to 10.9 percent for Mexico and 4.1 percent
for Trinidad and Tobago, according to the UNDP’s HPI."
Conversely, if the US Bureau of Census methodology (based on the
cost of meeting a minimum diet) were applied to the developing countries,
the overwhelming majority of the population would be categorized as
“poor”. The World Bank would no doubt argue that the use of “Western
standards” and definitions of poverty 1s not applicable in developing coun-
tries. Yet recent evidence confirms that retai! prices of essential consumer
goods are not appreciably lower than in the US or Western Europe. In fact,
with deregulation and “free trade” the cost of living in many Third World
cities is now higher than in the United States.
Moreover, household budget surveys for several Latin American coun-
tries suggest that at least sixty percent of the population of the region does
not meet minimum calorie and protein requirements. In Peru, for instance,
— resulting from the IMF reforms — 83 percent of the Peruvian population,
according to household census data, was unable to meet minimum daily
calorie and protein requirements. (See Chapter 14) The prevailing situation
in sub-Saharan Africa and South Asia is more serious, where a majority of
the population suffer from chronic undernourishment.
Poverty assessments by the World Bank and the United Nations are
largely office-based exercises conducted in Washington and New York
with insufficient awareness of local realities. For example, the UNDP
Poverty Report points to a decline of one third to one half in child mortal-
ity in sub-Saharan Africa where poverty has, in fact, increased and public
health programmes have collapsed. What the Report fails to mention is that
closing down health clinics and massive lay-offs of health professionals
(often replaced by sem1-illiterate health volunteers) — responsible for com-
piling mortality data — resulted in a de facto decline in recorded mortality,
i.e. the breakdown of reliable data systems on mortality and morbidity.
32 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

Concealing Country-level Realities

These are the realities, which have been deliberately concealed by the
World Bank and UNDP poverty studies. Their poverty indicators blatantly
misrepresent country-level situations, as well as the seriousness of global
poverty. They serve the purpose of portraying the poor as a minority group
representing some 20 percent of world population.
Declining levels of poverty, including forecasts of future trends, are
derived with a view to vindicating “free market” policies and upholding
the “Washington Consensus” on macro-economic reform. The “free mar-
ket” system is presented as the most effective means of achieving poverty
alleviation, while the impacts of macro-economic reform are denied. Both
institutions point to the benefits of the technological revolution and the
contribution of foreign investment and trade liberalization, without identi-
fying how these global trends foster increased poverty levels.
 GLOBAL FALSEHOODS Shh

Table 2.1
The UNDP’s Human Poverty Index
Selected Developing Countries

Country Poverty Level

(percent of the population
below the poverty line)

Trinidad and Tobago

Mexico
Thailand
Colombia
Philippines
Jordan
Nicaragua
Jamaica
Iraq
Rwanda
Papua New Guinea
Nigeria
Zimbabwe

Source: United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), Human

Development Report 1997, table 1.1, p. 21

Table 2.2
Poverty in Selected G7 Countries by National Standards

Country Poverty Level

(percent of the population
below the poverty line)

United States (1996)*

Canada (1995)**
United Kingdom (1993)***
Italy (1993)***
Germany (1993)***
France (1993)***

Source:*US Bureau of Census.

**Center for International Statistics, Canadian Council on
Social Development.
***Furopean Information Service.
34 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

Endnotes

1. “Let Good Times Roll”, Financial Times, editorial commenting the

OECD economic forecasts, December 31, 1994- January Ist, 1995, p. 6.
2. See World Bank, World Development Report 1990, Poverty,Washington,
DC., 1990.
3. Broadly corresponding to the period of the 1990 World Bank report on
Poverty, the US Bureau of the Census estimates the level of poverty in the US
at 18.2 percent in 1986; see Bruce E. Kaufman, The Economics ofLabor and
Labor Markets, second edition, Orlando, 1989, p. 649.
4. See World Bank, World Development Report, 1990, Poverty, Washington
DC, 1990
5. See World Bank, World Development Report, 1997, table 9.2, chapter 9.
6. bid, chapter 9, table 9.2.
7. United Nations Development Program, Human Development Report,
1997, New York, 1997, p. 2.
8. bid, p. 5:
9. See US Bureau of the Census, Current Population Reports, Series P60-
198, Poverty in the United States: 1996, Washington, 1997.
10. US Bureau of the Census, Poverty in the United States: 1996,
Washington, 1997.
11. According to the official definition of Statistics Canada. Ottawa, 1995. For
country ranks based on the UNDP’s Human Development index,
see Table 6, Human Development Report, 1997, p. 161.
 Chapter 3

Policing Countries Through

Loan “Conditionalities”

The Global Debt

| How were sovereign countries brought under the tutelage of the interna-
tional financial institutions ? Because countries were indebted, the Bretton
Woods institutions were able to oblige them through the so-called “‘condi-
| tionalities” attached to the loan agreements to appropriately redirect their
| macro-economic policy in accordance with the interests of the official and
| commercial creditors.
The debt burden of developing countries has increased steadily since
the early 1980s despite the various rescheduling, restructuring and debt-
conversion schemes put forward by the creditors. In fact, these procedures,
when combined with IMF-World Bank policy-based lending (under the
structural adjustment program), were conducive to enlarging the outstand-
ing debt of developing countries, while ensuring prompt reimbursement of
interest payments.
The total outstanding long-term debt of developing countries (from
official and private sources) stood at approximately US$ 62 billion in
1970. It increased sevenfold in the course of the 1970s to reach $ 481 bil-
lion in 1980. The total debt of developing countries stood at close to $2
trillion (1998) — a 32-fold increase in relation to 1970. (See Table 3.1.)
36 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

Table 3.1
Developing Countries' External Debt
(in US $ billions)

Year Total external] Long-term | Short-term | Use of IMF

debt debt debt Credit

1980
1981
1982
1983
1984
1985
1986
1987
1988
1989
1990
199]
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
2000

Source: World Bank, World Debt Tables, Several Issues,

Washington D.C.
Technical Note: The pre-i985 data are based on all countries report-
ing to the World Bank and are not directly comparable to the post-
1985 data. The data for 2000 are estimates based on the 2001 World
Debt Tables which are not fully comparable with the 1990-98 figures.
 POLICING COUNTRIES THROUGH LOAN “CONDITIONALITIES” 37

Table 3.2
Share of Exports Allocated to Debt Servicing (%)
by Geographical Region

East Asia | Europe & Latin America Middle East |South Asia|Sub-Saharan
& Pacific }Central Asia |& the Caribbean |& North Africa Africa

Source: World Bank. World Debt Tables. Several Issues, Washington

DC.
Note: The share of exports allocated to debt servicing is the ratio of
debt service payments (interest and principal) to exports of goods
and services.
 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

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42 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

A Marshall Plan for the Rich Countries

While commodity prices tumbled leading, since the early 1980s, to a

decline in the value of exports, an increasingly larger share of export earn-
ings had been earmarked for debt-servicing (See Graphs 3.1 — 3.4.).
By the mid-1980s, developing countries had become net exporters of
capital in favor of the rich countries. The flow of actual debt servicing was
in excess of the new inflows ofcapital (in the form of loans, foreign invest-
ment and foreign aid).' Up until the mid-1980s, the international financial
institutions (IFIs) had re-financed debt largely in the name of the commer-
cial bank and official creditors. However, many ofthe loans granted by the
multilateral institutions at the outset of the debt crisis became due and the
Washington-based IFIs demanded the reimbursement ofthese loans. Under
the articles of agreement of the Bretton Woods institutions, these loans
cannot be rescheduled.

Policy-based Lending

There is a close, almost symbiotic, relationship between debt-management

policy and macro-economic reform. Debt management is confined to
ensuring that individual debtor nations continue formally to abide by their
financial obligations. Through “financial engineering” and the careful art
of debt rescheduling, repayment ofthe principal is deferred while interest
payments are enforced; debt is swapped for equity and “new” money is
“lent” to nations on the verge of bankruptcy to enable them to pay off their
interest arrears on “old” debts so as to temporarily avert default, and so on.
In this process, the formal loyalty of individual debtors is paramount. The
creditors accept to reschedule only if debtor nations abide by the “policy
conditionalities” attached to the loan agreements.
The objective consists in enforcing the legitimacy of the debt-servic-
ing relationship while maintaining debtor nations in a straitjacket, which
prevents them from embarking upon an independent national economic
policy. A new generation of “policy-based loans” was ized. Money was
provided “to help countries to adjust”. These World-Bank loan agreements
included tight “conditionalities”: the money was granted only if the gov-
ernment complied with the structural adjustment reforms while, at the
same time, respecting very precise deadlines for their implementation.
In turn, the adoption of the IMF’s policy prescriptions under the struc-
tural adjustment program was not only conditional for obtaining new loans
 POLICING COUNTRIES THROUGH LOAN “CONDITIONALITIES” 43

.from multilateral institutions, it also provided “the green light” to the Paris
_and London Clubs, foreign investors, commercial banking institutions and
_bilateral donors. Countries which refused to accept the Fund’s corrective
|policy measures faced serious difficulties in rescheduling their debt and/or
obtaining new development loans and international assistance. The IMF
also had the means ofseriously disrupting a national economy by blocking
|short-term credit in support of commodity trade.
So-called “conditionalities” were attached to “the quick disbursing
_ policy-based loans”. These loans by the IFIs were granted subject to the
' adoption of a comprehensive program of macro-economic stabilization and
structural economic reform — 1.e. the loan agreements were not in any way
' related to an investment program as in conventional project lending. The
loans were intended to support policy changes; the latter were tightly mon-
itored by the Bretton Woods institutions, their evaluation being based on
“policy performance”. Once the loan agreement had been signed, dis-
bursements could be interrupted if the government did not conform with
the danger that the country would be blacklisted by the so-called “aid coor-
dination group” of bilateral and multilateral donors.”
The nature of these loan agreements did not favor the real economy,
since none of the money was channeled into investment. Another impor-
tant objective was served, however: the adjustment loans diverted
resources away from the domestic economy and encouraged countries to
keep on importing large quantities of consumer goods, including food sta-
ples, from the rich countries. The money granted in support ofthe “adjust-
ment” of agriculture, for instance, was not meant for investment in agri-
cultural projects. The loans could be spent freely on commodity imports
including consumer durables and luxury goods.’ The result of this process
was stagnation of the domestic economy, enlargement of the balance of
payments crisis and growth of the debt burden.

Enlarging the Debt

The new “quick disbursing loans” (theoretically earmarked for commodi-

ty imports) represented “fictitious money” because the amounts granted to
debtor nations were invariably lower than the amounts reimbursed in the
form of debt servicing. Envisage, for instance, a developing country, which
has a total debt stock of US$ 10 billion and owes $ | billion in (annual)
debt-servicing obligations to the Paris and London Clubs. With depressed
export earnings, however, the country is unable to meet these obligations.
44 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

And unless new loans “to pay back old debts” are forthcoming, arrears will
accumulate and the country will be placed on an international blacklist.
In our example, a quick disbursing loan of US$ 500 million is granted
in the form of balance of payments support earmarked for the purchase of
commodity imports. The loan acts as a catalyzer: it allows the country’s
foreign exchange earnings from exports to be redirected towards interest
payments, thereby enabling the government to meet the deadlines of com-
mercial and official creditors. A billion dollars of debt-servicing is collect-
ed through a new loan of US$ 500 million.
The net outflow of resources is US$ 500 million. The joan is “ficti-
tious” because the money, which had been advanced (i.e. by the IMF or the
World Bank), is immediately reappropriated by the official and/or com-
mercial creditors. Moreover, this process has resulted in a $ 500 million
increase in the debt stock because the new loan was used to pay back the
interest portion of debt servicing and not the principal.

The IMF “Shadow Program”

Invariably, substantial reforms will be required prior to the holding of ac-

tual loan negotiations. The government has to provide evidence to the IMF
that it is “seriously committed to economic reform”. This process often
takes the form of a so-called “Letter of Intent” submitted to the IMF iden-
tifying the government’s major orientations in macro-economic policy and
debt management. This process was also carried out in the context of the
so-called “IMF Shadow Program” in which the IMF provided policy
guidelines and technical advice to the government without formal loan
support. The Shadow Program applies to countries whose economic
reforms are (according to the IMF) not on track (e.g. Brazil under presi-
dents Fernando Collor de Mello and Itamar Franco (1990-94)). The
Shadow Program was also implemented in countries of the former Soviet
Bloc as well as Vietnam in the form of IMF-World Bank technical assis-
tance prior to their formal membership of the Bretton Woods institutions
and/or the signing of loan agreements.
“Satisfactory performance” under the Shadow Program is a prerequi-
site (i.e. a prior condition) to formal loan negotiations. Once the loan has
been granted, policy performance is tightly monitored ona quarterly basis
by the Washington institutions. The disbursements granted in several
“tranches” can be interrupted if the reforms are “not on track” in which
case the country is back “on the blacklist” with the danger of reprisals in
 POLICING COUNTRIES THROUGH LOAN “CONDITIONALITIES” — 45

the area of trade and capital flows. The disbursements can also be inter-
rupted if the country falls behind in its current debt-servicing obligations.
The country may, nonetheless, continue to receive IMF-World Bank tech-
nical assistance — 1.e. a new Shadow Program (as in the case of Kenya in
1991) is set up leading to a new round of policy negotiations.

The Policy Framework Paper

In many indebted countries, the government is obliged, under its agree-

ment with the Washington-based institutions, to outline its priorities in a
so-called “Policy Framework Paper” (PFP). The latter is often accom-
panied by a “Letter of Intent” submitted to the IMF together with a
“Memorandum of Economic and Financial Policies.” (See Box 3.1.)
Although officially a government document determined by the
national authorities, the PFP is written under the close supervision of the
IMF and the World Bank according to a standard pre-set format. There is,
in this context, a clear division of tasks between the two sister organiza-
tions. The IMF is involved in key policy negotiations with regard to the
exchange rate and the budget deficit, whereas the World Bank is far more
involved in the actual reform process through its country-level representa-
tive office and its numerous technical missions.
The IMF monitors a country’s economic performance in the context of
“Article [TV Consultations” (regular review of a member country’s eco-
nomy) on an annual basis. This review provides — in addition to the more
stringent quarterly monitoring of performance targets under loan agree-
ments — the basis of so-called “IMF surveillance activities” of members’
economic policies.
The World Bank is present in many of the ministries: the reforms in
health, education, industry, agriculture, transportation, the environment,
etc. are under its jurisdiction. Moreover, since the late 1980s, the World
Bank supervises the privatization of state enterprises, the structure of pub-
lic investment and the composition of public expenditure through the so-
called Public Expenditure Review (PER).
40 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

Box 3.1 The Letter Of Intent

Mr. Michel Camdessus Managing Director
International Monetary Fund
Washington, D.C. 20431

Dear Mr. Camdessus:

1. The objectives of Guinea’s program of economic and financial adjustment for

the three-year period 1999-2001 are set out in the updated policy framework paver
prepared in close collaboration with the staffs of the Fund and the Worid Bank,
which is being transmitted to you under separate cover.
2. The attached memorandum of economic and financial policies, based on the
policy framework paper referred to above, sets out the objectives and policies that
the government of Guinea intends to pursue during 1999-2000. In support ofthese
objectives and policies, the government hereby requests the third annual arrange-
ment under the Enhanced Structural Adjustment Facility (ESAF) in an amount
equivalent to SDR 23.6 million (30 percent of quota). In this context, Guinea also
requests an extension of the original three-year ESAF commitment period to
January 12, 2001.
3. The government of Guinea will provide the Fund with such information as the
Fund requests in connection with the progress made in implementing the eco-
nomic and financial policies and achieving the objectives of the program.
4. The government of Guinea believes that the policies and measures set out in the
attached memorandum are adequate to achieve the objectives of its program: it will
take any further measures that may become appropriate for this purpose. During the
period of the third annual ESAF arrangement, the government will consult with the
Managing Director on the adoption of any measures that could be appropriate, at
the initiative of the government or whenever the Managing Director requests such
a consultation. Moreover, after the period of the third annual ESAF arrangement
and while Guinea has outstanding financial obligations to the Fund arising from
loans under the arrangement, the government will consult with the Fund from time
to time, at the initiative of the government or whenever the Managing Director
requests consultation on Guinea’s economic and financial policies.
5. The government of Guinea will conduct with the Fund the first review of its
program supported by the third annual arrangement not later than June 30, 2000
and the second review not later than December 31, 2000.
Sincerely,
Ibrahima Kassory Fofana
Minister of Economy and Finance
Cheérif Bah
Governor of the Central Bank of Guinea
 POLICING COUNTRIES THROUGH LOAN “CONDITIONALITIES” 47

|The IFIs’ Lending Facilities

Various “lending facilities” were used by the Bretton Woods institutions in

| support of policy-based loans:

International Monetary Fund

Stand-by arrangements, the Compensatory and Contingency

Financing Facility (CCFF), the Extended Fund Facility (EFF), IMF
structural adjustment and enhanced structural adjustment facilities
(SAF and ESAF), the Systemic Transformation Facility (STF),
Emergency Lending Facility for Post-Conflict countries.

World Bank

Structural adjustment loans (SAL) and sector adjustment loans

(SECAL).
The Systemic Transformation Facility (STF), applied in the former
Eastern Bloc countries, operates broadly with the same conditionalities as
the structural adjustment loans.

Phase One: “Economic Stabilization”

Structural adjustment is viewed by the IFIs as consisting of two distinct

phases: “Short-term” macro-economic stabilization (implying devaluation,
price liberalization and budgetary austerity) to be followed by the imple-
mentation of a number of more fundamental (and so-called “necessary”’)
structural reforms. More often, however, these “‘structural” reforms are car-
ried out concurrently with the “economic stabilization” process. The IMF-
World Bank stabilization exercise addresses both the budget deficit and the
balance of payments. According to the World Bank, this requires: “Getting
macro-economic policy right. . . Keeping budget deficits small helps in
controlling inflation and avoiding balance of payments problems. Keeping
a realistic exchange rate pays off in greater international competitiveness
and in supporting convertible currencies.”

Destroying A Nation’s Currency

The exchange rate is by far the most important instrument of macro-eco-

48 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

nomic reform: currency devaluation (including the unification of the

exchange rate and the elimination of exchange controls) affects fundamen-
tal supply and demand relations within the national economy. The IMF
plays a key political role in decisions to devalue. The rate of exchange reg-
ulates the real prices paid to the direct producers as well as the real value
of wages.
The IMF invariably argues that the exchange rate is “overvalued”.
Currency devaluation is often demanded (as a pre-condition) prior to the
negotiation of a structural adjustment loan: the destabilization of the
national currency is a key objective of the IMF-World Bank’s “hidden
agenda”. A “maxi-devaluation” — resulting in immediate and abrupt price
hikes — is conducive to a dramatic compression of real earnings while, at
the same time, reducing the value of labor costs expressed in hard curren-
cy. The devaluation also reduces the dollar value of government expendi-
ture thereby facilitating the release of state revenues towards the servicing
of the external debt.
The IMF imposes the unification of the exchange rate in the context of
the clauses of Article VIII of the IMF Articles of Agreement. Countries
accepting Article VIII are prevented from adopting multiple exchange-rate
practices or foreign exchange controls without IMF approval. More than
one hundred member countries of the IMF have accepted the clauses of
Article VIII.

The Social Consequences of Devaluation

The social impact of the IMF-sponsored devaluation is brutal and immedi-
ate: the domestic prices of food staples, essential drugs, fuel and public
services increase overnight. While the devaluation invariably triggers
inflation and the “dollarization” of domestic prices, the IMF obliges the
government (as part of the economic package) to adopt a so-called “anti-
inflationary program”. The latter has little to do with the real causes of
inflation (i.e. the devaluation). It is predicated on a contraction of demand,
requiring the dismissal of public employees, drastic cuts in social-sector
programs and the deindexation of wages. In sub-Saharan Africa, for
instance, the devaluation of the Central and West African (CFA) franc
imposed by the IMF and the French Treasury in 1994 compressed (with the
stroke of a pen) the real value of wages and government expenditure
(expressed in hard currency) by 50 percent while massively redirecting
state revenues towards debt-servicing.
 POLICING COUNTRIES THROUGH LOAN “CONDITIONALITIES” 49

In some cases, currency devaluation has provided the basis for a short-
term reactivation of commercial agriculture geared towards the export
market. More often, however, the underlying benefits accrue to the large
commercial plantations and agro-industrial exporters (in the form of lower
real wages to agricultural workers). The “short-term gains” from devalua-
tion are invariably wiped out when competing Third World countries are
forced to devalue (in similar agreements with the IMF).

The “Dollarization” of Domestic Prices

The devaluation leads to a “realignment of domestic prices” at the levels

prevailing in the world market. This process of“dollarization” of domestic
prices leads to abrupt price hikes in most commodities, including food sta-
ples, consumer durables and gasoline and fuel, as well as most inputs and
raw materials used in production (e.g. farm inputs, equipment, etc.). In this
regard, domestic prices will adjust to their world market levels irrespective
of the direction of monetary policy.
The devaluation — rather than an expansion in the supply of money —
constitutes the main factor which triggers the inflationary spiral. The IMF
denies the inflationary impact of currency devaluation: tight restrictions on
money supply are imposed in the aftermath of the devaluation once the
price hikes have already taken place with a view to “combating inflation-
ary pressures”. This freeze on money creation obliges the government to
curtail real expenditures, reduce real wages and lay off civil servants.

The Deindexation of Wages

Needless to say, pressures build up within society to increase nominal

wages to compensate for the dramatic decline in real earnings, yet the
agreement with the IMF formally disallows the indexation of real earnings
(and social expenditures). The IMF requires “the liberalization of the labor
market”, the elimination of cost of living adjustment clauses in collective
agreements and the phasing out of minimum- wage legislation. The argu-
ment in favor of deindexation is based on the “inflationary impact of wage
demands”.
50 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

Analyzing the Impact of Devaluation

The impact of the devaluation must be analyzed in relation to the following

variables:

- the level of domestic prices (P),

- nominal wages (W),
- real wages (W/P),
- nominal government expenditure (G),
- real government expenditure (G/P),
- the nominal money supply (M),
- the real money supply (M/P). Re

The dollarization of domestic prices leads to a contraction in:

- real wages (W/P),

- the real value of government expenditure (G/P).
The nominal supply of money (M) may increase but the real value of the
supply of money (M/P) declines dramatically. The devaluation implies a
process of monetary contraction (M/P) and a massive compression of the
real value of government expenditure (G/P) and wages (W/P). The real
prices paid to direct producers also decline as a result of the devaluation.

Taking Control of the Central Bank

The IMF tightly monitors and provides resources for the restructuring of
the Central Bank. The IMF requires so-called “Central Bank independence
(rom political power as a remedy against the inflationary bias of govern-
ments”.’ In practice, this means that the IMF, rather than the government,
controls money creation. The agreement signed between the government
and the IMF prevents the funding of government expenditure and the pro-
vision of credit by the Central Bank through money creation, — i.e. the IMF,
on behalfof the creditors, is in a position virtually to paralyze the financ-
ing of real economic development. Incapable of using domestic monetary
policy to mobilize its internal resources, the country becomes increasingly
dependent on international sources of funding which has the added conse-
quence of increasing the level of external indebtedness.
Another important condition put forth by the IMF is that “Central
Bank independence holds also with respect to parliament’ Namely, once
the senior officials of the Central Bank have been appointed, they are nei-
 POLICING COUNTRIES THROUGH LOAN “CONDITIONALITIES” 51

ther accountable to the government nor to parliament. Increasingly, their

allegiance is to the IFIs. In many developing countries, senior officials of
the Central Bank are former staff members ofthe IFIs and of the regional
development banks. Moreover, Central Bank officials often receive “salary
supplements” in hard currency financed from multilateral and bilateral
sources.

Destabilizing a Nation’s Public Finances

The dismissal of public employees and drastic cuts in social-sector pro-

grams are imposed by the Bretton Woods institutions. These austerity
measures hit all categories of public expenditure. At the outset of the debt
crisis, the IFIs would limit their intervention to setting an overall target for
the budget deficit in view of releasing state revenues for debt servicing.
Since the late 1980s, the World Bank has closely monitored the structure
of public expenditure through the so-called Public Expenditure Review
(PER). In this context, the composition of expenditure in each of the min-
istries is under the supervision of the Bretton Woods institutions. The
World Bank recommends “a cost effective” transfer from regular expendi-
ture categories to “targeted expenditures”. According to the World Bank,
the PER is to “promote the reduction ofpoverty in a cost effective and effi-
cient fashion”.
With regard to the social sectors, the IFIs insist on the principle of cost
recovery and the gradual withdrawal ofthe state from basic health and edu
cational services. The concept oftargeting in the social sectors pertains to
the identification of so-called “vulnerable groups”. The austerity measures
in the social sectors — requiring a shift from regular to targeted programs
has largely been responsible for the collapse of schools, health clinics and
hospitals, while providing a semblance of legitimacy to the Washington-
based institutions.

The Budget Deficit: A Moving Target

Initial targets are set in the loan agreements for the budget deficit
However, since the early 1990s, the IMF has applied the concept of a
“moving target” for the budget deficit: a target of 5 percent of GDP is first
set, the government meets the IMF target; in subsequent loan negotiations
or within the same loan agreement, the IMF lowers the target to 3.5 per
cent on the grounds that government expenditure patterns are “inflation
52 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

ary”. Once the 3.5 percent target has been met, the IMF will insist on
reducing the budget deficit to 1.5 percent of GDP, and so on. This exercise
ultimately exacerbates the fiscal crisis of the State leading to the collapse
of state programs while releasing state revenue (in the short-run) for the
payment of interest on the external debt.

Engineering the Collapse of State Investment

The budget targets imposed by the Bretton Woods institutions, combined

with the effects of the devaluation, trigger the collapse of public invest-
ment. New rules pertaining to both recurrent and development expendi-
tures are established: precise “ceilings” are placed on all categories of
expenditure; the state is no longer permitted to mobilize its own resources
for the building of public infrastructure, roads or hospitals, etc. — i.e. the
creditors not only become the “brokers” of all major public investment
projects, they also decide in the context of the “Public Investment
Program” (PIP) (established under the technical auspices of the World
Bank) on what type of public infrastructure should or should not be fund-
ed by the “donor community”. The concept of targeted investment is put
forth and capital formation in necessary economic and social infrastructure
is dramatically curtailed.
Under the PIP, all project loans require a system of procurement and
international tender (“competitive bidding”) which allocates the entire exe-
cution of public works projects to international construction and engineer-
ing firms. The latter, in turn, skim off large amounts of money into a vari-
ety of consulting and management fees. Local construction companies
(whether public or private) tend to be excluded from the tendering process
although local companies (using local labor at very low wages) will under-
take much ofthe actual construction work in separate sub-contracting deals
reached with the transnationals. In other words, loan money earmarked for
infrastructural projects is largely “recycled” in favor of multinational con-
tractors.
While project financing is granted in the form of “soft loans” at con-
cessional interest rates, with extended repayment periods, the actual costs
(and the imputed interest rate which underlies these costs) to the country
are exceedingly high. The PIP, under the supervision of the World Bank, is
predicated on enlarging the external debt while contributing to the demo-
bilization of domestic resources.
 POLICING COUNTRIES THROUGH LOAN “CONDITIONALITIES” 53

Price Liberalization

The IMF-World Bank claims that it is necessary to eliminate so-called

price distortions. “Getting Prices Right” consists in the elimination of all
subsidies and price controls. The impact on levels of real earnings (in both
the formal and informal sectors) is immediate.
The deregulation of domestic grain prices, as well as the liberalization
of staple food imports, is an essential feature of this program. The liberal-
ization program also pertains to the prices of inputs and raw materials.
Combined with the devaluation, the underlying measures lead to substan-
tial hikes in the domestic prices of fertilizer, farm inputs, equipment, etc.,
which have an immediate impact on the cost structure in most areas of eco-
nomic activity.

The Pricing of Petroleum Products and Public Utilities

The price of petroleum products is regulated by the state under the super-
vision of the World Bank. The price hikes, both in fuel and public utilities
(often of several hundred percent), invariably contribute to destabilizing
domestic production, — i.e. the high domestic price of gasoline (substan-
tially above world market levels) backlashes on the cost structure of
domestic industry and agriculture. The production costs are often artifi-
cially pushed up above the domestic sale price of the commodity thereby
precipitating a large number of small and medium-sized producers into
bankruptcy.
Moreover, the periodic price hikes of petroleum products imposed by
the World Bank (adopted concurrently with the liberalization of commod-
ity imports) operate as an “internal transit duty” which serves the purpose
ofcutting domestic producers off from their own market. The high price of
gasoline contributes to the disruption of internal freight. Exceedingly high
petrol and diesel prices (i.e. in relation to very low wages), combined with
the numerous user fees and tolls for bridges, roads, inland waterways, etc.
affect the entire cost structure of domestically produced goods largely to
the advantage of imported commodities. In sub-Saharan Africa, the high
cost of transportation imposed by the IFIs is one of the key factors which
prevent farmers from selling their produce in the urban market in direct
competition with heavily subsidized agricultural commodities imported
from Europe and North America.
Although the modalities differ, the tariffon fuel and public utilities has
similar consequences to the internal transit duty imposed in India by the
British East India Company in the late 18th century.
54 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

Phase Two: “Structural Reform”

The application of macro-economic “stabilization” (which is a condition

for the granting of bridge financing by the IMF and the rescheduling ofthe
external debt with the Paris and London Clubs) are followed by the imple-
mentation of so-called “necessary” structural reforms. There is a division
of tasks between the IMF and the World Bank. These “necessary” eco-
nomic reforms are supported by World Bank SALs and sectoral adjustment
loans (SECALs). The package of structural reforms discussed below con-
sists of measures pertaining to trade liberalization, the deregulation ofthe
banking sector, the privatization of state enterprises, tax reform, the priva-
tization of agricultural land, “poverty alleviation” and “good governance”.

Trade Liberalization

The Bretton Woods institutions argue that the tariff structure constitutes a
so-called “‘anti-export bias” which discourages the development of the
export economy — Le. it favors the development of the domestic market at
the expense of the export sector leading to a misallocation of resources.
There is little evidence to suggest, however, that the elimination oftariffs
has facilitated “the switch of resources” in favor of exports.
The trade liberalization program invariably consists of the elimination
of import quotas and the reduction and unification of tariffs. The conse-
quent decline in customs’ revenues also has a significant impact on the
state’s public finances. Not only do these measures backfire on the budget
deficit, thus exacerbating fiscal imbalances, they also prevent the authori-
ties from selectively rationing (through tariffs and quotas) the use of scarce
foreign exchange.
While the elimination of quotas and the reduction of protective tariff
barriers are intended “to make domestic industry more competitive”, the lib-
eralization oftrade invariably leads to the collapse of domestic manufactur-
ing (geared towards the internal market). The measures also fuel the influx
of luxury goods, while the tax burden of the upper income groups is reduced
as a result of the lowering of import tariffs on automobiles and consumer
durables. Imported consumer goods not only replace domestic production,
this consumer frenzy, sustained on borrowed money (through the various
quick disbursing loans), ultimately contributes to swelling the external debt.
 POLICING COUNTRIES THROUGH LOAN “CONDITIONALITIES” 55

Divestiture and Privatization of State Enterprises

Structural adjustment constitutes a means for taking over the real assets of
indebted countries through the privatization program, as well as collecting
debt-servicing obligations. The privatization of state enterprises is invari-
ably tied to the renegotiation of the country’s external debt. The most prof-
itable parastatals are taken over by foreign capital or joint ventures often in
exchange for debt. The proceeds of these sales deposited in the Treasury
are channeled towards the London and Paris Clubs. International capital
gains control and/or ownership over the most profitable state enterprises at
a very low cost. Moreover, with a large number ofindebted countries sell-
ing (or trading) their public enterprises at the same time, the price of state
assets tumbles.
In some countries, state ownership over “strategic sectors” (e.g. oil,
gas, telecommunications) and public utilities is entrenched in the constitu-
tion. Privatization of these sectors may require, as in the case of Brazil, the
prior amendment ofthe constitution. (See Chapter 13.)

Tax Reform

Under the guidance of the World Bank, a number of fundamental changes

are implemented in the fiscal structure. These changes tend to undermine
domestic production both on the demand and supply sides. The introduc-
tion of avalue-added or sales tax and changes in the structure of direct tax-
ation invariably imply a greater tax burden for the lower- and middle-
income groups. Included in the World Bank framework is the registration,
for tax purposes, of small agricultural producers and units of the informal
urban sector. While domestic producers are subjected to government taxes,
joint ventures and foreign capital invariably enjoy generous tax holidays as
a means of“attracting foreign investment”.

Land Tenure and the Privatization of Agricultural Land

The reforms are conducted in the context of the World Bank’s sectoral
adjustment loans. The relevant legislation on the ownership ofland is often
developed with technical support provided by the World Bank’s Legal
Department. The reforms consist in issuing land titles to farmers while, at
the same time encouraging, the concentration of farm land in fewer hands.
Customary land rights are also affected. The tendency is towards the for-
feiture and/or mortgaging of land by small farmers, the growth of the agri-
56 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

business sector and the formation of a class of landless seasonal agricul-

tural workers.
Moreover, the measures often contribute — under the disguise of
modernity — to the restoration of the rights of the “old-time” landlord class.
Ironically, the latter is often the champion of economic “liberalization”.
The privatization of land also serves the objective of debt servicing
since the proceeds of public land sales, under advice from the World Bank,
are used to generate state revenues, which are channeled by the national
Treasury to the international creditors.

Deregulation of the Banking System

The Central Bank loses control over monetary policy: interest rates are
determined in the “free market” by the commercial banks. Concessional
credit to agriculture and industry is phased out. The underlying measures
are usually conducive to significant hikes in both real and nominal interest
rates. The movement ofinterest rates interacts with that of domestic prices.
Nominal interest rates are pushed up to abnormally high levels as a result
of periodic devaluations and the resulting ‘“dollarization” of domestic
prices. The deregulation of the banking system also leads to the influx of
“hot money” attracted by artificially high interest rates. The commercial
banks are no longer in a position to provide credit to the real economy at
reasonable rates. This policy — combined with the phasing out of the state
development banks — leads to the collapse of credit to both agricuiture and
domestic industry. Whereas short-term credit to merchants involved in the
export trade is maintained, the domestic banking sector is no longer geared
towards providing credit to local producers.
The international financial institutions will also require the privatiza-
tion of state development banks and the deregulation of the commercial
banking system. It is worth noting that under the Uruguay Round
Agreement, conducted under the umbrella of the GATT and signed in
1994, foreign commercial banks are allowed free entry into the domestic
banking sector.
The movement is towards the divestiture of state banking institutions
(under the privatization program), as well as the displacement of private
domestic banks. The restructuring of the banking sector is implemented in the
context of a Financial Sector Adjustment program (FSAP). The latter includes
the divestiture and sale of all state banks under the supervision of the IFIs with
key state banking institutions taken over by foreign financial interests.
 POLICING COUNTRIES THROUGH LOAN “CONDITIONALITIES” 57

The process of divestiture is related directly to the collection of debt

servicing obligations. The restructuring of the commercial debt under the
Brady Plan, for instance, was often conditional upon the prior privatization
of state banking institutions under the clauses of the FSAP, with the pro-
ceeds of these sales channeled into the servicing of the commercial debt.

Liberalizing Capital Movements

The IMF insists on the “transparency” and “free movement” of foreign

exchange in and out of the country (through electronic transfers). This
process enables foreign companies freely to repatriate their profits in for-
eign exchange.

Recycling Dirty Money towards Debt Servicing

Another important objective, however, is served: the liberalization of cap-
ital movements encourages the “repatriation of capital flight”, namely, the
return of “black” and “dirty money” which had been deposited by the Third
World ¢lites since the 1960s in offshore bank accounts. “Dirty money”
constitutes the proceeds of illegal trade and/or criminal activity whereas
“black money” is money which has escaped taxation.
The crisis of the legal economy under the brunt of the macro-economic
reforms is related directly to the rapid growth of illicit trade. Moreover, the
convenience and speed at which dirty money transactions can be undertak-
en (through electronic transfers) tend to facilitate the development of illicit
trade at the expense of the legal economy.
The liberalization of capital movements serves the interests of the
creditors. It constitutes a means for channeling “dirty” and “black money”
deposited offshore towards the servicing of the external debt, while pro-
viding the privileged social classes with a convenient mechanism for laun-
dering large amounts of money which were obtained illegally.
This process works as follows: hard currency is transferred from an
offshore bank account into the interbank market of a developing country
(“no questions asked”). The foreign exchange is then converted into local
currency and used to purchase state assets and/or public land put on the
auction block by the government in the context of the World Bank-spon-
sored privatization program. In turn, the foreign exchange proceeds of
these sales are channeled towards the national Treasury where they are ear-
marked for debt-servicing.
5S THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

“Poverty Alleviation” and the “Social Safety Net”

Since the late 1980s, “poverty alleviation” has become a “conditionality”

of World Bank loan agreements. “Poverty alleviation” supports the objec-
tive of debt-servicing: “sustainable poverty reduction”, under the dominion
of the Bretton Woods institutions, is predicated on slashing social-sector
budgets and redirecting expenditure on a selective and token basis “in
favor of the poor’. The “Social Emergency Fund” (established on the
Bolivia-Ghana model) 1s intent on providing “a flexible mechanism” for
“managing poverty” while, at the same time, dismantling the state’s public
finances. The poor are defined in this framework as “target groups”.
The Social Emergency Fund (SEF) requires a social engineering
approach, a policy framework for “managing poverty” and attenuating
social unrest at minimal cost to the creditors. So-called “targeted pro-
grams” earmarked “to help the poor” combined with “cost recovery” and
the “privatization” of health and educational services are said to constitute
“a more efficient” way of delivering social programs. The state withdraws
and many programs under the jurisdiction ofline ministries will henceforth
be managed by the organizations of civil society under the umbrella of the
SEF. The latter also finances, under the “social safety net’, severance pay-
ments and/or minimum-employment projects earmarked for public-sector
workers laid off as a result of the adjustment program.
The SEF officially sanctions the withdrawal ofthe state from the social
sectors and “the management of poverty” (at the micro-social level) by
separate and parallel organizational structures. Various non-governmental
organizations (NGOs), funded by international “aid programs”, have grad-
ually taken over many of the functions of local-level governments. Small-
scale production and handicraft projects, sub-contracting for export pro-
cessing firms, community-based training and employment programs, etc.
are set up under the umbrella of the “social safety net”. A meager survival
to local-level communities is ensured while, at the same time, the risk of
social upheaval is contained.

“Good Governance”: Promoting Bogus Parliamentary Institutions

“Democratization” has become the motto of the free market. So-called

“governance” and the holding of multi-party elections are added as condi-
tionalities to the loan agreements. The nature of the economic reforms,
however, prevents a genuine democratization.
 POLICING COUNTRIES THROUGH LOAN “CONDITIONALITIES” 59

The Consequences of Structural Adjustment

The solution to the debt crisis becomes the cause of further indebtedness.
The IMF’s economic stabilization package is, in theory, intended to assist
countries in restructuring their economies with a view to generating a sur-
plus on their balance of trade so as to pay back the debt and initiate a
process of economic recovery. Exactly the opposite occurs. The very
process of “belt-tightening” imposed by the creditors undermines eco-
nomic recovery and the ability of countries to repay their debt.

The underlying measures contribute to enlarging the external debt:

1) The new policy-based loans granted to pay back old debt con-
tribute to increasing the debt stock.
2) Trade liberalization tends to exacerbate the balance of payments
crisis. Domestic production is replaced by imports (in a wide range of
commodities) and new quick-disbursing loans are granted to enable
countries to continue importing goods from the world market.

3) With the completion of the Uruguay Round and the formation of

the World Trade Organization, a much larger share of the import bill
is made up of “services”, including the payment of intellectual prop-
erty rights. The import bill will increase without a corresponding
influx of (“produced”) commodities.

4) The structural adjustment program has implied a significant shift

out of project lending and a consequent freeze on capital formation in
all areas which do not directly serve the interests of the export
economy.

The economic stabilization package destroys the possibility of an

“endogenous national economic development process” controlled by
national policy makers. The IMF-World Bank reforms brutally dismantle
the social sectors of developing countries, undoing the efforts and struggles
of the post-colonial period and reversing “with the stroke of apen” the ful-
fillment of past progress. Throughout the developing world, there is a con-
sistent and coherent pattern: the IMF-World Bank reform package consti-
tutes a coherent program of economic and social collapse. The austerity
measures lead to the disintegration of the state, the national economy is
remolded, production for the domestic market is destroyed through the
compression of real earnings and domestic production is redirected
towards the world market. These measures go far beyond the phasing out
60 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

of import-substituting industries. They destroy the entire fabric of the

domestic economy.

The IMF Tacitly Acknowledges Policy Failure

Ironically, the IMF and the World Bank have tacitly acknowledged policy
failure. In the words of a Senior IMF official:
Although there have been’a number of studies on the subject over the
past decade, one cannot say with certainty whether programs have
“worked” or not (.. .). On the basis of existing studies, one certainly
cannot say whether the adoption of programs supported by the Fund
led to an improvement in inflation and growth performance. In fact it
is often found that programs are associated with a rise in inflation and
a fall in the growth rate.’
While calling for the development of “improved methods of eval-
uation” of fund-supported programs, the empirical tests proposed
by the IMF Research Department are not able to refute the evi-
dence.

The Counterfactual Argument

The measures are justified by the Bretton Woods institutions on the

grounds of micro-economic efficiency. According to the IFIs, the “social
costs” must be balanced against the “economic benefits” of macro-eco-
nomic stabilization. The IMF-World Bank motto is “short- term pain for
long-term gain”.
While recognizing the “social dimensions of adjustment’, the Bretton
Woods institutions have also underscored the so-called “counterfactual
argument”: “the situation is bad, but it would have been far worse had the
structural adjustment measures not been adopted”. According to a recent
World Bank report:
Africa’s disappointing economic performance in the aggregate repre-
sents a failure to adjust [rather than] a failure of adjustment (. . .).
More Adjustment — Not Less — Would Help the Poor and the
Environment. (. . .) Adjustment is the necessary first step on the road
to sustainable poverty reduction.*
Whereas the economic policy package is, in principle, intended to pro-
mote efficiency and a more rational allocation of productive resources
 POLICING COUNTRIES THROUGH LOAN “CONDITIONALITIES” 61

based on the market mechanism, this objective is brought about through a

massive disengagement of human and material resources. The counterpart
of “micro-economic efficiency” is programmed austerity at the macro-
economic level. It is, consequently, difficult to justify these measures on
the grounds of efficiency and resource allocation.

The Social Impact of Macro-economic Reform

The social implications of these reforms (including their impact on health,

education, the social rights of women and the environment) have been
amply documented.’ Educational establishments are closed down and
teachers are laid off due to lack of funds; in the health sector, there is a gen-
eral breakdown in curative and preventive care as a result of the lack of
medical equipment and supplies, poor working conditions and the low pay
of medical personnel. The lack of operating funds is, in part, compensated
by the exaction ofregistration and user fees — e.g. the “drug cost recovery
scheme” under the Bamako Proposal and the Parent Teachers’ Associations
(PTA) levies exacted by local communities to cover expenses previously
incurred by the Ministry of Education.
This process, however, implies the partial privatization of essential
government social services and the de facto exclusion of large sectors of
the population (particularly in rural areas) which are unable to pay the var-
ious fees attached to health and educational services.""
It should be emphasized that the structural adjustment program not
only results in increased levels of urban and rural poverty. It also implies a
reduced capacity of people (including middle-class households) to pay for
health and educational services associated with the cost recovery scheme.
Freezing the number of graduates of the teacher training colleges and
increasing the number of pupils per teacher are explicit conditions of
World Bank social-sector adjustment loans. The educational budget is cur-
tailed, the number of contact-hours spent by children in school is cut down
and a double shift system is installed: one teacher now does the work of
two, the remaining teachers are laid off and the resulting savings to the
Treasury are funneled towards the external creditors.
These “cost effective” initiatives, however, are still considered to be
incomplete: in sub-Saharan Africa, the donor community has recently pro-
posed a new imaginative (“cost-effective”) formula which consists in elim-
inating the teachers’ meager salary altogether (in some countries as low as
US$ 15-20 a month) while granting small loans to enable unemployed
62 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

teachers to set up their own informal “private schools” in rural backyards

and urban slums. Under this scheme, the Ministry of Education would,
nonetheless, still be responsible for monitoring “the quality” of teaching.

The Restructuring of the Health Sector

A similar approach prevails in the area of health: state subsidies to health

are said to create undesirable “market distortions”, which “benefit the
rich”. Moreover, according to the World Bank, an expenditure of US$ 8 per
person per annum is amply sufficient to meet acceptable standards ofclin-
ical services.'' Moreover, user fees for primary health care to impoverished
rural communities should be exacted both on the grounds of“greater equi-
ty” and “efficiency”. These communities should also participate in the run-
ning of the primary health care units by substituting the qualified nurse or
medical auxiliary (hitherto paid by the Ministry of Health) by an untrained
and semi-illiterate health volunteer.
The results: with the exception of a small number of externally funded
showpieces, health establishments in sub-Saharan Africa have de facto
become a source of disease and infection. The shortage of funds allocated
to medical supplies (including disposable syringes), as well as the price
hikes (recommended by the World Bank) in electricity, water and fuel (e.g.
required to sterilize needles) increase the incidence of infection (including
HIV transmission). In sub-Saharan Africa, for instance, the inability to pay
for prescription drugs tends to reduce the levels of attendance and utiliza-
tion in government health centers to the extent that health infrastructure
and personnel are no longer utilized in a cost-effective fashion."”
While the cost recovery scheme may ensure the limited operational
viability of a select number of health centers, the tendency is towards a)
increased social polarization in the health-care delivery system and b) a
reduction in health coverage and an increase in the already large percent-
age of the population which has no access to health. Macro-economic pol-
icy is conducive to a major disengagement of human and material
resources in the social sectors.

The Resurgence of Communicable Diseases

In sub-Saharan Africa there has been a resurgence of anumber of commu-

nicable diseases which were believed to be under control. These include
cholera, yellow fever and malaria. Similarly, in Latin America the preva-
 POLICING COUNTRIES THROUGH LOAN “CONDITIONALITIES” 63

lence of malaria and dengue has worsened dramatically since the mid-
1980s in terms of parasite incidence. Control and prevention activities
(directly associated with the contraction of public expenditure under the
structural adjustment program) have declined dramatically. The outbreak
of bubonic and pneumonic plague in India in 1994 has been recognized as
“the direct consequence of a worsening urban sanitation and public health
infrastructure which accompanied the compression of national and munic-
ipal budgets under the 1991 IMF/World Bank-sponsored structural adjust-
ment program”.
713

The social consequences of structural adjustment are fully acknowl-

edged by the IFIs. The IMF-World Bank methodology considers, however,
the “social sectors” and “the social dimensions of adjustment” as some-
thing “separate” — 1.e. according to the dominant economic dogma, these
“undesired side effects” are not part of the workings of an economic
model. They belong to a separate “sector”: the social sector.

Endnotes

1. See World Bank, World Debt Tables, several issues.

2. The loan disbursements are normally granted in several tranches. The
release of each tranche is conditional upon the implementation of
precise economic reforms. ;
3. These loans constitute so-called “balance of payments aid”.
World Bank, Adjustment in Africa, Oxford University Press,
Washington, 1994, p. 9.
5. Carlo Cottarelli, Limiting Central Bank Credit to the Government, IMF,
Washington DC, 1993, p. 3.
6. Ibid., p. 26.
7. Mohsin Khan, “The Macroeconomic Effects of Fund Supported
Adjustment Programs”, JMF Staff Papers, Vol. 37, No. 2, 1990, p. 196,
Dale:
8. World Bank, Adjustment in Africa, Oxford University Press,
Washington 1994, p. 17.
9. Various studies including a major study by UNICEF entitled “Structural
Adjustment with a Human Face” have examined the impact of macro-
economic policy on a number of social indicators including morbidity
and the frequency of infectious diseases, infant mortality, levels of child
nutrition, levels of education.
10. It is worth noting that under a scheme of cost recovery proposed by the
international financial institutions to indebted countries, the Munistry
64 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

of Health would reduce its disbursements and transfer the cost of

running the health centers to impoverished rural and urban communi-
ties. Under the cost-recovery scheme, there would be “decentralization
of decision-making” and “community involvement and control”: what
this means is that impoverished rural and urban communities — while
ecoming formally “self-reliant” — would bear the burden of subsidizing
the Ministry of Health.
. See World Bank, World Development Report, 1993: Investing in Health,
Washington DC, 1993, p. 106.
On the issue of cost recovery see UNICEF, “Revitalising Primary
Health Care/Maternal and Child Health, the Bamako Initiative”, report
by the Executive Director, February 1989, p. 16.
. See Madrid Declaration of Alternative Forum, The Other Voices of the
Planet, Madrid, October 1994.
 Chapter 4

The World Bank and Women’s Rights

The World Bank has become the defender of women’s rights urging
national governments to “invest more in women in order to reduce gender
inequality and boost economic development”.' Through its Women In
Development Program (WID) adopted throughout the developing world,
the World Bank dictates the ground rules on gender policy. A ““market-ori-
ented” approach to gender is prescribed; a monetary value is attached to
gender equality. Women’s programs are to be framed in relation to the
“opportunity cost” and “efficiency” of women’s rights.
While recognizing the possibility of “market failure” (and conse-
quently the need for state intervention to protect women’s rights), the
World Bank contends that “free markets” broadly support the “empower-
ment of women” and the achievement of gender equality:
It is critical that governments take the lead where markets fail to cap-
ture the full benefits to society of investment in women. (...)
Investments in women are vital in achieving economic efficiency and
growth. [T]he Bank is to promote gender equality as a matter of social
justice and enhance women’s participation in economic develop-
ment.”
Policies that “deepen markets” and “stimulate more competitive mar-
ket structures” are said to contribute to greater gender equality. The World
Bank asserts that the structural adjustment program (SAP) improves
women’s economic status in the labor market, while acknowledging that
there are also “risks” to women associated with the cuts in social spending
and the downsizing of state programs.

The World Bank’s Gender Perspective

The World Bank acts as a custodian: it determines the concepts, method-

66 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

ological categories and data base used to analyze gender issues. The “donor
community” controls the institutional framework (at the country level),
including the Women’s Bureau and the Ministry of Women’s Affairs.
Because the World Bank constitutes the main source of funding, national
women’s organizations — associated with the seat of political power — will
often endorse the WB gender perspective. The main objective of the latter is
not to enhance women’s rights, but to impose a free market gender perspec-
tive and to demobilize the women’s movement.
Under the trusteeship of the international financial institutions, the
“empowerment of women” is to be achieved through the usual macro-
economic recipes: devaluation, budget austerity, the application of user
fees in health and education, the phasing out of state-supported credit,
trade liberalization, the deregulation of grain markets, the elimination of
minimum wage legislation, and so on. In other words, donor support to
Women’s programs — via Women in Development (WID) funded projects
— 1s conditional upon the prior derogation of women’s rights through “sat-
isfactory compliance” with IMF-World Bank conditionalities.
For instance, the implementation of token credit schemes earmarked
for rural women under the World Bank’s micro-level credit programs
invariably requires the prior divestiture of the state-supported development
banks, dramatic hikes in interest rates and the phasing out of the rural cred-
it cooperatives. The same applies to the “anti-poverty programs”. The lat-
ter are conditional upon the prior adoption of macro-economic measures,
which generate mass poverty. The anti-poverty programs, implemented
under the “social safety net”, are geared towards so-called “vulnerable
groups”: “disadvantaged women, indigenous women, female heads of
households, refugees and migrant women and women with disabilities”.
The structural causes of poverty and the role of macro-economic reform
are denied.

Derogating Women’s Educational Rights

Another area of World Bank intervention has been the implementation of

token scholarships and/or subsidies to girls (Letting Girls Learn) to finance
the costs of primary and secondary school tuition including books and
school materials.’ World Bank support in this area, however, is condition-
al upon the prior laying off ofteachers and the adoption of double-shift and
multi-grade teaching. (See Chapter 3.)
The World Bank Education Sector loan agreements specifically
 THE WORLD BANK AND WOMEN’S RIGHTS 67

require the Ministry of Education to cut its budget, lay-off teachers and
increase the student-teacher ratio. The implementation of “book rental
fees” and tuition fees — also under World Bank guidance — has been con-
ducive to a dramatic decline in both female and male school enrolment.
The WB focus is to implement cost-effective “targeted programs” for girls
while, at the same time, prescribing the withdrawal of the state from the
financing of primary and secondary education.

Cost Recovery in Health

Cost recovery and the application of user fees in health, under World Bank
supervision, contribute to the derogation of women’s rights to reproductive
health. In this regard, the structural adjustment programs have been con-
ducive in many parts of the world to the phasing out of maternal-child
health programs (MCH). The evidence confirms a resurgence of maternal
and infant mortality.
In sub-Saharan Africa, the tendency is towards the “de-professional-
ization” of health services, ultimately leading to the collapse of primary
health care. Village Health Volunteers (VHV) and traditional healers have
replaced community health nurses. The savings to the Treasury are applied
to servicing the country’s external debt. According to the World Bank,
“informal health care” is not only “cost effective’, it is more “democratic”
because it “empowers” women in local communities in the running of vil-
lage-based health centers.

Hidden Agenda

The WB framework portrays a ‘free’ market society composed of individ-

uals of both sexes. Women are identified as belonging to a separate social
category distinct from men (as if men and women belonged to different
social classes). The confrontation between men and women (i.e. as indi-
viduals) is viewed as the main source of social conflict. Under the World
Bank gender framework, the social status of women hinges upon the rela-
tionship of men and women within the household. How globalization
affects women is not an issue. According to the World Bank, the concen-
tration of wealth and the structures of corporate economic power have no
bearing on women’s rights.
Modernity and “the empowerment of women” through the “free mar-
ket” are the means to achieving gender equality. The system of global trade
68 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

and finance is never in doubt; the role of global institutions (including the
World Trade Organization and the Bretton Woods institutions) is not a mat-
ter for serious debate. Yet this global economic system (based on ‘cheap
labor’ and the private accumulation of wealth) ultimately constitutes one of
the main barriers to the achievement of gender equality. In turn, the neo-
liberal gender perspective (under the trusteeship of the ‘donors’) is largely
intent upon creating divisions within national societies, demobilizing the
women’s movement and breaking the solidarity between women and men
in their struggle against the New World Order.

Endnotes

1. World Bank, ‘Joward Gender Equality: The Role of Public Policy,

United Nations Fourth Conference on Women, Beijing, 1995). See also
World Bank ‘Advanced Gender Equality: From Concept to Action:’
United Nations Fourth Conference on Women, Beijing, 1995).
i) World Bank, The Gender Issue as Key to Development, Washington,
Document HCO, 95/01, 1995, p. 1.
3. World Bank, Letting Girls Learn, World Bank Discussion Paper Series,
Washington, 1995.
 Chapter 5

The Global Cheap-Labor Economy

Introduction

The globalization of poverty is accompanied by the reshaping of national

economies of developing countries and the redefinition of their role in the
New World Economic Order. The national level macro-economic reforms
(discussed in the previous Chapter) applied simultaneously in a large num-
ber of individual countries play a key role in regulating wages and labor
costs at a world level. Global poverty is “an input” on the supply side; the
global economic system feeds on cheap labor.
The world economy is marked by the relocation of a substantial share
of the industrial base of the advanced capitalist countries to cheap-labor
locations in developing countries. The development of the cheap-labor
export economy was launched in SouthEast Asia in the 1960s and 1970s
largely in “labor-intensive manufacturing”. Initially limited to a few export
enclaves (e.g. Hong Kong, Singapore, Taiwan and South Korea), the devel-
opment of offshore cheap-labor production gained impetus in the 1970s
and 1980s.
Since the late 1970s, a “new generation” of free trade areas has devel-
oped with major growth poles in SouthEast Asia and the Far East, China,
Brazil, Mexico and Eastern Europe. This globalization of industrial pro-
duction affects a wide range of manufactured goods. Third World industry
encompasses most areas of manufacturing (automobiles, ship-building,
aircraft assembly, arms production, etc.).'
Whereas the Third World continues to play a role as a major primary
producer, the contemporary world economy is no longer structured along
traditional divisions between “industry” and “primary production” (e.g. the
debate on the terms of trade between primary and industrial producers). An
increasingly large share of world manufacturing is undertaken in
SouthEast Asia, China, Latin America and Eastern Europe.
70 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

This worldwide development of cheap-labor industries (in increasing-

ly sophisticated and heavier areas of manufacturing) is predicated on the
compression of internal demand in individual Third World economies and
the consolidation ofa cheap, stable and disciplined industrial labor force in
a “secure” political environment. This process is based on the destruction
of national manufacturing for the internal market (i.e. import-substituting
industries) in individual Third World countries and the consolidation of a
cheap-labor export economy. With the completion of the Uruguay Round
at Marrakech and the establishment of the World Trade Organization
(WTO) in 1995, the frontiers of these cheap labor “free trade zones” have
been extended to the entire national territory of developing countries.

Macro-economic Reform Supports the Relocation of Industry

The restructuring of individual national economies, under the auspices of

the Bretton Woods institutions, contributes to the weakening of the state.
Industry for the internal market is undermined and national enterprises are
pushed into bankruptcy. The compression of internal consumption result-
ing from the structural adjustment program (SAP) implies a corresponding
reduction in labor costs; therein lies the “hidden agenda” of the SAP: the
compression of wages in the Third World and Eastern Europe supports the
relocation of economic activity from the rich countries to the poor coun-
thies:
The globalization of poverty endorses the development of aworldwide
cheap-labor export economy; the possibilities of production are immense
given the mass of cheap impoverished workers throughout the world. In
contrast, poor countries do not trade among themselves: poor people do not
constitute a market for the goods they produce.
Consumer demand is limited to approximately 15 percent of the world
population, confined largely to the rich countries together with small pock-
ets of wealth in the Third World and the countries of the former Soviet
bloc. (See Table 1.1.) In this system and contrary to the famous dictum of
the French economist Jean Baptiste Say (Say’s Law), supply does not cre-
ate its own demand. On the contrary, poverty means “low costs of produc-
tion”: poverty is “an input” into the cheap-labor economy (“on the supply
side”’).
 THE GLOBAL CHEAP-LABOR ECONOMY pil

Industrial Export Promotion

“Die or Export” is the motto, import substitution and production for the
internal market are obsolete concepts. “Countries should specialize accord-
ing to their comparative advantage”, which lies in the abundance and low
price oftheir labor; the secret of “economic success” is export promotion.
Under the close watch of the World Bank and the IMF, the same “non-tra-
ditional” exports are promoted simultaneously in a large number of devel-
oping countries. The latter now joined by cheap-labor producers in Eastern
Europe are forced into cutthroat competition. Everybody wants to export
to the same European and North American markets: oversupply obliges
Third World producers to cut their prices; the factory prices of industrial
goods tumble on world markets in much the same way as those of primary
commodities. Competition between and within developing countries con-
tributes to depressing wages and prices. Export promotion (when applied
simultaneously in a large number of individual countries) leads to over-
production and the contraction of export revenues. Ironically, the promo-
tion of exports leads ultimately to lower commodity prices and less export
revenue from which to repay the external debt. In a bitter irony, the most
successful exporting economies are also the World’s largest debtor nations.
Moreover, the economic stabilization measures imposed on the South
and the East backfire on the economies ofthe rich countries: poverty in the
Third World contributes to a global contraction in import demand which in
turn affects economic growth and employment in the OECD countries.
Structural adjustment transforms national economies into open eco-
nomic spaces and countries into territories. The latter are “reserves” of
cheap labor and natural resources. But because this process is based on the
globalization of poverty and the worldwide compression of consumer
demand, export promotion in the developing countries can succeed only in
a limited number of cheap-labor locations. In other words, the simultane-
ous development of new export activities in a large number of locations is
conducive to greater competition between developing countries in both pri-
mary production and manufacturing. In as much as world demand is not
expanding, the creation of new productive capacity in some countries will
be matched by economic decline (and disengagement) in competing Third
World locations.
V2 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

Global Adjustment
What happens when macro-economic reform is applied simultaneously in
a large number of countries ? In an interdependent world economy, the
“summation” of national-level SAPs is conducive to a “global adjustment”
in the structures of world trade and economic growth.
The impact of “global adjustment” on the terms of trade is fairly well
understood: the simultaneous application of export promotion policies in
individual Third World countries is conducive to oversupply — in particu-
lar, commodity markets coupled with further declines in world commodi-
ty prices. In many countries subjected to structural adjustment, the volume
of exports has gone up substantially, but the value of export revenues has
deteriorated. In other words, this “global structural adjustment” (predicat-
ed on the internationalization of macro-economic policy) further depress-
es commodity prices and promotes a negative transfer of economic
resources between debtor and creditor nations.

“Decomposition” of National Economies

Saps play a key role in the “decomposition” ofthe national economy of an

indebted country and in the “recomposition” ofa “new relationship” to the
global economy. In other words, the economic reforms imply the “decom-
position/recomposition” of the structures of national production and con-
sumption. Compression of real earnings is conducive to a lowering oflabor
costs and a decline in the levels of necessary mass consumption (basic
human needs) by the large majority of the population. On the other hand,
the “recomposition” of consumption is characterized by the enlargement of
“high-income consumption” through the liberalization of trade and the
dynamic influx of imported consumer durables and luxury goods for a
small segment of society. This “decomposition/recomposition” of the
national economy and its insertion into the global cheap-labor economy is
predicated on the compression of internal demand (and of the levels of
social livelihood): poverty, low wages and an abundant supply of cheap
labor are “inputs” on the supply side. Poverty and the reduction of pro-
duction costs constitute the instrumental basis (on the supply side) for reac-
tivating production geared towards the external market.
The simultaneous application of SAPs in debtor countries accelerates
the relocation of manufacturing industry to cheap-labor locations in Third
World countries and Eastern Europe from existing production sites in the
developed countries. Yet the new (export oriented) productive capacity
 THE GLOBAL CHEAP-LABOR ECONOMY 73

which results is developed against a general background of slow and/or

depressed growth of world demand. This positive “engagement” in the cre-
ation of new productive capacity (for export) in one or more individual
Third World countries is matched by a process of “disengagement of pro-
ductive resources” and decline elsewhere in the world economic system.
Decomposition does not ensure “successful” recomposition. In other
words, the phasing out of domestic industry for the internal market does
not ensure the development of anew “viable” and stable relationship to the
world market — i.e. the compression of labor costs (in support of supply)
does not in itself ensure the growth of the export sector and the insertion
of the national Third World economy into the international market (nor
does it, for that matter, ensure the development of industrial exports).
Complex economic, geo-political and historical factors will determine the
geographical location of these new poles of cheap-labor production geared
towards the world market.
“Recomposition” tends to take place in specific functional regions of
the global economy. The formation of new dynamic poles of the cheap-
labor economy in Mexico, Eastern Europe and SouthEast Asia is in marked
contrast to the situation prevailing in most of sub-Saharan Africa and parts
of Latin America and the Middle East.

World Unemployment

Many regions ofthe world — although not actively inserted into the global
cheap-labor economy — nonetheless contain important “reserves of cheap
labor” which play an important role in regulating the costs of labor at a
world level. If labor unrest, including social pressures on wages, occurs in
one Third World location, transnational capital can switch its production
site or subcontract (through out-sourcing) to alternative cheap-labor loca-
tions. In other words, the existence of “reserve countries” with abundant
supplies of cheap labor tends to dampen the movement of wages and labor
costs prevailing in the more active (cheap-labor) export economies (e.g.
South East Asia, Mexico, China and Eastern Europe).
In other words, the determination of national wage levels in individual
developing countries not only depends on the structure of the national
labor market, but also on the level of wages prevailing in competing cheap-
labor locations. The level of labor costs is therefore conditioned by the
existence of a “global reserve pool of cheap labor” made up ofthe “reserve
armies” of labor in different countries. This “world surplus population”
74 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

conditions the international migration of productive capital in the same

branch of industry from one country to another: international capital (the
direct or indirect purchaser of labor power) moves from one national labor
market to another. From the point of view of capital, the “national reserves
of labor” are integrated into a single international reserve pool where
workers in different countries are brought into overt competition with one
another.
World unemployment becomes “‘a lever” of global capital accumula-
tion which “regulates” the cost of labor in each of the national economies.
Mass poverty regulates the international cost of labor. Wages are also con-
ditioned, at the level of each national economy, by the urban-rural rela-
tionship. Namely, rural poverty and the existence ofa large mass of unem-
ployed and landless farm-workers tend to promote low wages in the urban-
manufacturing economy.

Declining Wages

In many cheap-labor exporting economies, the share of wages in GDP has

declined dramatically. In Latin America, for instance, the adjustment pro-
grams were conducive to a marked contraction of wages both as a share of
GDP and as a percentage of value added in manufacturing. While employ-
ee earnings in the developed countries constitute approximately 40 percent
of value added in manufacturing, the corresponding percentage in Latin
America and SouthEast Asia is of the order of 15 percent.

Plant Closures and Industrial Delocation

in the Developed Countries

The development of cheap-labor export factories in the Third World is

matched by plant closures tn the industrial cities of the advanced countries.
The earlier wave of plant closures affected largely the (labor-intensive)
areas of light manufacturing. Since the 1980s, however, all sectors of the
Western economy (and all categories of the labor force) have been affec-
ted: corporate restructuring of the aerospace and engineering industries,
relocation of automobile production to Eastern Europe and the Third
World, closure of the steel industry, etc.
The development of manufacturing in the maquilas and export pro-
cessing zones, located to the immediate south of the Rio Grande on the US-
Mexican border, was matched throughout the 1980s by industrial lay-offs
 THE GLOBAL CHEAP-LABOR ECONOMY 75

and unemployment in industrial centers in the US and Canada. Under the

North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), this process of reloca-
tion has been extended to the entire Mexican economy. Similarly, Japanese
transnationals are relocating a significant part of their manufacturing
industry to production sites in Thailand or the Philippines where industri-
al workers can be hired for US$ 3 or $4 a day.’ German capitalism is
expanding beyond the Oder-Neisse back into its pre-war Lebensraum. In
assembly plants in Poland, Hungary and the Czech and Slovak republics,
the cost of labor (of the order of US$ 120 a month) is substantially lower
than in the European Union. In contrast, workers in German automobile
plants have wages of the order of US$ 28 an hour.
In this context, the former “socialist” countries are integrated into the
global cheap-labor economy. Despite idle factories and high levels of
unemployment in the former German Democratic Republic, it was more
profitable for German capitalism to expand its manufacturing base in
Eastern Europe.
For every job lost in the developed countries and transferred to the
Third World, there is a corresponding decline of consumption in the devel-
oped countries. While plant closures and lay-offs are usually presented in
the press as isolated and unrelated cases of corporate restructuring, their
combined impact on real earnings and employment is devastating.
Consumer markets collapse because a large number ofenterprises (in sev-
eral countries) simultaneously reduce their workforce. In turn, sagging
sales backlash on production, contributing to a further string of plant clo-
sures and bankruptcies, and so on.

The Worldwide Compression of Consumer Spending

In the North, the compression in levels of spending is further exacerbated

by the deregulation ofthe labor market: deindexation of earnings, part-time
employment, early retirement and the imposition of so-called “voluntary”
wage cuts. In turn, the practice of attrition (which shifts the social burden
of unemployment onto the younger age groups) bars an entire generation
from the job-market.
In other words, the process of phasing-out industry in the developed
countries contributes to a contraction of market demand, which in turn
undermines the efforts of developing countries to sell manufactured goods
to a (shrinking) Western market.
It’s a vicious circle: the relocation of industry to the South and the East
76 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

leads to economic dislocation and unemployment in the developed coun-

tries which, in turn, tends to push the world economy into global recession.
This system is characterized by an unlimited capacity to produce. Yet the
very act of expanding production — through relocation of material produc-
tion from the “high wage” to the “low wage” economies — contributes to a
contraction of spending (e.g. by those who have been laid off) which leads
the world economy ultimately to the path of global stagnation.

Relocation within Trading Blocs

The delocation of economic activity is increasingly taking place within the

continental shelf of each trading block. Both Western Europe and North
America are respectively developing “cheap-labor hinterlands” on their
immediate geographic borders. In the European context, the “Oder-Neisse
line” is to Poland what the Rio Grande is to Mexico. The former “iron cur-
tain” performs the same role as the Rio Grande. It separates the high-wage
economy of Western Europe from the low-wage economy of the former
Soviet bloc.
NAFTA, however, is distinct from the Maastricht Treaty, which allows
for the “free movement” of labor within the countries of the European
Union. Within NAFTA, the Rio Grande separates two distinct labor mar-
kets: production units are closed down in the US and Canada and moved
to Mexico where wages are at least ten times lower. “The immobility of
labor’, rather than “free trade”, and the removal of tariff barriers, is the
central feature of NAFTA.
Under NAFTA, American corporations can reduce their labor costs by
more than 80 percent by relocating to or subcontracting in Mexico. This
mechanism is not limited to manufacturing or to activities using unquali-
fied labor: nothing prevents the movement of America’s high-tech indus-
tries to Mexico where engineers and scientists can be hired for a few hun-
dred dollars a month. Delocation potentially affects a large share of the US
and Canadian economies, including the services sector.
NAFTA has, from the outset, been predicated on a contraction of
employment and real wages. Industrial relocation to Mexico destroys jobs
and depresses real earnings in the US and Canada. NAFTA exacerbates this
economic recession: workers laid off in the US and Canada are not
redeployed elsewhere in the economy and no new avenues of economic
growth are created as a result of the delocation of industry. The contraction
of consumer spending which results from the lay-offs and plant closures
 THE GLOBAL CHEAP-LABOR ECONOMY WUT

leads to a general contraction in sales and employment and to further

industrial lay-offs.
Moreover, while NAFTA enables American and Canadian corpora-
tions to penetrate the Mexican market, this process is undertaken largely by
displacing existing Mexican enterprises. The tendency is towards
increased industrial concentration, the elimination of small and medium-
sized enterprises, as well as the taking over of part of Mexico’s service
economy through corporate franchising. The US “exports its recession” to
Mexico. With the exception of a small market of privileged consumption,
poverty and low wages in Mexico do not favor the expansion of consumer
demand. In Canada, the free trade agreement signed with the US in 1989
has led to the phasing out of the branch-plant economy. Canadian sub-
sidiaries are closed down and replaced by a regional sales office.
The formation of NAFTA has contributed to exacerbating the econom-
ic recession: the tendency is towards the reduction of wages and employ-
ment in all three countries. The potential to produce is enhanced, yet the
very act of expanding production (through relocation of production from the
US and Canada to Mexico) contributes to a contraction of spending.

The Dynamic Development of Luxury Consumption

The increased concentration of income and wealth in the hands of a social

minority (in the advanced countries as well as in small pockets of affluence
in the Third World and Eastern Europe) has led to the dynamic growth of
the luxury-goods economy: travel and leisure, the automobile, the elec-
tronics and telecommunications revolution, etc. The “drive-in” and “duty
free” cultures built around the axes of the automobile and air transport are
the focal points of the modern “high-income” consumption and leisure
economy, towards which massive amounts of financial resources are chan-
neled.
Whereas the range of consumer goods available in support of upper-
income lifestyles has expanded almost beyond limit, there has been (since
the debt crisis of the early 1980s) a corresponding contraction in the levels
of consumption of the large majority of the world population. In contrast
to the large diversity of goods available to a social minority, basic con-
sumption (for some 85 percent of the world population) is confined to a
small number of food staples and essential commodities.
This dynamic growth of luxury consumption, nonetheless, provides a
temporary “breathing space” to a global economy beset by recession.”
78 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

Rapid growth of luxury consumption, however, contrasts increasingly with

the stagnation of the sectors producing necessary goods and services. In the
Third World and Eastern Europe, stagnation of food production, housing
and essential social services contrasts with the development of small pock-
ets of social privilege and luxury consumption. The élites of indebted
countries, including the former apparatchiks and the new business tycoons
of Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union, are both the protagonists
and beneficiaries ofthis process. Social and income disparities in Hungary
and Poland are now comparable to those prevailing in Latin America. (For
instance, a Porsche-Carrera can now be purchased at Porsche-Hungaria in
downtown Budapest for the modest sum of 9,720,000 forints, more than an
average Hungarian worker earns in a lifetime — i.e. 70 years earnings at the
average (annual) industrial wage).”
The low wage structure in the Third World, coupled with the effects of
economic restructuring and recession in the advanced countries, does not
favor the development of mass consumption and an overall improvement
of purchasing power. The global productive system is thus increasingly
geared towards supplying limited markets — i.e. upper-income consumer
markets in the North plus small pockets of luxury consumption in the
South and the East.
In the foregoing context, low wages and low costs of production are
conducive to low purchasing power and deficient demand. This contradic-
tory relationship is an essential feature of the global cheap- labor economy:
those who produce are not those who consume.

The Rentier Economy

With the phasing out of manufacturing, a “rentier economy” (which virtual-

ly does not produce anything) has developed in the rich countries. This ren-
tier economy — centered in the services sector — siphons off the profits of
Third World manufacturing. The high-technology economy based on the
ownership of industrial know-how, product designs, research and develop-
ment, etc. subordinates the sectors of “material production”. ““Non-material
production” subordinates “material production”; the services sector appro-
priates the value added of manufacturing. Moreover, in addition to the pay-
ment of royalties and licensing fees for the use of Western and Japanese
technology, the earnings of Third World producers are invariably appropri-
ated by distributors, wholesalers and retailers in the developed countries.
Industrial production remains subordinate to corporate monopoly capital.
 THE GLOBAL CHEAP-LABOR ECONOMY 79

The development of so-called “industry” in the Third World is the conse-

quence of a process of global restructuring of production. The growth poles
in the advanced countries are in the “non-material sectors” (high technolo-
gy including: product design and innovation, services economy, real estate,
commercial and financial infrastructure, communications and transporta-
tion) rather than in material manufacturing production per se.
This apparent “deindustrialization” of the industrialized countries
should be understood: the meaning ofthe term “industry” has changed pro-
foundly. The high-technology growth poles are experiencing rapid devel-
opment at the expense of the old traditional industries which developed
historically in the advanced countries from the inception of the industrial
revolution.

The Globalization of Manufacturing

We are dealing with a world economy in which a large number of nation-

al economies produce manufactured goods for export to the market of the
OECD countries. With some important exceptions (e.g. Korea, Brazil,
Mexico), these countries, however, cannot be considered as “newly indus-
trialized”: the process of “industrialization” is largely the consequence of
the relocation of production to cheap- labor areas in the Third World. It is
conditioned by the reshaping ofthe global economy.
The decentralization and relocation of material production to the Third
World were motivated largely by the sizeable differentials in wages
between rich and poor countries. The latter have become producers of
“industrial staples”. In this context, overproduction of industrial commodi-
ties takes place on a world level, depressing the prices of manufactured
goods much in the same way as the process of oversupply, which charac-
terizes primary-commodity markets. The entry of China into the interna-
tional division of labor in the late 1970s has, in this regard, exacerbated the
structures of oversupply.

Import-led Growth in the Rich Countries

The rentier economy appropriates the earnings of the direct producers.

Material production takes place offshore in a Third World cheap-labor econ-
omy, yet the largest increases in GDP are recorded in the importing country.
GDP growth in the rich countries is, in this regard, “import led”: cheap-labor
imports (in primary commodities and manufacturing) generate a correspon-
SO THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

ding increase in income in the services economy of the rich countries.

The application of the IMF-sponsored SAP in a large number of indi-
vidual countries also contributes to the consolidation of this rentier-type
economy: each country is obliged to produce (in competition with other
developing countries) the same range of staple primary and industrial com-
modities for the world market. While competition characterizes material
commodity production in the developing countries, the channels of inter-
national trade, as well as the wholesale and retail trade markets in the
advanced countries, are controlled by corporate monopolies. This duality
between competition and monopoly is a fundamental feature of the system
of global exchange. Cutthroat competition between the “direct producers”,
often located in different countries under a structure of global oversupply,
is in contrast to a structure of monopoly control over international trade,
industrial patents, wholesale and retail trade, etc. by a small number of
global corporations.

The Appropriation of Surplus by non-Producers

Because goods produced in developing countries are imported at very low

international (fob) prices, the recorded “value” of OECD imports from
developing countries is relatively small (1.e. in comparison to total trade as
well as in relation to the value of domestic production). Yet as soon as these
commodities enter into the wholesale and retail channels ofthe rich coun-
tries, their prices are multiplied several-fold. The retail price of goods pro-
duced in the Third World is often up to 10 times higher than the price at
which the commodity was imported. A corresponding “value added” is
thus artificially created within the services economy of the rich countries
without any material production taking place. This “‘value” is added to the
Gross Domestic Product of the rich country. For instance, the retail price
of coffee is seven to 10 times higher than the fob price and approximately
20 times the price paid to the farmer in the Third World. (See Table 5.1.)
In other words, the bulk of the earnings of primary producers is appro-
priated by merchants, intermediaries, wholesalers and retailers. A similar
process of appropriation exists with regard to most industrial commodities
produced in offshore cheap-labor locations. For instance, 60 percent ofthe
shoes sold in the US are produced in industrial sweatshops in China. The
revenues resulting from the sale of shoes in the US does not accrue to
Chinese workers who receive exceedingly low wages, but to US corporate
capital leading to an expansion of the US Gross Domestic Product. (See
Bosal)
 THE GLOBAL CHEAP-LABOR ECONOMY SI

Box 5.1

Wages in Chinese Factories Producing for US Retailers

“Women working in the production of Timberland shoes at Pou Yuen

Factory V, Zhongshan City in Guangdong Province, work 14-hour days. The
factory employs 16 and 17-year-old girls at 22 cents an hour ($16 for a 70-
hour workweek). At a factory producing Kathie Lee [Gifford] handbags for
Wal-Mart, the highest wages were $7 a week or 8 cents an hour. Pay for the
top 14 percent of workers at Qin Shi was $18 per month.” (Jon E.
Dougherty, “Brutal Chinese Working Conditions benefit Wal-Mart”,
WorldNetDaily.com, September 2000)

At another factory producing car stereos, young women were paid 31

cents an hour and “sit hunched over, staring into microscopes for nine
[product] hours a day, six days a week, soldering the fine pieces of the
stereo.” (Ibid)

“The companies [operating in China] only hire single women 17 to 25

years of age, after which they are replaced with another crop of young
women” when they finally “wear out,” the researchers noted. ... “No one
lasts long working under these conditions, so the women either leave or are
pushed out after they reach 26 years of age. At any rate, they are replaced
with another batch of young women, and the work goes on. (...) “And if a
woman happens to become pregnant, the “unwritten rule” is that “she will
be fired”. (bid)

An Example: the Garment Industry

In the international garment trade, for instance, an international fashion

designer will purchase a Paris-designed shirt for US$3 to $4 in
Bangladesh, Vietnam or Thailand.’ The product will then be resold in the
European market at five to 10 times its price: the GDP of the importing
Western country increases without any material production taking place.
Data collected at the factory level in Bangladesh enable us roughly to
identify the structure of costs and the distribution of earnings in the gar-
ment export industry: the factory price of one dozen shirts is US$36 to $40
(fob).° All the equipment and raw materials are imported. The shirts are
retailed at approximately US$22 a piece or US$266 a dozen in the United
States. (See Table 5.2.) Female and child labor in Bangladeshi garment fac-
S2 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

tories is paid approximately US$20 a month, at least 50 times less than the
wages paid to garment workers in North America. Less than two percent of
the total value of the commodity accrues to the direct producers (the gar-
ment workers) in the form of wages. Another one percent accrues as indus-
trial profit to the “competitive” independent Third World producer.
The gross mark-up between the factory price and the retail price
(US$ 266 — $38 = $228) is essentially divided into three components:
1) Merchant profit to international distributors, wholesalers and
retailers including the owners of shopping centers, etc. (i.e. the
largest share of the gross mark-up).
2) The real costs of circulation (transport, storage, etc.).
3) Customs duties exacted on the commodity upon entry into the
developed countries’ markets and indirect (value-added) taxes
exacted at the point of retail sale of the commodity.
While the retail price is seven times the factory price, profit does not
necessarily accrue to small retailers in the developed countries. A large
share of the surplus generated at the levels of wholesale and retail trade is
appropriated in the form of rent and interest payments by powerful com-
mercial, real estate and banking interests.
It is worth noting that the flow of imports from the Third World also
constitutes a means of generating fiscal revenues for the state in the rich
countries in the form of sales and/or value-added taxes. In Western Europe,
the VAT is well in excess of 10 percent of the retail price. The process of
tax collection is, therefore, dependent on the structure of unequal com-
modity exchange. In the case of the garment trade example, the Treasury
of the rich countries appropriates almost as much as the producing country
and approximately four times the amount accruing to garment workers in
the producing country. (See Table 5.3.)

Wages and Labor Costs in the Developed Countries

In the global economy, the services of labor are purchased by capital in sev-
eral separate and distinct national labor markets, — i.e. a part of the labor
costs associated with transport, storage, wholesale and retail trade are
incurred in the “high-wage” labor market of the rich countries. For instance,
retail salesmen in the developed countries receive a daily wage, which is at
least 40 times higher than that of the Bangladeshi factory worker. A com-
paratively much larger share of the total (dollar) labor costs of producing
 THE GLOBAL CHEAP-LABOR ECONOMY 53

Table 5.1
Coffee - Hierarchy of Prices
(US dollars)

Cumulative
Share of
Value Added (%)

Farmgate 0.25 - 0.50

International FOB 1.00
Final Retail 10.00

Source: [Illustration based on approximate fob prices (early 1990s)

and retail prices in the North American market (early 1990s).
Farmgate prices vary considerably from one country to another.

Table 5.2
Cost Structure
Third World Garment Exporter
(US dollars)

Materials and accessories (imported

Depreciation on equipment
Wages
Net industrial profit
Factory price (one dozen shirts)
Gross mark-up
Retail price (per dozen) in the advanced countries
Retail price including sales tax (10 per cent) 292.60

Source: Based on cost structure and sale prices of Bangladesh gar-

ment factory, 1992.
84 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

and distributing the commodity will accrue, therefore, to service-sector

workers in the high-wage countries.
There is, however, no relationship of “unequal exchange” between fac-
tory workers in Bangladesh and retail personnel in the US: the available
evidence confirms that service workers in the rich countries are heavily
underpaid. Moreover, their wages (which constitute a bona fide value-
added — i.e. a “real cost”) constitute a relatively small percentage of total
sales.
In our example, the labor costs associated with the production of one
dozen shirts in Bangladesh is US$5 which corresponds to 25 to 30 hours
of labor (at 15-20 cents an hour). Assuming a retail worker in the US is
paid US$5 an hour and sells half adozen shirts per hour, the labor costs of
producing a dozen shirts (US$5) is half the cost of retailing (US$10). The
latter, however, still represents a relatively small percentage of the total
price (US$292.60 including sales tax); 1.e. the bulk of the surplus is appro-
priated in the form of merchant profit and rent by non-producers in the rich
countries. (See Table 5.2.)
Whereas Third World enterprises operate under conditions which
approximate “perfect competition”, the buyers of their products are trading
companies and multinational firms. The net industrial profit accruing to the
“competitive” Third World entrepreneur (US$3) is of the order of one per-
cent of the total value of the commodity. Because Third World factories
operate in a global economy marked by oversupply, the factory price tends
to decline, pushing industrial profit margins to a bare minimum. This
process facilitates the collection and appropriation of surplus by powerful
international traders and distributors.
 THE GLOBAL CHEAP-LABOR ECONOMY 55

Table 5.3
Third World Manufacturing, the Distribution of Earnings

The distribution of earnings: one dozen Amount | Percentage

shirts produced in a Third World cheap- in US of sale
labor factory dollars price

1. Earnings accruing to Third World country

1.1 Wages
1.2 Net industrial Profit

2. Earnings accruing to developed country

2.1 Materials, accessories and
equipment imported from the rich countries
2.2 Freight and commissions
2.3 Customs duty on FOB price
2.4 Wages to wholesale and retail
personnel
2.5 Gross commercial profit, rent
and other income of distributors
2.6. Sales taxes (10% of retail price),
accruing to developed country
state Treasury

3. Total retail price (including sales taxes)

Note: For the purposes of this illustration, the margins for freight and
commissions, customs duty and sales taxes have been set at realistic lev-
els (in accordance with available information). No information, however,
is available on the wholesale and retail labor costs. In this illustration, the
costs of retailing one dozen shirts have been assumed at approximately 25
percent of the fob price (US$10).
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go THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

Mobile and Immobile Sectors

The relocation of material production to cheap-labor locations is not limit-

ed to a few areas of light manufacturing. It encompasses all areas of mate-
rial production, which are “mobile” internationally. The “mobile sectors”
are defined as sectors of activity, which can be moved from one geographic
location to another — either through offshore investment in a cheap-labor
country, or by subcontracting production with an independent Third World
producer. In contrast, the “immobile sectors” of the advanced countries
include activities, which by their very nature, cannot be relocated interna-
tionally: construction, public works, agriculture and most of the services
economy.

The Immobility of Labor

‘Mobile capital” moves towards “immobile labor reserves”. Whereas cap-

ital moves “freely” from one labor market to another, labor 1s prevented
from crossing international boundaries. National labor markets are closed
compartments with heavily guarded borders. The system is based on keep-
ing national labor reserves within their respective borders.
Under NAFTA, for instance, the movement of Mexicans across the
US-Mexican frontier will be tightly restricted so as to retain Mexico’s
labor force “within the boundaries of the cheap-labor economy”. However,
in economic activities such as construction, public works and agriculture,
which by their very nature are not internationally “mobile”, the agreement
allows for the selective movement of a contractual seasonal labor force.
Manpower exports, (to these “immobile” activities) from both Mexico and
the Caribbean, serve the purpose of depressing the wages paid to American
and Canadian workers, as well as undermining the role of trade unions.

The Sectors of Non-material Production

With delocation, the structure of industry in the advanced countries is fun-

damentally modified. With the phasing out of material production, the new
industries in information systems, telecommunications, etc. become the
new growth poles. The old red-brick industrial centers are phased out: the
“factory system” is closed down. Material production in manufacturing
(which constitutes a “mobile” sector) is relocated to the low-wage
economies. A sizeable sector of the labor force in the developed countries
is now associated with the services economy and “the non-material sec-
 THE GLOBAL CHEAP-LABOR ECONOMY QI

tors” of economic activity. In contrast, the percentage ofthe labor force in

the production of material commodities has declined dramatically.
The duality respectively between “material” and “non-material pro-
duction” and between “mobile” and “immobile” sectors is central to an
understanding of the changing structure of the global economy. Global
recession is not incompatible with the dynamic growth of the new high-
technology sectors. The designs, technology and know-how are owned and
controlled by international corporate capital. “Non-material production”
and the control over intellectual property rights subordinate “material pro-
duction”. The surplus from material industrial production is appropriated
by the non-material sectors.

The Impact of the Scientific Revolution

The late 20th century has witnessed far-reaching progress in telecommuni-

cations, computer technology and production engineering. The latter con-
stitute a vital lever in the process ofindustrial relocation: the centers ofcor-
porate decision-making are in instant contact with manufacturing sites and
assembly plants around the world. The high-tech innovations of the 1980s
and 1990s represent, under global capitalism, a powerful instrument of
worldwide corporate control and supervision. The global enterprise mini-
mizes labor costs at a world level through its ability to link-up (or subcon-
tract) with cheap-labor production sites around the world. Workers are laid
off in one (high-wage) country, production is transferred to another (low-
wage) country and a smaller number of workers toil for longer hours and
receive substantially lower wages.
Moreover, the technological revolution, while opening up new areas of
professional work in the advanced countries, significantly reduces the
overall labor requirements of industry. New robotized assembly lines are
opened while workers in existing production facilities are fired.
Technological change — combined with delocation and enterprise restruc-
turing tends — thereby favors a new wave of mergers and corporate acqui-
sitions in key industries.

The Delocation of the Services Economy

With the revolution in global telecommunications and information tech-

nology, certain service activities of the advanced capitalist countries are
being transferred to cheap-labor locations in the Third World and Eastern
g2 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

Europe. In other words, part of the services economy is no longer an

“immobile activity”. Commercial and financial establishments can reduce
their personnel in a variety of office activities. The accounting systems of
large firms, for instance, can now be delocated and managed at consider-
able savings by computer link-up and electronic mail in developing coun-
tries, where qualified accountants and computer specialists can be hired for
less than US$ 100 a month. Similarly, data and word processing can be
rapidly subcontracted (e.g. by electronic mail) to office personnel working
in sweat labor conditions for US$ 2 or $ 3 a day in the Philippines, and so
on. With more than 70 percent of the labor force of the advanced capitalist
countries in the services sector, the potential impact of delocation on wages
and employment (not to mention the social repercussions) 1s far-reaching.

Endnotes

1. The international relocation of manufacturing was initiated in the 1960s

with the four Asian dragons: Hong Kong, Taiwan, Singapore and South
Korea. At the outset, it was confined to the “softer” areas of export
processing and assembly (such as the garment industry and electronics
assembly).
to The minimum industrial wage in Bangkok of US$4 a day (1991) is not
enforced in modern factories.
3. In the face of low civilian spending, military expenditure also plays an
important role in reactivating demand.
4. “In zwei Jahren iiber den Berg”, Der Spiegel, No. 19, 1991, p. 194.
The export-processing fee in Ho Chi Minh City is US $0.80 cents per
shirt (January 1991).
6. Interviews by author conducted in the Bangladesh garment industry,
1992,
 PART I

SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA
 Chapter 6

Somalia: the Real Causes of Famine

In 1993, the US military launched “Operation Restore Hope” under

the auspices of the United Nations. The objective was to come to the
rescue of an impoverished population. Drought, desertification and
civil war were the “official” causes of famine. The deadly economic
reforms imposed by Somalia's external creditors in the years leading
up to the civil war were never mentioned.

The IMF Intervention in the Early 1980s

Somalia was a pastoral economy based on “exchange” between nomadic
herdsmen and small agriculturalists.! Nomadic pastoralists accounted for
50 percent ofthe population. In the 1970s, resettlement programs led to the
development of a sizeable sector of commercial pastoralism. Livestock
contributed to 80 percent of export earnings until 1983.’ Despite recurrent
droughts, Somalia remained virtually self-sufficient in food until the
1970s.’
The IMF-World Bank intervention in the early 1980s contributed to
exacerbating the crisis of Somali agriculture. The economic reforms under-
mined the fragile exchange relationship between the “nomadic economy”
and the “sedentary economy” — i.e. between pastoralists and small farmers
characterized by money transactions as well as traditional barter. A very
tight austerity program was imposed on the government largely to release
the funds required to service Somalia’s debt with the Paris Club. In fact, a
large share of the external debt was held by the Washington-based finan-
cial institutions.’ According to an ILO mission report:
[T]he Fund alone among Somalia’s major recipients of debt service
payments, refuses to reschedule. (...) De facto it is helping to finance
an adjustment program, one of whose major goals is to repay the IMF
itself.
96 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

Towards the Destruction of Food Agriculture

The structural adjustment program reinforced Somalia’s dependency on

imported grain. From the mid-1970s to the mid-1980s, food aid increased
fifteen-fold, at the rate of 31 percent per annum.’ Combined with increased
commercial imports, this influx of cheap surplus wheat and rice sold in the
domestic market led to the displacement of local producers, as well as to a
major shift in food consumption patterns to the detriment of traditional
crops (maize and sorghum). The devaluation of the Somali shilling,
imposed by the IMF in June 1981, was followed by periodic devaluations,
leading to hikes in the prices of fuel, fertilizer and farm inputs. The impact
on agricultural producers was immediate particularly in rain-fed agricul-
ture, as well as in the areas of irrigated farming. Urban purchasing power
declined dramatically, government extension programs were curtailed,
infrastructure collapsed, the deregulation of the grain market and the influx
of “food aid” led to the impoverishment of farming communities.’
Also, during this period, much ofthe best agricultural land was appro-
priated by bureaucrats, army officers and merchants with connections to
the government.* Rather than promoting food production for the domestic
market, the donors were encouraging the development of so-called “high
value-added” fruits, vegetables, oilseeds and cotton for export on the best
irrigated farmland.

Collapse of the Livestock Economy

As of the early 1980s, prices for imported livestock drugs increased as a

result of the depreciation of the currency. The World Bank encouraged the
exaction of user fees for veterinarian services to the nomadic herdsmen,
including the vaccination of animals. A private market for veterinary drugs
was promoted. The functions performed by the Ministry of Livestock were
phased out, with the Veterinary Laboratory Services of the ministry to be
fully financed on a cost-recovery basis. According to the World Bank:
Veterinarian services are essential for livestock development in all
areas, and they can be provided mainly by the private sector. (. . .)
Since few private veterinarians will choose to practice in the remote
pastoral areas, improved livestock care will also depend on “para
vets” paid from drug sales.’
The privatization of animal health was combined with the absence of
emergency animal feed during periods of drought, the commercialization
 SOMALIA: THE REAL CAUSES OF FAMINE 97

of water and the neglect of water and rangeland conservation. The results
were predictable: the herds were decimated and so were the pastoralists,
who represent 50 percent of the country’s population. The “hidden objec-
tive” of this program was to eliminate the nomadic herdsmen involved in
the traditional exchange economy. According to the World Bank, “adjust-
ments” in the size of the herds are, in any event, beneficial because
nomadic pastoralists in sub-Saharan Africa are narrowly viewed as a cause
of environmental degradation."
The collapse in veterinarian services also indirectly served the inter-
ests of the rich countries: in 1984, Somalian cattle exports to Saudi Arabia
and the Gulf countries plummeted as Saudi beef imports were redirected to
suppliers from Australia and the European Community. The ban on Somali
livestock imposed by Saudi Arabia was not, however, removed once the
rinderpest disease epidemic had been eliminated.

Destroying the State

The restructuring of government expenditure under the supervision of

the Bretton Woods institutions also played a crucial role in destroying food
agriculture. Agricultural infrastructure collapsed and recurrent expenditure
in agriculture declined by about 85 percent in relation to the mid-1970s."!
The Somali government was prevented by the IMF from mobilizing
domestic resources. Tight targets for the budget deficit were set. Moreover,
the donors increasingly provided “aid”, not in the form of imports of cap-
ital and equipment, but in the form of“food aid”. The latter would in turn
be sold by the government on the local market and the proceeds of these
sales (i.e. the so-called “counterpart funds”) would be used to cover the
domestic costs of development projects. As of the early 1980s, “the sale of
food aid” became the principal source of revenue for the state, thereby
enabling donors to take control ofthe entire budgetary process."
The economic reforms were marked by the disintegration of health and
educational programmes.'’ By 1989, expenditure on health had declined by
78 percent in relation to its 1975 level. According to World Bank figures,
the level of recurrent expenditure on education in 1989 was about US$ 4
per annum per primary school student down from about $ 82 in 1982.
From 1981 to 1989, school enrolment declined by 41 percent (despite a
sizeable increase in the population of school age), textbooks and school
materials disappeared from the class-rooms, school buildings deteriorated
and nearly a quarter of the primary schools closed down. Teachers’ salaries
98 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

declined to abysmally low levels.

The IMF-World Bank program has led the Somali economy into a
vicious circle: the decimation of the herds pushed the nomadic pastoralists
into starvation which in turn backlashes on grain producers who sold or
bartered their grain for cattle. The entire social fabric of the pastoralist
economy was undone. The collapse in foreign exchange earnings from
declining cattle exports and remittances (from Somali workers in the Gulf
countries) backlashed on the balance of payments and the state’s public
finances leading to the breakdown of the government’s economic and
social programs.
Small farmers were displaced as a result of the dumping of subsidized
US grain on the domestic market combined with the hike in the price of
farm inputs. The impoverishment of the urban population also led to a con-
traction of food consumption. In turn, state support in the irrigated areas
was frozen and production in the state farms declined. The latter were
slated to be closed down or privatized under World Bank supervision.
According to World Bank estimates, real public-sector wages in 1989
had declined by 90 percent in relation to the mid-1970s. Average wages in
the public sector had fallen to US$ 3 a month, leading to the inevitable dis-
integration of the civil administration.'* A program to rehabilitate civil
service wages was proposed by the World Bank (in the context of a reform
of the civil service), but this objective was to be achieved within the same
budgetary envelope by dismissing some 40 percent of public-sector
employees and eliminating salary supplements.'° Under this plan, the civil
service would have been reduced to a mere 25,000 employees by 1995 (in
a country of six million people). Several donors indicated keen interest in
funding the cost associated with the retrenchment of civil servants.'°
In the face of impending disaster, no attempt was made by the inter-
national donor community to rehabilitate the country’s economic and
social infrastructure, to restore levels of purchasing power and to rebuild
the civil service: the macro-economic adjustment measures proposed by
the creditors in the year prior to the collapse of the government of General
Siyad Barre in January 1991 (at the height of the civil war) called for a fur-
ther tightening over public spending, the restructuring of the Central Bank,
the liberalization of credit (which virtually thwarted the private sector) and
the liquidation and divestiture of most ofthe state enterprises.
In 1989, debt-servicing obligations represented 194.6 percent of
export earnings. The IMF’s loan was cancelled because of Somalia’s out-
standing arrears. The World Bank had approved a structural adjustment
 SOMALIA: THE REAL CAUSES OF FAMINE 99

loan for US$ 70 million in June 1989 which was frozen a few months later
due to Somalia’s poor macro-economic performance." Arrears with credi-
tors had to be settled before the granting of new loans and the negotiation
of debt rescheduling. Somalia was tangled in the straightjacket of debt
servicing and structural adjustment.

Famine Formation in sub-Saharan Africa: The Lessons of Somalia

Somalia’s experience shows how a country can be devastated by the simul-

taneous application of food “aid” and macro-economic policy. There are
many Somalias in the developing world and the economic reform package
implemented in Somalia is similar to that applied in more than 100 devel-
oping countries. But there is another significant dimension: Somalia is a
pastoralist economy, and throughout Africa both nomadic and commercial
livestock are being destroyed by the IMF-World Bank program in much the
same way as in Somalia. In this context, subsidized beef and dairy prod-
ucts imported (duty free) from the European Union have led to the demise
of Africa’s pastoral economy. European beef imports to West Africa have
increased seven-fold since 1984: “the low quality EC beef sells at half the
price of locally produced meat. Sahelian farmers are finding that no-one is
prepared to buy their herds”’.'*
The experience of Somalia shows that famine in the late 20th century
is not a consequence of a shortage of food. On the contrary, famines are
spurred on as a result of a global oversupply of grain staples. Since the
1980s, grain markets have been deregulated under the supervision of the
World Bank and US grain surpluses are used systematically (as in the case
of Somalia) to destroy the peasantry and destabilize national food agricul-
ture. The latter becomes, under these circumstances, far more vulnerable to
the vagaries of drought and environmental degradation.
Throughout the continent, the pattern of “sectoral adjustment” in agri-
culture under the custody of the Bretton Woods institutions has been
unequivocally towards the destruction of food security. Dependency vis-a-
vis the world market has been reinforced, “food aid” to sub-Saharan Africa
increased by more than seven times since 1974 and commercial grain
imports more than doubled. Grain imports for sub-Saharan A frica expand-
ed from 3.72 million tons in 1974 to 8.47 million tons in 1993. Food aid
increased from 910,000 tons in 1974 to 6.64 million tons in 1993."
“Food aid”, however, was no longer earmarked for the drought-
stricken countries of the Sahelian belt; it was also channeled into countries
100 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

which were, until recently, more or less self-sufficient in food. Zimbabwe

(once considered the bread basket of Southern Africa) was severely
affected by the famine and drought which swept Southern Africa in 1992.
The country experienced a drop of 90 percent in its maize crop, located
largely in less productive lands.” Yet, ironically, at the height of the
drought, tobacco for export (supported by modern irrigation, credit,
research, etc.) registered a bumper harvest.“ While “the famine forces the
population to eat termites”, much of the export earnings from Zimbabwe’s
tobacco harvest were used to service the external debt.
Under the structural adjustment program, farmers have increasingly
abandoned traditional food crops; in Malawi, which was once a net food
exporter, maize production declined by 40 percent in 1992 while tobacco
output doubled between 1986 and 1993. One hundred and fifty thousand
hectares of the best land was allocated to tobacco.” Throughout the 1980s,
severe austerity measures were imposed on African governments and
expenditures on rural development drastically curtailed, leading to the col-
lapse of agricultural infrastructure. Under the World Bank program, water
was to become a commodity to be sold on a cost-recovery basis to impov-
erished farmers. Due to lack of funds, the state was obliged to withdraw
from the management and conservation of water resources. Water points
and boreholes dried up due to lack of maintenance, or were privatized by
local merchants and rich farmers. In the semi-arid regions, this commer-
cialization of water and irrigation leads to the collapse of food security and
famine.”

Concluding Remarks

While “external” climatic variables play a role in triggering off afamine and
heightening the social impact of drought, famines in the age of globalization
are man-made. They are not the consequence of a scarcity of food but of a
structure of global oversupply which undermines food security and destroys
national food agriculture. Tightly regulated and controlled by international
agri-business, this oversupply is ultimately conducive to the stagnation of
both production and consumption ofessential food staples and the impover-
ishment of farmers throughout the world. Moreover, in the era ofglobaliza-
tion, the IMF-World Bank structural adjustment program bears a direct rela-
tionship to the process of famine formation because it systematically under-
mines all categories of economic activity, whether urban or rural, which do
not directly serve the interests of the global market system.
 SOMALIA: THE REAL CAUSES OF FAMINE 101

Endnotes

Ih The 1970s witnessed the impoverishment of the nomadic pastoralists,

while the privatization of boreholes and rangelands supported the
enrichment of commercial livestock interests. As in other developing
countries, cash crops for export occupied the best land thereby
weakening food agriculture and the small peasantry.
From the mid-1970s, there was also a surge of cash remittances from
Somali workers in the Gulf states bolstered by the oil boom.
There was almost no food aid in the early 1970s.
The World Bank and the IMF held 20 percent of the Somali debt
during the 1983-85 period. See International Labor Organization,
Generating Employment and Incomes in Somalia, Jobs and
Skills Program for Africa, Addis Ababa, 1989, p. 5.
International Labor Organization, op. cit., p. 16.
By the mid-1980s it was in excess of 35 percent of food consumption. See
Hossein Farzin, “Food Aid: Positive and Negative Effects in
Somalia ?”, The Journal of Developing Areas, January 1991, p. 265.
According to the ILO, the State Agricultural Development Corporation
(ADC) had historically played an important role in supporting high
farmgate prices for agriculturalists: “the ADC was encouraging too
much production of maize and sorghum, not too little”. International
Labor Organization, op. cit., p. 9. World Bank data, on the other hand,
Suggests an increase in maize and sorghum production after the
deregulation of the grain prices in 1983.
See African Rights, Somalia, Operation Restore Hope: A Preliminary
Assessment, London, May 1993, p. 18.
World Bank, Sub-Saharan Africa, From Crisis to Sustainable Growth,
Washington DC, 1989, p. 98.
. Ibid, pp. 98-101. Overgrazing is detrimental to the environment but the
problem cannot be solved by curtailing the livelihood of the pastoralists.
From 1975 to 1989.
Counterpart funds from the various commodity assistance programs
were the sole source of funding of development projects. Most
recurrent expenditures were also dependent on the donors.
. The allocation to defense spending remained high in percentage terms
but declined in real terms.
Public-sector wages constituted a mere 0.5 percent of GNP in 1989.
Retrenchment ofcivil servants over a period of five-years (1991-95).
. A 40 percent decrease in public-sector employment over a five-year
period (1991-95).
 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

. The first tranche of this IDA credit (ASAP II) was disbursed, the
second tranche was frozen in 1990. The credit was cancelled in January
1991 after the collapse of the Syiad Barre government.
. Leslie Crawford, “West Africans Hurt by EC Beef Policy”, Financial
Times, 21 May 1993.
. The figures for 1970 are from World Bank, World Development Report,
1992. The 1993 figures are from Food and Agricultural Organization,
Food Supply Situation and Crop Prospects in Sub-Saharan Africa,
Special Report, No. 1, Rome, April 1993, p. 10.
. See Haut Commissariat des Nations Unies pour les refugiés, “Afrique
australe, la sécheresse du siécle,” Geneva, July 1992.
ior yaks
2. See “Tobacco, the Golden Leaf’, Southern African Economist, May
1993, pp. 49-51.
. See World Bank, World Development Report, 1992, chapter 5.
 Chapter 7
Economic Genocide in Rwanda

PartA
The IMF and the World Bank set the Stage

The Rwandan crisis, which led up to the 1994 ethnic massacres, has been
presented by the Western media as a profuse narrative of human suffering,
while the underlying social and economic causes have been carefully
ignored by reporters. As in other “countries in transition”, ethnic strife and
the outbreak of civil war are increasingly depicted as something which is
almost “inevitable” and “innate to these societies”, constituting “a painful
stage in their evolution from a one-party state towards democracy and the
free market.” The brutality of the massacres shocked the world communi-
ty, but what the international media failed to mention was that the civil war
was preceded by the flare-up of adeep-seated economic crisis. It was the
restructuring of the agricultural system under IMF-World Bank supervi-
sion which precipitated the population into abject poverty and destitution.
This deterioration of the economic environment, which immediately
followed the collapse of the international coffee market and the imposition
of sweeping macro-economic reforms by the Bretton Woods institutions
exacerbated simmering ethnic tensions and accelerated the process of
political collapse. In 1987, the system of quotas established under the
International Coffee Agreement (ICA) started to fall apart, world prices
plummeted and the Fonds d’égalisation (the state coffee-stabilization
fund), which purchased coffee from Rwandan farmers at a fixed price,
started to accumulate a sizeable debt. A lethal blow to Rwanda’s economy
came in June 1989 when the ICA reached a deadlock as a result of politi-
cal pressures from Washington on behalf of the large US coffee traders. At
the conclusion of a historic meeting of producers held in Florida, coffee
prices plunged in a matter of months by more than 50 percent.' For
104 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

Rwanda and several other African countries, the drop in prices wreaked
havoc. The farmgate price had fallen to less than 5 percent of the US retail
price of coffee. Resulting from the trade of coffee at depressed interna-
tional prices, a ttemendous amount of wealth was being appropriated in the
rich countries to the detriment of the direct producers. (See Chapter 5.)

The Legacy of Colonialism.

What is the responsibility of the West in this tragedy ? First it is important

to stress that the conflict between the Hutu and Tutsi was largely the prod-
uct of the colonial system, many features of which still prevail today. From
the late 19th century, the early German colonial occupation had used the
mwami (King) of the nyiginva (monarchy) installed at Nyanza as a means
of establishing its military posts. However, it was largely the administra-
tive reforms initiated in 1926 by the Belgians which were decisive in shap-
ing socio-ethnic relations. The Belgians used dynastic conflicts explicitly
to reinforce their territorial control. The traditional chiefs in each hill
(colline) were used by the colonial administration to requisition forced
labor. Routine beatings and corporal punishment were administered on
behalf of the colonial masters by the traditionai chiefs. The latter were
under the direct supervision of a Belgian colonial administrator responsi-
ble for a particular portion of territory. A climate of fear and distrust was
installed, communal solidarity broke down and traditional client relations
were transformed to serve the interests of the colonizer. The objective was
to fuel inter-ethnic rivalries as a means of achieving political control, as
weli as preventing the development of solidarity between the two ethnic
groups which would inevitably have been directed against the colonial
regime. The Tutsi dynastic aristocracy was also made responsible for the
collection of taxes and the administration of justice. The communal econ-
omy was undermined and the peasantry forced to shift out of food agricul-
ture into cash crops for export. Communal lands were transformed into
individual plots geared solely towards cash-crop cultivation (the so-called
cultures obligatoires).°
Colonial historiographers were entrusted with the task of “transcrib-
ing” as well as distorting Rwanda-Urundi’s oral history. The historical
record was falsified: the mwami monarchy was identified exclusively with
the Tutsi aristocratic dynasty. The Hutus were represented as a dominated
caste.’ Identity cards were issued indicating “ethnic origin”. The latter had
been defined arbitrarily on the ownership of heads ofcattle, with the Tutsi
 ECONOMIC GENOCIDE IN RWANDA 105
as “cattle owners” and the Hutus as “farmers”.
From imposed socio-ethnic divisions, the Belgian colonialists devel-
oped a new social class, the so-called “négres évolués” recruited from
among the Tutsi aristocracy, and the school system was put in place to edu-
cate the sons ofthe chiefs and to provide the African personnel required by
the Belgians. In turn, the various apostolic missions and vicariates received
under Belgian colonial rule an almost political mandate. The clergy, for
example, was often used to oblige the peasants to integrate the cash crop
economy. These socio-ethnic divisions — which have unfolded since the
1920s — have left a profound mark on contemporary Rwandan society.
Since independence in 1962, relations with the former colonial powers
and donors became exceedingly more complex. Inherited from the Belgian
colonial period, however, the same objective of pushing one ethnic group
against the other (“divide and rule”) largely prevailed in the various “‘mil-
itary”, “human rights” and “macro-economic” interventions undertaken
from the outset of the civil war in 1990. The Rwandan crisis became
encapsulated in a continuous agenda of donor roundtables (held in Paris),
cease-fire agreements and peace talks. These various initiatives were
closely monitored and coordinated by the donor community in a tangled
circuit of “conditionalities” (and cross-conditionalities). The release of
multilateral and bilateral loans since the outbreak of the civil war was
made conditional upon implementing a process of so-called ““democratiza-
tion” under the tight surveillance of the donor community. In turn, Western
aid in support of multiparty democracy was made conditional (in an almost
symbiotic relationship) upon the government reaching an agreement with
the IMF, and so on. These attempts were all the more illusive because since
the collapse of the coffee market in 1989, actual political power in Rwanda
rested largely, in any event, in the hands of the donors. A communiqué of
the US State Department issued in early 1993 illustrates this situation
vividly: the continuation of US bilateral aid was made conditional on good
behavior in policy reform as well as progress in the pursuit of democracy.
“Democratization” — based on an abstract model of inter-ethnic soli-
darity envisaged by the Arusha peace agreement signed in August 1993 —
was an impossibility from the outset and the donors knew it. The brutal
impoverishment of the population which resulted both from the war and
the IMF reforms precluded a genuine process of democratization. The
objective was to meet the conditions of “good governance” (a new term in
the donors’ glossary) and oversee the installation of a bogus multiparty
coalition government under the trusteeship of Rwanda’s external creditors.
106 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

In fact, multipartyism — as narrowly conceived by the donors — contributed

to fuelling the various political factions of the regime. Not surprisingly, as
soon as the peace negotiations entered a stalemate, the World Bank
announced that it was interrupting the disbursements under its loan agree-
ment.’

The Economy since Independence

The evolution of the post-colonial economic system played a decisive role

in the development of the Rwandan crisis. While progress since independ-
ence in diversifying the national economy was indeed recorded, the colo-
nial-style export economy based on coffee (/es cultures obligatoires) estab-
lished under the Belgian administration was largely maintained, providing
Rwanda with more than 80 percent of its foreign exchange earnings. A ren-
tier class with interests in coffee trade and with close ties to the seat of
political power had developed. Levels of poverty remained high, yet dur-
ing the 1970s and the first part of the 1980s, economic and social progress
was nonetheless realized: real GDP growth was ofthe order of 4.9 percent
per annum (1965-89), school enrolment increased markedly and recorded
inflation was among the lowest in sub-Saharan Africa — less than 4 percent
per annum.
While the Rwandan rural economy remained fragile, marked by acute
demographic pressures (3.2 percent per annum population growth), land
fragmentation and soil erosion, local-level food self-sufficiency had, to
some extent, been achieved alongside the development of the export econ-
omy. Coffee was cultivated by approximately 70 percent of rural house-
holds, yet it constituted only a fraction of total monetary income. A variety
of other commercial activities had been developed including the sale oftra-
ditional food staples and banana beer in regional and urban markets.” Until
the late 1980s, imports of cereals, including food aid, were minimal com-
pared to the patterns observed in other countries ofthe region. The food sit-
uation started to deteriorate in the early 1980s with a marked decline in the
per capita availability of food. In overt contradiction to the usual trade
reforms adopted under the-auspices of the World Bank, protection to local
producers had been provided up to that time through restrictions on the
import of food commodities.’ These were lifted with the adoption of the
1990 structural adjustment program.
 ECONOMIC GENOCIDE IN RWANDA 107

The Fragility of the State

The economic foundations of the post-independence Rwandan state
remained extremely fragile. A large share of government revenues depended
on coffee, with the risk that a collapse in commodity prices would precipi-
tate a crisis in the state’s public finances. The rural economy was the main
source of funding for the state. As the debt crisis unfolded, a larger share of
coffee and tea earnings had been earmarked for debt servicing, putting fur-
ther pressure on small-scale farmers.
Export earnings declined by 50 percent between 1987 and 1991. The
demise of state institutions unfolded thereafter. When coffee prices plum-
meted, famines erupted throughout the Rwandan countryside. According to
World Bank data, the growth of GDP per capita declined from 0.4 percent
in 1981-86 to -5.5 percent in the period immediately following the slump
of the coffee market (1987-91).

The IMF-World Bank Intervention

A World Bank mission traveled to Rwanda in November 1988 to review

Rwanda’s public expenditure program. A series of recommendations had
been established with a view to putting Rwanda back on the track of sus-
tained economic growth. The World Bank mission presented the country’s
policy options to the government, as consisting of two “scenarios”.
Scenario | entitled “No Strategy Change” contemplated the option of
remaining with the “old system of state planning”, whereas Scenario II
labeled “With Strategy Change” was that of macro-economic reform and
“transition to the free market”. After careful economic “simulations” of
likely policy outcomes, the World Bank concluded, with some grain of
optimism, that if Rwanda adopted Scenario II, levels of consumption
would increase markedly over 1989-93 alongside a recovery of investment
and an improved balance of trade. The “simulations” also pointed to added
export performance and substantially lower levels of external indebted-
ness." These outcomes depended on the speedy implementation of the
usual recipe of trade liberalization and currency devaluation, alongside the
lifting of all subsidies to agriculture, the phasing out of the Fonds d’ égal-
isation (the State coffee Stabilization Fund), the privatization of state
enterprises and the dismissal of civil servants.
The “With Strategy Change” (Scenario II) was adopted. The govern-
ment had no choice.’ A 50 percent devaluation of the Rwandan franc was
carried out in November 1990 — barely six weeks after the incursion from
108 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

Uganda of the rebel army of the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF).

The devaluation was intended to boost coffee exports. It was present-
ed to public opinion as a means of rehabilitating a war-ravaged economy.
Not surprisingly, exactly the opposite results were achieved, exacerbating
the plight of the civil war. From a situation of relative price stability, the
plunge of the Rwandan franc contributed to triggering inflation and the
collapse of real earnings. A few days after the devaluation, sizeable
increases in the prices of fuel and consumer essentials were announced.
The consumer price index increased from 1.0 percent in 1989 to 19.2 per-
cent in 1991. The balance of payments situation deteriorated dramatically
and the outstanding external debt, which had already doubled since 1985,
increased by 34 percent between 1989 and 1992. The state administrative
apparatus was in disarray, state enterprises were pushed into bankruptcy
and public services collapsed.'” Health and education disintegrated under
the brunt of the [MF-imposed austerity measures: despite the establishment
of “a social safety net” (earmarked by the donors for programs in the social
sectors), the incidence of severe child malnutrition increased dramatically:
the number of recorded cases of malaria increased by 21 percent in the year
following the adoption of the IMF program, largely as a result of the
absence of anti-malarial drugs in the public health centers; and the imposi-
tion of school fees at the primary-school level led to a massive decline in
school enrolment."
The economic crisis reached its climax in 1992 when Rwandan farm-
ers, in desperation, uprooted some 300,000 coffee trees.'* Despite soaring
domestic prices, the government had frozen the farmgate price of coffee at
its 1989 level (RWF 125/kg), under the terms of its agreement with the
Bretton Woods institutions. The government was not allowed (under the
World Bank loan) to transfer state resources to the Fonds d’égalisation. It
should also be mentioned that a significant profit was appropriated by local
coffee traders and intermediaries serving to put further pressure on the
peasantry.
In June 1992, a second devaluation was ordered by the IMF, leading —
at the height of the civil war — to a further escalation of the prices of fuel
and consumer essentials. Coffee production tumbled by another 25 percent
in a single year.’ Because of over-cropping of coffee trees, there was
increasingly less land available to produce food, but the peasantry was not
able easily to switch back into food crops. The meager cash income
derived from coffee had been erased, yet there was nothing to fall back on.
Not only were cash revenues from coffee insufficient to buy food, the
 ECONOMIC GENOCIDE IN RWANDA 109

prices of farm inputs had soared and money earnings from coffee were
grossly insufficient. The crisis of the coffee economy backlashed on the
production of traditional food staples leading to a substantial drop in the
production of cassava, beans and sorghum. The system of savings and loan
cooperatives, which provided credit to small farmers, had also disintegrat-
ed. Moreover, with the liberalization of trade and the deregulation of grain
markets — as recommended by the Bretton Woods institutions — (heavily-
subsidized) cheap food imports and food aid from the rich countries were
entering Rwanda with the effect of destabilizing local markets.
Under “the free market” system imposed on Rwanda, neither cash
crops nor food crops were economically viable. The entire agricultural sys-
tem was pushed into crisis. The state administrative apparatus was in dis-
array due not only to the civil war, but also as a result of the austerity meas-
ures and sinking civil service salaries — a situation which contributed
inevitably to exacerbating the climate of generalized insecurity which had
unfolded in 1992.
The seriousness of the agricultural situation had been amply docu-
mented by the FAO which had warned of the existence of widespread
famine in the southern provinces.'* A report released in early 1994 also
pointed to the total collapse of coffee production as a result of both the war
and the failure of the state marketing system which was being phased out
with the support of the World Bank. Rwandex, the mixed enterprise
responsible for the processing and export of coffee, had become largely
inoperative.
The decision to devalue (and “the IMF stamp of approval”) had
already been reached on 17 September 1990, prior to the outbreak of hos-
tilities, in high-level meetings held in Washington between the IMF and a
mission headed by Rwandan Minister of Finance Mr. Ntigurirwa. The
“green light” had been granted: as of early October, at the very moment
when the fighting started, millions of dollars of so-called “balance of pay-
ments aid” (from multilateral and bilateral sources) came pouring into the
coffers of the Central Bank. These funds, administered by the Central
Bank, had been earmarked (by the donors) for commodity imports, yet it
appears likely that a sizeable portion of these “quick disbursing loans” had
been diverted by the regime (and its various political factions) towards the
acquisition of military hardware (from South Africa, Egypt and Eastern
Europe).'"’ The purchases of Kalashnikov guns, heavy artillery and mortar
were undertaken in addition to the bilateral military aid package provided
by France which included, inter alia, Milan and Apila missiles (not to men-
T10 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

tion a Mystére Falcon jet for President Habyarimana’s personal use).'°

Moreover, since October 1990, the armed forces had expanded virtually
overnight from 5,000 to 40,000 men requiring inevitably (under conditions
of budgetary austerity) a sizeable influx of outside money. The new
recruits were largely enlisted from the ranks of the urban unemployed of
which the numbers had dramatically swelled since the collapse of the cof-
fee market in 1989. Thousands of delinquent and idle youths from a drift-
ing population were also drafted into the civilian militia responsible for the
massacres. And part of the arms’ purchases enabled the armed forces to
organize and equip the militiamen.
In all, from the outset of the hostilities (which coincided chronologi-
cally with the devaluation and the initial “gush of fresh money” in October
1990), a total envelope of some US$ 260 million had been approved for
disbursal (with sizeable bilateral contributions from France, Germany,
Belgium, the European Community and the US). While the new loans con-
tributed to releasing money for the payment of debt servicing as well as
equipping the armed forces, the evidence would suggest that a large part of
this donor assistance was neither used productively nor was it channeled
into providing relief in areas affected by famine.
It is also worth noting that the World Bank (through its soft-lending
affiliate, the International Development Association (IDA) had ordered, in
1992, the privatization of Rwanda’s state enterprise Electrogaz. The pro-
ceeds of the privatization were to be channeled towards debt servicing. In
a loan agreement, co-financed with the European Investment Bank (EIB)
and the Caisse francaise de développement (CFD), the Rwandan authori-
ties were to receive in return (after meeting the “conditionalities”) the
modest sum of US$ 39 million which could be spent freely on commodity
imports.'’ The privatization carried out at the height of the civil war also
included dismissals of personnel and an immediate hike in the price of
electricity which further contributed to paralyzing urban public services. A
similar privatization of Rwandatel, the state telecommunications company
under the Ministry of Transport and Communications, was implemented in
September 1993."
The World Bank had carefully reviewed Rwanda’s public investment
program. The fiches de projet having been examined, the World Bank
recommended scrapping more than half the country’s public investment
projects. In agriculture, the World Bank had also demanded a significant
down-sizing of state investment including the abandonment of the inland
swamp reclamation program which had been initiated by the government
 ECONOMIC GENOCIDE IN RWANDA ITI

in response to the severe shortages of arable land (and which the World
Bank considered “unprofitable”). In the social sectors, the World Bank pro-
posed a so-called “priority program” (under “the social safety net”) predi-
cated on maximizing efficiency and “reducing the financial burden of the
government” through the exaction of user fees, lay-offs of teachers and
health workers and the partial privatization of health and education.
The World Bank would no doubt contend that things would have
been much worse had Scenario II not been adopted. This is the so-
called “counterfactual argument”. (See Chapter 3.) Such reasoning,
however, sounds absurd particularly in the case of Rwanda. No sensi-
tivity or concern was expressed as to the likely political and social
repercussions of economic shock therapy applied to a country on the
brink of civil war. The World Bank team consciously excluded the
“non-economic variables” from their “simulations”...

Part B

Installing a US Protectorate in Central Africa"

From the outset of the Rwandan civil war in 1990, Washington’s hidden
agenda consisted in establishing an American sphere of influence in a
region historically dominated by France and Belgium. America’s design
was to displace France by supporting the Rwandan Patriotic Front and by
arming and equipping its military arm, the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA).
From the mid-1980s, the Kampala government, under President
Yoweri Musaveni, had become Washington’s African showpiece of
“democracy”. Uganda had also become a launchpad for US-sponsored
guerilla movements into the Sudan, Rwanda and the Congo. Major General
Paul Kagame had been head ofmilitary intelligence in the Ugandan Armed
Forces; he had been trained at the US Army Command and Staff College
(CGSC) in Leavenworth, Kansas which focuses on warfighting and mili-
tary strategy. Kagame returned from Leavenworth to lead the RPA, short-
ly after the 1990 invasion.
Prior to the outbreak of the Rwandan civil war, the RPA was part of the
Ugandan Armed Forces. Shortly prior to the October 1990 invasion of
Rwanda, military labels were switched. From one day to the next, large
numbers of Ugandan soldiers joined the ranks of the Rwandan Patriotic
Army (RPA). Throughout the civil war, the RPA was supplied from United
People’s Defense Forces (UPDF) military bases inside Uganda. The Tutsi
I12 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

commissioned officers in the Ugandan army took over positions in the

RPA. The October 1990 invasion by Ugandan forces was presented to pub-
lic opinion as a war of liberation by a Tutsi led guerilla army.

Militarization of Uganda

The militarization of Uganda was an integral part of US foreign policy. The

build-up of the Ugandan UPDF Forces and of the Rwandan Patriotic Army
(RPA) had been supported by the US and Britain. The British had provid-
ed military training at the Jinja military base:
From 1989 onwards, America supported joint RPF [Rwandan
Patriotic Front]-Ugandan attacks upon Rwanda. . . There were at least
56 ‘situation reports’ in [US] State Department files in 1991... As
American and British relations with Uganda and the RPF strength-
ened, so hostilities between Uganda and Rwanda escalated... By
August 1990 the RPF had begun preparing an invasion with the full
knowledge and approval of British intelligence.”
Troops from Rwanda’s RPA and Uganda’s UPDF had also supported
John Garang’s People’s Liberation Army in its secessionist war in southern
Sudan. Washington was firmly behind these initiatives with covert support
provided by the CIA.”!
Moreover, under the Africa Crisis Reaction Initiative (ACRI),
Ugandan officers were also being trained by US Special Forces in collab-
oration with a mercenary outfit, Military Professional Resources Inc.
(MPRI) which was on contract with the US Department of State. MPRI
had provided similar training to the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) and
the Croatian Armed Forces during the Yugoslav civil war and more
recently to the Colombian military in the context of Plan Colombia.

Militarization and the Ugandan External Debt

The buildup of the Ugandan external debt under President Musaveni coin-
cided chronologically with the Rwandan and Congolese civil wars. With
the accession of Musaveni to the presidency in 1986, the Ugandan exter-
nal debt stood at 1.3 billion dollars. With the gush of fresh money, the
external debt spiraled overnight, increasing almost threefold to 3.7 billion
by 1997. In fact, Uganda had no outstanding debt to the World Bank at the
outset of its “economic recovery program”. By 1997, it owed almost 2 bil-
lion dollars solely to the World Bank.”
 ECONOMIC GENOCIDE IN RWANDA HWS:

Where did the money go ? The foreign loans to the Musaveni govern-
ment had been tagged to support the country’s economic and social recon-
struction. In the wake of a protracted civil war, the IMF-sponsored “eco-
nomic stabilization program” required massive budget cuts of all civilian
programs.
The World Bank was responsible for monitoring the Ugandan budget
on behalf of the creditors. Under the “public expenditure review” (PER),
the government was obliged to fully reveal the precise allocation of its
budget. In other words, every single category of expenditure — including
the budget of the Ministry of Defense — was open to scrutiny by the World
Bank. Despite the austerity measures (imposed solely on “civilian” expen-
ditures), the donors had allowed defense spending to increase without
impediment.
Part of the money tagged for civilian programs had been diverted into
funding the United People’s Defense Force (UPDF) which, in turn, was
involved in military operations in Rwanda and the Congo. The Ugandan
external debt was being used to finance these military operations on behalf
of Washington with the country and its people ultimately footing the bill.
In fact by curbing social expenditures, the austerity measures had facilitat-
ed the reallocation of state of revenue in favor of the Ugandan military.

Financing both Sides in the Civil War

A similar process offinancing military expenditure from the external debt

had occurred in Rwanda under the Habyarimana government. In a cruel
irony, both sides in the civil war were financed by the same donor institu-
tions with the World Bank acting as watchdog.
The Habyarimana regime had at its disposal an arsenal of military
equipment, including 83mm missile launchers, French made Blindicide,
Belgian and German made light weaponry, and automatic weapons such as
kalachnikovs made in Egypt, China and South Africa [as well as] (. . .)
armored AML-60 and M3 armored vehicles.*’ While part of these purchas-
es had been financed by direct military aid from France, the influx of
development loans from the World Bank’s soft lending affiliate the
International Development Association (IDA), the African Development
Fund (AFD), the European Development Fund (EDF) as well as from
Germany, the United States, Belgium and Canada had been diverted into
funding the military and Interhamwe militia.
A detailed investigation of government files, accounts and correspon-
114 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

dence conducted in Rwanda in 1996-97 by the author — together with

Belgian economist Pierre Galand — confirmed that many of the arms pur-
chases had been negotiated outside the framework of government to gov-
ernment military aid agreements through various intermediaries and private
arms dealers. These transactions — recorded as bona fide government expen-
ditures — had, nonetheless, been included in the state budget which was
under the supervision of the World Bank. Large quantities of machetes and
other items used in the 1994 ethnic massacres — routinely classified as “civil-
ian commodities” — had been imported through regular trading channels.”
According to the files of the National Bank of Rwanda (NBR), some
of these imports had been financed in violation of agreements signed with
the donors. According to NBR records of import invoices, approximately
one million machetes had been imported through various channels includ-
ing Radio Mille Collines, an organization linked to the Interhamwe militia
and used to foment ethnic hatred.”
The money had been earmarked by the donors to support Rwanda’s
economic and social development. It was clearly stipulated that funds
could not be used to import: “military expenditures on arms, ammunition
and other military material’’.”° In fact, the loan agreement with the World
Bank’s IDA was even more stringent. The money could not be used to
import civilian commodities such as fuel, foodstuffs, medicine, clothing
and footwear “destined for military or paramilitary use”. The records of
the NBR, nonetheless, confirm that the Habyarimana government used
World Bank money to finance the import of machetes which had been rou-
tinely classified as imports of “civilian commodities”.”’
An army of consultants and auditors had been sent in by the World
Bank to assess the Habyarimana government’s “policy performance” under
the loan agreement.” The use of donor funds to import machetes and other
material used in the massacres of civilians did not show up in the inde-
pendent audit commissioned by the government and the World Bank —
under the IDA loan agreement (IDA Credit Agreement. 2271-RW).” In
1993, the World Bank decided to suspend the disbursement of the second
installment of its IDA loan. There had been, according to the World Bank
mission, unfortunate “slip-ups” and “delays” in policy implementation.
The free market reforms were no longer “on track’; the conditionalities —
including the privatization of state assets — had not been met. The fact that
the country was involved in a civil war was not even mentioned. How the
money was Spent was never an issue.”
Whereas the World Bank had frozen the second installment (tranche)
 ECONOMIC GENOCIDE IN RWANDA PUES
of the IDA loan, the money granted in 1991 had been deposited in a Special
Account at the Banque Bruxelles Lambert in Brussels. This account
remained open and accessible to the former regime (in exile), two months
after the April 1994 ethnic massacres.*!

Postwar Cover-up

In the wake ofthe civil war, the World Bank sent a mission to Kigali with
a view to drafting a so-called loan “Completion Report”. This was a rou-
tine exercise, largely focussing on macro-economic rather than political
issues. The report acknowledged that “the war effort prompted the [former]
government to increase spending substantially, well beyond the fiscal tar-
gets agreed under the SAP. The misappropriation of World Bank money
was not mentioned. Instead, the Habyarimana government was praised for
having “made genuine major efforts — especially in 199] — to reduce
domestic and external financial imbalances, eliminate distortions hamper-
ing export growth and diversification and introduce market based mecha-
nisms for resource allocation. . ."“* The massacres of civilians were not
mentioned; from the point of view ofthe donors, “nothing had happened”.
In fact, the World Bank completion report failed to even acknowledge the
existence of a civil war prior to April 1994.

In the Wake of the Civil War:

Reinstating the IMF’s Deadly Economic Reforms

In 1995, barely a year after the 1994 ethnic massacres, Rwanda’s external
creditors entered into discussions with the Tutsi-led RPF government
regarding the debts of the former regime which had been used to finance
the massacres. The RPF decided to fully recognize the legitimacy of the
“odious debts” of 1990-94. RPF strongman Vice-President Paul Kagame
instructed the Cabinet not to pursue the matter nor to approach the World
Bank. Under pressure from Washington, the RPF was not to enter into any
form of negotiations, let alone an informal dialogue with the donors.
The legitimacy of the wartime debts was never questioned. Instead, the
creditors had carefully set up procedures to ensure their prompt reim-
bursement. In 1998 at a special donors’ meeting in Stockholm, a
Multilateral Trust Fund of 55.2 million dollars was set up under the banner
of postwar reconstruction.35 In fact, none of this money was destined for
Rwanda. It had been earmarked to service Rwanda’s “odious debts” with
116 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

the World Bank (i.e. IDA debt), the African Development Bank and the
International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD).
In other words, “fresh money” — which Rwanda will eventually have
to reimburse — was lent to enable Rwanda to service the debts used to
finance the massacres. Old loans had been swapped for new debts under
the banner of post-war reconstruction. The “odious debts” had been
whitewashed; they had disappeared from the books. The creditor’s respon-
sibility had been erased. Moreover, the scam was also conditional upon the
acceptance of a new wave of IMF-World Bank reforms.

Post War “Reconstruction and Reconciliation”

Bitter economic medicine was imposed under the banner of “reconstruc-

tion and reconciliation”. In fact, the IMF post-conflict reform package was
far more stringent than that imposed at the outset of the civil war in 1990.
While wages and employment had fallen to abysmally low levels, the IMF
had demanded a freeze on civil service wages alongside a massive
retrenchment of teachers and health workers. The objective was to “restore
macro-economic stability”. A downsizing of the civil service was
launched.’ Civil service wages were not to exceed 4.5 percent of GDP, so-
called “unqualified civil servants” (mainly teachers) were to be removed
from the state payroll.”
Meanwhile, the country’s per capita income had collapsed from $ 360
(prior to the war) to $ 140 in 1995. State revenues had been tagged to serv-
ice the external debt. Kigali’s Paris Club debts were rescheduled in
exchange for “free market” reforms. Remaining state assets were sold off
to foreign capital at bargain prices.
The Tutsi-led RPF government, rather than demanding the cancella-
tion of Rwanda’s odious debts, had welcomed the Bretton Woods institu-
tions with open arms. They needed the IMF “greenlight” to boost the
development of the military.
Despite the austerity measures, defense expenditures continued to
grow. The 1990-94 pattern had been reinstated. The development loans
granted since 1995 were not used to finance the country’s economic and
social development. Outside money had again been diverted into financing
a military buildup, this time of the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA). And
this build-up of the RPA occurred in the period immediately preceding the
outbreak of civil war in former Zaire.
 ECONOMIC GENOCIDE IN RWANDA Wg

Civil War in the Congo

Following the installation of a US client regime in Rwanda in 1994,

US trained Rwandan and Ugandan forces intervened in former Zaire — a
stronghold of French and Belgian influence under President Mobutu Sese
Seko. Amply documented, US special operations troops — mainly Green
Berets from the 3rd Special Forces Group based at Fort Bragg, N.C — had
been actively training the RPA. This program was a continuation of the
covert support and military aid provided to the RPA prior to 1994. In turn,
the tragic outcome of the Rwandan civil war, including the refugee crisis,
had set the stage for the participation of Ugandan and Rwandan RPA in the
civil war in the Congo:
Washington pumped military aid into Kagame’s army, and U.S. Army
Special Forces and other military personnel trained hundreds of
Rwandan troops. But Kagame and his colleagues had designs oftheir
own. While the Green Berets trained the Rwandan Patriotic Army,
that army was itself secretly training Zairian rebels.(...) [In] Rwanda,
US. officials publicly portrayed their engagement with the army as
almost entirely devoted to human rights training. But the Special
Forces exercises also covered other areas, including combat skills...
Hundreds of soldiers and officers were enrolled in U.S. training pro-
grams, both in Rwanda and in the United States... [C]onducted by
U.S. Special Forces, Rwandans studied camouflage techniques,
small-unit movement, troop-leading procedures, soldier-team devel-
opment, [etc.]... And while the training went on, U.S. officials were
meeting regularly with Kagame and other senior Rwandan leaders to
discuss the continuing military threat faced by the [former Rwandan]
government [in exile] from inside Zaire... Clearly, the focus of
Rwandan-U.S. military discussion had shifted from how to build
human rights to how to combat an insurgency. (...) With [Ugandan
President] Museveni’s support, Kagame conceived a plan to back a
rebel movement in eastern Zaire [headed by Laurent Desire Kabila].
(.. .) The operation was launched in October 1996, just a few weeks
after Kagame’s trip to Washington and the completion of the Special
Forces training mission. (...) Once the war [in the Congo] started, the
United States provided “political assistance” to Rwanda, (...) An offi-
cial of the U.S. Embassy in Kigali traveled to eastern Zaire numerous
times to liaise with Kabila. Soon, the rebels had moved on. Brushing
off the Zairian army with the help of the Rwandan forces, they
marched through Africa’s third-largest nation in seven months, with
118 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

only a few significant military engagements. Mobutu fled the capital,

Kinshasa, in May 1997, and Kabila took power, changing the name
of the country to Congo...U.S. officials deny that there were any U.S.
military personnel with Rwandan troops in Zaire during the war,
although unconfirmed reports of a U.S. advisory presence have cir-
culated in the region since the war’s earliest days.”

American Mining Interests

At stake in these military operations in the Congo were the extensive min-
ing resources of Eastern and Southern Zaire including strategic reserves of
cobalt — of crucial importance for the US defense industry. During the civil
war, several months before the downfall of Mobutu, Laurent Desire Kabila
based in Goma, Eastern Zaire had renegotiated the mining contracts with
several US and British mining companies, including American Mineral
Fields (AMF) — a company headquartered in President Bill Clinton’s
hometown of Hope, Arkansas.”
Meanwhile, back in Washington, IMF officials were busy reviewing
Zaire’s macro-economic situation. No time was lost. The post-Mobutu eco-
nomic agenda had already been decided upon. In a study released in April,
1997 — barely a month before President Mobutu Sese Seko fled the coun-
try — the IMF had recommended “halting currency issue completely and
abruptly” as part of an economic recovery programme.*' And a few months
later, upon assuming power in Kinshasa, the new government of Laurent
Kabila Desire was ordered by the IMF to freeze civil service wages with a
view to “restoring macro-economic stability.” Eroded by hyperinflation,
the average public sector wage had fallen to 30,000 new Zaires (NZ) a
month, the equivalent of one US dollar.*
The IMF’s demands were tantamount to maintaining the entire popu-
lation in abysmal poverty. They precluded, from the outset, a meaningful
post-war economic reconstruction, thereby contributing to fuelling the
continuation of the Congolese civil war in which close to two million peo-
ple have died.

Concluding Remarks

The civil war in Rwanda was a brutal struggle for political power between
the Hutu-led Habyarimana government supported by France, and the Tutsi
Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) backed financially and militarily by
 ECONOMIC GENOCIDE IN RWANDA 119

Washington. Ethnic rivalries were used deliberately in the pursuit of

geopolitical objectives. Both the CIA and French intelligence were
involved.
In the words of former Cooperation Minister Bernard Debre in the
government of Prime Minister Henri Balladur:
What one forgets to say is that, if France was on one side, the
Americans were on the other, arming the Tutsis who armed the
Ugandans. I don’t want to portray a showdown between the French
and the Anglo-Saxons, but the truth must be told.*°
In addition to military aid to the warring factions, the influx of devel-
opment loans played an important role in “financing the conflict.” In other
words, both the Ugandan and Rwanda external debts were diverted into
supporting the military and paramilitary. Uganda’s external debt increased
by more than two billion dollars, — i.e. at a significantly faster pace than
that of Rwanda (an increase of approximately 250 million dollars from
1990 to 1994). In retrospect, the RPA — financed by US military aid and
Uganda’s external debt — was much better equipped and trained than the
Forces Armees du Rwanda (FAR) loyal to President Habyarimana. From
the outset, the RPA had a definite military advantage over the FAR.
According to the testimony of Paul Mugabe, a former member ofthe
RPF High Command Unit, Major General Paul Kagame had personally
ordered the shooting down of President Habyarimana’s plane with a view
to taking control of the country. He was fully aware that the assassination
of Habyarimana would unleash “a genocide” against Tutsi civilians. RPA
forces had been fully deployed in Kigali at the time the ethnic massacres
took place and did not act to prevent it from happening:
The decision of Paul Kagame to shoot Pres. Habyarimana’s aircraft
was the catalyst of an unprecedented drama in Rwandan history, and
Major-General Paul Kagame took that decision with all awareness.
Kagame’s ambition caused the extermination of all of our families:
Tutsis, Hutus and Twas. We all lost. Kagame’s take-over took away
the lives of a large number of Tutsis and caused the unnecessary exo-
dus of millions of Hutus, many of whom were innocent under the
hands of the genocide ringleaders. Some naive Rwandans proclaimed
Kagame as their savior, but time has demonstrated that it was he who
caused our suffering and misfortunes... Can Kagame explain to the
Rwandan people why he sent Claude Dusaidi and Charles Muligande
to New York and Washington to stop the UN military intervention
120 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

which was supposed to be sent and protect the Rwandan people from
the genocide ? The reason behind avoiding that military intervention
was to allow the RPF leadership the takeover of the Kigali
Government and to show the world that they - the RPF - were the
ones who stopped the genocide. We will all remember that the geno-
cide occurred during three months, even though Kagame has said that
he was capable of stopping it the first week after the aircraft crash.
Can Major-General Paul Kagame explain why he asked MINUAR to
leave Rwandan soil within hours while the UN was examining the
possibility of increasing its troops in Rwanda in order to stop the
genocide ?™
Paul Mugabe’s testimony regarding the shooting down of
Habyarimana’s plane ordered by Kagame is corroborated by intelligence
documents and information presented to the French parliamentary inquiry.
Major General Paul Kagame was an instrument of Washington. The loss of
African lives did not matter. The civil war in Rwanda and the ethnic mas-
sacres were an integral part of US foreign policy, carefully staged in accor-
dance with precise strategic and economic objectives.
Despite the good diplomatic relations between Paris and Washington
and the apparent unity of the Western military alliance, it was an unde-
clared war between France and America. By supporting the build up of
Ugandan and Rwandan forces, and by directly intervening in the
Congolese civil war, Washington also bears a direct responsibility for the
ethnic massacres committed in the Eastern Congo including several hun-
dred thousand people who died in refugee camps.
US policy-makers were fully aware that a catastrophe was imminent.
In fact, four months before the genocide, the CIA had warned the US State
Department in a confidential brief that the Arusha Accords would fail and
“that if hostilities resumed, then upward of half a million people would
die”. This information was withheld from the United Nations: “it was not
until the genocide was over that information was passed to Maj.-Gen.
Dallaire [who was in charge of UN forces in Rwanda].’”°
Washington’s objective was to displace France, discredit the French
government (which had supported the Habyarimana regime) and install an
Anglo-American protectorate in Rwanda under Major General Paul
Kagame. Washington deliberately did nothing to prevent the ethnic mas-
sacres.
When a UN force was put forth, Major General Paul Kagame sought
to delay its implementation stating that he would only accept a peacekeep-
 ECONOMIC GENOCIDE IN RWANDA 121

ing force once the RPA was in control of Kigali. Kagame “feared [that] the
proposed United Nations force of more than 5,000 troops (...) [might]
intervene to deprive them [the RPA] of victory”."” Meanwhile, the Security
Council, after deliberation and a report from Secretary General Boutros
Boutros Ghali, decided to postpone its intervention.
The 1994 Rwandan “genocide” served strictly strategic and geopoliti-
cal objectives. The ethnic massacres were a stumbling blow to France’s
credibility which enabled the US to establish a neocolonial foothold in
Central Africa. From a distinctly Franco-Belgian colonial setting, the
Rwandan capital Kigali has become — under the expatriate Tutsi-led RPF
government — distinctly Anglo-American. English has become the domi-
nant language in government and the private sector. Many private busi-
nesses owned by Hutus were taken over in 1994 by returning Tutsi expa-
triates. The latter had been exiled in Anglophone Africa, the US and
Britain.
The Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA) functions in English and
Kinyarwanda; the University, previously linked to France and Belgium,
functions in English. While English had become an official language
alongside French and Kinyarwanda, French political and cultural influence
will eventually be erased. Washington has become the new colonial master
of a francophone country.
Several other francophone countries in sub-Saharan Africa have
entered into military cooperation agreements with the US. These countries
are slated by Washington to follow suit on the pattern set in Rwanda.
Meanwhile in francophone West Africa, the US dollar is rapidly displacing
the CFA France — which is linked in a currency board arrangement to the
French Treasury.

Endnotes

1. The system of export quotas of the International Coffee Organization

(ICO) was lifted in the aftermath of the Florida meetings in July 1989.
The fob price in Mombasa declined from US$ 1.31 a pound in May
1989 to $0.60 in December, Marchés tropicaux, 18 May 1990, p. 1369:
29 June 1990, p. 1860.
tr See Jean Rumiya, Le Rwanda sous le régime du mandat belge
(1916-1931), L’Harmattan, Paris, 1992, pp. 220-26; Andre Guichaoua,
Destins paysans et politiques agraires en Afrique centrale.
L’Harmattan, Paris, 1989.
ws) See Ferdinand Nahimana, Le Rwanda, Emergence d'un Etat,
 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

L’Harmattan, Paris, 1993.

New African, June 1994, p. 16.
See United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries,
Country Presentation by the Government of Rwanda, Geneva, 1990, p.
5. See also République Rwandaise, Ministére des Finances et de
l’Economie, L’Economie rwandaise, 25 ans d’efforts (1962-87), Kigali,
1987.
See the study of A. Guichaoua, Les paysans et l’investissement-travail
au Burundi et au Rwanda, Bureau international du Travail, Geneva,
1987.
United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries, op. cit.,
Dee
A 5 percent growth in exports was to take place under Scenario II as
opposed to 2.5 percent under Scenario I.
Debt forgiveness amounting to US$ 46 million was granted in 1989.
. World Bank, World Debt Tables, 1993-94, Washington DC, p. 383. The
outstanding debt had increased by more than 400 percent since 1980
(from US$ 150.3 million in 1980 to $ 804.3 million in 1992).
See Myriam Gervais, “Etude de la pratique des ajustements au Niger et au
Rwanda”, Labor, Capital and Society, Vol. 26. No. 1, 1993, p. 36.
. This figure is a conservative estimate. Economist Intelligence Unit,
Country Profile, Rwanda/Burundi 1993/1994, London, 1994, p. 10.
. In 1993, a third devaluation of the order of 30 percent had been recom
mended by the World Bank as a means of eliminating the debts of the
Fonds d’égalisation.
. The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) had estimated in
1993 that more than a million people were affected by famine, Marches
tropicaux, 2 April 1993, p. 898. A FAO communiqué released in March
1994 pointed to a 33 percent decline in food production in 1993. See
Marches tropicaux, 25 March 1994, p. 594.
N There has been no official communiqué or press report confirming or
denying the channeling of balance-of-payments aid towards military
expenditure. According to the Washington-based Human Rights Watch,
Egypt agreed with Kigali to supply US$6 million worth of military
equipment. The deal with South Africa was for US$5.9 million. See
Marches tropicaux, 28 January 1994, p. 173.
16. See New African, June 1994, p. 15. See also the interview with Colette
Braeckman on France’s military aid in Archipel, No. 9, July 1994, p. 1.
ite See Marches tropicaux, 26 February 1992, p. 569.
18. See Marches tropicaux, 8 October 1993, p. 2492.
eos Part | of this chapter was written in 1994 for the first edition of
 ECONOMIC GENOCIDE IN RWANDA 123
Globalization of Poverty”. Part II is in part based on a study conducted
by the author and Belgian economist Pierre Galand on the use of
Rwanda’s 1990-94 external debt to finance the military and paramilitary.
. Africa Direct, Submission to the UN _ Tribunal on Rwanda,
http://www.junius.co.uk/africa- direct/tribunal.html.
did.
. Africa’s New Look, Janes Foreign Report, August 14, 1997.
. Jim Mugunga, Uganda foreign debt hits Shs 4 trillion, The Monitor,
Kampala, 19 February 1997.
Michel Chossudovsky and Pierre Galand, L’usage de la dette extérieure
du Rwanda: La responsabilité des créanciers, mission report, United
Nations Development Program and Government of Rwanda, Ottawa
and Brussels, 1997.
Ibid.
Ibid.
. Ibid. The imports recorded were of the order of kg. 500.000 of
machetes or approximately one million machetes.
. Ibid. See also schedule 1.2 of the Development Credit Agreement with
IDA, Washington, 27 June 1991, CREDIT IDA 2271 RW.
. Chossudovsky and Galand, op cit.
bid.
. db”.
World Bank Completion Report, quoted in Chossudovsky and Galand, op
cit.
. Lbid.
Ibid.
- See World Bank, Rwanda at http://www.worldbank.org/aft/rw2.htm.
. Lbid., italics added.
. A ceiling on the number of public employees had been set at 38.000 for
1998 down from 40,600 in 1997. See Letter of Intent of the Government
of Rwanda including cover letter addressed to IMF Managing
Director Michel Camdessus, IMF, Washington, http://www.imf.org/exter-
nal/np/loi/060498 htm, 1998.
38. [bid.
a9, Lynne Duke Africans Use US Military Training in Unexpected Ways,
Washington Post. July 14, 1998. p. AOL.
40. Musengwa Kayaya, U.S. Company To Invest in Zaire, Pan African
News, 9 May 1997.
41. International Monetary Fund, Zaire Hyperinflation 1990-1996,
Washington, April 1997.
 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

. Alain Shungu Ngongo, Zaire-Economy: How to Survive On a Dollar a

Month, /nternational Press Service, 6 June 1996.
. Quoted in Therese LeClerc. “Who is responsible for the genocide in
Rwanda ?”, World Socialist website at http://www.wsws.org/index.shtml, 29
April 1998.
44, Paul Mugabe, “The Shooting Down Of The Aircraft Carrying Rwandan
President Habyarimana”,. testimony to the International Strategic
Studies Association (ISSA), Alexandria, Virginia, 24 April 2000.
. Linda Melvern, “Betrayal of the Century”, Ottawa Citizen, Ottawa,
8 April 2000.
46. Ibid.
47. Scott Peterson, “Peacekeepers will not halt carnage, say Rwanda,
rebels”, Daily Telegraph, London, May 12, 1994.
 Chapter 8
“Exporting Apartheid” to sub-Saharan Africa

Under President Nelson Mandela, the right wing Afrikaner Freedom Front
(FF) headed by General Constand Viljoen was promoting the development
of a “Food Corridor” extending across the southern part of the continent
from Angola to Mozambique. In the post-Apartheid era, Afrikaner agri-
business was to extend its grip into neighbouring countries with large scale
investments in commercial farming, food processing and eco-tourism. The
Afrikaner unions of the Orange Free State and Eastern Transvaal are part-
ners; the objective is to set up white-owned farms beyond South Africa’s
borders. '
The “Food Corridor”, however, does not mean “food for the local peo-
ple”. On the contrary, under the scheme the peasants will loose their land:
small-holders will become farm laborers or tenants on large scale planta-
tions owned by the Boers. Moreover, the South African Chamber for
Agricultural Development (SACADA), which acts as an umbrella organi-
zation, is integrated by several right wing organizations including the
Freedom Front (FF) led by Viljoen and the secret Afrikaner Broederbond.
As South African Defence Force (SADF) Commander in Chief during the
Apartheid regime, General Viljoen had been implicated in the attacks on
so-called “African National Congress Targets” including the blow up of
suspected anti-apartheid activists and critics.2 The Freedom Front,
although “moderate” in comparison to Eugene Terre’Blanche’s far-right
Afrikaner Weerstandsbeweging (AWB), is a racist political movement
committed to the Afrikaner Volksstaat.’ The SACADA-Freedom Front ini-
tiative had, nonetheless, received the political backing of the African
National Congress as well as the personal blessing of President Nelson
Mandela.
In discussions with President Mandela, General Viljoen had argued
that:
settling Afrikaner farmers would stimulate the economies of neigh-
bouring states, would provide food and employment for locals, and
 126 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

that this would stem the flow ofillegal immigrants into South A
frica.*
Viljoen had also held high-level meetings on Afrikaner agricultural
investments with representatives of the European Union, the United
Nations and other donor agencies.°
In turn, Pretoria was negotiating with several African governments on
behalf of SACADA and the Freedom Front. The ANC government was
anxious to facilitate the expansion of corporate agri-business into neigh-
bouring countries. “Mandela has asked the Tanzanian government to
accept Afrikaner farmers to help develop the agricultural sector. SACADA
has approached some 12 African countries interested in White South
African farmers”.® In a venture set up in 1994 under the South African
Development Corporation (SADEVCO), the government of the Congo had
granted to the Boers 99 year leases on agricultural land. President Mandela
endorsed the scheme calling on African nations “to accept the migrants as
a kind of foreign aid”.’
An earlier trek of White farmers to Zambia and the Congo dating to
the early 1990s met with mixed results. Rather than tied to the interests of
corporate agri-business (as in the case of SACADA), the impetus was
based on the resettlement of individual (often bankrupt) Afrikaner farmers
without political backing, financial support and the legitimacy of the New
South Africa.
Pressured by the World Bank and the World Trade Organization
(WTO), the host national governments had, on the whole, welcomed the
inflow of Afrikaner investments. The liberalization of trade and investment
under WTO auspices was supporting the extension of Afrikaner business
interests throughout the region.

The Expropriation of Peasant Lands

The “Food Corridor” will eventually displace a pre-existing agricultural

system; it not only appropriates the land, it takes over the host country’s
economic and social infrastructure, and it spells increased levels of poverty
in the countryside. It weakens subsistence agriculture, as well as the peas-
ant cash crop economy; it displaces local level agricultural markets and
aggravates the conditions of endemic famine prevailing in the region. Jen
Kelenga, a spokesperson for a pro-democracy group in the Congo (former
Zaire) sees the Boers “in search of new territories to apply their racist way
of living”.*
The “Food Corridor” potentially alters the rural landscape of the
 “EXPORTING APARTHEID” TO SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA 127

Southern African region, requiring the uprooting and displacement of

small farmers over an extensive territory. Under the proposed scheme, mil-
lions of hectares of the best farmland are to be handed over to South
African agri-business. The Boers will manage large-scale commercial
farms using the rural people both as “labor tenants” as well as seasonal
agricultural workers.
While the project is meant to “bring development” and “transfer much
needed agricultural expertise”, the initiative is largely intent upon “export-
ing Apartheid” to neighbouring countries. The latter objective is in turn
supported by the gamut of IMF-World Bank-WTO-sponsored economic
reforms.
Afrikaner investments in agriculture go hand-in-hand with the World
Bank sponsored Land Law. The expropriation of peasant lands is often
demanded by creditors as a condition for the rescheduling of Paris Club
debts. Peasant lands (which formally belonged to the state) are sold (at
very low prices) or leased out to international agribusiness (eg. on a 50-99
years concession). The meagre proceeds of the land sales will be used to
service the external debt.
The World Bank had also put forward changes in land legislation,
which could eventually abrogate the right to land of millions of small-
holders. Identical land legislation was being enforced throughout the
region, the national level land laws (drafted under technical advice from
the World Bank Legal Department) are with some variations “exact carbon
copies of each other”:
The constitution [in Mozambique] says that the land is the property
of the State and cannot be sold or mortgaged. There has been strong
pressure particularly from the United States and the World Bank for
land to be privatized and to allow mortgages.’
South African companies and banks are also participating in the coun-
try-level privatization programmes (under the structural adjustment pro-
gramme) acquiring — at rock bottom prices — the ownership of state assets
in mining, public utilities and agriculture. With regard to the latter, exper-
imental farms, government research stations, state-owned plantations, seed
producing facilities, etc. have been put on the auction block. With the
deregulation of agricultural markets under World Bank advice, the state
marketing system is either closed down or taken over by private investors.
 128 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

Derogating Customary Land Rights

Under the proposed land legislation, both SACADA and the World Bank,
nonetheless, tout the protection of traditional land rights. The small peas-
antry is to be “protected” through the establishment of “customary land
reserves” established in the immediate vicinity of the white commercial
farms. In practice, under the new land legislation, the majority of the rural
people will be caged into small territorial enclaves (“communal lands’’)
while the bulk of the best agricultural land will be sold or leased to private
investors.
This also means that peasant communities which practice shifting culti-
vation over a large land area as well as pastoralists, will henceforth be pros-
ecuted for encroaching on lands earmarked for commercial farming, often
without their prior knowledge. Impoverished by the macro-economic
reforms, with no access to credit and modern farm inputs, these customary
enclaves will constitute “labor reserves” for large scale agri-business.

Afrikaner Farms in Mozambique

Sacada had plans to invest in Mozambique, Zaire, Zambia and Angola,

“with Mozambique being the test case”.'” President Joaquim Chissano of
Mozambique and President Nelson Mandela had signed an intergovern-
mental agreement granting rights to Afrikaner agri-business to develop
investments in at least six provinces encompassing territorial concessions
of some eight million hectares:'!
Mozambique needs the technical expertise and the money, and we
have the people. . . We favor an area which is not heavily populate
d
because it is an Achilles heal if there are too many people on the land.
For the Boers, Land is next to God and the Bible.'”
In SACADA’s concessionary areas in Mozambique, the “socialist”
Frelimo government was to ensure that there would be no encroac
hment;
rural small-holders and subsistence farmers (who invariably do not possess
legal land titles) will either be expelled or transferred into marginal
lands."
In turn, members of the military and government ministers who
sought to
become “business partners” of international agri-business were
granted
concessions over millions of hectares of land which is already
occupied by
the peasantry.'* The World Bank, together with bilateral donors,
had pro-
posed — on behalf of potential foreign investors — a system of
land regis-
tration including the extensive mapping of land areas through
aerial pho-
 “EXPORTING APARTHEID” TO SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA 129

tography in view of generating digitized maps."

In Mozambique’s Niassa province, the best agricultural land was
leased in concession to the Afrikaners for fifty years. “There are just so
many beautiful, fertile places to choose from. . .”, said Egbert Hiemstra
who owns two farms in Lydenburg and wants a third in Mozambique." At
the token price of some $ 0.15 per hectare per annum, the land lease is a
give-away.|
Through the establishment of Mosagrius (a joint venture company),
SACADA is now firmly established in the fertile valley of the Lugenda
river. But the Boers also have their eyes on agricultural areas along the
Zambezi and Limpopo rivers as well as on the road and railway facilities
linking Lichinga, Niassa’s capital to the deep see port of Nagala. The rail-
way line is being rehabilitated and modernized (by a French contractor)
with development aid provided by France.
Our intention [the Afrikaner farmers] is to develop the highveld areas
in maize, wheat and beef cattle linked up with agro-processing and
the export market. In the lowvelds we will plant a variety of tropical
fruit trees as well as establish modern juice factories. Our agricultur-
al institutes will establish research stations in the area with a view to
supporting SACADA’s initiative. . .Eventually we would also like to
get into the cotton areas of Nampulo and Cabo Delgado provinces."
The available infrastructure, including several state buildings and
enterprises, will be handed over; several state-owned farms in Niassa will
be transferred to the Afrikaners alongside the Technical College in
Lichinga.'"’ The Agricultural Research Station is also to be taken over:
“They want out”, they are seeking Afrikaner investment to keep the
Research Station afloat.’ Eventually, Afrikaner agri-business is intent on
taking over the government’s seed producing facilities (SEMOC) in
Niassa.”
In the Mosagrius project, “The main thrust will come from the suc-
cessful farmers in South Africa who are now seeking for new lands, and
who are able to mobilize considerable financial resources”. They will
operate their new farms as part of their business undertakings in South
Africa, dispatching white Afrikaner managers and supervisors to
Mozambique. “Family farms with a good track record but without funding
capabilities are also eligible. They will rely on SACADA for funding”.” No
provision is made, however, to help Afrikaner farmers driven into bank-
ruptcy as a result of Pretoria’s economic liberalization programme. These
farmers may, nonetheless, be hired to work as managers in Mozambique.
 130 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

In turn, the Boers will bring their black right-hand men, their tractor
operators, their technicians. In the words of the Mosagrius liaison officer
at the South African High Commission in Maputo: “Each and every
Afrikaner farmer will bring his tame Kaffirs” who will be used to super-
vise the local workers.”
SACADA had carefully mapped out the designated areas by helicop-
ter. South Africa’s agricultural research institutes had surveyed the area,
providing an assessment of prevailing environmental, climatic and social
conditions. South African demographers have been called in as consulta
nts
to evaluate the implications of displacing the rural people.

Creating “Rural Townships”

Under the SACADA scheme, the rural communities in Niassa

which
occupy the Afrikaner concessionary areas are to be regrouped
into “rural
townships” similar to those of the Apartheid regime:
What you do is to develop villages along the roadside close
to the
[White] farms. These villages have been planned very carefull
y [by
SACADA] in proximity to the fields so that farm-workers
can go
back and forth; you give the villages some infrastructure and
a plot of
land for each household so that the farm-laborers can set up
their food
gardens.”
Unless token customary land rights are entrenched within
or in areas
contiguous to the concessions, the peasants will become
landless farm
laborers or “labor tenants”. Under the latter System applied
by the Boers in
South Africa since the 19th century, black peasant househ
olds perform
labor services (corvée) in exchange for the right to farm
a small parcel of
land. Formally outlawed in South Africa in 1960 by
the Nationalist gov-
ernment, “labor tenancy” remains in existence in
many parts of South
Africa including East Transvaal and Kwa-Zulu Natal.2
6 It has evolved
towards the payment of a (very low) nominal wage
largely to disguise the
(outlawed) feudal relationship. Since 1995, it has
been the target of the
Land Reform (Labor Tenants) Bill of Land Affairs Minister Derek
Hanekom.”’
The rural townships established in the conce
ssions constitute
“reserves” of cheap labor for the white commercial
farms. Wages in
Mozambique are substantially lower than in South
Africa. For seasonal
workers, the wage was set at the statutory minim
um wage — a meagre $ 18
a month — which the IMF Representative Sergio
Leite, considered in his
 “EXPORTING APARTHEID” TO SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA 131

statement to a donors’ meeting in 1995, to be “excessive” by international

standards. He also pointed to the inflationary pressures resulting from
wage demands.*
The derogation of workers rights, as well as the deregulation of the
labor market under IMF advice, enable the Boers not only to pay their
Mozambican workers excessively low wages, but also to escape the
demands of black agricultural workers in South Africa. It also allows
corporate agri-business investing in neighboring countries to more effec-
tively lobby the ANC government against Land Reform and “affirmative
action” programmes within South Africa.
Moreover, under the Mosagrius Agreement (clause 42) the
Mozambican government will be fully responsible in dealing with land dis-
putes and ensuring the expropriation of peasant lands “without prejudice or
loss that may occur from such claims to SDM [Mosagrius] and other
99:29
Mosagrius participants”.

Foreign Aid Supports the Establishments of White Farms

South Africa’s major commercial banks, the World Bank and the European
Union have firmly backed the project. “The Food Corridor” has become an
integral part of the IMF-World Bank-sponsored structural adjustment pro-
gramme. In the words of SACADA Secretary Willie Jordaan: “SACADA
had endeavoured to bring its policies in line with the World Bank and the
International Monetary Fund, and claimed that it was set to become an
international development agency” with a mandate to contract with donor
institutions and carry out “foreign aid programmes” on their behalf.”
While the West had endorsed the ANCs struggle against the Apartheid
regime, it was providing — in the post Apartheid era — financial support to
a racist Afrikaner development organization. Under the disguise of “for-
eign aid”, Western donors had contributed to the extension of the Apartheid
system into neighbouring countries. The European Union provided money
to SACADA out of a development package explicitly earmarked by
Brussels for South Africa’s Reconstruction and Development Programme.
According to an EU spokesman, the project “was the best noise out of
Africa in 30 years’”.’' The EU Ambassador to South Africa Mr. Erwan
Fouéré met General Viljoen to discuss the project. Fouéré confirmed that
if all goes well, further EU money could be made available to cover the
costs of “settling Afrikaner farmers in South Africa’s neighbouring coun-
tries”. The fact that the scheme derogated the land rights of small-holders,
 132 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

while replicating the system, of “labor tenancy” prevalent in South Africa

under Apartheid was not a matter for discussion.

Fostering Ecotourism
Most of Mozambique’s coastline on lake Niassa — including a 160 km.
stretch in the Riff Valley from Meponda to Mapangula extending further
North to Ilha sobre o Lago close to the Tanzanian border — had been des-
ignated “for tourism and other complementary and subsidiary activities
[which are] ecologically sustainable”.? The latter also included designat
ed
areas for South African investments in fishing and aquaculture
on lake
Niassa displacing the local fishing industry.“
In turn, the Agreement handed over to Mosagrius, the develop
ment
and operation rights over the Niassa Game Reserve on the
Tanzanian
border. The Reserve includes an extensive area of some 20,000
hectares
earmarked for a so-called “ecologically sustainable ecotour
ism”. SACA-
DA is to fence the entire area and establish up-market tourist lodges
on the
periphery of the Game Park; hunting of wild game is also
envisaged for
wealthy individuals “in strictly controlled areas”! Accordi
ng to the
Mosagrius liaison officer, “fauna restocking of the Reserve
may, however,
be required to ensure that tourists see the real thing”.
A specialist from
South Africa’s Department of Nature Conservation is assistin
g SACADA
in planning the venture, as well as securing financia
l resources.
International funding ofthe lodges and the Game Reserve
is in the process
of being secured from a number of wealthy private investor
s. . .°°
In a much larger undertaking, James Ulysses Blanchard
III — the right-
wing Texan tycoon — has been granted a concession
over a vast territory,
which includes the Maputo Elephant Reserve
and the adjoining
Machangula Peninsula. During the Mozambican
civil war, Blanchard
provided financial backing to Renamo, the rebel organi
zation directly sup-
ported by the Apartheid regime and trained by the
South African Defence
Force (SADF).
But it now seems that the man who once bankrolled
a rebel army to
wage a war of incredible destruction and brutality
(the US State
Department once described Renamo atrocities as worse
than those of
the Pol Pot regime in Cambodia) is likely to be reward
ed with control
over a huge chunk of Mozambique’s richest provin
ce.”
Blanchard intends to create an Indian Ocean Dream
Park with a float-
ing hotel, deluxe tourist lodges at $ 600-800 a
night and a casino. Large
 “EXPORTING APARTHEID” TO SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA 133

parcels of land in Manchangula have also been allocated to agricultural

investors from Eastern Transvaal.** Local communities in Blanchard’s con-
cessionary area will be expropriated; in the words of his general manager,
John Perrot:
We gonna come here and say [to the local villagers] ‘Okay, now
you're in a national park. Your village can either get fenced or you
can have them wild animals walking right through your main street’.”
In this scramble for territory, the Mozambican government agreed to
hand over several million hectares of so-called “unused land” to a religious
organization, the Dutch based Maharashi Heaven on Earth Company.”
President Chissano is a devotee of Maharishi Mahesh Yogi, founder of the
Natural Law Party. Since the signing of the agreement in July 1993, how-
ever, the government seems to have backtracked on the deal stating that the
Maharashi Church would “be treated like any other foreign investor — no
more, no less”.”

Carving up the National Territory

An autonomous territory, “a State within a State” is being developed

initially in Niassa province; Mosagrius (overriding the national and provin-
cial governments) 1s the sole authority concerning the utilization rights of
land in its concessionary areas (clause 34); similarly, the territory is
defined as a free trade zone allowing for the unimpeded movement of
goods, capital and people (meaning white South Africans). All investments
in the concessionary areas “will be free from customs duties, or other fiscal
impositions”’.””
In turn, with concessions granted to foreign investors in various parts
of the country, the national territory is once again being carved up into a
number of separate “corridors” reminiscent of the colonial period. This
system of territorial concessions — with each of the corridors integrated
separately into the world market — tends to favor the demise of the national
economy.
The decline of the Mozambican State apparatus, as well the fragmenta-
tion of the national economy, favors the transformation of entire regions of
the country (eg. Niassa province) into concessionary areas or “corridors”
under the political custody of donors, non-governmental organizations and
foreign investors. The latter constitute a de facto “parallel government”
which increasingly bypasses the state system. Moreover, in several areas in
Northern Mozambique, the former pro-Apartheid rebel group Renamo
 134 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

(which has also established its links to the donors) is formally in command
of local government. In the war’s aftermath, several Renamo leaders have
become “business partners” of South African companies investing in
Mozambique, including SACADA sponsored investments: “It would appear
that there is a secret understanding as part of the [1992] Peace Agreement
that Renamo and its backers will get land”.*’
~

Endnotes

1. Ten Years Ago, Weekly Mail and Guardian, Johannesburg, 23 June 1995.
2. See Stefaans Brummer, The Web of Stratcoms, Johannesburg,
Weekly Mail and Guardian, 24 February 1995. See also, Antifa Info
Bulletin, Vol 1, No. 1, 23 January 1996.
3. In founding the Freedom Front, Viljoen parted from the Afrikaner
Volksfront (AVF) of which he was the co-leader. He also abandoned his
threats of armed resistance shortly before the 1994 elections.
4. “EU Backs Boers Trek to Mozambique”, Johannesburg, Weekly Mail
and Guardian, 1 December 1995.
5. “Trade Block planned for Eastern Regions”, Johannesburg,
Weekly Mail
and Guardian, 12 May 1995.
6. Lhid:
7. “The Boers are Back”, South Africa: Programme Support
Online,
No. 4. 1996. See also “Boers Seek Greener Pastures
”, Los Angeles
Times, 2 September 1995.
8. “The Boers are Back”, South Africa: Programme Support
Online.
No. 4, 1996.
9. Joseph Hanlon, Supporting Peasants in their Fight
for Land,
Christian Aid, London, November 1995.
10. “The Second Great Trek”, op. Cit.
11. See “Boers are Back” op cit and “Boers seek Greener
Pastures” op. cit.
12. Author’s interview with officials of the South — African
High Commission responsible for the SACADA
project, Maputo, July
1996.
13. See the documents of the Land Conference, Confer
encia Nacional
de terras, documento de trabalho, Maputo, July 1996,
14. Hanlon, op. cit., p. 1.
1S. Thid.

16. See “EU Backs Boer Trek”, op cit.

17. Ibid The amount quoted for the land lease is Rand 0.60 per annum
per hectare.
 “EXPORTING APARTHEID” TO SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA 135

. Interview with officials of the South African High Commission

in Maputo, July 1996.
According to press reports and officials of the South African
High Commission in Maputo, July 1996. The agreement itself
explicitly refers to some 170,000 hectares plus the prospect of
development rights on lake Niassa. See “The Agreement on Basic
Principles and Understanding concerning the Mosagrius Development
Programme”, Maputo, May 1996.
20. Interview with officials of the South African High Commission,
responsible for the Mosagrius project.
. bid.
a dbid.
Tbid.
. Lbid.
. Interview with South African agricultural experts, South African High
Commission, Maputo, July 1996.
. See Eddie Koch and Gaye Davis, “Hanekom’s Bill to bury Slavery”,
Johannesburg, Weekly Mail and Guardian, 2 June 1995.
Ibid.
. “FMI nao concorda”, Mediafax, Maputo, 26 September 1995, p. 1.
Clause 42 of the Mosagrius Agreement.
“FMI nao concorda,” Mediafax, Maputo, 26 September 1995, p. 1. See
also “The Second Great Trek”, Weekly Mail and Guardian.
. “EU Backs Boers Trek to Mozambique”, Johannesburg, Weekly Mail
and Guardian, | December 1995.
. See clauses 38 and 39 of the Mosagrius agreement.
. Addendum 1, art. 1d of the Mosagrius Agreement.
Interview with officials of the South African High Commission,
Maputo, July 1996.
. Interview of officials of the South African High Commission
in Maputo, July 1996.
, bid:
. Eddie Koch, “The Texan who Plans a Dream Park Just Here”,
Johannesburg, Mail and Guardian, \8 January 1996.
. “O A, B, C do projecto de Blanchard”, Mediafax, Maputo, 19 February
1996, p. 1.
. Eddie Koch, op. cit.
. Philip van Niekerk, “Land for Peace, TM Group pursues Mozambique
Haven”, Zhe Boston Globe, 4 December 1994.
~ Abid.
130 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

42. Clause 35.2 of the Mosagrius Agreement, op. cit.

43. Hanlon, op cit, p. 9.
 Chapter 9
Wreaking Ethiopia’s Peasant Economy,
Destroying Biodiversity

Having sowed the seeds of famine in Ethiopia through structural

adjustment, the IMF and the World Bank are enabling US multination-
als to exploit the disaster by providing genetically modified seed as aid.

The “economic therapy” imposed under IMF-World Bank jurisdiction is,

in large part, responsible for triggering famine and social devastation in
Ethiopia and the rest of sub-Saharan Africa, wreaking the peasant economy
and impoverishing millions of people. With the complicity of branches of
the US government, it has also opened the door for the appropriation of
traditional seeds and landraces by US biotech corporations, which behind
they have been peddling the adoption of their own genetically modified
seeds under the disguise of emergency aid and famine relief.

Crisis in the Horn

More than § million people in Ethiopia — representing 15% of the country’s

population — had been locked into “famine zones”. Urban wages had col-
lapsed and unemployed seasonal farm workers and landless peasants were
driven into abysmal poverty. The international relief agencies concurred,
without further examination, that climatic factors are the sole and
inevitable cause of crop failure and the ensuing humanitarian disaster.
What the media tabloids failed to disclose was that — despite the drought
and the border war with Eritrea — several million people in the most pros-
perous agricultural regions had also been driven into starvation. Their
predicament was not the consequence of grain shortages but of “free mar-
kets” and “bitter economic medicine” imposed under the IMF-World
Bank-sponsored Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP).
Ethiopia produces more than 90% of its consumption needs. Yet at the
 138 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

height of the crisis, the nation-wide food deficit for 2000 was estimated by
the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) at 764,000 metric tons of
grain — representing a shortfall of 13 kilos per person per annum.' In
Amhara, grain production (1999-2000) was twenty percent in excess of
consumption needs. Yet 2.8 million people in Amhara (representing 17%
of the region’s population) became locked into famine zones and were “at
risk” according to the FAO.* Whereas Amhara’s grain surpluses were in
excess of 500,000 tons (1999-2000), its “relief food needs” had been
tagged by the international community at close to 300,000 tons.’ A similar
pattern prevailed in Oromiya — the country’s most populated state where
1.6 million people were classified “at risk”, despite the availability of more
than 600,000 metric tons of surplus grain.’ In both these regions, which
include more than 25% of the country’s population, scarcity of food was
clearly not the cause of hunger, poverty and social destitution. Yet no
explanations were given by the panoply ofinternational relief agencies and
agricultural research institutes.

The Promise of the “Free Market”

In Ethiopia, a transitional government came into power in 1991 in the wake

of a protracted and destructive civil war. After the pro-Soviet Dergue
regime of Colonel Mengistu Haile Mariam was unseated, a multi-donor
financed Emergency Recovery and Reconstruction Project (ERRP) was
hastily put in place to deal with an external debt of close to 9 billion dol-
lars that had accumulated during the Mengistu government. Ethiopia’s out-
standing debts with the Paris Club of official creditors were rescheduled in
exchange for far-reaching macro-economic reforms. Upheld by US foreign
policy, the usual doses of bitter IMF economic medicine were prescribed.
Caught in the straightjacket of debt and structural adjustment, the new
Transitional Government of Ethiopia (TGE), led by the Ethiopian People’s
Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) — largely formed from the
Tigrean People’s Liberation Front (PLF) — had committed itself to far-
reaching “free market reforms”, despite its leaders’ Marxist leanings.
Washington soon tagged Ethiopia, alongside Uganda, as A frica’s post Cold
War tree market showpiece.
While social budgets were slashed under the structural adjustment pro-
gramme (SAP), military expenditure — in part financed by the gush
of fresh
development loans — quadrupled since 1989.° With Washington supporti
ng
both sides in the Eritrea-Ethiopia border war, US arms sales spiralled.
The
 WREAKING ETHIOPIA’S PEASANT ECONOMY 139

bounty was being shared between the arms manufacturers and the agri-
business conglomerates. In the post-Cold War era, the latter positioned
themselves in the lucrative procurement of emergency aid to war-torn
countries. With mounting military spending financed on borrowed money,
almost half of Ethiopia’s export revenues had been earmarked to meet
debt-servicing obligations.
A Policy Framework Paper (PFP) stipulating the precise changes to be
carried out in Ethiopia had been carefully drafted in Washington by IMF
and World Bank officials on behalf of the transitional government, and was
forwarded to Addis Ababa for the signature of the Minister of Finance. The
enforcement of severe austerity measures virtually foreclosed the possibil-
ity of a meaningful post-war reconstruction and the rebuilding of the coun-
try’s shattered infrastructure. The creditors demanded trade liberalization
and the full-scale privatization of public utilities, financial institutions,
state farms and factories. Civil servants, including teachers and health
workers, were fired, wages were frozen and the labor laws were rescinded
to enable state enterprises “to shed their surplus workers”. Meanwhile, cor-
ruption became rampant. State assets were auctioned off to foreign capital
at bargain prices and Price Waterhouse Cooper was entrusted with the task
of coordinating the sale of state property.
In turn, the reforms had led to the fracture of the federal fiscal system.
Budget transfers to the state governments were slashed leaving the regions
to their own devices. Supported by several donors, “regionalization” was
heralded as “a devolution of powers from the federal to the regional gov-
ernments”. The Bretton Woods institutions knew exactly what they were
doing. In the words of the IMF, “[the regions] capacity to deliver effective
and efficient development interventions varies widely, as does their capacity
for revenue collection”.”

Wrecking the Peasant Economy

Patterned on the reforms adopted in Kenya in 1991 (See Box 9.1), agricul-
tural markets were wilfully manipulated on behalf of the agri-business
conglomerates. The World Bank demanded the rapid removal of price
controls and all subsidies to farmers. Transportation and freight prices were
deregulated serving to boost food prices in remote areas affected by drought.
In turn, the markets for farm inputs, including fertilizer and seeds, were
handed over to private traders including Pioneer Hi-Bred International
which entered into a lucrative partnership with Ethiopia Seed Enterprise
(ESE) — the government’s seed monopoly.’
 140 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

Box 9.1

Famine in the Breadbasket

A “free market” in grain — imposed by the IMF and the World Bank —
destroys the peasant economy and undermines “food security”. Malawi
and Zimbabwe were once prosperous grain surplus countries; Rwanda was
virtually self-sufficient in food until 1990 when the IMF ordered the
dumping of EU and US grain surpluses on the domestic market precipitat-
ing small farmers into bankruptcy. In 1991-92, famine had hit Kenya —
East Africa’s most successful bread-basket economy. The Nairobi govern-
ment had been previously placed on a black list for not having obeyed IMF
prescriptions. The deregulation of the grain market had been demanded as
one of the conditions for the rescheduling of Nairobi’s external debt with
the Paris Club ofofficial creditors.

For the lifting of economic sanctions, the government of President Daniel

arap Moi required the IMF green light. The international donor communi-
ty had demanded that the Kenyan State not interfere or otherwise reguiate
the distribution of food to remote areas. The foreseeable outcome: the
price of food staples in Kenya’s semi-arid East and Northeast regions bor-
dering Ethiopia and Somalia had skyrocketed. According to the United
Nations, close to 2 million people were locked into “famine zones”. The
crisis, however, was not limited to Kenya’s remote semi-arid regions.

Famine had also struck in the Rift Valiey — Kenya’s thriving agricultural
heartland. Throughout the country food was available but purchasing
power had collapsed under the brunt of the IMF sponsored reforms.
And
surplus grain was being exported.

At the outset of the reforms in 1992, USAID under its Title I] program
“donated” large quantities of US fertilizer “in exchange for free
market
reforms”:
[VJarious agricultural commodities [will be provided] in exchang
e
for reforms of grain marketing...and [the] elimination of food subsi-
dies... The reform agenda focuses on liberalization and privatization
in the fertilizer and transport sectors in return for financing fertilizer
and truck imports. (...) These program initiatives have given us
[an]
“entree” (...) in defining major [policy] issues.*
 WREAKING ETHIOPIA’S PEASANT ECONOMY 141

While the stocks of donated US fertilizer were rapidly exhausted; the

imported chemicals contributed to displacing local fertilizer producers.
The same companies involved in the fertilizer import business were also in
control of the domestic wholesale distribution of fertilizer using local level
merchants as intermediaries.
Increased output was recorded in commercial farms and in irrigated
areas (where fertilizer and high yielding seeds had been applied). The
overall tendency, however, was towards greater economic and social
polarization in the countryside, marked by significantly lower yields in less
productive marginal lands occupied by the poor peasantry. Even in areas
where output had increased, farmers were caught in the clutch of the seed
and fertilizer merchants.
In 1997, the Atlanta based Carter Center — which was actively pro-
moting the use of biotechnology tools in maize breeding — proudly
announced that “Ethiopia [had] become a food exporter for the first time”’.”
Yet in a cruel irony, the donors ordered the dismantling of the emergency
grain reserves (set up in the wake of the 1984-85 famine) and the authori-
ties acquiesced.
Instead of replenishing the country’s emergency food stocks, grain was
exported to meet Ethiopia’s debt servicing obligations. Close to one mil-
lion tons of the 1996 harvest was exported — an amount which would have
been amply sufficient (according to FAO figures) to meet the 1999-2000
emergency. In fact, the same food staple which had been exported (name-
ly maize) was re-imported barely a few months later. The world market had
confiscated Ethiopia’s grain reserves.
In return, US surpluses of genetically engineered maize (banned by the
European Union) were being dumped on the horn of Africa in the form of
emergency aid. The US had found a convenient mechanism for “launder-
ing its stocks of dirty grain”. The agri-business conglomerates not only
cornered Ethiopia’s commodity exports, they were also involved in the
procurement of emergency shipments of grain back into Ethiopia. During
the 1998-2000 famine, lucrative maize contracts were awarded to giant
grain merchants such as Archer Daniels Midland (ADM) and Cargill Inc."”

Laundering America’s GM Grain Surpluses

US grain surpluses peddled in war-torn countries also served to weaken the

agricultural system. Some 500,000 tons of maize and maize products were
“donated” in 1999-2000 by USAID to relief agencies including the Worid
 142 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

Food Programme (WFP) which, in turn, collaborates closely with the US

Department of Agriculture. At least 30% of these shipments (procured
under contract with US agri-business firms) were surplus genetically mod-
ified grain stocks."
Boosted by the border war with Eritrea and the plight of thousands of
refugees, the influx of contaminated food aid had contributed to the pollu-
tion of Ethiopia’s genetic pool ofindigenous seeds and landraces. In a cruel
irony, the food giants were, at the same time, gaining control — through the
procurement of contaminated food aid — over Ethiopia’s seed banks.
According to South Africa’s Biowatch: “Africa is treated as the dustbin of
the world...To donate untested food and seed to Africa is not an act of
kindness but an attempt to lure Africa into further dependence on foreign
aide?
Moreover, part of the “food aid” had been channelled under the “food
for work” program which served to further discourage domestic production
in favor of grain imports. Under this scheme, impoverished and landless
farmers were contracted to work on rural infrastructural programmes in
exchange for “donated” US corn.
Meanwhile, the cash earnings of coffee smallholders plummeted.
Whereas Pioneer Hi-Bred positioned itself in seed distribution and mar-
keting, Cargill Inc. established itself in the markets for grain and coffee
through its subsidiary Ethiopian Commodities.'? For the more than
700,000 smallholders with less than two hectares that produce between 90
and 95% of the country’s coffee output, the deregulation of agricultural
credit, combined with low farmgate prices of coffee, had triggered
increased indebtedness and landlessness, particularly in East Gojam
(Ethiopia’s breadbasket).

Biodiversity up for Sale

The country’s extensive reserves of traditional seed varieties (barley, teff,

chick peas, sorghum, etc.) were being appropriated, genetically manipulated
and patented by the agri-business conglomerates: “Instead of compensation
and respect, Ethiopians today are (...) getting bills from foreign companies
that have “patented” native species and now demand payment for their
use.”"’ The foundations of a “competitive seed industry” were laid under
IMF and World Bank auspices.'* The Ethiopian Seed Enterprise (ESE), the
government’s seed monopoly, joined hands with Pioneer Hi-Bred in the dis-
tribution of hi-bred and genetically modified (GM) seeds (together with
 WREAKING ETHIOPIA’S PEASANT ECONOMY 143

hybrid resistant herbicide) to smallholders. In turn, the marketing of seeds

had been transferred to a network of private contractors and “seed enter-
prises” with financial support and technical assistance from the World Bank.
The “informal” farmer-to-farmer seed exchange was slated to be converted
under the World Bank programme into a “formal” market-oriented system
of “private seed producer-sellers.””"”
In turn, the Ethiopian Agricultural Research Institute (EARI) was col-
laborating with the International Maize and Wheat Improvement Center
(CIMMYT) in the development of new hybrids between Mexican and
Ethiopian maize varieties.'° Initially established in the 1940s by Pioneer
Hi-Bred International with support from the Ford and Rockefeller founda-
tions, CIMMYT developed a cozy relationship with US agri-business.
Together with the UK based Norman Borlaug Institute, CIMMYT consti-
tutes a research arm as well as a mouthpiece of the seed conglomerates.
According to the Rural Advancement Foundation (RAFI) “US farmers
already earn $ 150 million annually by growing varieties of barley devel-
oped from Ethiopian strains. Yet nobody in Ethiopia is sending them a
bill.”

Impacts of Famine

The 1984-85 famine had seriously threatened Ethiopia’s reserves of lan-

draces of traditional seeds. In response to the famine, the Dergue
government, through its Plant Genetic Resource Centre — in collaboration
with Seeds of Survival (SoS) — had implemented a programme to preserve
Ethiopia’s biodiversity.'* This programme — which was continued under the
transitional government — skilfully “linked on-farm conservation and crop
improvement by rural communities with government support services”.'” An
extensive network of in-farm sites and conservation plots was established
involving some 30,000 farmers. In 1998, coinciding chronol ogically with
the onslaught of the 1998-2000 famine, the government clamped down on
seeds of Survival (SoS) and ordered the programme to be closed down.”’
The hidden agenda was eventually to displace the traditional varieties
and landraces reproduced in village-level nurseries. The latter were sup-
plying more than 90 percent of the peasantry through a system of farmer-
to-farmer exchange. Without fail, the 1998-2000 famine led to a further
depletion of local level seed banks: “The reserves of grains [the farmer]
normally stores to see him through difficult times are empty. Like 30,000
other households in the [Galga] area, his family has also eaten their stocks
 144 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

of seeds for the next harvest.””! And a similar process was unfolding in the
production of coffee where the genetic base of the arabica beans was
threatened as a result of the collapse of farmgate prices and the impover-
ishment of small-holders.
The famine — itself in large part a product of the economic reforrns
imposed to the advantage of large corporations by the IMF, World Bank
and the US Government — served to undermine Ethiopia’s genetic diversi-
ty to the benefit of the biotech companies. With the weakening of the sys-
tem of traditional exchange, village level seed banks were being replen-
ished with commercial hi-bred and genetically modified seeds. In turn, the
distribution of seeds to impoverished farmers had been integrated with the
“food aid” programmes. WPF and USAID relief packages often include
“donations” of seeds and fertilizer, thereby favoring the inroad of the agri-
business-biotech companies into Ethiopia’s agricultural heartland. The
emergency programs are not the “solution” but the “cause” of famine. By
deliberately creating a dependency on GM seeds, they had set the stage for
the outbreak of future famines.
This destructive pattern — invariably resulting in famine — is replicated
throughout sub-Saharan Africa. From the onslaught ofthe debt crisis of the
early 1980s, the IMF-World Bank had set the stage for the demise of the
peasant economy across the region with devastating results. Now in
Ethiopia, fifteen years after the last famine left nearly one million dead,
hunger is once again stalking the land. This time, as eight million people
face the risk of starvation, we know that it isn’t just the weather that is to
blame.

Endnotes

| Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), Special Report: FE4O/WFP

Crop Assessment Mission to Ethiopia, Rome, January 2000.
2. Ibid.
3. Lbid.
4. Ibid.
5. Philip Sherwell and Paul Harris, “Guns before Grain as Ethiopia
Starves, Sunday Telegraph, London, April 16, 2000.
6. IMF, Ethiopia, Recent Economic Developments, Washington, 1999.
7. Pioneer Hi-Bred International, General GMO Facts. http://www.
pioneer.com/usa/biotech/ value_of _products/product_ value.htm#.
8. United States Agency for International Development (USAID),
 WREAKING ETHIOPIA’S PEASANT ECONOMY 145

“Mission to Ethiopia, Concept Paper: Back to The Future”,

Washington, June 1993.
9. Carter Center, Press Release, Atlanta, Georgia, January 31, 1997.
10. Declan Walsh, “America Finds Ready Market for GM _ Food”,
The Independent, London, March 30, 2000, p. 18.
I), Ibid.
12. Maja Wallegreen, “The World’s Oldest Coffee Industry In Transition”,
Tea & Coffee Trade Journal, November 1, 1999,
13. Laeke Mariam Demissie, “A vast historical contribution counts for little;
West reaps Ethiopia’s genetic harvest”, World Times, October, 1998.
14. World Bank, Ethiopia-Seed Systems Development Project, Project ID
ETPA752, 6 June 1995.
IS. tbid.
16. See CIMMYT Research Plan and Budget 2000-2002 http://www.
cimmyt.mx/about/People-mtp2002.htm#.
17. Laeke Mariam Demissie, op. cit.
18. “When local farmers know best”, The Economist, 16 May 1998.
19. lbid.
20. Laeke Mariam Demissie, op. cit.
21. Rageh Omaar, “Hunger stalks Ethiopia’s dry land”, BBC, London, 6 January,
2000.
 PART III

SOUTH AND SOUTHEAST ASIA

 Chapter 10

India: The IMF’s “Indirect Rule”

Indirect rule in India has a long history: the Rajputs and princely states had
a fair degree of autonomy in relation to the British colonial government. In
contrast, under the IMF-World Bank tutelage, the Union Minister of
Finance reports directly to 1818 H Street N.W., Washington D.C. bypass-
ing parliament and the democratic process. The Union budget text, for-
mally written by Indian bureaucrats in Delhi, has become a repetitious and
redundant document. Its main clauses are included in the loan agreements
signed with the World Bank and the IMF.

Introduction

The IMF bail-out to the minority Congress government of Prime Minister

P. V. Narasimha Rao in 1991 did not, at first glance, point towards a major
economic breakdown and disintegration of civil society comparable to that
which had occurred in many debt-stricken countries in Latin America and
Eastern Europe undergoing IMF “shock treatment”. While India did not
experience hyperinflation nor the collapse of its foreign exchange market,
the social impact in a country of 900 million people was devastating: in
India, the IMF program initiated in July 1991 directly affected the liveli-
hood of several hundred million people. There was evidence of widespread
chronic starvation and social destitution which resulted directly from the
macro-economic measures.
In India, the IMF-World Bank program was set in motion with the fall
of the Janata Dal government of V.P. Singh in 1990, and the assassination
of Rajiv Gandhi during the election campaign in Tamil Nadu in 1991. The
government was obliged to airlift some 47 tons of gold to the vaults of the
Bank of England for “safe custody” to satisfy the requirements of interna-
tional creditors.' The IMF agreement, implemented shortly thereafter, was
to provide, at best, a short breathing-space: with a debt of more than US$
 150 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

80 billion, the IMF and World Bank loans (already earmarked to pay back
international creditors) barely provided the cash required to fund six
months of debt servicing.
The IMF’s “economic surgery”, under the 1991 New Economic
Policy, required the Indian government to cut spending in social programs
and infrastructure, eliminate state subsidies and price support programs
(including food subsidies) and sell off the more profitable public enter-
prises at “a good price” to the large business houses and foreign capital.
Other reform measures included the closing down of a large number of so-
called “sick public enterprises”, the liberalization oftrade, the free entry of
foreign capital, as well as major reforms in banking, financial institutions
and the tax structure.
The IMF loan agreement, together with the World Bank structural
adjustment loan (SAL) signed in December 1991 (of which the contents
and conditions were a closely guarded state secret), were intended to “help
India” alleviate its balance-of-payments difficulties, reduce the fiscal
deficit and relieve inflationary pressures. The IMF-World Bank package,
however, accomplished exactly the opposite results: it pushed the econo-
my into a stagflation (the price of rice increased by more than 50 percent
in the months following the 1991 economic measures) and heightened the
balance-of-payments crisis (as a result of the increased cost of imported
raw materials and the influx of imports in support of luxury consumption).
Moreover, trade liberalization, combined with the compression of internal
purchasing power and the free entry of foreign capital, pushed a large num-
ber of domestic producers into bankruptcy.
A National Renewal Fund (NRF) was created in July 1991. This
“social safety net”, devised by World Bank advisors and targeted towards
so-called “vulnerable groups”, did not provide adequate compensation to
an estimated 4 to 8 million public- and private-sector workers (out of a
total organized labor force of 26 million) who were to be laid off as a result
of the program. The NRF was intended to buy out trade-union opposition.
In the textile industry, approximately one third of the workers were to be
laid off. A large share of the automobile and engineering industry was to
be phased out with the entry of foreign capital and the establishment of
joint ventures. The G-7 countries were anxious to “export their recession”:
Western and Japanese transnationals were eager to capture a part of India’s
domestic market as well as obtain — with the help of the GATT rules on
intellectual property rights — the abrogation of India’s 1970 Patent Law.
This would enable them to register product patents in manufacturing as
 INDIA: THE IMF’S “INDIRECT RULE” 151

well as in agriculture (through plant breeders’ rights), thereby virtually

gaining control over a large portion of the Indian economy.
It should be noted that the “exit policies” as such did not address in a
meaningful way the serious problems of bureaucracy and mismanagement
of public-sector enterprises, as well as the necessity to modernize Indian
industry. While the IMF program denied India the possibility of an
autonomous national capitalist development (its hidden agenda), the
reforms, nonetheless, received the firm backing of India’s largest business
houses (in a fragile alliance with the upper-caste landlord lobby). The Tatas
and the Birlas identify increasingly with foreign capital and the global mar-
ket economy rather than with the “national interest”. The tendency is
towards increased concentration of ownership. Preferential credit to small
and medium-sized enterprises is eliminated and the big business families,
in partnership with foreign capital, are rapidly entering into a variety of
areas previously preserved for small-scale industry (i.e. small-scale indus-
trial units).
The so-called “exit policy” proposed by the government and the IMF
was viewed by the large industrial corporations as “an opportunity to
change the labor laws and to get rid of our workers. For us it is more
profitable to sub-contract with small factories which employ casual and
unorganized labor”’.* Bata, the multinational shoe manufacturer, pays its
unionized factory workers 80 rupees a day (US$ 3). With the reforms of
the labor laws, it would be able to lay off its workers and subcontract with
independent cobblers at no more than 25 rupees a day (approximately $ 1).
In the jute industry, in small engineering and in the garment industry the
large corporate monopolies tend to subcontract thereby reducing their
modern-sector labor force.

Crushing the Rural and Urban Poor

Instead of extending the labor laws to protect casual and seasonal workers,
the IMF program proposed “‘to help the poor” by scrapping the labor laws
altogether because “these laws favor the labor aristocracy” and “discrimi-
nate against” the non-unionized sectors of the labor force. Neither the
government nor the IMF had addressed the broader social impact of the
New Economic Policy on farm-workers, artisans and small enterprises.
In India, more than 70 percent of rural households are small marginal
farmers or landless farm workers, representing a population of over 400
million people. In irrigated areas, agricultural workers are employed for
 [52 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

200 days a year, and in rain-fed farming for approximately 100 days. The
phasing-out of fertilizer subsidies (an explicit condition of the IMF agree-
ment) and the increase in the prices of farm inputs and fuel were pushing
a large number of small and medium-sized farmers into bankruptcy. The
price of chemical fertilizer shot up by 40 percent in the immediate after-
math of the 1991 New Economic Policy.
In turn, millions of landléss farm workers belonging to the scheduled
and backward castes — already well below the official poverty line — were
being crushed by Finance Minister Manmohan Singh’s New Economic
Policy. These are “the untouchables of economic policy”. For the upper-
caste élites, the Harijans are people who really do not matter. The impact
of the IMF’s “economic medicine” on these sectors of the labor force was
carefully overlooked. For the IMF and the government, there were no “exit
policies” for the unorganized sectors. In the words ofthe Finance Minister
Manmohan Singh: “the cottage industries have no problems because the
wages will go down”.’
In Tamil Nadu, for instance, the minimum wage for farmworkers set
by the state government was 15 rupees a day (US$ 0.57) in 1992. Labor
legislation, however, was not enforced and actual wages paid to farm
workers were (with the exception of the harvest period), substantially
lower than the minimum daily wage: for paddy transplanting, for instance,
workers were paid between 3 and 5 rupees a day; in heavy construction
work, men received 10 to 15 rupees a day and women 8 to 10 rupees.‘ With
perhaps the exception of the states of Kerala and West Bengal, minimum
wage legislation has largely been ineffective in protecting the rights of
farm workers.
On the Hyderabad-Bangalore national highway, one can observe the
child laborers of the Dhone limestone mines transport heavy loads in bam-
boo baskets up a flight of some 60 steps where the limestone is emptied
into tall brick kilns. Both adult workers and children are paid 9.50 rupees
a day; there have been no wage increases since the July 1991 Union
Budget: “we have to work here regardless of poisonous fumes, heat and
dust. The wages are higher than on the farms. . .”*

“Eliminating the Poor” through Starvation Deaths

In the post-independence period, starvation deaths were limited largely to

peripheral tribal areas (e.g. in Tripura or Nagaland). This is no longer the
case, there is evidence that famine has become widespread since the adop-
tion of the New Economic Policy in 1991. A study on starvation deaths
 INDIA: THE IMF’S “INDIRECT RULE” 153

among handloom weavers in a relatively prosperous rural community in

Andhra Pradesh, which occurred in the months following the implementa-
tion of the 1991 New Economic Policy, enables us to pinpoint the
transmission mechanism underlying the IMF-sponsored program: with the
devaluation and the lifting of controls on cotton-yarn exports, the jump in
the domestic price of cotton yarn led to a collapse in the pacham (24
meters) rate paid to the weaver by the middle-man (through the putting-out
system).
Radhakrishnamurthy and his wife were able to weave between three
and four pachams a month bringing home the meager income of 300-
400 rupees for a family of six, then came the Union Budget of 24 July
1991, the price of cotton yarn jumped and the burden was passed on
to the weaver. Radhakrishnamurthy’s family income declined to 240-
320 rupees a month.°
Radhakrishnamurthy of Gollapalli village in Guntur district died of
starvation on 4 September, 1991. Between 30 August and 10 November
1991, at least 73 starvation deaths were reported in only two districts of
Andhra Pradesh. The IMF-World Bank program, rather than “eliminating
poverty” as claimed by the then World Bank president Lewis Preston, actu-
ally contributed to “eliminating the poor”. Combined with a 50 percent rise
in the price of rice (which resulted from the devaluation and the removal
of food and fertilizer subsidies), the real earnings of handloom workers
declined by more than 60 percent in the six-month period after the adop-
tion of the IMF program in 1991.’ There are 3.5 million handlooms
throughout India supporting a population of some 17 million people.
A similar situation prevails in most small-scale rural and urban cottage
industries which operate through the putting-out system. For instance,
there are in India more than a million diamond cutters supporting a popu-
lation of nearly five million people. The large diamond export houses
based in Bombay import rough diamonds from South Africa, and subcon-
tract the work through middle-men to rural workshops in Maharashtra.
Seven out of 10 diamonds sold in Western Europe and the US are cut in
India. Whereas in the rich countries, diamonds are said to be “a girl’s best
friend”, in India poverty is the necessary input into this profitable export
activity: in the words of a major diamond exporter:
Making jewelry 1s cheap labor (. . .)[Food prices have gone up] but we
have not increased the rupee payments to village workers. With the
devaluation, our dollar labor costs go down, we are more competitive.
We pass on some of the benefits to our overseas customers.”
 154 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

The IMF Supports Caste Exploitation

The IMF-World Bank program recommended the repeal of minimum wage

legislation as well as the deindexation of earnings. The proposed “liberal-
ization” of the labor market contributed to reinforcing despotic social
relations thereby providing, in practice, a greater legitimacy to caste
exploitation, semi-slavery and child labor. Under World Bank guidelines,
the tendency was towards dispossession (through the formal removal of
land ceilings), as well as the expropriation of communal village lands by
feudal landlords and kulaks. The liberalization of banking (e.g. by doing
away with the rural credit cooperatives) contributed to strengthening the
village money-lender.’
The IMF program converted itself into an instrument of “economic
genocide”: several hundred million people (farm-workers, artisans, small
traders, etc.) were surviving on per capita incomes substantially lower than
50 cents a day (with domestic prices, in the logic of the IMF measures,
moving up to world levels).'’ An increase in the price of rice and wheat of
more than 50 percent (in the year following the July 1991 New Economic
Policy), combined with a decline in the average number of days worked in
both rain-fed and irrigated agriculture, was pushing large sectors of the
rural population into “chronic starvation” — a process without precedent on
this scale since the great famines in Bengal in the early 1940s."' In contrast,
the drop in internal consumption of food had been matched by an increase
in rice exports. In the words of Tata Exports:
The devaluation was very good for us. Together with the lifting of
quantitative restrictions on rice exports, we expect to increase our
sales of rice to the world market by 60 percent."”

Poverty Supports Exports to the Rich Countries

The IMF-World Bank reforms feed on the poverty of the people and on the
contraction of the internal market. While India’s population is substantial-
ly larger than that of all OECD countries combined (approximately 750
million), the economic reforms entail a major redirection of the Indian
economy towards exports. In the logic of the structural adjustment pro-
gram, the only viable market is that of the rich countries. The IMF program
compresses internal consumption and reorients India’s productive system
towards the international market. Poverty is an input on the supply side:
labor costs in dollars are low, internal purchasing power is low. For
 INDIA: THE IMF’S “INDIRECT RULE” 155

instance, following the 1991 IMF-sponsored measures, the sale of cloth in

India fell to 8 meters per capita per annum (16 meters in 1965, 10 meters
in 1985) — barely sufficient for a saree and a blouse.

Towards Political Collapse

With active secessionist movements in Kashmir, Punjab and Assam, dis-

turbances in Amritsar and an uncertain truce along the “Line of Control”
with Pakistan, the Imo’s economic medicine has contributed to polarizing
further Indian society, as well as potentially creating the pre-conditions for
the political break-up of the Indian union. The austerity measures imposed
by the IMF have exacerbated tensions between the union and the state
governments. More generally, the economic program has contributed to
embittering religious and ethnic strife.
In the aftermath of the reforms, the Congress Party remained deeply
divided on economic policy with several cabinet ministers coming out
openly against the IMF package. Moreover, the rise in food prices has
weakened Congress’ grass-root support, while its rapprochement with
Israel since the Gulf War (in part as a result of US pressures) has tarnished
its image as a secular party, leading to a strengthening of the Muslim
League.
Both Hindu, as well as Islamic fundamentalism, feed on the poverty of
the masses. The major opposition party, the Hindu Bharatiya Janata Party
(BJP) had rhetorically condemned the government’s “open-door” policy.
Invoking Mahatma Gandhi’s swadeshi (self-reliance), the Rashtriya
Swayam Sevak Sangh (RSS) — the BJP’s parent fundamentalist movement
— called for a massive boycott of foreign goods. In turn, the National Front
(NF) and the Leftist Front (LF), led by the Communist Party of India
(Marxist), feared that if the minority Congress government were to fall, the
BJP would take over. In 1996, with the defeat of Congress in parliamen-
tary elections, the BJP formed a government which has largely continued
the IMF reforms initiated under the Congress government in the early
1990s.

The IMF’s Indirect Rule

The Washington-based international bureaucracy has installed in India “a

parallel government” which builds upon these internal social, religious and
ethnic divisions (“divide and rule”). Since the Emergency Period in the
156 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

mid-1970s, and more forcefully since Indira Gandhi’s return to power in

1980, former IMF and World Bank employees have moved into key advi-
sory positions in central government ministries. Not surprisingly, the IMF
feels that:
It has on the whole been easy to negotiate with Indian officials. .
compared to other Third World countries, where you see a lot of grim
faces at the bargaining table. Economic thinking has largely been in
the same direction, their attitude has been most conciliatory."
A quarterly monitoring system was set up under the close guard of the
IMF. Under this computerized system, located in the Ministryof Finance,
IMF and World Bank officials have access to key macro-economic data no
later than six weeks after the end of the quarter. In the words of the IMF
liaison officer in Delhi: “We take the monitoring very seriously, we scruti-
nize all the information we get (. . .) we are very careful that they [the gov-
ernment] do not cheat”. Some 40 key economic variables are subject to
quarterly verification by the IMF:
We have also included in the agreement ten “structural benchmarks”,
these are not explicit conditions ofthe loan agreement, they pertain to
broad areas of structural reform which we would like the government
to address [in future loan negotiations]."*
Despite precise targets for the fiscal deficit (contained in the loan
agreements), the IMF’s main objective was, however, to enforce the
process of fiscal collapse and establish a system whereby the government
is in a strait-jacket and no longer controls the main instruments of fiscal
and monetary policy. These conditions forestalled, virtually from the
outset, the possibility of economic growth. The IMF did not, however,
quibble over numbers. In fact, the “‘structural benchmarks” rather than the
quantitative targets are what really matters. Conformity to things which are
understood by both sides but which are not necessarily stated as explicit
conditions in the loan agreement is what counts: “the government must
give us ‘signals’ that they are moving in the right direction. . .”'°
Within the framework of the government’s “relationship” to the
Washington-based institutions, key government policy documents were
drafted directly by the IMF and the World Bank on behalf of the Union
Ministry of Finance. In this regard, the Indian press was careful to point
out (with a touch of humor) that the Memorandum on Economic Policies
of 27 August, 1991 (a key document in the government’s initial agreement
with the IMF), together with the covering letter addressed to the IMF
 INDIA: THE IMF’S “INDIRECT RULE” D577;

Managing Director Mr. Michel Camdessus, was drafted in “American

script” (most probably by Washington-based officials) against the habitual
British construction, style and spelling used by Indian bureaucrats:'° “Yes
sir, there are awful mistakes of grammar, spelling and syntax. But I did not
type it, sir. It came from the World Bank for your signature”.'’ A few days
prior to the 29 February, 1992 Union Budget speech in the Lok Sabha, it
became apparent that the main budget proposals had not only been
“leaked” by the minister of finance in a letter to World Bank president
Lewis Preston, but more importantly that the budget was already an inte-
gral part of the conditionalities contained in the structural adjustment loan
agreement signed with the World Bank in December 1991.'*

Endnotes

1. See M. K. Pandhe, Surrender of India’s Sovereignty and Self-Reliance,

Progressive Printers, New Delhi, 1991, p. 2.
bo Interview in Bombay with a major industrialist, January 1992.
3. Interview with Finance Minister Manmohan Singh, New Delhi,
January 1992.
4. Interviews with leaders of farm-workers’ organizations in Tamil Nadu,
February 1992.
5. See “Around a Kiln, the Child Laborers of Dhone”, Frontline, 13 March
1992, p. 32.
6. See the excellent study of K. Nagaraj ef al., “Starvation Deaths in
Andhra Pradesh”, Frontline, 6 December, 1991, p. 48.
Ibid.
Interview with a major diamond export house in Bombay,
January 1992.
9. The Narasimhan Commission Report, /ndia: Financial Sector Report, is
a near “photocopy” of World Bank proposals; see S. Sanhar’s scrutiny
of the Narasimhan Report in Indian Express, 8 December, 1991.
10. For a majority of the rural and urban population, household income
(with five to six family members) is less than R1,000 a month, — i.e. a per
capita income of less than R7 a day (less than US30 cents).
11. According to the National Nutrition Monitoring Bureau (NNMB), the
diet and nutrition surveys conducted between 1977 and 1989 would
indicate some improvement in “severe” malnutrition among children.
While abject poverty according to these figures had declined in India,
the levels of average poverty have remained very high. See “Starvation
Deaths and Chronic Deprivation”, Frontline, 6 December, 1991, p. 81.
158 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

Chronic starvation is defined as “a situation in which the subjects

subsist on diets which are very deficient in energy for a long period of
time”, Frontline, 6 December 1991, p. 79.
12. Interview with Tata Exports in Bombay, January 1992.
13. Interview with the IMF liaison officer in Delhi, January 1992.
14. Ibid.
DS.) Lbid: 4
16. See Praful Bidwani, Times of India, 18 December, 1991.
17. See Laxman (the famous cartoonist) in Times of India, reproduced in
Structural Adjustment, Who Really Pays, Public Interest Research
Group, New Delhi, March 1992, p. 44.
18. Economic Times, 28 February 1992, p. 1.
 Chapter I1

Bangladesh: Under the Tutelage of the “Aid”

Consortium

The 1975 Military Coup

The military coup of August 1975 led to the assassination of President

Mujibur Rahman and the installation of a military junta. The authors of the
coup had been assisted by key individuals within the Bangladesh National
Security Intelligence and the CIA office at the American Embassy in
Dhaka.' In the months which preceded the assassination plot, the US State
Department had already established a framework for “stable political tran-
sition” to be carried out in the aftermath of the military take-over.
Washington’s initiative had been firmly endorsed by the Bretton
Woods institutions: less than a year before the assassination of Sheik
Mujib, Dhaka’s international creditors had demanded the formation of an
“aid consortium” under the custody of the World Bank. Whereas the
“structural adjustment” program had not yet been launched officially, the
Bangladesh economic package of the mid-1970s contained most of its
essential ingredients. In many respects, Bangladesh was “a laboratory test-
case” — a country in which the IMF “economic medicine” could be exper-
imented with on a trial basis (prior to the debt crisis of the early 1980s). An
economic stabilization program had been established: devaluation and
price liberalization contributed to exacerbating a situation of famine which
had broken out in several regions of the country.
In the aftermath of Sheik Mujib’s overthrow and assassination, con-
tinued US military aid to Bangladesh was conditional upon the country’s
abiding by the Imo’s policy prescriptions. The US State Department justi-
fied its aid program to the new military regime on the grounds that the
government’s foreign policy was “pragmatic and nonaligned”. The United
States was to support this non-alignment and help Bangladesh in its eco-
nomic development.”
 160 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

The Establishment of a Parallel Government

Bangladesh has been under continuous supervision by the international

donor community since the accession of General Ziaur Rahman to the pres-
idency in 1975 (in turn assassinated in 1981), as well as during the reign
of
General Hussein Mahommed Ershad (1982-90).° The state apparatus
was
firmly under the control of the IFIs and “aid agencies” in collusion with
the
dominant clique of the military. Since its inauguration, the “aid consorti
um”
has met annually in Paris. The Dhaka government is usually invited
to send
observers to this meeting.
The IMF had established a liaison office on the fourth floor of
the
Central Bank; World Bank advisors were present in most ofthe ministrie
s.
The Asian Development Bank, controlled by Japan, also played
an impor-
tant role in the shaping of macro-economic policy. A monthly
working
meeting, held under the auspices of the World Bank Dhaka office,
enabled
the various donors and agencies to “coordinate” efficiently (outside
the
ministries) the key elements of government economic policy.
In 1990, mounting opposition to the military dictatorship,
as well as
the resignation of General Hussein Mahommed Ershad, accused
of graft
and corruption, was conducive to the formation of a provisi
onal govern-
ment and the holding of parliamentary elections. The transiti
on towards
“parliamentary democracy” under the government of
Mrs. Khaleda Zia.
the widow of President General Ziaur Rahman, was not
conducive, how-
ever, to a major shift in the structure of state institutions.
Continuity has in
many respects been maintained: many of General Ershad’
s former cronies
Were appointed to key positions in the new “civilian”
government.

Establishing a Bogus Democracy

The IMF-sponsored economic reforms contributed to

reinforcing a “rentier
economy” controlled by the national élites and largely
dependent on foreign
trade and the recycling of aid money. With the restora
tion of “parliamentary
democracy”, powerful individuals within the military
had strengthened their
business interests.‘ The government party, the Bangla
desh National Party
(BNP), was under the protection of the dominant clique
of the military.
With the restoration of formal democracy in 1991,
the daughter of
assassinated president Mujib Rahman Sheik Hasina
Wajed of the Awami
League Party became the leader of the opposition.
With public opinion
focussing on the rivalry in parliament between
the “widow” and the
 BANGLADESH: UNDER THE TUTELAGE OF... 161

“orphan”, the dealings of local power groups, including members of the

military, with the “aid agencies” and donors passed virtually unnoticed.
The donor community had become, in the name of “good governance”, the
defender of a bogus democratic facade controlled by the armed forces and
allied closely to the fundamentalist movement Jamaat-i-islami. In some
respects, Begum Zia had become a more compliant “political puppet” than
the deposed military dictator General Ershad.

Supervising the Allocation of State Funds

The “aid consortium” had taken control of Bangladesh’s public finances.

This process, however, did not consist solely in imposing fiscal and mon-
etary austerity: the donors supervised directly the allocation of funds and
the setting of development priorities. According to a World Bank advisor:
We do not want to establish an agreement for each investment project,
what we want is to impose discipline. Do we like the list of projects ?
Which projects should be retained ? Are there “dogs” in the list ? g
Moreover, under the clauses of the Public Resources Management
Credit (1992), the World Bank gained control over the entire budgetary
process including the distribution of public expenditure between line
ministries and the structure of operational expenditures in each of the min-
istries:
Of course we cannot write the budget for them ! The negotiations in
this regard are complex. We nonetheless make sure they’re moving in
the right direction (. . .). Our people work with the guys in the min-
istries and show them how to prepare budgets.”
The aid consortium also controlled the reforms of the banking system
implemented under the government of Mrs Khaleda Zia. Lay-offs were
ordered, parastatal enterprises were closed down. Fiscal austerity prevent-
ed the government from mobilizing internal resources. Moreover, for most
public investment projects the “aid consortium” required a system of inter-
national tender. Large international construction and engineering compa-
nies took over the process of domestic capital formation to the detriment
of local-level enterprises.
 162 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

Undermining the Rural Economy

The IMF also imposed the elimination of subsidies to agriculture — a

process, which contributed, as of the early 1980s, to the bankruptcy of
small and medium-sized farmers. The result was a marked increase in the
number of landless farmers who were driven into marginal lands affected
by recurrent flooding. Moreover, the liberalization of agricultural credit not
only contributed to the fragmentation of land-holdings (already under con-
siderable stress as a result of demographic pressures), but also to the rein-
forcement oftraditional usury and the role ofthe village money lender.
As a result of the absence of credit to small farmers, the owners ofirri-
gation equipment reinforced their position as a new “water-lord” rentier
class. These developments did not lead, however, to the “modernization”
of agriculture (e.g. as in the Punjab) based on the formation of a class
of
rich farmer-entrepreneurs. The structural adjustment program thwarted
the
development of capitalist farming from the outset. In addition to
the neg-
lect of agricultural infrastructure, the Bretton Woods institutions
required
the liberalization of trade and the deregulation of grain markets.
These
policies contributed to the stagnation of food agriculture for the domestic
market.
A blatant example of restructuring imposed by the IMF pertains
to the
jute industry. In spite of the collapse of world prices, jute
was one of
Bangladesh’s main earners of foreign exchange in competi
tion with
synthetic substitutes produced by the large textile multinationals.
Unfair
competition ?(. . .) The IMF required, as a condition attached to
its soft loan
under the enhanced structural adjustment facility (ESAF), the closing
down
of one third of the jute industry (including public and private
enterprises)
and the firing of some 35,000 workers.’ Whereas the latter were
to receive
severance payments, the IMF had neglected to take into account
the impact
of the restructuring program on some three million rural househo
lds (18 mil-
lion people) which depended on jute cultivation for their
survival.

Dumping US Grain Surpluses

The deregulation of the grain market was also used

to support (under the
disguise of “US Food Aid”) the dumping of American grain
surpluses. The
“Food for Work” programs under the auspices of USAID
were used to
“finance” village-level public works projects throug
h payments of grain
(instead of money wages) to impoverished peasants
thereby destabilizing
local-level grain markets.
 BANGLADESH: UNDER THE TUTELAGE OF... 163

It is worth noting that US grain sales on the local market served two
related purposes. First, heavily subsidized US grain was allowed to com-
pete directly with locally produced food staples thereby undermining the
development of local producers. Second, US grain sales on the local mar-
ket were used to generate “counterpart funds”. The latter were, in turn,
channeled into development projects controlled by USAID — i.e. which by
their very nature maintained Bangladesh’s dependency on imported grain.
For instance, counterpart funds generated from grain sales (under PL 480)
were used in the early 1990s to finance the Bangladesh Agricultural
Research Institute. Under this project, USAID determined the areas of pri-
ority research to be funded.

Undermining Food Self-Sufficiency

There is evidence that food self-sufficiency in Bangladesh could indeed

have been achieved through the extension of arable lands under irrigation,
as well as through a comprehensive agrarian reform.” Moreover, a recent
study suggested that the risks of flooding could be reduced significantly
through the development of appropriate infrastructure.
The structural adjustment program constituted, however, the main
obstacle to achieving these objectives. First, it obstructed the development
of an independent agricultural policy; second, it deliberately placed a lid
(through the Public Investment Program [PIP] under World Bank supervi-
sion) on state investment in agriculture. This “programmed” stagnation of
food agriculture also served the interests of US grain producers. Fiscal aus-
terity imposed by the “aid consortium” prevented the mobilization of
domestic resources in support of the rural economy.

The Fate of Local Industry

The war of independence had resulted in the demise ofthe industrial sector
developed since 1947 and the massive exodus of entrepreneurs and
professionals.” Moreover, the economic impact of the war was all the more
devastating because no “breathing space” was provided to Bangladesh by
the “aid consortium” to reconstruct its war-torn economy and develop its
human resources.
The structural adjustment program, adopted in several stages since
1974, provided a final lethal blow to the country’s industrial sector. The
macro-economic framework imposed by the Bretton Woods institutions
164 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

contributed to undermining the existing industrial structure while, at the

same time, preventing the development of new areas of industrial activity
geared towards the internal market.
Moreover, with a fragmented agricultural system and the virtual
absence of rural manufacturing, non-agricultural employment opportuni-
ties in Bangladesh’s countryside were more or less non-existent. Urban-
based industry was limited largely to the export garment sector which
relied heavily on cheap labor from rural areas. According to the IMF resi-
dent representative in Dhaka, the only viable industries are those using
abundant supplies of cheap labor for the export sector:
What do you want to protect in this country ? There is nothing to pro-
tect. They want permanent protection but they mainly have a com-
parative advantage in the labor-intensive industries.'’
From the IMF’s perspective, the garment industry was to constitute the
main source of urban employment. There are some 300,000 garment work-
ers most of whom are young girls. Sixteen percent of this labor force is
children between the ages of 10 and 14. Most of the workers come from
impoverished rural areas.'' Production in the factories is marked by com-
pulsory overtime and despotic management: wages including overtime
(1992) are of the order of US$ 20 a month. In 1992, a public gathering of
garment workers was brutally repressed by the security forces. According
to the government, the demands of the workers constituted a threat to the
balance of payments.

The Recycling of Aid Money

Whereas many aid and non-governmental organizations are involved in

meaningful projects at the grass-roots level, several of the “poverty allevi-
ation schemes”, rather than helping the poor, constitute an important
source of income for urban professionals and bureaucrats. Through the
various local executing agencies based in Dhaka, the local élites had
become development brokers and intermediaries acting on behalf of the
international donor community. The funds earmarked for the rural poor
often contributed to the enrichment of military officers and bureaucrats.
This “aid money” was then recycled into commercial and real-estate
investments including office buildings, luxury condominiums, etc.
 BANGLADESH: UNDER THE TUTELAGE OF... 105

“The Social Dimensions of Adjustment”

With a population of over 130 million inhabitants, Bangladesh is among

the world’s poorest countries. Per capita income is of the order of US$ 170
per annum (1992). Annualexpenditures on health in 1992 were of the order
of $ 1.50 per capita (of which less than 25 cents per capita was spent on
essential pharmaceuticals).'* With the exception of family planning, social
expenditures were considered to be excessive: in 1992-93, the Bangladesh
“aid consortium” required the government to implement a further round of
“cost-effective” cuts in social-sector budgets.
Undernourishment was also characterized by a high prevalence of
Vitamin-A deficiency (resulting from a diet made up almost exclusively of
cereals). Many children and adults particularly in rural areas had become
blind as a result of Vitamin-A deficiency.
A situation of chronic starvation prevailed in several regions of the
country. The Bangladesh “aid consortium” meeting in Paris in 1992 urged
the government of Mrs. Khaleda Zia to speed up the implementation ofthe
reforms as a means of “combating poverty”. The government of
Bangladesh was advised (in conformity with World Bank president Lewis
Preston’s new guidelines) that donor support would only be granted to
countries “which make a serious effort in the area of poverty reduction”.
In 1991, 140,000 people died as a result of the flood which swept the
country (most of whom were landless peasants driven into areas affected
by recurrent flooding). Ten million people (almost ten percent of the pop-
ulation) were left homeless.'’ Not accounted, however, in these “official”
statistics were those who died of famine in the aftermath of the disaster.
While the various relief agencies and donors underscored the detrimental
role of climatic factors, the 1991 famine was aggravated as a result of the
IMF-supported macro-economic policy. First, the ceilings on public invest-
ment in agriculture and flood prevention imposed by the donor since the
1970s had been conducive to the stagnation of agriculture. Second, the
devaluation implemented shortly after the 1991 flood, spurred on a 50
percent increase in the retail price of rice in the year which followed the
disaster. And this famine was all the more serious because a large share of
the emergency relief provided by the donors had been appropriated by the
privileged urban élites.
166 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

Endnotes

1. According to the study of Lawrence Lifschutz, Bangladesh, the Unfinished

Revolution, Zed Books, London, 1979, part 2.
to According to a report of the US State Department published in 1978, quoted
in Lawrence Lifschultz, op. cit., p. 109.
General Ziaur Rahman becomes head of state as Commander in Chief of the
Armed Forces in 1975 during the period cf martial law. He was subsequently
elected president in 1978.
Interview with the leader of an opposition party in Dhaka, February 1992.
Interview with a World Bank advisor in Dhaka, 1992.
[bid.
Many ofthe smaller jute enterprises were pushed into bankruptcy as a result
ON
of the liberalization of credit.
See Mosharaf Hussein, A. T. M. Aminul Islam and Sanat Kumar Saha, Floods
in Bangladesh, Recurrent Disaster and People’s Survival, Universities’
Research Centre, Dhaka, 1987.
See Rehman Sobhan, The Development of the Private Sector in
Bangladesh: a Review of the Evolution and Outcome of State Policy,
Research Report No: 124, Bangladesh Institute of Development Studies, pp.
4-5.
10. Interview with the resident representative of the IMF, Dhaka, 1992.
Ile Seventy percent of the garment workers are female, 74 percent are from rural
areas, child labor represents respectively 16 and 8 percent of the female and
male workers. See Salma Choudhuri and Pratima Paul-Majumder, The
Conditions of Garment Workers in Bangladesh, An Appraisal, Bangladesh
Institute of Development Studies, Dhaka, 1991.
See World Bank, Staff Appraisal Report, Bangladesh, Fourth Population and
Health Project, Washington DC, 1991.
. See Gerard Viratelle, “Drames naturels, drames sociaux au Bangladesh”, Le
Monde diplomatique, Paris, June 1991, pp. 6-7.
 Chapter 12

The Post-War Economic Destruction

of Vietnam

The social consequences of structural adjustment applied in Vietnam

since the mid-1980s are devastating. Health clinics and hospitals
have closed down, local-level famines have erupted, affecting up to a
quarter of the country’s population, and three quarters of a million
children have dropped out from the school system. There has been a
resurgence of infectious diseases with a tripling of recorded malaria
deaths during the first four years of the reforms. Five thousand (out
of a total of 12,000) state enterprises have been driven into bank-
ruptcy, more than a million workers and some 200,000 public employ-
ees, including tens of thousands of teachers and health workers, have
been laid off.
A secret agreement reached in Paris in 1993, which in many regards was
tantamount to forcing Vietnam “to compensate Washington” for the costs
of the war, required Hanoi to recognise the debts of the defunct Saigon
regime of General Thieu as a condition for the granting of fresh credit and
the lifting of the US embargo.
The achievements of past struggles and the aspirations of an entire
nation are undone and erased almost “with the stroke of apen”. No orange
or steel-pellet bombs, no napalm, no toxic chemicals: a new phase ofeco-
nomic and social (rather than physical) destruction has unfolded. The
seemingly “neutral” and “scientific” tools of macro-economic policy
(under the guidance of the Bretton Woods institutions) constitute, in the
aftermath of the Vietnam War, an equally “effective” and formally “non-
violent” “instrument of re-colonization” and impoverishment affecting the
livelihood of millions of people.
168 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

Rewriting the History of the War

In 1940, the Vichy government had appointed Admiral Jean Decoux as

governor-general to negotiate the terms of Indochina’s integration into
Japan’s “Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere” while formally retaining
France’s colonial territories under the mandate of the Vichy administration.
The Viet Minh Front, which had led the resistance movement against the
Vichy regime and Japanese occupation forces, received Washington’s
assent as of 1944, with weapons and financial support provided through the
Office of Strategic Services (OSS), the predecessor of today’s Central
Intelligence Agency (CIA). September 2, 1945: at the Declaration of
Independence on Ba Dinh Square in Hanoi proclaiming the founding ofthe
Democratic Republic of Vietnam, American OSS agents were present at
the side of Ho Chi Minh. Almost 30 years of history separate this event
from the equally momentous surrender of General Duong Vanh Minh in
Saigon’s Independence Hall on 30 April 1975, marking the end of the
Vietnam War and the opening ofthe period of national reconstruction.
The devastation left by the war created, from the outset of the post-war
era, an atmosphere of helplessness and policy inertia. The subsequent out-
break of the Cambodian civil war — fuelled by Washington’s covert support
to Pol Pot’s forces after 1979 — and China’s invasion on the northern bor-
der further thwarted the reconstruction of the civilian economy. With reuni-
fication, two divergent socio-economic systems were united: the reforms in
the South were enforced narrowly following central committee guidelines,
with little discernment ofthe social forces at work: small-scale trade in Ho
Chi Minh City was suppressed while a hasty process of collectivization
was carried out in the Mekong River Delta with strong opposition from the
middle peasantry. Political repression affected not only those sectors of
society that had ties to the Saigon regime, but also many of those who had
opposed General Thieu.
In turn, the international environment had changed: the transforma-
tions of the global market system and the breakdown of the Soviet Bloc
(which was Vietnam’s main trading partner) backlashed, creating a situa-
tion of disarray in the national economy. The Communist Party was unable
to formulate a coherent program of economic reconstruction. Profound
divisions and shifts within the Communist Party leadership unfolded from
the early 1980s.
Today, after more than 50 years of struggle against foreign occupation,
the history of the Vietnam War is being cautiously rewritten: neoliberalism
constitutes (with the technical support of the Bretton Woods institutions) the
 THE POST-WAR ECONOMIC DESTRUCTION OF VIETNAM _ 169

Communist’s Party’s official doctrine. Bureaucrats and intellectuals are

called upon unreservedly to support the new dogma in the name of social-
ism. With the adoption in 1986 of Renovation (Doi moi), references to
America’s brutal role in the war are increasingly considered improper. The
Communist Party leadership has recently underscored the “historic role” of
the United States in “liberating” Vietnam from Japanese occupation forces
in 1945. In turn, the symbols of the US period have gradually returned to the
streets of Saigon. At the “Museum of American War Crimes”, now renamed
“Exhibition House of Aggression War Crimes”, a model light fighter-jet
used by the US Air Force in bombing-raids can be purchased at the souvenir
kiosk with an encoated Coca-cola logo on its fuselage, alongside a vast
selection of manuals on foreign investment and macro-economic reform.
Not a single text on the history of the war is in sight. Outside the museum,
the frenzy of an incipient consumer economy is in sharp contrast with the
squalor of beggars, street children and cyclo-drivers, many of whom were
war veterans in the liberation of Saigon in 1975.

The New Vietnam War

The stylized image portrayed by much of the Western media is that the
free-market mechanism has propelled Vietnam into the status of aprospec-
tive “Asian tiger’. Nothing could be further from the truth: the economic
reforms launched in 1986 under the guidance of the Bretton Woods insti-
tutions have, in the war’s brutal aftermath, initiated a new historical phase
of economic and social devastation. Macro-economic reform has led to the
impoverishment of the Vietnamese people striking simultaneously at all
sectors of economic activity.
The first step in 1984-85 (prior to the formal launching of Doi moi by
the Sixth Party Congress) consisted in crushing the Vietnamese currency:
inflation and the “dollarization” of domestic prices were engineered by
repeated devaluations reminiscent of the spectacular tumble of the piastre
in 1973 under the Saigon regime, in the year following the Paris agreement
and the formal “withdrawal” of American combat troops.' Today, Vietnam
is once again inundated with US dollar notes, which have largely replaced
the Vietnamese dong as a “store of value”. Whereas the IMF closely mon-
itors monetary emissions by Vietnam’s Central Bank, the US Federal
Reserve Bank has, in a de facto sense, taken over the responsibility of issu-
ing currency (1.e. a massive credit operation in its own right) for America’s
former wartime enemy. The delusion of “economic progress” and prosper-
170 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

ity — narrowly portrayed in the Western press — is based on the rapid

growth of small, yet highly visible, “pockets” of Western-style con-
sumerism, concentrated largely in Saigon and Hanoi. The harsh economic
and social realities are otherwise: soaring food prices, local-level famines,
massive lay-offs of urban workers and civil servants and the destruction of
Vietnam’s social programmes.’

Reimbursing the “Bad Debts” of the Saigon Regime

Vietnam never received war reparations payments, yet Hanoi was compelled
as a condition for the “normalization” of economic relations and the lifting
of the US embargo in February 1994 to “foot the bill” of the multilateral
debts incurred by the US-backed Saigon regime. At the donor conference
held in Paris in November 1993, a total of US$ 1.86 billion of loans and
“aid” money was generously pledged in support of Vietnam’s market
reforms. Yet immediately after the conference, another (separate) meeting
was held — this time behind closed doors with the Paris Club of official cred-
itors.. On the agenda: the rescheduling of the “bad debts” incurred by the
Saigon regime prior to 1975. Who gives the green light to whom ? The IMF
gave its stamp of approval to Vietnam’s economic reforms prior to the Paris
donor conference. However, it was ultimately the results of the meetings
with the Paris Club which were decisive in providing the green light to
Washington. And it was only after the formal lifting of the embargo that
multilateral and bilateral disbursements were allowed to proceed.
The reimbursement of arrears of US$ 140 million (owed by Saigon) to
the IMF was also demanded as a condition for the resumption of credit. To
this effect, Japan and France (Vietnam’s former colonial masters of the
Vichy period) formed a so-called “friends of Vietnam” committee to “lend
to Hanoi” the money needed to reimburse the IMF. By fully recognizing
the legitimacy of these debts, Hanoi had, in effect, accepted to repay loans
which had been utilized to support the US war effort. Ironically, these
negotiations were undertaken with the participation of aformer minister of
finance (and acting prime minister) in the military government of General
Duong Vanh Minh which had been installed by the US military mission in
1963 in the aftermath ofthe assassination of President Ngo Dinh Diem and
his younger brother. Dr Nguyen Xian Oanh (a prominent economist who
also happened to be a former staff member of the IMF) occupied the posi-
tion of economic advisor to Prime Minister Vo Van Kiet. (Oanh had
worked closely with Kiet since the early 1980s when the latter was
Communist Party Secretary in Ho Chi Minh City).*
 THE POST-WAR ECONOMIC DESTRUCTION OF VIETNAM — 171

Destroying the National Economy

Through the seemingly innocuous mechanism of the “free” market (and

without the need for warfare and physical destruction), the reforms had
contributed to a massive demobilization of productive capacity: more than
5,000 out of 12,300 state-owned enterprises (SOEs) had, by 1994, been
closed down or steered into bankruptcy. This process was further exacer-
bated as a result of the collapse of trade with the countries of the former
Soviet bloc. Rules on the liquidation of state enterprises were adopted in
1990, leading to a further “down-sizing” ofthe industrial base through the
restructuring of the remaining enterprises.” More than a million workers
and some 136,000 public employees (of which the majority were health
workers and teachers) had been laid off by the end of 1992.° The govern-
ment’s target, under “decision no: 111”, was to lay off another 100,000
employees by the end of 1994, reducing the size of the civil service by 20
percent. Moreover, with the withdrawal of Vietnamese troops from
Cambodia, an estimated 500,000 soldiers had been demobilized and
250,000 “guest workers” had returned from Eastern Europe and the Middle
East with few prospects for employment.’
According to World Bank data, the growth in private-sector employ-
ment was insufficient to accommodate the new entrants into the labor force.
With soaring prices, the real earnings of those who remain employed had
dropped to abysmally low levels: unable to subsist on government salaries
of US$ 15 a month, a variety of survival activities, including frequent
moonlighting by state employees, had unfolded, leading to high rates of
absenteeism and the de facto paralysis of the entire administrative apparatus.
With the exception of joint-venture enterprises, where the recommended
minimum wage had been set at $ 30-35 a month (1994) (it is not enforced),
there is no minimum wage legislation nor are there any guidelines pertain-
ing to the indexation of wages. “The Party’s free market policy is that the
labor market should also be free.”
Whereas many of the SOEs were grossly “inefficient” and “uncompet-
itive” by Western standards, their demise had been engineered through the
deliberate manipulation of market forces: the restructuring of state banking
and financial institutions (including the elimination of the commune-level
credit cooperatives) was conducive to the “freeze” of all medium- and long-
term credit to domestic producers. Short-term credit was available at an
interest rate of 35 percent per annum (1994). Moreover, the state was not
permitted, under the terms ofits agreement with the IMF, to provide budget
support either to the state-owned economy or to an incipient private sector.
LG: THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

The demise of the state economy had also been engineered as a result
of a highly discriminatory tax system: whereas SOEs continued to pay (in
a situation where all subsidies and state credits had been removed) the 40-
50 percent profit-withholding tax inherited from the system of central
planning, foreign investors (including all joint ventures) enjoyed generous
exemptions and tax holidays. Moreover, the profit-withholding tax was no
longer collected on a regular basis from private-sector enterprises.”
The reforms’ hidden agenda was to destabilize Vietnam’s industrial
base: heavy industry, oil and gas, natural resources and mining, cement and
steel production were to be reorganized and taken over by foreign capital
with the Japanese conglomerates playing a decisive and dominant role. The
most valuable state assets were to be transferred to joint-venture companies.
No concern was expressed by the leadership to reinforce and preserve its
industrial base, or to develop, for that matter, a capitalist economy owned
and controlled by “nationals”. The prevailing view within the “donor com-
munity” was that a “downsizing” of the state economy was required to make
room for the spontaneous development of a Vietnamese private sector. State
investment was said to “crowd out” private capital formation. The reforms
not only demobilized the state economy, they also prevented a transition
towards national capitalism.
Moreover, the relative weakness of Vietnam’s business groups, com-
bined with the freeze on credit and the virtual absence of state support,
contributed to thwart the development of a domestic private- sector econ-
omy. While various token incentives had been offered to returning Viet
Kieu (“overseas Vietnamese’’), much of the Vietnamese Diaspora, includ-
ing the refugees of the Vietnam War and the “Boat People”, had little in
terms of financial resources or savings. With some exceptions, their
activities were largely concentrated in family-owned and medium-sized
enterprises in the commercial and services economy.”
A blatant example of “economic engineering”, set in motion by the
market reforms, concerns the fate of Vietnam’s steel industry. Nearly eight
million tons of bombs together with a bounty of abandoned military hard-
ware had provided Vietnam’s heavy industry with an ample supply of scrap
metal. Irony of history, America’s only tangible “contribution” to post-war
reconstruction had been revoked: with the “open-door policy”, large quan-
tities of scrap metal were being freely re-exported (at prices substantially
below world-market values). Whereas production at Vietnam’s five major
steel mills was stalled due to the shortage of raw materials (not to mention
a legal ban on the import of scrap metal by state enterprises), a Japanese
 THE POST-WAR ECONOMIC DESTRUCTION OF VIETNAM — 173

conglomerate made up of the Kyoei, Mitsui and Itochu corporations had

established in 1994 a modern joint-venture steel plant in Ba-Ria Vung Tau
province which imports the scrap metal (at world-market prices) “back”
into Vietnam.

Excluding Domestic Producers from their Own Market

Through the deliberate manipulation of market forces, domestic producers

were being literally excluded from their own market — even in areas where
they were considered to have “a comparative advantage”. Tariff barriers
were removed and much of Vietnam’s light manufacturing industry was dis-
placed by a massive influx of imported consumer goods. Since 1986, a large
share of Vietnam’s meager foreign exchange earnings had been allocated to
the import of consumer goods, creating a vacuum in the availability of cap-
ital equipment for domestic industry. The reforms allowed SOEs involved in
the export trade freely to use their hard-currency earnings to import con-
sumer goods. A network had been established between the managers of
SOEs involved in the import-export business, local-level bureaucrats and
private merchants. Hard-currency earnings were squandered and large
amounts of money were appropriated. With the market reforms, many of the
SOEs escaped state control and became involved in a variety of illicit activ-
ities. With the lifting of state budget support and the freeze on credit, pro-
ductive activities were abandoned.
In the new areas of light manufacturing and industrial processing pro-
moted as a result of the “open door”, the internal market is “off limits” to
Vietnamese companies. Cheap-labor garment producers, involved in joint
ventures or subcontracting agreements with foreign capital, will usually
export their entire output. In contrast, the domestic Vietnamese market is
supplied with imported second-hand garments and factory rejects from
Hong Kong, leading also to the demise oftailors and small producers in the
informal economy. (The price of used garments purchased in the developed
countries is US$ 80 a ton.)

Thwarting the Channels of Internal Trade

The reforms promoted the “economic Balkanization” of the regions, each

of which is separately integrated into the world market: the deregulation of
the transport industry led to skyrocketing freight prices. State transport
companies were also driven into bankruptcy with a large share of the trans-
174 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

port industry taken over by joint-venture capital.

Moreover, with the freeze on budget transfers from the central to the
provincial and municipal governments recommended by the World Bank,
provincial and local authorities became increasingly “free” to establish
their own investment and trading relations with foreign companies to the
detriment of internal trade. The provinces were negotiating numerous
investment and trade agreements, including the granting of land to foreign
investors, as well as concessions which allowed foreign capital (in a com-
pletely unregulated environment) to plunder Vietnam’s forest resources. In
the context of the budget crisis, these various agreements often constituted
the only means of covering central and provincial government expendi-
tures, including the salaries of state officials.
Moreover, in a situation where the salaries of public employees are
exceedingly low (US$ 15 to 30 a month), foreign cooperation and joint-
venture linkages inevitably constitute a means for obtaining “salary sup-
plements” in the form of consulting fees, expense accounts, travel
allowances, etc. The latter — invariably disbursed in hard currency — enable
the foreign donors and contractors to secure the allegiance of professional
cadres and local-level officials. The state is bankrupt and unable (under the
clauses of its agreements with the creditors) to remunerate its civil ser-
vants. Foreign contractors and “aid agencies” not only appropriate human
capital in research institutes and government departments, they become the
main source of income for senior and middle-level bureaucrats involved in
the management of foreign trade and investment.

The Disintegration of the State’s Public Finances

The reforms have pushed the state’s public finances into a straitjacket. The
Central Bank is not allowed to expand the money supply or issue currency
without IMF approval. Neither is it allowed to grant credit or finance the
SOEs. The latter are, in turn, precipitated into bankruptcy as a result of the
freeze on credit and state funding. In turn, the bankruptcy of the state enter-
prises was conducive to the collapse of state tax revenues which backlashed
on the state’s public finances.
A similar situation existed with regard to the state banks. The latter had
been affected by the decline of dong deposits by the population (who pre-
ferred to hold their savings in the form of hoards in dollar notes), not to
mention the lifting of state subsidies, strict reserve requirements and high
withholding taxes. In turn, the contraction of credit, as well as increased loan
 THE POST-WAR ECONOMIC DESTRUCTION OF VIETNAM _ 175

default by SOEs, was pushing the state banks into receivership to the advan-
tage of the numerous foreign and joint-venture banks operating in Vietnam.
In 1994, more than 10,000 out of the 12,300 enterprises were heavily indeb-
ted to the state banks.
The state enterprises were not, however, allowed to approach foreign
banks directly for credit. On the other hand, the foreign banks had access
to this lucrative short-term credit market by providing collateral loans to
Vietnamese state banks.

Collapse of State Capital Formation

The reforms contributed to triggering an impressive collapse of public

investment. From 1985 to 1993, the share of government capital expendi-
ture in GDP declined by 63 percent, from 8.2 to 3.1 percent. In agriculture
and forestry the decline (90 percent) was even more dramatic, — 1.e. from
1.0 to 0.1 percent of GDP. In industry and construction, capital expenditure
fell from 2.7 to 0.1 percent of GDP (a decline of 96 percent)."'
New rules pertaining to the levels of recurrent and investment expen-
diture had been established under the policy-based loan agreements nego-
tiated with the Bretton Woods institutions. Precise ceilings were placed on
all categories of expenditure, public employees were laid off, allocations to
health and educations were frozen, etc. The underlying objective was to
reduce the budget deficit. The state was no longer permitted to mobilize its
own resources for the building of public infrastructure, roads or hospitals,
etc. —1.e. the creditors not only became the “brokers” of all major public
investment projects, they also decided in the context of the “Public
Investment Program” (PIP) (established under the technical auspices ofthe
World Bank) on what type of public infrastructure was best suited to
Vietnam, and what should or should not be funded by the “donor commu-
nity”. The process of funding public investment created debt, which, in
turn, reinforced the grip of the creditors on economic policy.
This supervision applied not only to the amount of public investment, it
affected the precise composition of public expenditure and the setting of
investment priorities by the creditors. It also required divestiture and pri-
vatization of most SOEs involved in infrastructure and strategic sectors of
the economy. In turn, the loans pledged at the Paris Donor Conference in
November 1993 required a system of international tender (and “competi-
tive bidding”) which allocated the entire execution of all public-works
projects to international construction and engineering firms. The latter in
176 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

turn skimmed off large amounts of money (which Vietnam will ultimately
have to repay) into a variety of consulting and management fees. In turn,
Vietnamese companies (whether public or private) were excluded from the
tendering process, although much of the actual construction work was
undertaken by local companies (using Vietnamese labor at very low
wages) in separate sub-contracting deals reached with the transnationals.

Reintegrating the Japanese Empire

The tendency is towards the reintegration of Vietnam into the Japanese

sphere of influence, a situation reminiscent of World War I] when Vietnam
was part of Japan’s “Great East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere”. This dominant
position of Japanese capital was brought about through the control of over
more than 80 percent of the loans for investment projects and infrastruc-
ture. These loans channeled through Japan’s Overseas Economic
Cooperation Fund (OECF), as well as through the Asian Development
Bank (ADB), supported the expansion of the large Japanese trading com-
panies and transnationals.
With the lifting of the US embargo in February 1994, American capi-
tal scrambled to restore its position in a highly profitable investment and
trading arena dominated by Japan (and to a lesser extent by the European
Union). The Japanese have a “head lead” not only in key investments, they
also control much of the long-term credit to Vietnam. Confrontations
between Washington and Tokyo are likely to unfold as American transna-
tionals attempt to restore the position they held in South Vietnam (e.g. in
offshore oil) prior to 1975. Other important players are the Koreans, and
the Chinese from Taiwan and Hong Kong. A clear demarcation prevails;
however, the latter tend to concentrate in manufacturing and export pro-
cessing, whereas the large infrastructural, oil and gas and natural resources
projects are in the hands of Japanese and European conglomerates.
It is worth noting that Japan also controls a large share of the loans
used to finance consumer imports. This consumer frenzy of Japanese brand
products is now largely sustained on borrowed money fuelled by the infu-
sion of hundreds of millions of dollars of so-called ‘quick disbursing
loans” pledged by Japan and the multilateral banks (including the ADB, the
World Bank and the IMF).'° These loans (which in the official jargon are
said to constitute “balance-of-payments aid”) are earmarked explicitly for
commodity imports. Administered by Vietnam’s Central Bank, the dis-
bursements under these loans are allocated in the form of foreign-exchange
 THE POST-WAR ECONOMIC DESTRUCTION OF VIETNAM — 177

quotas to thousands of state enterprises involved in the import trade. This

process accelerates the deluge of consumer goods while contributing to
swelling the external debt. With the exception of a small number of larg-
er state corporations (and those involved in the import trade), the reforms
have contributed to demobilizing entire sectors of the national economy:
the only means for a national enterprise to “survive” is to enter the lucra-
tive import business or to establish a “joint-venture” in which the ‘foreign
partner” has access to credit (in hard currency) and control over technolo-
gy, pricing and the remittance of profits. Moreover, the entire internation-
al trading system is prone (from the lower echelons to top state officials)
to corruption and bribery by foreign contractors.
Vietnam’s economic crisis did not signify, however, a concurrent
decline in the “recorded” rate of GDP growth. The latter has increased
largely as a result of the rapid redirection of the economy towards foreign
trade (development of oil and gas, natural resources, export of staple
commodities and cheap-labor manufacturing). Despite the wave of bank-
ruptcies and the compression of the internal market, there has been a
significant growth in the new export-oriented joint ventures. In turn, the
“artificial” inflow of imported goods was conducive to the enlargement of
the commercial sector and its share of the GDP.
Economic growth was being fuelled by debt. The burden of debt serv-
icing increased more than tenfold from 1986 to 1993. It was also boosted
as a result of the government’s agreement with the Paris Club in late 1993
to recognize the bad debts of the defunct Saigon regime.

The Outbreak of Famine

The adoption of a more flexible “farm contract system” among the reforms
of 1981 in support of household production was broadly welcomed by the
rural people. In contrast, however, the second wave of agricultural reforms
adopted since 1986 has contributed to the impoverishment of large sectors
of that same population. Under the guidance of the World Bank and the
FAO, the authorities abrogated the policy of “local-level self-sufficiency in
food” which was devised to prevent the development of regional food
shortages. In the highland areas of central Vietnam, farmers were encour-
aged to specialize “according to their regional comparative advantage” —
namely, to give up food farming and switch to “high-value” cash crops for
export. Over-cropping of coffee, cassava, cashew-nuts and cotton, com-
bined with the plummeting of world commodity prices and the high cost of
178 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

imported farm inputs, was conducive to the outbreak of local-level

famines.
Ironically, the process of “switching” into export crops also resulted in
a net decline in foreign-exchange earnings because large shipments of agri-
cultural commodities were sold by the state trading companies to interna-
tional contractors at substantial financial losses:
We mobilize farmers to produce cassava and cotton, but they cannot
export at a profit because the international price has gone down (. . .)
What happens 1s that the state trading companies are obliged to export
the coffee or the cassava at a loss. They manage, however, to
compensate for these losses because they use the foreign-exchange
proceeds to import consumer goods. They also make large profits
through price mark-ups on imported fertilizer."
The state export corporations, while showing a book-value profit,
were, in fact, contributing to generating debt (in foreign exchange) by
routinely selling staple commodities below their world-market price. In
many of the food-deficit areas, export crops by farmers (who had aban-
doned food farming) remained unsold due to the situation of oversupply
which characterized the world market. The result was famine because the
farmers could neither sell the industrial cash crops nor produce their own
food.
A similar situation prevailed with regard to the SOEs involved in the
rice trade. The latter preferred to export at a financial loss rather than sell
in the domestic market. With the complete deregulation of the grain mar-
ket and sales in the hands of private merchants, domestic prices soared
particularly in the food-deficit areas. Whereas rice was being exported
below world-market prices, severe food shortages had unfolded in regions
where paddy production had been abandoned as a result of the policy of
“regional specialization”. In 1994, for instance, the authorities acknowl-
edged the existence of a famine in Lai Cai province on the border with
China affecting more than 50,000 people. Whereas food shortages had
built up in Lai Cai over a five-month period (without any emergency relief
being provided), two million tons of rice remained unsold in the Mekong
Delta as a result of the collapse of the state-owned rice-trading companies.
Famine was not limited to the food-deficit areas. It was affecting all
major regions, including the urban areas and the “food-surplus economy”
of the Mekong Delta. In the latter region, 25.3 percent ofthe adult popula-
tion had a daily energy intake below 1,800 calories.'* In the cities, the
devaluation of the dong, together with the elimination of subsidies and
 THE POST-WAR ECONOMIC DESTRUCTION OF VIETNAM _ 179

price controls, had led to soaring prices of rice and other food staples.
Deindexation of salaried earnings and massive urban unemployment
(resulting from the retrenchment of civil servants and workers in SOEs)
had also resulted in lower levels of food intake and a deterioration in the
nutritional status of children in urban areas.

Child Malnutrition

The deregulation of the grain market had triggered famine and a high inci-
dence of child malnutrition. Despite the increased “availability” of staple
foods, as suggested by FAO data, a nutrition survey confirmed an abrupt
overall deterioration in the nutritional status of both children and adults.
The adult mean energy intake (per capita/per day) for the country was
1,861 calories with 25 percent of the adult population below 1,800 calories
(1987-90) indicating a situation of extreme undernourishment.15 In 9 per-
cent of the sample households, energy intake by adults was less than 1,500
calories. Recorded energy intakes for young children under six were on
average 827 calories per capita.
The situation with regard to child malnutrition was acknowledged by
the World Bank:
Vietnam has a higher proportion of underweight and stunted children
[of the order of 50 percent] than in any other country in South and
Southeast Asia with the exception of Bangladesh. . . The magnitude
of stunting and wasting among children certainly appears to have
increased significantly. . . itis also possible that the worsening macro-
economic crisis in the 1984-86 period may have contributed to the
deterioration in nutritional status.'°
It is also worth noting (according to the survey) that Vitamin-A defi-
ciency, which causes blindness (resulting from a diet composed almost
exclusively of cereals), is widespread among children in all regions ofthe
country except Hanoi and the southeast. This situation compares to that of
Bangladesh. (See Chapter 11.)
The deregulation of the grain market (under World Bank guidance)
allowed easy access to the world market (although at very low commodity
prices) while disrupting the channels of internal trade and triggering local-
level famines.'’ This pattern was candidly acknowledged by the World
Bank:
Of course since private sector flows typically respond to price incen-
18O THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

tives, the problem of food availability in the food deficit areas will not
disappear overnight, since consumers in these areas do not have the
purchasing power to bid up the price paid for foodgrains from the
surplus regions. In fact at present it is financially more rewarding to
export rice outside Vietnam than to transfer it to the deficit regions
within the country. Indeed as private sector grain trade expands, the
availability of food in the deficit regions may initially decline before
it improves."*

Into the Net of International Agri-business

The general direction of the government’s grain policy largely coincided

with the interests of international agri-business: a switch out of paddy into
a variety of crops (citrus trees, hybrid maize, cashew-nuts, etc.) was being
encouraged even in regions (e.g. Mekong Delta) which were favorable to
paddy cultivation. In Dong Nai province in the south, for instance, farmers
were encouraged to move out of paddy; hybrid maize seedlings were
purchased from an international grain conglomerate with short-term loans
(at 2.5 percent per month) financed by the State Agricultural Bank. The
harvested maize was then “purchased back” by Proconco, a French agro-
industrial joint venture exporting as well as selling animal feed in the
domestic market to produce meat products for Taiwan and Hong Kong."
Short-term credit was available only for designated commercial crops with
loan periods (less than 180 days) shorter than those required to complete
the entire cycle of agricultural production and marketing of the commodity.

Vietnam as a Major Exporter of Rice

An impressive increase in paddy production took place between 1987-89
and 1992, which enabled Vietnam to move from a position of net importer
to that of an exporter of rice. This tendency was sustained without an
increase in the land areas allocated to paddy. It was largely the result of a
shift into new varieties, as well as increased use of chemical fertilizer and
pesticides entailing substantially higher costs to the small farmer. The gov-
ernment had moved out of supplying farm inputs; the SOEs producing pes-
ticides had collapsed. Increasingly, a large share of farm inputs were being
imported:
Our productivity has gone up but our income has not gone up, we
must pay for the new seed varieties, insecticide and fertilizer.
 THE POST-WAR ECONOMIC DESTRUCTION OF VIETNAM — 181

Transport costs have increased. If the costs continue to rise, we will

not be able to continue farm activities; off-farm employment includ-
ing handicrafts and labor in the city are essential; farming does not
provide enough money to survive.”
Largely centered in the Mekong Delta, this expanded paddy output (and
the corresponding surge in exports) had also been conducive to increased
land concentration. In the Red River delta, small farmers were paying roy-
alties to the International Rice Research Institute (IRRI) (supported by the
World Bank and the Rockefeller Foundation) for a new variety of paddy
which was being reproduced in local nurseries. Agricultural research insti-
tutes, whose funds had been cut off by the state, had entered the lucrative
business of seed development and production.”!
The expansion in paddy production seems, however, to have reached a
peak: the withdrawal of state support in the provision of irrigation
infrastructure, water conservancy and maintenance, since 1987, will affect
future output patterns. Large-scale irrigation and drainage have been
neglected: the World Bank recommends cost recovery and the commercial-
ization of water resources while, nonetheless, acknowledging that “farmers
outside the Mekong Delta are too poor to bear increased rates [irrigation
charges] at this time”. The risk of recurrent flooding and drought has also
increased as a result of the collapse of state enterprises responsible for rou-
tine operation and maintenance. A similar situation exists in agricultural
support and extension services:
Provision of agricultural support services — the supply of fertilizer,
seed, credit, pest control, veterinary services, machinery services,
research and extension advice, was until the late 1980s a predominant-
ly governmental function. (...) This system, while still functioning on
paper, has now largely collapsed in reality due to the restoration of a
family-based farming system, increasing real budgetary shortfalls, and
civil service salary rates devalued to almost nothing by inflation. Those
support services involving a marketable product or service have been
semi-privatized with some success, and the remainders are hardly
functioning. In the support service bureaucracy, a large number of
employees survive on moonlighting activities, while some 8,000 grad-
uates of the agro-technical schools reportedly are “unemployed”.”’
182 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

The Concentration of Land

The tendency is towards a major crisis in production, increased social

polarization in the countryside and a greater concentration of land owner-
ship: large sectors of the rural population in the Red River and Mekong
delta areas are being driven off the land; famines have also occurred in the
rice-surplus regions. The Law, passed in the National Assembly in October
1993, had been drafted with the support of the World Bank’s Legal
Department. Legal experts and World Bank seminars were organized to
focus on the implications of the Law:
The foreign experts brought in by the World Bank think that the Law
is suitable to our particular conditions: if farmers lack capital or
resources they can “transfer” the or they can move to the cities or
work for “an advanced household”. (...) The lack of is not the cause
of poverty, the poor lack knowledge, experience and have limited
education, and the poor also have too many children.”
Under the law, farm (under a formal system of long-term leases) can
be freely “transferred” (1.e. sold) and mortgaged as “enforceable collater-
al” (officially only with a state banking institution but, in practice, also
with private money-lenders). The can then be “transferred” or sold if there
is loan default.
The consequence has been the re-emergence (particularly in the south)
of usury and tenancy, forcing the peasant economy back to the struggles
for and credit waged at the end ofthe French colonial period. In the south,
concentration is already fairly advanced, marked by the development of
medium-sized plantations (including numerous joint ventures with foreign
capital). Many state farms had been transformed into joint-venture planta-
tions using both permanent and seasonal workers. Landless farmers, who
constitute an increasingly large share ofthe rural population, are confined
to seeking employment in the cities or as seasonal wage laborers in com-
mercial plantations operated by rich farmers orjoint ventures. Rural wages
in the Red River delta were of the order of 50 cents a day (1994). While
land forfeiture of small farmers in North Vietnam is still at an incipient
level, the Land Law opens the way for the appropriation of large tracts of
agricultural land by urban merchants and money-lenders.
It is worth mentioning that the agricultural policies of the defunct
Saigon regime of General Thieu are resurfacing. In the south, land titles
granted by US, “aid” programs in 1973 as a means of “pacifying” rural
areas are fully recognized by the authorities. In contrast, thousands of
 THE POST-WAR ECONOMIC DESTRUCTION OF VIETNAM _ 183

peasants who left their villages to fight alongside the liberation forces are
without formal claims to agricultural land. We will recall that the US land-
distribution program was implemented in the aftermath of the 1973 Paris
agreement during the last years of the Thieu regime. This period of so-called
“Vietnamization” of the war coincided with the formal withdrawal of
American combat troops and the propping up of the Saigon government
with massive amounts of US “aid”. According to the Ministry of
Agriculture, the United States wartime program is a useful “model”: “Our
present policy is to emulate the US land-distribution program of that period,
although we lack sufficient financial resources.”

The Destruction of Education

Perhaps the most dramatic impact of the reforms has been in the areas of
health and education. Universal education and literacy was a key objective
of the struggle against French colonial rule.
From 1954 (following the defeat of the French at Dien Bien Phu) to
1972, primary and secondary school enrolment in North Vietnam had
increased sevenfold (from 700,000 to nearly five million). After reunifica-
tion in 1975, a literacy campaign was implemented in the south. According
to UNESCO figures, the rates ofliteracy (90 percent) and school enrolment
were among the highest in South-East Asia.
The reforms have deliberately and consciously destroyed the
educational system by massively compressing the educational budget,
depressing teachers’ salaries and “commercializing” secondary, vocational
and higher education through the exaction oftuition fees. The movement is
towards the transformation of education into a commodity. In the official jar-
gon ofthe UN agencies, this requires:
...consumers of [educational] services to pay increased amounts,
encouraging institutions to become self-financing, and by using incen-
tives to privatize delivery of education and training where appropriate.”
Virtually repealing all previous achievements — including the struggle
against illiteracy carried out since 1945 — the reforms have engineered an
unprecedented collapse in school enrolment with a high drop-out rate
observed in the final years of primary school. The obligation to pay tuition
fees is now entrenched in the constitution, which was carefully redrafted in
1992. According to official data, the proportion of graduates from primary
education who entered the four-year lower-secondary education program
declined from 92 percent in 1986/87 (prior to the inauguration of the
 184 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

tuition fees) to 72 percent in 1989/90 — a drop of more than half a million

students. Similarly, some 231,000 students out of a total of 922,000
dropped out of the upper secondary education program. In other words, a
total ofnearly three quarters of a million children were pushed out of the
secondary-school system during the first three years of the reforms (despite
an increase of more than 7 percent in the population of school age). While
recent enrolment data is unavailable, there is no evidence that this trend has
been reversed.” The available data of the 1980s suggests a drop-out rate of
0.8 percent per annum in primary education with total enrolment increas-
ing but substantially behind the growth in the population of school age.
The structure of underfunding will trigger a speedy erosion ofprimary edu-
cation in the years ahead.
The state allocated (1994) an average of US$ 3 to 4 per annum per
child at the primary school level. In the Red River delta region, the cost to
parents of school materials and books (previously financed by the govern-
ment) was in 1994 equivalent to 100 kg. of paddy per child per annum (a
significant fraction of total household consumption).
“Concern” was, nonetheless, expressed by the government and “the
donors” that with a rapidly declining enrolment rate, “unit costs have
increased” and there is now “an oversupply of teachers”.2’ With a “down-
sized” school system, consideration should be given “to quality rather than
quantity” requiring (according to “the donors”) the lay-off of surplus
teachers. All echelons of the educational system are affected by this
process: state-supported pre-primary créches are being phased out, and
will henceforth be run as commercial undertakings.
Cost recovery was also enforced for universities and all centers of
higher learning. Institutes of applied research were called upon to recover
their costs by commercializing the products oftheir research: “Universities
and research institutes are so poorly funded that their survival depends on
generating independent sources of income”. The state covered only 25 per-
cent of total salaries of research and other operating expenditures of major
research institutes. Research establishments were, nonetheless, granted a
preferential rate of interest on short-term credit (1.8 percent per month
instead of 2.3 percent).
In vocational and technical education, including the teachers’ training
colleges, a freeze on enrolment (with precise “ceilings”) was established
under guidelines agreed with external donor agencies. The result: a major
curtailment in the supply of human capital and qualified professionals.
In the above context, financial control and supervision of most
research and training institutes is in the hands of external donor agencies
 THE POST-WAR ECONOMIC DESTRUCTION OF VIETNAM — 185

which selectively fund salary supplements in foreign exchange, research

contracts, etc., while also dictating the orientations for research and the
development of academic curricula.

Collapse of the Health System

In health, the most immediate impact of the reforms was the collapse ofthe
district hospitals and commune-level health centers. Until 1989, health
units provided medical consultations as well as essential drugs free of
charge to the population. The disintegration of health clinics in the south is
on the whole, more advanced where the health infrastructure had been
developed after reunification in 1975. With the reforms, a system of user
fees was introduced. Cost recovery and the free-market sale of drugs were
applied. The consumption of essential drugs (through the system of public
distribution) declined by 89 percent pushing Vietnam’s pharmaceutical and
medical supply industry into bankruptcy.”
By 1989, the domestic production of pharmaceuticals had declined by
98.5 percent in relation to its 1980 level with a large number of drug com-
panies closing down. With the complete deregulation of the pharmaceutical
industry, including the liberalization of drug prices, imported drugs (now
sold exclusively in the “free” market at exceedingly high prices) have now
largely displaced domestic brands. A considerably ““down-sized”, yet highly
profitable commercial market has unfolded for the large pharmaceutical
transnationals. The per capita annual consumption of pharmaceuticals pur-
chased in the “free” market is of the order of US$ | per annum (1993) which
even the World Bank considers to be too low.’ The impact on the levels of
health of the population are dramatic.
The government (under the guidance ofthe “donor community”’) also
discontinued budget support to the provision of medical equipment and
maintenance, leading to the virtual paralysis of the entire public-health sys-
tem. Real salaries of medical personnel and working conditions declined
dramatically: the monthly wage of medical doctors in a district hospital
was as low as US$ 15 a month (1994). With the tumble in state salaries and
the emergence of a small sector of private practice, tens of thousands of
doctors and health workers abandoned the public-health sector. A survey
conducted in 1991 confirmed that most of the commune-level health cen-
ters had become inoperative: with an average staff of five health workers
percenter, the number of patients had dropped to less than six a day (slight-
ly more than one patient per health worker per day).*' Since the reforms,
 186 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

there has also been a marked downturn in student admissions to the coun-
try’s main medical schools which are currently suffering from a massive
curtailment of their operating budgets.

The Resurgence of Infectious Diseases

The resurgence of anumber of infectious diseases including malaria, tuber-

culosis and diarrhea was acknowledged by the Ministry of Health and the
donors. A WHO study confirmed that the number of malaria deaths
increased threefold in the first four years of the reforms, alongside the col-
lapse of curative health and soaring prices of anti-malarial drugs. What is
striking in this data is that the number of malaria deaths increased at a
faster rate than the growth in reported cases of malaria suggesting that the
collapse in curative health services played a decisive role in triggering an
increase in (malaria) mortality.’* These tendencies are amply confirmed by
commune-level data:
The state of health used to be much better, previously there was an
annual check-up for tuberculosis, now there are no drugs to treat
malaria, the farmers have no money to go to the district hospital, they
cannot afford the user fees.”
The World Bank has acknowledged the collapse of the health system
(the underlying macro-economic “causes”, however, were not mentioned):
[D]espite its impressive performance in the past, the Vietnamese
health sector is currently languishing (. . .) there is a severe shortage
of drugs, medical supplies and medical equipment and the govern-
ment health clinics are vastly underutilized. The shortage of funds to
the health sector is so acute that it is unclear where the grass-roots
facilities are going to find the inputs to continue functioning in the
future.”
Whereas the World Bank conceded that the communicable disease
control programs for diarrhea, malaria and acute respiratory infections
“have [in the past] been among the most successful of health interventions
in Vietnam”, the proposed “solutions” consisted of the “commercializa-
tion” (i.e. commodification) of public health as well as the massive lay-off
of surplus doctors and health workers. The World Bank proposed that the
wages of health workers should be increased within the same budgetary
envelope: “an increase in the wages of government health workers will
almost necessarily have to be offset by a major reduction in the number of
 THE POST-WAR ECONOMIC DESTRUCTION OF VIETNAM _ 187
35
health workers.”
The reforms brutally dismantle the social sectors, undoing the efforts
and struggles of the Vietnamese people during nearly 40 years, reversing
the fulfillment of past progress. There is a consistent and coherent pattern:
the deterioration in health and nutrition (in the years immediately follow-
ing the reforms) is similar (and so is the chronology) with that observed in
school enrolment. In the aftermath ofa brutal and criminal war, the world
community must take cognizance of the “deadly” impact of macro-eco-
nomic policy applied to a former wartime enemy.

Endnotes

1. The devaluations of 1984-85 under the advice of the IMF were conducive to
a tenfold collapse of the Vietnam dong, largely of the same magnitude as that
which occurred in South Vietnam in 1973. The dong was worth US$ 0.10 at
the official exchange rate in 1984; one year later it was worth US$ 0.01.
The reforms have triggered a collapse in the standard of living in many ways
comparable to that which occurred in South Vietnam under the defunct regime
of General Thieu. An eightfold increase in the price of rice was recorded
between 1973 and 1974 after the US “withdrawal” of combat troops.
For a breakdown and composition of the international aid and loans pledged
at the donor conference, see Vietnam Today, Singapore, Vol. 2, Issue 6, 1994,
p. 58:
Interview with Dr Nguyen Xian Oanh in Ho Chi Minh City, April 1994.
From mid-1991 to mid-1992, some 4,000 enterprises ceased operations with
some 1,259 being liquidated. Some of the enterprises which ceased operating
were merged with other state enterprises. See World Bank, Viet Nam,
Transition to Market Economy, Washington DC, 1993, p. 61.
In the sector of SOEs, decision no: 176 passed in 1989 was conducive to
975,000 workers (36 percent of labor force) being laid off between 1987 and
1992. The growth in private-sector employment has not been sufficient to
accommodate new entrants into the labor market. See World Bank, Viet Nam,
Transition to Market Economy, pp. 65-66, see also Table 1.3, p. 233.
Ibid, p. 65. See also Socialist Republic of Vietnam, Vietnam: A Development
Perspective (main document prepared for the Paris Donor Conference),
Hanoi, September 1993, p. 28.
Interview conducted with state officials in Hanoi, April 1994.
See World Bank, Viet Nam, Transition to Market Economy, p. 47.
In contrast to the “Overseas Chinese”, the Vietnamese Diaspora cannot be
considered as constituting an “economic élite”.
18S THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

11. See World Bank, Viet Nam, Transition to Market Economy, p. 246. it is
worth noting that the statistics in current and constant dong are considered to
be unreliable.
12. At the November 1993 Paris Donor Conference, over US$ 1.8 billion of mul-
tilateral and bilateral credit was pledged.
13. Interview with the Ministry of Agriculture and Food Industry (MAFI), Hanoi,
April 1994.
14. See World Bank, Vietnam, Population, Health and Nutrition Review,
Washington DC, 1993, Table 3.6, p. 47.
15. The percentage of children under five suffering from malnutrition is estimat-
ed at 45 percent according to the weight for age criterion and 56.5 percent
according to height for age. /bid, pp. 38-46 and p. 62.
16. See World Bank, Viet Nam, Transition to Market Economy, p. 182.
17. The policy of local food self-sufficiency had been dictated by the deficiencies
of the internal rail and road transport network, destroyed during the war.
18. World Bank, Vietnam, Population, Health and Nutrition Sector Review, p.
42.
19. Interviews conducted in Dong Nai Province as well as with members of the
Agricultural Research Institute, Ho Chi Minh, April 1994.
20. Interviews with farmers in Da Ton Commune, Gia Lam district near Hanoi,
April 1994.
21. World Bank, Viet Nam, Transition to Market Economy, p. 144.
22. ibid, pe. JAN.
23. Ibid, p. 143.
24. Interview with the Ministry of Agriculture and Food Industry (MAFI), Hanoi,
April 1994.
25. See Ministry of Education, UNDP, UNESCO (National Project Education
Sector Review and Human Resources Sector Analysis), Vietnam Education
and Human Resources Analysis, Vol. 1, Hanoi, 1992, p. 39.
26. Ministry of Education, UNDP, UNESCO, op. cit. p. 65.
27. Ibid, p. 60.
28. World Bank, Viet Nam, Transition to Market Economy, p. 145.
29. Figures of the Ministry of Health quoted in World Bank, Vietnam:
Population, Health and Nutrition Sector Review, Table 4.6, p. 159.
30. Lbid, p. 89.
31. Ibid, p. 86.
32. Ibid, Table 4.2, p. 154.
3. Interview conducted in Phung Thuong Commune, Phue Tho district. Hay Tay
Province, North Vietnam.
34. World Bank, Viet Nam, Transition to Market Economy, p. 169.
35. Ibid, p. 171.
 PART IV

LATIN AMERICA
 Chapter 13

Debt and “Democracy” in Brazil

Political scandal during the presidency of Fernando Collor de Mello played

a significant role in the restructuring of the Brazilian State. This first ““dem-
ocratically elected” presidency marked the demise of military dictatorship,
as well as the transition towards a new “authoritarian democracy” under
the direct control of the creditors and the Washington-based international
financial institutions.
A few weeks after the Rio Earth Summit in June 1992, a congressional
inquiry confirmed that President Collor was personally involved, through
his front-man and former campaign manager P. C. Farias, in a multi-
million extortion racket involving the use of public funds. The money from
the kick-back operation (involving government contracts to construction
companies) had been channeled into “phantom bank accounts” or was
diverted to pay for the personal expenses of the president’s household —
including his wife Rosane’s wardrobe. Public opinion had its eye riveted
on the political scandal and the disgrace of the president: the viewing fig-
ures for the televized congressional hearings were higher than those of the
Olympic Games.
Meanwhile backstage (removed from the public eye), another much
larger multi-billion dollar deal was being negotiated between Collor’s min-
ister of finance and Brazil’s international creditors: these negotiations
unfolded from June to September of 1992, behind closed doors, coinciding
chronologically with the impeachment process. Government ministers
resigned and declared publicly their lack of support for the president. The
“internationally respected” minister of finance Mr. Marcilio Marques
Moreira stood firm ensuring the necessary liaison with the IMF and the
commercial creditors. The weakening of the state combined with instabil-
ity on the Sao Paulo stock exchange and capital flight also served to put
further pressure on the government. The negotiations with the commercial
banks were announced by President Collor in June 1992 at the outset of the
 192 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

scandal.' A preliminary agreement on the “restructuring” formula (under

the Brady Plan) of US$ 44 billion owed to international banks was dis-
closed shortly before Collor’s impeachment by the senate on 29 September
1992. It was a sell-out: Brazil’s burden of debt servicing would increase
substantially as a result of the deal.’
The campaign to impeach the president had usefully distracted public
attention from the real social issues: the large majority of the population
had been impoverished as a result of the Plan Collor launched in March
1990 by the controversial minister of economy and finance Ms Zelia
Cardoso de Mello, followed by the more orthodox, yet equally damaging,
economic therapy of her successor Marcilio Marques Moreira: unemploy-
ment was widespread, real wages had collapsed, social programs had been
crushed.
The devaluation of the cruzeiro had been imposed by the creditors and
inflation was running at more than 20 percent a month — largely as a result
of the IMF’s “anti-inflation program”. A hike in real interest rates imposed
on Brazil in 1991 by the IMF had contributed to fuelling the internal debt,
as well as attracting large amounts of “hot” and “dirty” money into Brazil’s
banking system.’ Tremendous profits were made by some 300 large finan-
cial and industrial enterprises. These groups were largely responsible for “a
profit-led inflation”; the share of capital in GDP increased from 45 percent
in 1980 to 66 percent in the early 1990s. “Democracy” had secured for the
economic élites (in alliance with the international creditors) what the
nationalist military regimes were not capable of achieving fully.
The IMF’s hidden agenda consisted of supporting the creditors while,
at the same time, weakening the central state. Ninety billion dollars in
interest payments had already been paid during the 1980s, almost as much
as the total debt itself (US$ 120 billion). Collecting the debt, however, was
not the main objective. Brazil’s international creditors wanted to ensure
that the country would remain indebted well into the future and that the
national economy and the state would be restructured to their advantage
through the continued pillage of natural resources and the environment, the
consolidation of the cheap-labor export economy and the taking over of the
most profitable state enterprises by foreign capital.
State assets would be privatized in exchange for debt; labor costs
would be depressed as a result of the deindexation of wages and the firing
of workers. Inflation was directly engineered by the macro-economic
reforms. Poverty was not only “the result” of the reforms, it was also “an
explicit condition” of the agreement with the IMF.
 DEBT AND “DEMOCRACY” IN BRAZIL 193

Brazil’s Debt Saga: Act I: Plan Collor

Who are the “characters” in Brazil’s “debt saga” ?

The Plan Collor, initiated in 1990, was an unusual “cocktail” combin-
ing an interventionist monetary policy with IMF-style privatization, trade
liberalization and a floating exchange rate. A US$ 31 billion budget deficit
was to be eliminated, 360,000 federal employees were to be fired and six
ministries were abolished. Introduced in March 1990, shortly after the pres-
idential inauguration, the Plan Collor was, in many respects, a continuation
of the Plan Verao adopted in 1989 under the Sarney government. The target
of 360,000 employees was not met because the government lay-offs did not
receive congressional approval. Only 14,000 were laid off with severance
pay. Many of them were rehired under Itamar Franco’s presidency.
Savings accounts were frozen by Finance Minister Ms Zelia Cardoso de
Mello in a naive monetarist attempt to control inflation: “Inflation 1s a tiger,
we must kill the tiger”. Instead, the measures largely “killed economic
activity”, unemployment grew to record levels and small businesses were
crippled due to the freeze on bank deposits, leading to at least 200,000 lay-
offs in 1990 alone. Organized labor responded to the Plan Collor in
September 1990 with a strike, regrouping more than one million workers. In
the words of economist Paulo Singer: “the shock was cruel, monstrous and
unnecessary
The hidden agenda of Plan Collor consisted in curtailing public expen-
diture and cutting wages so as to release the money required to service the
external and internal debts. The formula for repayment of Brazil’s external
debt, however, was still tainted by former-President Sarney’s 1989 nation-
alist stance regarding the debt, — i.e. “a partial moratorium” (much to the
dislike of the international banks) limiting debt servicing to 30 percent of
total interest payments.
The IMF had provided its “stamp of approval” to the Plan Collor, yet
a US$ 2 billion stand-by loan, approved in September 1990, was still on
hold. In the words of IMF Managing Director Mr. Michel Camdessus:
“before asking approval of the [IMF] executive council, I must be sure that
the negotiations with the banks are moving in the right direction and that
their results will be satisfactory”.
A few weeks later, the government reopened debt talks with the inter-
national creditors. Mr. Jorio Dauster, Collor’s chief debt negotiator, argued
unconvincingly that “debt payments must be limited to Brazil’s ability to
pay”. The advisory group of 22 commercial banks, led by Citicorp, retal-
 194 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

iated by vetoing the IMF loan agreement and by instructing the multilateral
banks not to grant “new money” to Brazil.° This veto was officially sanc-
tioned by the G7 at a meeting in Washington. In turn, the United States
Treasury directed the World Bank and the Inter-American Development
Bank (IDB) to postpone all new loans to Brazil. The IMF, also responding
to precise directives from the commercial banks and the US administra-
tion, postponed its mission to Brasilia. The IMF was a mere financial
bureaucracy responsible for carrying out economic policy reform in
indebted countries on behalf of the creditors.
The Brazilian government was caught in a vicious circle: the granting
of “fresh money” from the IMF needed to repay the commercial banks was
being blocked by the advisory group representing those same commercial
banks — an impossible situation. The government had satisfied all the
conditions laid down by the IMF, yet Brazil was still on the blacklist. And
failure to meet the demands of the commercial creditors could easily
become a pretext for further reprisals and blacklisting. Tension was mount-
ing. Ms Zelia Cardoso de Mello, Brazil’s finance minister, angrily accused
the G7 at the Inter-American Development Bank meetings in Nagoya,
Japan in April 1991 of using unfair political pressure in blocking multilat-
eral credit to Brazil.’

Act If: Conforming to “The Washington Consensus”

The Nagoya meetings marked an important turning point. Nationalist

rhetoric and recrimination against the international financial community
were regarded as untimely and improper. Zelia Cardoso was fired in early
May. A new economic team, more in line with the “Washington
Consensus”, was set up. The appointment of Marcilio Marques Moreira as
minister of economy and finance, was welcomed by the US administration
and the international financial institutions (IFIs)*. While ambassador in
Washington, Marques Moreira had developed a close personal relationship
with the IMF’s Michel Camdessus and David Mulford, under-secretary of
the US Treasury. Zelia Cardoso’s debt negotiator Jorio Dauster was also
dismissed and replaced by Pedro Malan, an advisor to the Inter-American
Development Bank and a former World-Bank executive director. Malan’s
association, for more than ten years, with the Washington scene, as well as
Marques Moreira’s personal ties were significant factors in the evolution
of Brazil’s debt negotiations in the second part of Collor’s presidency.
In June 1991, the IMF sent a new mission to Brasilia headed by José
 DEBT AND “DEMOCRACY” IN BRAZIL 195

Fajgenbaum. The IMF had withdrawn its “stamp of approval” on the

instructions of the advisory group headed by Citicorp. New negotiations on
macro-economic reform had to be initiated. José Fajgenbaum — speaking
on behalf of the IMF mission — stated that if Brazil wanted to reach a new
loan agreement with the IMF “structural economic reforms implying
amendments to the Constitution were required”.’ There was uproar in the
parliament, with the IMF accused of “gross interference in the internal
affairs of the state”. President Collor requested the IMF to replace
Fajgenbaum as head of mission “with a more qualified individual”. “
populist victory for President Collor” in his battle with the IMF, said the
New York Times."
While the incident was identified as ‘tan unfortunate misunderstand-
ing”, Fajgenbaum’s statement was very much in line with established IMF
practice.'' The IMF was demanding the adoption of “‘a much stronger eco-
nomic medicine” to allow a larger share of state revenues to be redirected
towards servicing the debt with the commercial banks. Yet, several claus-
es of the 1988 Constitution stood in the way of achieving these objectives.
The IMF was fully aware that the budget targets could not be met without
a massive firing ofpublic-sector employees. And, yet, the latter required an
amendment to a clause of the 1988 Constitution guaranteeing security of
employment to federal civil servants. Also at issue was the financing
formula (entrenched in the Constitution) of state and municipal-level pro-
grams from federal government sources. This formula limited the ability of
the federal government to slash social expenditures and shift revenue
towards debt servicing.'’ From the standpoint of the IMF and the commer-
cial banks, the amendment ofthe constitution was imperative. The clauses
of the state pension plan (A Previdencia Social) included in the 1988
Constitution were also considered a barrier to the servicing of the federal
government’s debt. The privatization of state enterprises in strategic sec-
tors of the economy (e.g. petroleum and telecommunications) also required
a constitutional revision.
The second round of negotiations with the IMF was completed in late
1991: Michel Camdessus gave his approval to a new agreement after con-
sultations with President Bush’s Secretary of the Treasury Nicholas Brady
and Under-Secretary David Mulford.'* The second Letter of Intent, prepared
by Marcilio Marques Moreira, was handed personally by President Collor
de Mello to Michel Camdessus at a breakfast meeting held during the Latin-
American Summit in Cartagena, Colombia in December. (Remember, the
first one signed by Zelia Cardoso in September 1990 had been torn up.)
 196 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

This new loan agreement (US$ 2 billion), however, was to commit the
Brazilian government over a period of 20 months to a far more destructive
set of economic reforms." The fiscal adjustment was particularly brutal: 65
percent of current expenditures were already earmarked for debt servicing
and the IMF was demanding further cuts in social spending.
The agreement was signed on the explicit (unwritten) understanding
that the Brazilian authorities would resume negotiations with the Paris
Club and reach a satisfactory agreement with the commercial banks on
debt-servicing arrears. In the words of Marcilio Marques Moreira the deal
on the commercial debt represented “a new chapter full of opportunities.
This is the ‘new Brazil’ reinserting itself into the international community
in a dynamic, competitive and sovereign way”."®

Act HI: In the Aftermath of Collor’s Impeachment

Act II of the debt saga commenced with the inauguration ofItamar Franco
as acting president.'* A clumsy beginning: the new president promised to
increase real wages, bring down the prices of public utilities and modify
the privatization program without realizing that his hands were tied as a
result of the agreement signed a year earlier with the IMF. Despite an
impressive Congressional majority based on a coalition of parties extend-
ing from left to right (led by the former head of the Communist Party),
Itamar Franco’s cabinet failed to receive the immediate assent of the
Washington institutions.
Franco’s populist statements displeased both the creditors and the
national élites. The IMF had decided to be much tougher on the new gov-
ernment: three ministers of finance were appointed during the first seven
months of Itamar Franco’s presidency, none of them receiving a friendly
endorsement from the IMF. In the meantime, the IMF had sent in its auditors
to monitor economic progress under the loan agreement: the quarterly
tar-
gets for the budget deficit had not been met (and could not be met without
amendments to the constitution). Even though the tax-reform legislati
on had
been passed through Congress as required by the IMF, the program
was con-
sidered to be “no longer on track”. The disbursements under the
stand-by
loan were discontinued, Brazil was back on the blacklist and negotiat
ions
with the IMF on economic reform were once again back to square
one.
At another breakfast meeting, this time in Washington in Februar
y
1993, with Itamar’s second minister of finance. Paulo Haddad,
Michel
Camdessus insisted upon the development of a new economic program
to
 DEBT AND “DEMOCRACY” IN BRAZIL 197

be submitted for IMF approval within a 60-day period. Moreover, it was

also made clear by the IMF that a stand-by loan would not be granted prior
to the formal signing of the final agreement with the commercial banks,
and that it was therefore necessary to synchronize the deadline dates set
respectively for policy reform and debt restructuring."’
No time was lost. A few weeks later, an IMF mission had arrived in
Brasilia headed by the same notorious José Fajgenbaum, who two years
earlier had hinted of the need for constitutional reform. Continuity in per-
sonnel on the IMF side. . .not on the Brazilian side! Paulo Haddad was no
longer in charge. Upon arrival of the mission, the ministry’s economic
team was ina state of disarray; the economy and finance portfolio had been
switched a few days earlier. Itamar Franco’s third minister of finance, Mr.
Eliseu Resende, would go to Washington to meet Camdessus in late April.
He was dismissed in May.'*

Act IV: A Marxist Sociologist as Finance Minister

A new phase of the “debt saga” was initiated with the appointment of
Fernando Henrique Cardoso, a prominent intellectual and Marxist
sociologist, as minister of finance. The business community, somewhat
apprehensive at first, was soon reassured: despite his leftist writings (inter
alia on “social classes under peripheral capitalism”), the new minister
pledged relentless support to the tenets of neo-liberalism: “forget everything
I have written. . .”, he said at a meeting with leading bankers and industrial-
ists. A few years earlier Cardoso had been nominated “intellectual of the
year” for his critical analysis of social classes in Brazil.
By July 1993, President Itamar Franco had virtually abdicated from
exercising any real political power, having fully entrusted the conduct of the
economic reforms to his new minister. As a former opposition senator, the
finance minister understood that passage of the IMF reforms would require
the manipulation of civil society, as well as the mustering of support in the
legislature. Public opinion was led to believe that the proposed deindexation
of wages was the only means “of combating inflation”. In June 1993,
Cardoso announced budget cuts of 50 percent in education, health and
regional development while pointing to the need for revisions to the consti-
tution at the upcoming sessions of Congress. Under Cardoso’s wages’
proposal — which received Congressional approval — wages could decline (in
real terms) by as much as 31 percent, representing an estimated “savings” of
US$ 11 billion for the public purse (and for the creditors !)."”
 198 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

Act V: Rescheduling the Commercial Debt’’

The debt saga reached its final stage in April 1994. An agreement was
sealed in New York on the “restructuring” of US$ 49 billion of commercial
debt under the Brady Plan. The deal had been carefully negotiated by
Cardoso and Citibank Corp Vice-Chairman Mr. William Rhodes who was
acting on behalf of some 750international creditor banks.
In contrast to previous rounds of negotiations, precise deadline dates
had been set for the safe passage of major pieces of “prescribed” legisla-
tion including amendments to the 1988 Constitution. The IMF had been
entrusted with the bureaucratic task of enforcing and carefully monitoring
the legislative process on behalf of the commercial banks. However,
despite Finance Minister Cardoso’s efforts to manipulate civil society,
muster political support and jostle the various reforms through a “sover-
eign” parliament, time had been running out. The 16 March deadline for
the signing of a “Letter of Intent” with the IMF could not be met. A tight
schedule, the so-called “notification deadline” for a deal with the commer-
cial banks’ steering committee, had been set for 17 March.
While the 15 April agreement was formally reached against estab-
lished practice (which requires prior approval of an IMF standby loan as
collateral for the debt restructuring program), the economic reforms were,
nonetheless, considered “to be on track”. IMF Managing Director Michel
Camdessus stated that he was impressed with steps already taken and
promised to cooperate closely with the government. In turn, Cardoso (who
in the meantime had become presidential candidate) stated that the “IMF’s
promise of further cooperation” (once key elements of the economic pro-
gram were in place) should be enough for the debt restructuring deal to go
ahead. Despite “unfortunate delays” in the parliamentary process, the main
condition — requiring a massive release of state financial resources in favor
of the creditors — had been met: the legislature had approved the IMF’s fis-
cal reforms, including the creation of a “Social Emergency Fund” (SEF)
(on the World-Bank model). The vote in Congress (requiring a constitu-
tional amendment) obliged the government to slash the federal budget
(including public investment) by 43 percent while redirecting state revenue
towards debt servicing.
The measures imposed by the creditors constituted a final lethal blow
to Brazil’s social programs, already in an advanced stage of decay as a
result of successive “shock therapies”. The SEF was “financed from the
budget cuts” (implying transfers of funds to the SEF) through the concur-
rent phasing out of regular government programs and the massive
 DEBT AND “DEMOCRACY” IN BRAZIL 199

dismissal of government employees. Its inauguration represented an

important political landmark: sovereignty in social policy was foregone;
henceforth, budgets and organizational structures would be monitored
directly by the Washington-based Bretton Woods institutions acting on
behalf of the international creditor banks. The collapse and destruction of
the state’s social programs and the phasing out of part of the government
pension plan (Previdencia Social) were “pre-conditions” for the signing of
the agreement. Moreover, the reforms also engineered a squeeze of real
wages by establishing “a salary ceiling” in the public sector,”' as well as the
“switching” of all wage contracts into a new currency unit, the URV (or
“Real”).~ The latter reform, requiring a separate piece of legislation, had
been worked out well in advance (in high-level meetings behind closed
doors) in close consultation with the Washington-based bureaucracy:
Winston Fritsch, Brazil’s secretary of state in charge of economic policy,
had inadvertently leaked to the press in October 1993 that he would “deliv-
er to the IMF, the skeleton of a plan of deindexation”.”’
The IMF’s “economic therapy” had also redefined, in a fundamental
way, the relationship between the central and regional governments
entrenched in the 1988 Constitution. The proposed “model” of fiscal
reform was, in this regard, analogous to that imposed by the international
creditors on the Yugoslav Federation in 1990. (See Chapter 17.) Federal
transfers to state and municipal governments earmarked for health, educa-
tion and housing were frozen, the regions were to become “fiscally
autonomous” and the savings accruing to the federal Treasury were to be
redirected towards interest payments.
But the IMF had also pointed to the need for constitutional amend-
ments which would allow for the speedy privatization of Petrobras and
Telebras — the petroleum and telecommunications parastatals.
Cardoso had “performed much better” than his predecessors in the
finance portfolio under the Collor presidency. “Success” in carrying out the
IMF program was rewarded. The minister of finance was elected president
in the 1994 elections supported by a massive multi-million-dollar media
campaign, as well as an (unwritten) agreement by the country’s major busi-
ness interests not to increase prices during the election campaign. The
introduction of the new currency by Cardoso while he was minister of
finance had engineered the deindexation of wages. Yet the remarkably low
rates of inflation in the months preceding his election as president were
instrumental in providing support to Cardoso’s candidacy, particularly
among the poorest sections of the population which survived on the fringe
200 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

of the labor market.”

Continuity with the authoritarian democratic regime established under
Fernando Collor de Mello had been ensured. In the words of a senior exec-
utive of one of Brazil’s largest creditor banks:
Collor had a double personality, he was very committed to economic
reform, he acted as a catalyst in implementing what the Brazilian peo-
ple wanted. (. . .). His second cabinet under Finance Minister Marcilio
Marques Moreira was the best. Today [1993] Fernando Henrique
Cardoso is doing the right thing at a lesser speed. (. . .) To reach the
deficit targets set by the IMF, the Congress must accept the US$ 6 bil-
lion budget cut, another US$ 6 billion will have to come from the
Constitutional revision, essentially through the lay-off of public
employees. (...) What we would need in Brazil is a “soft Pinochet
government”, preferably civilian, something like Fujimori, the military
is not an option.

Act VI, Epilogue: The Management of Poverty at Minimal Cost to

the Creditors

Macro-economic policy had accelerated the “expulsion” of landless peas-

ants from the countryside leading to the formation of a nomadic migrant
labor force moving from one metropolitan area to another. In the cities, an
entirely new “layer of urban poverty” (socially distinct from that which
characterized the favelas) had unfolded: thousands of salaried workers and
white-collar employees hitherto occupying middle and lower-class resi-
dential areas had been evicted, socially marginalized and often “excluded”
from the slum areas.
The SEF set up by Fernando Henrique Cardoso in 1994 required a
“social engineering” approach, a policy framework for “managing poverty”
and attenuating social unrest at minimal cost to the creditors. So-called “tar-
geted programs” earmarked “to help the poor”, combined with “cost recov-
ery” and the “privatization” of health and educational services were said to
constitute “a more efficient” way of delivering social programs.
Concurrently, the Institute for National Security Studies (INSS) was to
become increasingly “self-financing” by substantially raising its premium
contributions from both urban and rural workers.2> The state, which
withdraws many programs under the jurisdiction of line ministries, will
henceforth be managed by the organizations of civil society under the
umbrella of the SEF. The latter will also finance “‘a social safety net” (in the
 DEBT AND “DEMOCRACY” IN BRAZIL 201

form of severance payments) earmarked for public-sector workers laid off

as a result of the constitutional reform process.
The establishment of the SEF was carried out “in the name of poverty
alleviation”. The “Citizens’ campaign against famine”, initiated after
Collor’s impeachment in the Senate in 1992, provided the government of
Itamar Franco with the necessary ideological backbone, as well as a pop-
ulist mouthpiece. The campaign had lost its original momentum as a broad
democratic grass-roots movement directed against the policies ofthe state.
Although the campaign was officially non-partisan, both the opposition
Workers Party (PT) and the government were involved. A deal had also
been struck between the leader of the campaign Dr. Herbert de Souza
(“Betinho”) and Mr. Alcyr Calliari, president of the Bank of Brazil. The
Bank of Brazil (a powerful financial arm ofthe central state) was entrust-
ed with setting up local campaign committees throughout the country.
More than two thirds of these grass-roots committees were controlled by
employees of the Bank of Brazil.*° In turn, the powerful business tycoon
Roberto Marinho, who controls the “Globo” television network, offered to
grant free Hollywood-style commercials to the campaign during prime TV
time.
Poverty and famine were portrayed in a stylized tabloid form in the
Brazilian press; with funding in the hands ofthe financial élites, no perva-
sive linkage was made between the IMF’s “economic medicine” and the
occurrence of famine. As the economic crisis deepened, the “Citizens’
campaign” served the “useful” purpose of diverting attention from the real
policy issues; it sought a broad national consensus, avoided controversy
and refrained from directly indicting either the government or Brazil’s
privileged social élites.
The campaign against famine also served another related function: the
main “poverty indicators” put forth by the campaign were based on the
“estimates” of the government’s official “economic think tank”’, the Institute
of Applied Economic Research (IPEA), now entrusted with supportive
“research” on famine and poverty. Grossly manipulated and _ falsified,
IPEA’s “estimates” suggested that a mere 21 percent of the Brazilian popu-
lation was situated below the “critical poverty” line.”’ Double standards: 32
million people in Brazil against 35.7 million in the United States (according
to the definition of the US government).
The campaign portrayed poverty as pertaining essentially to a “social
minority” thereby vindicating the World Bank’s framework of “selective
targeting in favor of the poor”. It not only distorted, but tacitly denied the
202 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

obvious (amply confirmed by official statistics) — namely, that most sectors

of society, including the middle classes, were being impoverished as a
result of the economic reforms adopted since the outset of the Collor gov-
ernment.~
The SEF officially sanctioned the withdrawal of the state from the
social sectors (a process which was already ongoing), and “the manage-
ment of poverty” (at the mfcro-social level) by separate and parallel
organizational structures. Since the outset of the Collor government, vari-
ous non-governmental organizations (NGOs), funded by international “aid
programs”, had gradually taken over many of the functions of the munici-
pal governments whose funds had been frozen as a result of the structural
adjustment program.
Small-scale production and handicraft projects, sub-contracting for
export processing firms, community-based training and employment
programs, etc. were set up under the umbrella of the “social safety net”. A
meager survival to local-level communities was ensured while, at the same
time, containing the risk of social upheaval. An example of “micro-level
management of poverty” is in Pirambu — a sprawling slum area of 250,000
inhabitants in the Northeastern city of Fortaleza. Pirambu had been “carved
up”, each slice of the urban space was under the supervision of a separate
international aid organization or NGO. In the Couto Fernandes neighbor-
hood of Pirambu, the German Aid Agency GTZ supported the establishment
of a model of “community management”.99 29
This “micro-democracy”, installed under the watchful eye of the
“donor community”, also served the purpose of subduing the development
of independent grass-roots social movements. German funding financed
the salaries of the expatriate experts, whereas the investment funds ear-
marked for small-scale manufacturing were to be “self-financed” through
a “revolving fund” managed by the local community.
The “management of poverty” in rural areas served the same broad
objectives: to subdue the peasant movement on behalf of Brazil’s powerful
land-owning class while ensuring a meager survival to millions of landless
peasants uprooted and displaced by large-scale agri-business. In the north-
eastern Sertao, for instance, a region affected by recurrent drought, a min-
imum works program (frentes de trabalho) provided employment (at US$
14 a month) to some 1.2 million landless farm workers (1993).*° The latter,
however, were often hired by the large landowners at the expense of the
federal government. The distribution of US grain surpluses, financed under
Public Law 480 (Washington’s food aid program-PL 480) to impoverished
 DEBT AND “DEMOCRACY” IN BRAZIL 203

farmers (through government and relief agencies), also served the related
purpose of weakening local-level food agriculture and uprooting the small
peasantry. The food distribution programs were adopted in the name ofthe
“Citizens” Campaign against Famine”.
The expropriation of peasant lands was an integral part of the IMF-
World Bank structural adjustment program. In this context, the National
Institute for Colonization and Agrarian Reform (INCRA), among several
government agencies, was in charge of “the rural safety net” through token
land distribution programs and the development of cooperatives for the
‘“posseiros” (landless farmers). These schemes were invariably established
in marginal or semi-arid lands which do not encroach upon the interests of
the land-owning class. In the states of Para, Amazonas and Maranhao, sev-
eral international donors, including the World Bank and the Japanese Aid
Agency (JICA), had contributed to financing (through INCRA) so-called
“areas of colonization”.*' The latter served largely as “labor reserves” for
large-scale plantations. It is also worth mentioning that the proposed con-
stitutional amendments implied the de facto derogation of customary land
rights of the indigenous people — a process which was already underway
with the transformation (under the jurisdiction of INCRA) of the “Indian
reserves” in the Amazon into areas of settlement for plantation workers.”

Consolidating a Parallel Government

The IMF-sponsored reforms had contributed to social polarization and

the impoverishment of all sectors of the population including the middle
classes. Moreover, as the federal fiscal structure breaks down, there is the
added risk of regional Balkanization: instability within the military, rou-
tine violation of fundamental human rights, urban and rural violence, and
an increasingly vocal secessionist movement in the south.
Since the presidency of Fernando Collor de Mello, a de facto “parallel
government” reporting regularly to Washington has developed. Under the
presidency of Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1994-2001), the creditors are
in control of the state bureaucracy and of its politicians. The state is bank-
rupt and its assets are being impounded under the privatization program.
204 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

Endnotes

1. The Senate provided its approval to the debt restructuring formula in

December 1992.
Interest payments to international creditors had been limited to 30 percent in
a partial moratorium negotiated with the commercial banks in 1989 under the
government of Joseph Sarney. Under the restructuring plan, interest payments
would increase to 50 percent?
Contained in the Letter of Intent to the IMF of December 1991.
Quoted in Jornal do Brasil, 21 September 1990.
On
&
W See Simon Fisher and Stephen Fidler, “Friction likely as Brazil reopens Debt
Talks”, Financial Times, London, 10 October 1990.
Prior to the payment of debt-servicing arrears amounting to some US$ 8 bil-
lion.
See Christina Lamb, “Brazil Issues Angry Protest at Suspension of
Development Loans”, Financial Times, London, 4 April 1991,
See Luiz Carlos Bresser Pereira, “O FMI e as carrocas”, Folha de Sao Paulo.
2) daly 1991, pp. 1-3.
In an interview with the Jornal do Brasil, quoted in Estado de Sao Paulo.
23 June 1991. See also “Missao do FMI adota discurso moderado”, Folha de
Sao Paulo, 19 June 1991.
. See O Globo, 27 June 1991.
See Folha de Sado Paulo, 19 July 1991.
The right to strike is also entrenched in the 1988 Constitution.
. See José Meirelles Passos, “FMI e EUA apoiam programa brasilieira”, O
Globo, 7 December 1991.
. The Letter of Intent was approved by the IMF in January 1992. See also,
“Carta ao FMI preve ‘aperto brutal’ em 92”, Folha de Sdo Paulo, 6 December
1991.
. Quoted in Stephen Fidler and Christina Lamb, “Brazil sets out Accord on
44
billion Debt”, Financial Times, London, 7 July 1992.
. [tamar Franco was appointed acting president pending a court decision
on the
Senate impeachment vote.
Pedro Malan (the debt negotiator appointed under Collor) confirmed in
March
from his Washington office that 802 banks. including Chase Manhatta
n and
Lloyds Bank, had already approved the debt-restructuring formula.
Yet, in
practice, the veto of the advisory committee on the granting of
multilateral
loans to Brazil was still in effect. See Fernando Rodrigues, “Bancos
aderem
ao acordo da divida externa”, Folha de Sdo Paulo, 16 March 1993.
. See Claudia Sofatle, “Missao do FMI volta sem acordo”,
Gazeta Mercantil.
17 March 1993.
 DEBT AND “DEMOCRACY” IN BRAZIL 205

Ins) Financial Times, 20 August 1993. The US$ 11 billion are the “savings” for
the state in relation to a congressional wage-adjustment proposal which pro-
vided for a 100 percent cost-of-living adjustment to salaried workers. This
proposal, adopted by the Congress in July, was vetoed by the government.
Cardoso’s wages proposal was meant to constitute a compromise solution. See
also Folha de Sao Paulo, 30 July 1993.
20. The latter part of this chapter was written in collaboration with Micheline
Ladouceur.
. The “salary ceiling” is established in the context of Provisional Measure no:
382. O Globo, 8 December 1993, pp. 2-11.
. Initially operating as an accounting unit.
. Quoted in Folha de Sado Paolo, 3 March 1994, pp. 1-10.
Interview with Fernando Henrique Cardoso, who at the time was Finance
Minister, Brasilia, August 1993.
In accordance with the clauses of provisional measure no: 381; see O Globo,
8 December 1993, pp. 2-11.
26. See Veja, Rio de Janeiro, December 1993.
. See Instituto de Pesquisa Econémica Aplicada (IPEA), O Mapa da Fome II:
Informagoes sobre a Indigencia por Municipios da Federagao, Brasilia,
1993.
28. Eighty percent of the labor force had earnings below US$ 300 a month in
1991 according to the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE).
. Interviews conducted in Pirambu, Fortaleza, July 1993.
. Interviews with rural farm workers in the region of Monsenhor Tabosa, Ceara,
July 1993.
. Celia Maria Correa Linhares and Maristela de Paula Andrade, “A Acao Oficial
e os Conflitos Agrarios no Maranaho”, Desenvolvimento e Cidadania, No.
4. Sao Luis de Maranhao, 1992.
._ See Panewa, Porto Velho, Vol. VI, No. 18, November-December 1993 and
Vol. VII, No. 19, January 1994.
 Chapter 14

IMF Shock Treatment in Peru

The August 8, 1990 “Fujishock”, named after President Alberto Fujimori,

was announced in a message to the nation by Prime Minister Juan Hurtado
Miller: “Our major objectives are to curtail the fiscal deficit and eliminate
price distortions”: from one day to the next, the price of fuel increased by
31 times (2,968 percent) and the price of bread increased by more than
twelve times (1,150 percent). In the true “spirit of Anglo-Saxon liberalism”,
these prices were “fixed” through presidential decree rather than by the
“free” market (a form of “planned liberalism”). The Fujishock was intend-
ed to crush hyperinflation: this was achieved, however, through a 446 per-
cent increase in food prices in a single month ! Inflation during the first
year of the Cambio 90 government had “fallen” to a modest 2,172 percent.
Many countries in Latin America had experienced “shock treatment”,
yet the extent of “economic engineering” in Peru was unprecedented. The
social consequences were devastating: whereas an agricultural worker in
Peru’s northern provinces was (in August 1990) receiving US$ 7.50 a
month (the equivalent of the price of a hamburger and a soft drink), con-
sumer prices in Lima were higher than in New York.' Real earnings
declined by 60 percent in the course of August 1990; by mid-1991 the level
of real earnings was less than 15 percent oftheir 1974 value (a decline of
more than 85 percent). The average earnings of government employees had
declined by 63 percent during the first year of the Fujimori government
and by 92 percent in relation to 1980 (see Table 14.3). On the IMF black-
list since the mid-1980s, Peru had been “rewarded” for President Alan
Garcia’s (1985-90) rhetorical stance to limit debt-servicing payments to 10
percent of export earnings.
 208 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

Table 14.1
The Impact of the August 1990 Shock Treatment
on Consumer Prices

Lima Metropolitan Area, August 1990

Percentage Increase :

Food and beverages

Transport and communication
Health and medical services
Rent, fuel and electricity
Consumer price index

Source: Instituto Nacional de Estadistica (INEI), Anuario

estadistico, 1991, Cuanto, Peru en Numeros, chapter 21, Lima, 1991.

Historical Background

Peru’s first macro-economic stabilization program was initiated in the mid-

1970s after the 1975 coup d'état directed against the populist military
government of General Velasco Alvarado. The economic reforms had been
carried out by the military junta under General Morales Bermudez,
Velasco’s successor, as a condition for the rescheduling of Peru’s external
debt with the commercial banks and the official creditors. These reforms
had been directly negotiated with the creditor banks without the involve-
ment of the IMF. In 1978, a second “economic package” was put in motion
~ this time in the context of a formal agreement with the IMF.
These earlier economic reforms, adopted prior to the formal launching
of the structural adjustment program in the early 1980s, had been modeled
on those applied in Chile (under General Pinochet and the Chicago Boys
in 1973). The conditionality clauses were, on balance, less stringent and
coherent in comparison to the policy-based loan agreements under the
structural adjustment programs initiated in the early 1980s.
The macro-economic reforms of the mid- to late 1970s, nonetheless,
were instrumental in initiating in Peru a historical process of impoverish-
ment: successive currency devaluations unleashed an inflationary spiral
and real purchasing power in the modern urban sector declined by approx-
imately 35 percent from 1974 to 1978 (Table 14.3). This compression of
real wages (and labor costs) was not conducive, however. to enhancing
 IMF SHOCK TREATMENT IN PERU 209

Peru’s export potential as claimed by the Bretton Woods institutions.

With the accession of President Fernando Belaunde Terry in 1980,
macro-economic policy became more cohesive. Those policies firmly sup-
ported by the IMF contributed to weakening the state and the system of
state enterprises established under the government of General Velasco
Alvarado. Generous exploration and exploitation contracts were granted to
foreign capital (e.g. in petroleum to Occidental). Reduced tariff barriers
also contributed to undermining key sectors of the national economy. The
state’s participation in the banking sector was curtailed and the influx of
foreign capital into commercial banking was encouraged, as was the estab-
lishment of subsidiaries of a number of international banks including
Chase, Commerzbank, Manufacturer’s Hannover and Bank of Tokyo.’
This IMF-supported program was implemented by the Belaunde gov-
ernment at the very outset of the debt crisis: a bonanza of imported
consumer goods, resulting from the liberalization of trade, coincided
(chronologically) with the collapse of export revenues and the decline in the
terms of trade (1981-82). The combination of these two factors contributed
to exacerbating the balance of payments crisis, resulting in a decline of GDP
of the order of 12 percent in 1982 and a rate of inflation of more than 100
percent in 1983.
From 1980 to 1983, the levels of infant malnutrition increased dramat-
ically. In 1985, estimated food consumption had fallen by 25 percent in rela-
tion to its 1975 level. In the course of Belaunde’s five-year presidential term
(1980-85), real earnings at the minimum wage (remuneracién minima vital)
declined by more than 45 percent. All categories of the labor force were
affected: the average decline of real earnings for blue- and white-collar
workers was respectively of 39.5 and 20.0 percent. (See Table 14.3.)
In the 10-year period, from the end of the Velasco government (1975)
to the end of Belaunde’s term of office (1985), the minimum wage had
declined (according to official data) by 58.2 percent, the average wage by
55.0 percent (blue collar workers) and the average earnings of middle-
income white-collar workers by 51.7 percent.
 210 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

Table 14.2
The Impact of the August 1990 Shock Treatment
on Consumer Prices

Lima Metropolitan Area, August 1990

(Intis)

Commodity Before After Percentage

3 August 1990 |9 August 1990 | Increase

Kerosene (gal.) 19
Gasoline (84oct)(gal.)
Propane gas (924 lbs.)
Bread (36 gr/unit)
Beans (kg.)
White Potatoes (kg.)
Flour (kg.)
Milk (litre)
Spaghetti (kg.)
Vegetable oil (litre)
Rice (grade A)(kg.)
Powdered Milk (410 gr.)
Egg (kg.)
Chicken (kg.)

Source: Cuanto, vol. 2, No. 19, August 1990, p.5.

The APRA’s Non-Orthodox Economic Policy (1985-87)

The Accion Popular government of President Fernando Belaunde Terry had

been discredited. In the 1985 election campaign, the opposition American
Popular Revolutionary Alliance (APRA) (a populist party founded in the
1920s) had presented an “alternative economic program”. In overt
confrontation with the Bretton Woods institutions, the newly-elected APRA
government of President Alan Garcia put forth its so-called “Economic
Emergency Plan” (Plan Economico de Emergencia) in July 1985. This pro-
gram went directly against the IMF’s usual economic prescriptions.
At the outset of Alan Garcia’s presidency, the annual rate of inflation
was in excess of 225 percent. The government’s program consisted of reac-
tivating consumer demand. A price freeze on essential consumer goods and
public services was implemented. Interest rates were brought down and the
 IMF SHOCK TREATMENT IN PERU

Table 14.3
Index of Real Wages (1974-1991)
(1974=100)*
Minimum White- Blue- Wages
Legal Collar Collar in Govt
Income Private Private Sector
Sector Sector
1974 100.0
1975 100.6
1976 83.3
1977 72.4
1978 62.2
1979 56.9
1980 61.1
1981 62.1 100.0
1982 67.0 O17
1983 57.4 66.3
1984 59.6 58.2
1985 48.8 46.4
1986 61.0 48.4
1987 63.9 ao 2
1988 44.2
1989 36.3
1990 18.7
July 13.8
August he)
September He
December! 14.6
199]
April S77
May
Source: Estimated from official data of INEI, Anuario estadistico, 1991.
Cuanto, Peru en Numéros, 1991, ch.21 and Cuanto suplemento, No.13, July
L991.
*: The base year of the index for Government Sector Wages is 1981.
‘Includes gratificacion.
The private sector categories include white-collar and blue-collar earnings in
private sector employment in the Lima Metropolitan Area.
Since 1963, the Minimum Legal Income was equal to the reference unit
(unidad de referencia). From June 1984 to August 1990 it was equivalent to the
reference unit plus additional bonus payments. From August 1990, the govern-
ment abolished the Minimum Legal Income (/ngreso Minimo Legal) and
replaced it by the so-called Remuneracion Minima Vital. (The category General
Government includes earnings in the central and regional governments and
decentralised public institutions.)
212 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

exchange rate was “stabilized”. The economy had been stagnating under
the Belaunde government and operating with a considerable amount of
excess capacity. It was, therefore, possible for the APRA government to
reactivate economic activity “on the demand-side” without creating undue
inflationary pressures on production costs."
President Alan Garcia had committed himself during the election
campaign to paying higher producer prices to farmers with a view to reac-
tivating production and bringing about a redistribution of income in favor
ofthe rural areas. During the first year of operation of the economic pack-
age, there was (according to World Bank estimates) an improvement of 75
percent of the rural-urban terms of trade and a significant short-term
growth of agricultural production.’
In the urban economy, the authorities decreed increases in wages and
salaries somewhat in excess of inflation. A temporary employment program
was established, an expansionary fiscal policy was adopted and credit was
characterized by negative real interest rates. Various tax incentives and sub-
sidies were devised in support of this reactivation of aggregate demand.
These exemptions, however, largely benefited the national economic and
financial élites. The state’s tax base, as well as its international foreign
exchange reserve position were consequently weakened.

The APRA’s Debt-Negotiating Strategy

Upon assuming office, President Garcia declared a moratorium on the

payment of debt-servicing obligations. The latter were not to exceed ten
percent of export earnings. Peru was immediately put on the blacklist by
the international financial community. The inflow of fresh money was
frozen; the international commercial banks cut off their support to Peru in
1985. By 1986 no new commercial loans were granted. Official agencies
and OECD governments also substantially curtailed their levels of dis-
bursements to Peru.°
Despite the moratorium, the Peruvian external debt increased dramat-
ically — on average by 9 percent per annum during the APRA government.’
In terms of net flows of capital, President Garcia’s rhetorical stance on
debt-servicing did not serve its purpose: actual debt-servicing payments
were on average of the order of 20 percent of export earnings during the
1985-89 period. With the freeze on new loans, not to mention capital flight
to offshore bank accounts, the 1985-89 period was marked by a massive
outflow of real resources.*
 IMF SHOCK TREATMENT IN PERU DUS,

The Economic Program Enters a Deadlock

During the first 18 months of the APRA government, there was significant
growth of GDP. Inflation was brought down largely as a result of the sys-
tem of “price freezes”, the dollarization process of the national economy
was reduced and levels of consumption increased markedly.
But the program could not be sustained beyond the short run. Whereas
economic growth had been supported by an expansionary fiscal policy, the
tax base remained extremely fragile. Indirect taxes had been reduced, there
was massive tax evasion and the various subsidies and exemptions to large
corporations were “funded” through deficit financing and an expansion of
the money supply. The system was prone to corruption and speculation.
The structure of multiple exchange rates (mercado unico de cambios), the-
oretically intended as an instrument of income redistribution, ultimately
benefited the wealthiest segment of Peruvian society.’
In 1988, the level of foreign-exchange reserves plummeted to minus
US$ 252 million.'’ While levels of purchasing power had expanded, a large
portion of the country’s foreign-exchange earnings had been appropriated
by the economic élites in the form of subsidies and tax exemptions. The
state had implemented a standard Keynesian “counter-cyclical” policy in
support of aggregate demand without tackling more fundamental structur-
al issues. While these measures exhibited some minimal level of technical
coherence under conditions of extreme stagnation and underutilization of
industrial capacity, they were unable to sustain the economic recovery
beyond the short term.
In practice, the APRA government had supported vested economic
interests through the manipulation of its various regulatory policy instru-
ments. The economic model had been defined in narrow technical terms
supported by populist rhetoric: the APRA did not have the required social
basis, nor the political will, let alone the grass-roots support to implement
substantive and sustainable economic and social reforms in such areas as
tax reform, regionalization, reactivation of agriculture and support to
small-scale productive units of the informal economy.
Beyond its populist rhetoric, the APRA government was unwilling to
take actions which encroached directly upon the vested interests of the eco-
nomic elites. In 1987, the proposed nationalization of the banking sector
(which did not even concur with a politically defined mandate), announced
rhetorically with a view to “democratizing credit”, was easily circumvent-
ed by the commercial banks and financial institutions in a drawn-out legal
214 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

battle which led ultimately to the abandonment of the nationalization

project. The intent marked the end of the APRA’s “populist honeymoon”
with the financial élites. It created divisions within the APRA, discredited
the government and generated an aura of economic uncertainty and mis-
trust on the part of the business sector which, according to some observers,
unleashed the hyperinflationary process of 1988-90. The economic élites
had “declared war on the government”.
Similarly, in tackling the issue of ownership rights, in 1990 the APRA
government presented the issue demagogically at the level of formal “reg-
istration” (registro predial) of ownership rights which would enable, for
instance, units of the rural economy (parce/eros) and informal economy to
accede to formal ownership. The question of concentration of ownership of
real assets and wealth-formation by the privileged classes was carefully
avoided.

De Facto “Shock Treatment” (1988-90)

The growth in real purchasing power achieved in 1985 and 1986 was short-
lived. Economic activity started to slow down by the beginning of 1987.
Expansion was replaced by contraction: the movement of real earnings was
reversed in a matter of months. Between December 1987 and October
1988, real earnings plummeted by 50 to 60 percent, the wages of public
employees declined by two-thirds.'' By mid-1988, real wages were 20 per-
cent below their 1985 level.
In July 1988, the government initiated a new emergency plan and in
September a more “orthodox” anti-inflationary program was introduced.
The September 1988 package contained most of the essential ingredients
of the standard IMF program without the neoliberal ideology and the sup-
port of international creditors.
In many respects, the September 1988 package set the pace for the
economic shock measures to be adopted by the Fujimori government in
August 1990. The economic package included all the essential elements:
devaluation and unification of the exchange rate, the enactment of price
increases of public services and gasoline, substantial cuts in government
expenditure and the introduction of cost recovery for most public enter-
prises. The package also implied the deindexation of wages and salaries.
 IMF SHOCK TREATMENT IN PERU PBI

Failure of the APRA’s Non-orthodox Economic Package

The failure of the non-orthodox economic package under President Alan

Garcia does not vindicate the neoliberal framework. The economic pro-
gram was politically ambivalent from the outset. The APRA failed to take
a stance with regard to the regulation of profit margins and the setting of
prices by powerful commercial and agro-industrial interests. Keynesian
instruments were adopted mechanically without addressing fundamental
structural issues. To succeed, the program required a positive influx of for-
eign exchange. Exactly the opposite occurred: the net outflow of resources
continued unabated. The international creditors maintained their grip on
Peru’s balance of payments.

The Restoration of IMF Rule

During the 1990 election campaign, Alberto Fujimori had confronted his
opponent author Mario Vargas Llosa of the Democratic Front Coalition
(Fredemo). Vargas Llosa had proposed “economic shock treatment” as a
solution to Peru’s economic crisis. Fujimori’s party, Cambio 90, had rejected
the neoliberal recipe promising an economic program which would lead to
“stabilization without recession” combining a solution to hyperinflation
while protecting workers’ purchasing power.'°
An expansionary economic policy had been envisaged by Fujimori in
the months preceding his inauguration as president on the 28 July 1990. This
program, however, had been defined in narrow technical terms (debated
within a closed circle of professional and academic economists) without
focusing on the political process required to carry it out. The program had
been defined as a technical “solution” to the economic crisis in isolation
from the broader political debate and without the participation of represen-
tative organizations ofcivil society in its formulation.
On the plane to Washington to meet IMF Managing Director Michel
Camdessus, the president-elect is reported to have stated thoughtfully to his
principal economic advisor: “If the economic shock were to work, the
Peruvian people would no doubt forgive me.” Strong internal and external
political pressures were being exercized on the president-elect to abandon
the “alternative program” in favor of an orthodox IMF-sponsored package.
Upon his return from Washington and Tokyo, from his meetings with Peru's
international creditors, the president-elect had become an unbending sup-
porter of “strong economic medicine”. Yet this shift in policy direction was
known only within his immediate political entourage: nothing was revealed
216 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

to the Peruvian people who had voted against Fredemo’s “economic shock
treatment”.
Divisions developed within the economic advisory team and the
president-elect developed close links with another group of economists
firmly committed to the “Washington Consensus” and the IMF package. His
main economic advisors resigned shortly before his accession to the
presidency, and a new economic stabilization package — not markedly
different from that proposed by Mario Vargas Llosa during the election
campaign — was put together in a hurry with the technical support of the IMF
and the World Bank.

The August 1990 IMF-Fujishock

The August 1990 shock treatment not only conformed to IMF prescriptions,
it went far beyond what was normally expected of an indebted country as a
condition for the renegotiation of its external debt. Despite the high levels of
critical poverty prevailing in the last months of theAPRA government, a fur-
ther “adjustment” in real earnings was considered necessary to “alleviate
inflationary pressures”. Peru’s hyperinflation was said to be caused by
“demand factors”, requiring a further compression in wages and social
expenditures, together with massive lay-offs of public-sector workers.
The spread of the cholera epidemic in 1991 — while largely attributable
to poverty and the breakdown of the country’s public health infrastructure
since the Belaunde government — was also a result of the IMF-sponsored
program. With a thirty-fold increase in the price of cooking oil, people in
Lima’s “pueblos jovenes’’, including the “middle classes”, were no longer
able to afford to boil their water or cook their food.
The international publicity surrounding the outbreak of the cholera
epidemic (approximately 200,000 declared cases and 2,000 registered
deaths in a six-month period) overshadowed in the international press a
more general process of social destruction: since the August 1990
Fujishock, tuberculosis had also reached epidemic proportions heightened
by malnutrition and the breakdown of the government’s vaccination pro-
gram. The collapse of the public-health infrastructure in the Selva region
had led to a resurgence of malaria, dengue and leishmaniasis.'? Public
schools, universities and hospitals had been closed down as a result of an
indefinite strike by teachers and health workers (their wages were an aver-
age US$ 45-70 a month [July 1991] — 40 times lower than in the US).
More than 83 percent of the population (mid-1991 estimate) (includ-
 IMF SHOCK TREATMENT IN PERU PANG

Table 14.4
Undernourishment, Malnutrition and Infant Mortality

1.Undernourishment (deficient calorie and protein intake

according to WHO/FAO standards)
at national level (1991) in excess of 83 % of population*

2. Infant malnutrition (1985-86)

at national level
rural areas
urban areas

3. Infant mortality less than one year (per thousand)

(1985-86)
Lima 61.4 0/00
Sletmass> 130-134 0/00

4. Child Mortality less than five**

(1985-86)
Lima
Siena?**

5. Life expectancy at birth (years)

(1985-86)
Lima 67.7
Sierra 47.6-49.0

Source: Ministry of Health and ENNIV.

*author’s estimate based on household expenditure data.
**percentage of children who die before age five estimated
from mortality rates by specific age groups (Ministry of Health).
***based on rates recorded in Huancavelica and Cusco.
218 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

ing the middle class) did not meet minimum calorie and protein require-
ments. The recorded rate of child malnutrition at the national level was of
the order of 38.5 percent (the second highest in Latin America). One child
in four in the Sierra died before the age of five. One child in six in Lima
died before age five. The recorded total fertility rate was of the order of 4.8
(four live births per mother) which suggests that for the Sierra there was,
on average, an incidence of at least one child death per family unit. (See
Table 14.4.) Yet the international financial community for his successful
economic policies had commended Fujimori.

The IMF-World Bank Tutelage

“Get a serious economic program in place and we will help you”. The
implementation of what the IMF calls a “serious economic program” (in
the words of Mr. Martin Hardy, head of the IMF mission which visited
Peru in 1991) is usually a precondition for the granting of bridge-financing
by an “international support group”. There were no “promises” by the
international financial institutions attached to the implementation of the
August 1990 economic package. The latter was an “IMF Shadow Program
with no loan money attached to it. (See chapter 3.) While there were no
undue pressures from the IMF, it was made clear that Peru would remain
on the “black list” as long as it did not conform to IMF economic pre-
scriptions.
The economic package, however, was implemented by the Fujimori
government prior to the signing of aloan agreement and “before” reaching
an agreement on the rescheduling of Peru’s external debt. Once the first set
of measures had been adopted, there was little left to negotiate. Moreover,
immediately after the August 1990 “economic stabilization” phase, the
Peruvian authorities initiated a number of major structural reforms (“phase
two”) in conformity with IMF-World Bank prescriptions.
The Fujimori government had expected that the “economic shock” of
August 1990 would immediately lead the way to the formation of an
International Support Group and the granting of a “rescue package”. There
was, however, reluctance on the part of the creditors to form a support
group. Peru was faithfully paying all its current debt-servicing obligations
and macro-economic policy was in conformity with the IMF menu." From
the point of view of the international creditors, there was, therefore, no
need to grant “favors” to Peru (as in the cases of Egypt or Poland).
It was, of course, difficult for the government to adopt an independent
 IMF SHOCK TREATMENT IN PERU 219

stance, — 1.e. “negotiate with the IMF” when IMF and World Bank officials
were sitting in the Ministry of Economics and Finance. These advisors to
the government were directly on IMF and World Bank payrolls “on loan”
to Peru.'° One of the senior advisors to Minister of Economics and Finance
Carlos Bolofia was an IMF staff member directly on the IMF payroll.

The Granting of Fictitious Money

At the outset, the government’s main objective was to be removed

from the IMF blacklist by unconditionally accepting to reimburse Peru’s
debt arrears to the International Financial Institutions (IFIs). This objective
was to be achieved through the negotiation of “new loans” from the IFIs
earmarked “to pay back old debts”.'° (For further details see Chapter 3.)
Not one dollar of this money would actually enter Peru. These new loans
were money which the IFIs were “giving to themselves”; they uncondi-
tionally legitimized the external debt (without a write-down), and obliged
Peru to start servicing its debt arrears immediately. The loans from the IFIs
granted in 1991 would have to be repaid over a period of three to five
years. As a direct result of these new loans, Peru’s debt-servicing obliga-
tions more than doubled in 1991 (from US$ 60 million a month to over $
150 million).

The Role of the Military

Peru conformed faithfully to Washington’s model of “democratization”.

Prior to his inauguration in July 1990, Fujimori retreated in the armed
forces compound in Lima for daily discussions with the military high
command. A deal was struck between the president-elect, the military and
a major reorganization of the armed forces was carried out. This uncondi-
tional support of the armed forces was required to repress civil dissent and
enforce the IMF program. A few days before the Fujishock, a state of emer-
gency was declared in the whole country. On 8 August 1990, the military
and security forces had carefully cornered the entire Lima downtown area
with troops, anti-riot forces and armored vehicles.
Under the veil of “parliamentary democracy”, the military, under
Fujimori, increasingly took on a more active role in “civilian” administra-
tion. The situation at the outset of the Fujimori government was, in some
regards, comparable to that which had developed in the early 1970s in
Uruguay under President Bordaberry where the military ruled under the
formal disguise ofa civilian government.
220 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

The Collapse of the State

The IMF austerity measures were conducive to the phasing out of govern-
ment programs: the reduction of health and educational expenditures, and
the collapse of civil administration in the regions, etc. This state of affairs
also contributed to discrediting the central government to the benefit of the
Shining Path insurgents (Sendero luminoso) directed against the state.
From its involvement in civilian politics during the 1960s and 1970s,
Sendero had developed as a clandestine organization during the Belaunde
government. Sendero was able to control and establish a parallel adminis-
tration in some regions of the Selva and Sierra. In certain parts of the
country, the Peruvian state had lost control over normal functions of
civilian government. The application of the IMF’s economic surgery in
1990-91 contributed to exacerbating this situation.
The state was losing control over the national territory, and this applied
not only to areas of the Sierra and the Selva. Increasingly the insurgency
by Sendero had permeated the Lima Metropolitan Area. The “pacification
program”, initiated during the Belaunde government (and continued during
the APRA and Cambio 90 governments), implied the handing over of the
functions of civilian administration in the southern-central Sierra to the
armed forces. Instead of curtailing Sendero, however, this strategy — com-
bined with the failures of economic and social policy — contributed to the
advancement of the insurgency. Moreover, the state, through its military
and police apparatus, had officially sanctioned indiscriminate arrests, arbi-
trary and extra-judicial executions and torture of political prisoners, and
the arrest of family members and presumed “sympathizers” (amply
documented by Amnesty International). State counter-insurgency was
marked by the curtailment of civil liberties, particularly among the poorer
segments of society.'’ In 1988, right-wing death squadrons appeared under
the name “Comando Rodrigo Franco”; their targets were left-wing person-
alities and trade-union leaders.
Under Fujimori, repression of the Shining Path insurgency became a
pretext for systematic harassment by the security forces of civilian opposi-
tion to the IMF program. From the outset of the Cambio 90 government,
the indiscriminate torture and execution of “suspects” were applied far
more systematically. The strategy of assassination and intimidation of
civilian opposition directed against trade union, peasant and student
leaders emanated directly from the military high command. In the so-called
“dirty war” (la guerra sucia) with the Shining Path, the official guideline
(with regard to the treatment of suspects) was “Neither prisoners nor
 IMF SHOCK TREATMENT IN PERU 221

wounded” (ni prisoneros, ni heridos) (as contained in a secret military

document leaked to the press in 1991).'

The Plight of the Rural Economy

The IMF program had an immediate impact on the rural economy: with the
exception of the illegal coca cultivation, there was a major contraction in
agricultural production in the year which followed the August 1990 shock
treatment.
The impoverishment of the rural population was worsened by the
continued control of marketing and distribution channels by powerful
agro-industrial monopolies. Domestic producers were displaced as a result
of the import of cheap agricultural staples. The 1990 economic measures
were conducive to immediate and abrupt hikes in the prices of fuel, farm
inputs, fertilizers and agricultural credit: in many rural areas in the Sierra,
costs of production increased well in excess of the farmgate price. The
result was the bankruptcy of the small independent farmer. In the Sierra,
for instance, some 800,000 producers of wool and alpaca fibers, who are
among the poorest segment of the rural population, were further impover-
ished as a result of the decline of the real price of wool and alpaca fibers
in 1990-91.

The Concentration of Land

The privatization of agricultural land was conducive to undermining the

existing structure of the rural economy characterized by small-scale indi-
vidual production (parcelero) and agricultural communities (comunidades
agricolas). The 1991 Land Law required a minimum unit of ownership of
ten hectares. Land concentration was thus encouraged, leading to the
strengthening of medium-sized holdings and the consolidation of a middle
peasantry. Parceleros pushed into bankruptcy as a result of the economic
reforms were obliged to sell or give up their land.” This initial process of
land concentration was, however, but a first step towards the restructuring of
agricultural ownership. Agricultural credit was also reformed. Production
units below ten hectares were no longer eligible for agricultural credit.
In turn, the middle peasantry became firmly subordinated to banking
and commercial interests through the mortgaging of their newly acquired
land titles. The legislation introduced in 1991 was conducive to land for-
feiture by the parcelero and the purchase of large amounts of land by urban
222 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

commercial interests.
Whereas the peasant communities of the Sierra were formally “pro-
tected” from the privatization of land, the increased prices of fuel and
transportation contributed to cutting them out of the market economy.
Farmgate prices had been pushed below costs. Many peasant communities
which had previously sold their agricultural surplus in local markets were
forced to withdraw totally from commercial agriculture.
There was a de facto return to subsistence agriculture. Commercial
farm inputs such as seeds, fertilizer, ete. were no longer applied; the ten-
dency was towards the consolidation of “traditional agriculture” marked by
a dramatic decline in the leveis of productivity of both the parceleros and
the peasant communities. The countryside became increasingly polarized.
The peasant communities impoverished as a result of structural adjustment
could no longer survive without outside sources of income. Increasingly
the peasant communities became “reserves of labor” for commercial agri-
culture.

The Illegal Narco-economy

The August 1990 economic shock created the conditions for the further
growth of the drug trade. The contraction of internal demand for food,
coupled with the lifting oftariffs on imported food staples, contributed to
a serious recession in agricultural production. Combined with the subse-
quent repeal of the Agrarian Reform, impoverished peasants from the
Sierra migrated to the coca producing areas in the Alto Huallaga Valley. In
the Sierra, coca-cultivation as a cash crop for export started to develop on
a significant scale.
Peru is by far the largest world producer of coca leaf used to produce
cocaine (more than 60 percent of total world production, the second most
important producer being Bolivia). (See Chapter 14) Both Peru and Bolivia
are the direct producers, selling coca paste to the Colombian drug cartels
which process it into cocaine powder. With the clamping down of the
Medellin cartel, however, there was in the early 1990s a shift in the
marketing and processing channels and the development within Peru of
commercial intermediaries and an increased use of the Peruvian banking
system as a safe financial haven for transferring funds in and out of the
country. The weakening of the Medellin cartel and the development of the
Cali cartel initially favored a greater “autonomy” of both Peru and Bolivia
in the drug trade.
 IMF SHOCK TREATMENT IN PERU 223

Moreover, a large amount of dollar bills from the drug economy had
been channeled into the informal foreign-exchange market on Lima street
corners (el mercado Ocona). Since the Belaunde government (1980-85),
the Central Bank had used the Ocofia street market periodically to
replenish its failing international reserves. Peru’s ability to meet its debt-
servicing obligations depends on the recycling of narco-dollars into the
local foreign-exchange market. In 1991, it was estimated that the Central
Bank purchased some 8 million dollars a day in the informal foreign-
exchange market of which a large part was earmarked to service Peru’s
external debt.
With the freeze of wages and government expenditure (imposed by the
IMF), monetary issues by the Central Bank had been dramatically curtailed.
Ironically, this tight monetary policy — combined with the inundation of the
Ocofia market with dollar bills brought into the country with the illegal
cocaine trade — had been conducive, as of early 1991, to the tumble of the
American dollar against the Peruvian currency much to the dismay of the
IMF which had insisted on a “real devaluation” in support of the export
sector.
Internal demand had been compressed but so had exports. As a result
of the economic measures, all sectors of the national economy — with the
exception ofthe illegal coca production — were marked by deep recession.

The Anti-Drug Agreement with Washington

“Coca eradication programs” by Washington had invariably been com-

bined with counterinsurgency and “pacification” programs, with strong
military and intelligence backing to the Peruvian military and the police
from the United States military and the US Drug Enforcement
Administration (DEA). The latter had established a military base in Santa
Lucia in the Huallaga region.”
Rather than weakening Sendero in the Alto Huallaga, however, these
military operations enabled Shining Path to gain some element of support
among coca producers. It is worth noting that under Fujimori, the military
had become increasingly involved in the marketing of coca paste and the
laundering of drug money.
The Anti-Drug Agreement signed in May 1991 with the US had a
direct bearing on macro-economic policy. In the words of a witness to the
US Senate committee:
The President’s [George Bush] national drug control strategy . . . says
 224 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

that [US] economic aid is conditioned on drug control performance

and the existence of sound economic policies.”'
Yet, ironically, these same “sound economic policies” had largely con-
tributed to the rapid development of the narco-economy. The economic
reforms had encouraged the migration of impoverished peasants to the
coca-producing areas.
Moreover, the macro-economic policies adopted under Fujimori,
including the privatization of agricultural land and the reform of the system
of agricultural credit, had virtually destroyed from the outset the possibili-
ty of “an alternative development” in the Alto Huallaga valley as envisaged
in the Anti-Drug Agreement. The latter was based on the substitution of
coca by alternative cash crops (tobacco, maize, etc.). Yet as a result ofthe
IMF-sponsored reforms (which were also included as “‘cross-conditionali-
ties” in the Anti-Drug Agreement), commercial agriculture in the Huallaga
region — with the exception ofthe illegal coca production — was no longer
viable.
The illicit narcotics trade had been reinforced as a result of the struc-
tural adjustment program. The legal economy had been undermined: the
process of crop substitution was from the “alternative crops” (e.g. tobacco,
maize, etc.) into coca marked by a steady increase in the acreage allocated
to the cultivation of coca leaf.” (See Table 14.5.)

US Military and Security Objectives

A large part of US support under the agreement had been granted in the

Table 14.5
Coca Production in the Alto Huallaga
Region (1974-91)

Year Area Production in

(hectares) metric tons
pS

16,700 12,200 7,000

21,540 18,120
50,600 47,000
60,200 61,000
90,000 84,750

Source: Cooperativa “Alto Huallaga”, Uchiza, Agronoticias, No. 138,

| June 1991, p.14. |
 IMF SHOCK TREATMENT IN PERU 225

form of military aid. Debt conditionalities were also being used by the US
to pursue military and security objectives in the Andean region under the
formal umbrella of the Anti-Drug Program. The latter had also strength-
ened the Peruvian military in the Alto Huallaga and consequently its ability
to “protect” the narco-economy.
It is worth mentioning in this regard that there is ample evidence that the
United States Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) has used laundered drug
money to fund its covert operations and support pro-US military and para-
military groups throughout the world.”
If Washington had really been interested in a solution to the drug trade,
it would not have obliged Peru to adopt an economic policy under IMF
guidance which strengthened the position of the narco-traders in alliance
with the military.
Whereas one arm of the American state was involved in bona fide drug
eradication programs, another arm was doing exactly the opposite. The laun-
dering of “dirty money” was also being reinforced by the IMF-sponsored
reforms of the banking system and the foreign-exchange regime, allowing
for the ‘free’ movement of money in and out of the country. This strength-
ening of the narco-economy, however, also served the interests of Peru’s
international creditors because it contributed to generating the dollar
revenues required for Peru to meet its debt-servicing obligations.
Macro-economic reform undermined the legal economy, reinforced
illicit trade and contributed to the recycling of “dirty money” towards
Peru’s official and commercial creditors.

Endnotes

1. Cuanto, Lima, September 1990.

2. These estimates are based on official statistics; see Peru en Numeros, 1991,
Annuario estadistico, chapter 21, Cuanto, Lima, 1991, and Cuanto
Suplemento, No. 13, July 1991.
3. Carlos Malpica, E/ poder economico en el Peru, Vol. 1, Mosca Azul Editores,
Lima, 1989.
4. The expansion of farm output was achieved through the expansion of aggre-
gate demand and necessary consumption (consumo popular) rather than
through the readjustment of the preferential exchange rate applying to the
imports of basic food staples and the elimination of the subsidies (which
essentially supported the agro-industrial monopolies). This indicated that the
development of agriculture required the maintenance of urban consumer
226 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

demand.
See World Bank, Peru, Policies to Stop Hyperinflation and Initiate
Economic Recovery, Washington, 1989, p. 10.
See Drago Kisic and Veronica Ruiz de Castilla, La Economia peruana en el
contexto internacional, CEPEI, Vol. 2, No. 1, January 1989, pp. 58-59.
Peru Economico, August 1990, p. 26.
Another important factor-was the decision of the Aprista government to
revoke the convertibility of the foreign-exchange deposit certificates. This
measure was adopted without assessing the nature of the foreign-exchange
market and its relationship to the narco-economy.
The abuses pertaining to the (subsidized) “dollar MUC” have been amply doc-
umented: requests for MUC dollar allotments for the purpose of importing
commodities were submitted to the Central Bank, the imports were not under-
taken (or receipts were falsified indicating a transaction for a larger amount
and the money was then converted into bona fide foreign exchange or back
into local currency at a considerable profit). See for instance “Quien volo con
los MUC”, Oiga, No. 468, Lima, 5 February 1990, pp. 18-19.
10. See Kisic and Ruiz, op. cit, p. 60.
1] . See Fernando Rospigliosi, “Izquierdas y clases populares: democracia y sub-
version en el Peru”, in Julio Cotler (editor), Clases populares, crisis y
democracia en America Latina, Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, Lima, 1989,
pols.
See “Plan de Gobierno de Cambio 90: una propuesta para el Peru”, Pagina
Libre, 21 May 1990, pp. 17-24.
. Based on author’s interviews of health workers conducted in Peru in July 1991.
. For further details see “Peru, Situacién economica”, Situacién latinoameri-
cana, Vol. 1, No. 2, April 1991, pp. 122-128.
. Their daily consulting incomes of US$ 500-700 a day (including a “daily sub-
sistence allowance” of some US$ 130 a day) was only slightly less than Peru’s
annual per capita income.
. The IMF loans were to be granted in the form of “an accumulation of rights”
clause. Debt arrears were estimated (1991) at approximately US$ 14 billion of
which US$ 2.3 billion were with the IFIs.
. A report by Amnesty International confirmed that approximately 3,000 people
had “disappeared” (desaparecidos) between 1982 and 1989 and another
3,000 had been executed “extrajudicially”. Amnesty also pointed to the prac-
tice of illegal detention and torture by the security forces and the absence
of
sanctions directed against members of the security forces involved in assassi-
nations and torture. Pagina Libre, 17 March 1990, p. A2. Cf. also
La
Republica, 11 February, 1990, p. 14.
. See the secret documents revealed by the journalist Cesar Hildebrandt
in the
 IMF SHOCK TREATMENT IN PERU 2ey

TV series En Persona, July 1991, which led to the closing down of the pro-
gram and the curtailment of most public-affairs TV programs.
. See Alerta Agraria, June 1991, p. 2.
. Several other US institutions operated out of the Santa Lucia military Base: the
NAS (an affiliate of the DEA) and CORAH (a US project geared towards
coca-crop eradication).
_ United States Senate, Committee on Governmental Affairs, Cocaine
Production, Eradication and the Environment: Policy, Impact and
Options, Washington, August 1990, p. 51 (italics added).
_ In the San Martin region (in the coca-producing region), areas under cultiva-
tion in “alternative crops” such as maize, rice and cocoa supported by credits
from the Banco Agrario declined by 97% between 1988/89 to 1990/91, from
101,100 to 6,730 hectares. For further details see Revista Agronoticias, No.
138, Lima, June 1991, p. 7.
. For a review of alleged CIA support to drug laundering in Indochina and the
GoldenTriangle since the early 1950s see Alfred McCoy, The Politics of
Heroin in Southeast Asia. 1991.
 Chapter 15

Debt and the Illegal Drug Economy:

The Case of Bolivia

The Bolivian experience is regarded by the Bretton Woods institutions as

a “successful” model of structural adjustment to be emulated by countries
“who want to stabilize their economy and establish a sustained process of
economic growth”. It is also worth noting the similarity between the
Bolivian and Peruvian adjustment processes. Both economies depend
heavily on illegal coca exports as their major source of foreign exchange.
In both countries the “recycling” of narco-dollars constitutes a means for
servicing the external debt.

Bolivia’s New Economic Policy

In September 1985, the MNR government of Victor Paz Estenssoro initiat-

ed an orthodox economic stabilization package (“Decreto Supremo
21,060”) geared towards “combating inflation” and “eliminating internal
and external imbalances”. The economic package contained all the essen-
tial ingredients of the IMF structural adjustment program. The currency
was devalued, the exchange rate was unified and a foreign-exchange
auction (bolsin) was set up.
Government expenditure was curtailed and some 50,000 public
employees were laid off. A tight monetary policy was adopted together
with the elimination of price controls. The deindexation of wages and the
“liberalization” of the labor market were adopted. The package also includ-
ed the liberalization of trade involving substantial reductions in import
tariffs. '
The stabilization program was followed by a reorganization of the
state mining industry, the closing down of unprofitable mines and the fir-
ing of some 23,000 workers.
The architect of the Bolivian economic adjustment package, Gonzalo
Sanchez de Losada (who became President of Bolivia in 1993), described
 230 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

the events which followed the adoption of the New Economic Policy or
Nueva Politica Economica (NPE) in August 1985 as follows:
Once we implemented the measures, we had a general strike, the
country was paralyzed for ten days in September 1985 (. . .) On the
tenth day, the union leaders declared a Hunger Strike, that was their
big mistake. It was then that we decided to declare a state of emer-
gency. [President] Paz had hoped that the people would be of the
opinion that the situation could not continue that way. So we captured
the union leaders and deported them to the interior of the country.
This disarticulated the labor movement. We closed down COMIBOL,
the state mining consortium and fired 24,000 workers in addition to
some 50,000 public employees fired at a national level. We eliminat-
ed job security.’
The policy was, nonetheless, “successful” in bringing inflation under
control within a matter of months. Prior to the adoption of the September
1985 measures, the rate of inflation was running at approximately 24,000
percent per annum. The objective of price stabilization, however, was
achieved through the “‘dollarization” of prices (rather than as a result of the
economic stabilization measures): “since most prices were de facto
indexed to the exchange rate, stabilization of the latter implied an almost
immediate stabilization of the former’.
A debt-reduction scheme was negotiated. Under this scheme, official
donors would finance the “buy back” of Bolivia’s commercial debt at a
substantial discount from the commercial banks. The debt buy-back was
conditional upon the adoption of the IMF program.

Economic and Social Impact

The stabilization package was conducive to a significant decline in the

levels of employment and real earnings. In turn, the contraction of salaried
earnings backfired on the informal urban sector and the rural economy.
Reduced levels of purchasing power, combined with the impact of trade
liberalization (and the influx of cheap food imports), contributed to under-
mining the peasant economy which relied heavily on the internal market.
Similarly, the lifting of tariffs contributed to the displacement of the
national manufacturing industry. Commercial imports flourished largely at
the expense of domestic production.
The levels of earnings and government expenditure had already
declined dramatically in the first part of the 1980s during the Siles-Zuazo
 DEBT AND THE ILLEGAL DRUG ECONOMY: THE CASE OF BOLIVIA 231

government. Yet in the immediate aftermath of the 1985 economic

reforms, real government expenditure (particularly in the areas of health
and education) was trimmed by a further 15 percent.’ While wages in the
modern sector had declined (according to official data) by only 20 percent,
the number of people employed had fallen to abysmally low levels. With
the reduction in modern-sector employment, largely through dismissals,
the collapse in earnings was substantially higher than 20 percent.

Programmed Economic Stagnation

The IMF program initiated in 1985 contributed to the stagnation of all

major sectors of the national economy (mining, industry and agriculture)
with the exception ofthe illegal coca economy and the urban services sec-
tor. This pattern is comparable to that observed in Peru under Fujimori.
(See Chapter 14)
Stagnation in the mining industry (made up largely of the state mining
consortium COMIBOL and a small sector of privately operated mines)
resulted from the closing down of “unprofitable mines” (and the firing of
workers) and the collapse of the international tin market. The decline in the
terms of trade further exacerbated the impact of the economic reforms.
Severance payments to redundant miners were invested in the acquisi-
tion of land in the coca-producing areas by workers who had been laid off
to the extent that both capital and labor were redirected towards the coca
economy. The NPE provided no other alternative source of employment
for workers laid off by COMIBOL.
The manufacturing sector (mainly geared towards the internal market)
was in part displaced (e.g. textiles and agro-industry) as a result of the lib-
eralization of imports. The decline in internal purchasing power and the
surge of smuggling activities also played an important role in pushing
small-scale manufacturing enterprises into bankruptcy.

The Impact on the Rural Economy

Bolivia’s agriculture consists of three distinct sub-sectors:

a) the peasant economy (economia campesina) characterized by
small-scale agriculture (parceleros) and peasant communities
(comunidades campesinas) concentrated in the Andean valleys
and the Altiplano (high-plateaux). The peasant economy is the
product of the Agrarian Reform of the 1950s and the dismantling
 ie)Uo bo THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

of the landed estates (haciendas). As in Peru, the highlands’ peas-

ant communities are characterized by a high incidence of critical
poverty (97 percent of the rural population is classified as “poor”
and between 48 and 77 percent as “critically poor” (pobreza crit-
16a).

b) a sub-sector of commercial farming geared largely towards

the export market and*characterized by medium to large-sized
plantations, particularly in the new (lowland) areas of agricultural
colonization (/lanos orientales) (e.g. in the area of Santa Cruz).

c) the production of coca both for processing into coca paste and
export as well as for “traditional” sale in the domestic market.
The NPE contributed to undermining the peasant economy. Local
grain markets were affected by the influx of cheap food imports (e.g.
wheat), including food aid and smuggling from Argentina and Brazil. This
influx depressed the real prices of domestically produced food staples.
Real agricultural wholesale prices declined by 25.9 percent in the three
years following the adoption of the NPE in 1985.
The decline in the (real) farmgate price was also accompanied by a sig-
nificant rise in the margins between retail and wholesale prices. Merchants
and intermediaries to the detriment of the direct agricultural producers
were appropriating a larger share of the surplus. The dramatic increase in
transport costs was also a major factor in compressing the revenues ofthe
peasantry and increasing the gap between the farmgate price and
the
wholesale price.°
The 1985 IMF-sponsored program did not — with the exception of soya
beans (located largely in the lowland areas of commercial farming)
— con-
tribute to increasing the production of cash crops for exports. As
in Peru,
there was a shift out of traditional export crops into the illegal
coca
economy.

The Laundering of Dirty Money

The national economic élites, including the commercial banks,

were tied
into the illegal drug trade. Government monetary and foreign
-exchange
policy upheld the role of commercial banking in the laundering
of coca
dollars.
The liberalization of the foreign-exchange market through the
Dutch
auction system (bolsin) was accompanied by measures, which
provided
 DEBT AND THE ILLEGAL DRUG ECONOMY: THE CASE OF BOLIVIA 233

legitimacy to the laundering of narco-dollars in the domestic banking sys-

tem. The secrecy of foreign-exchange transactions (e/ secreto bancario)
was introduced, the development of dollar deposits and the repatriation of
capital to the domestic banking system were encouraged. Abnormally high
interest rates (5 percent above LIBOR) contributed to attracting “hot
money deposits” into Bolivia’s commercial banks.
These deposits also included the earnings from the drug trade accruing
to Bolivian intermediaries. The bank secrecy (‘no questions asked”’), the
reforms of the foreign-exchange regime which allowed for the free move-
ment of money in and out of the country, combined with the high interest
rates encouraged the deposit of narco-dollars in the Bolivian commercial
banking sector.
The reforms of the banking system contributed to a significant decline
in real productive investment. From 1986 to 1988, the lending interest rate
(in US dollars) was between 20 and 25 percent per annum and credit to
agriculture and manufacturing had been frozen.’

“Eradication” of Coca Production

While the macro-economic framework directly supported the narco-econ-

omy and the laundering of dirty money, the government had also adopted
legislation, with the support of the US Drug Enforcement Administration
(DEA), with a view to curbing coca production. In accordance with their
mandate under the relevant legislation (Ley del regimen de la coca), the
government had set up mobile rural surveillance units (UMOPAR, Unidad
Movil de Patrullaje Rural) in the coca-producing areas. These units, how-
ever, were largely involved in repressive actions directed against the small
coca producer (often in areas oftraditional production). Their activities had
little impact on the narco-trade and the various powerful interests involved
in the commercialization and export of coca paste. According to one report,
it has been suggested that UMOPAR was controlled by the drug mafia."

The Narco-State

The coca economy had been “protected” at the highest level by offi-
cials of the Bolivian government during the dictatorship of Garcia Meza
(1980-82), which was commonly labeled in international circles as the
“oovernment of cocaine”.9 The structure of the state was not modified,
however, as a result of the restoration of parliamentary democracy.
 234 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

Important financial and industrial interests continue to have direct links to

the coca trade, including the use of coca-revenues to finance investments
in the modern economy.
Since the mid-1970s, the development ofthe urban-services economy
geared towards the upper-income market was largely financed by the
narco-economy. The recycling of narco-dollars into domestic capital for-
mation had been conducivé to the development of residential real estate,
shopping centers, tourist and entertainment infrastructure, etc. This process
had been reinforced as a result of the IMF-sponsored program.
With the adoption of the NPE in 1985, the ruling MNR party aban-
doned its populist stance and shifted its political allegiance by combining
forces with the rightist Nationalist Democratic Action Party (ADN) of for-
mer dictator General Hugo Banzer. (This represented a political turn-
around since historically the MNR had depended on the support of organ-
ized labor.)
Banzer had allegedly been a key figure in the illegal coca trade since
the mid-1970s and there was firm evidence that members of theADN par-
liamentary caucus, together with senior officers of the military, were con-
nected to the drug mafia.'’
The MNR/ADN “Pact for Democracy” enabled the MNR government
to carry out the various components of the NPE legislation in parliament
including, the deregulation of the labor market and the repression of the
labor movement.
ADN retained its involvement in the government coalition with the
accession of President Paz Zamora of the MIR (Revolutionary Left)
in
1989. Paz Zamora was the second runner-up in the 1989 president
ial race
after Hugo Banzer and the MNR candidate Gonzalo Sanchez de
Losada.
Paz acceded in 1989 to the presidency in the context ofapolitical arrange-
ment with General Hugo Banzer. Whereas Paz Zamora occupied
the pres-
idential seat, General Banzer and the ADN controlled key cabinet appoint-
ments.
The ADN/MIR government coalition pursued the macro-econom
ic
policies initiated with the NPE in 1985 under the MNR. ADN
and its
leader, Hugo Banzer, have thus provided, in the two “democraticall
y elect-
ed” civilian governments, both political continuity as well as
the mainte-
nance of a cohesive link between government policy and the
interests of
the illegal coca trade.
 DEBT AND THE ILLEGAL DRUG ECONOMY: THE CASE OF BOLIVIA 235

| Endnotes

ie For further details see Juan Antonio Morales, The Costs of the Bolivian
Stabilization Program, documento de trabajo, no: 01/89, Universidad
Catolica Boliviana, 1989, La Paz, p. 4.
Interview with Gonzalo Sanchez de Lozada, minister of finance under the
MNR government of Paz Estenssoro and architect of the Bolivian economic
package, Caretas, No: 1094, Lima, 5 February, 1990, p. 87 (our translation).
Sanchez de Losada was subseuently elected president of Bolivia.
Morales, op. cit., p. 6.
Morales, op. cit., p. 9a.
See Morales, op. cit., p. 6. See also Juan Antonio Morales, /mpacto de los
ajustes estructurales en la agricultura campesina boliviana, mimeo,
Universidad Catolica Boliviana, 1989, La Paz.
See Morales, The Costs of the Bolivian Stabilization Program, pp. 24a-25a.
The borrowing rate was between 12 and 16 percent with a spread between
lending and borrowing rates of between 6.8 and 14.0 percent. For further
details see Morales, The Costs of the Bolivian Stabilization Program, p. 14,
Table 7.
For details on the involvement of major political and social personalities in the
narco-trade, see Amalia Barron, “Todos implicados en el narcotrafico”,
Cambio 16, Madrid, 8 August 1988.
See Henry Oporto Castro, “Bolivia: El complejo coca-cocaina” in Garcia
Sayan (editor), Coca, cocaina y narcotrafico, Comision Andina de Juristas,
Lima, 1989, p. 177.
10. See G. Lora, Politica y burguesia narcotraficante, Mi Kiosco, La Paz, 1988.
 PART V

THE FORMER SOVIET UNION

AND THE BALKANS
 Chapter 16

The “Thirdworldization”
of the Russian Federation

-Macro-Economic Reform in the Russian Federation

|Phase I: The January 1992 Shock Treatment

“In Russia we are living in a post-war situation. . .”, but there is no post-
war reconstruction. “Communism” and the “Evil Empire” have been
defeated, yet the Cold War, although officially over, has not quite reached
its climax: the heart of the Russian economy is the military-industrial
complex and “the G-7 wants to break our high tech industries. (. . .) The
objective of the IMF economic program is to weaken us” and prevent the
development of a rival capitalist power.'
The IMF-style “shock treatment”, initiated in January 1992, precluded
from the outset a transition towards “national capitalism” — i.e. a national
capitalist economy owned and controlled by a Russian entrepreneurial
class and supported, as in other major capitalist nations, by the economic
and social policies of the state. For the West, the enemy was not “social-
ism” but capitalism. How to tame and subdue the polar bear, how to take
over the talent, the science, the technology, how to buy out the human cap-
ital, how to acquire the intellectual property rights ? “If the West thinks that
they can transform us into a cheap labor high technology export haven and
pay our scientists US$ 40 a month, they are grossly mistaken, the people
will rebel.”
While narrowly promoting the interests of both Russia’s merchants
and the business mafias, the “economic medicine” was killing the patient,
destroying the national economy and pushing the system of state enter-
prises into bankruptcy. Through the deliberate manipulation of market
forces, the reforms had defined which sectors of economic activity would
be allowed to survive. Official figures pointed to a decline of 27 percent in
 240 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

industrial production during the first year of the reforms; the actual col-
lapse of the Russian economy in 1992 was estimated by some economists
to be of the order of 50 percent.*
The IMF-Yeltsin reforms constitute an instrument of
“Thirdworldization”; they are a carbon copy of the structural adjustment
program imposed on debtor countries in Latin America and sub-Saharan
Africa. Harvard economist Jeffrey Sachs, advisor to the Russian govern-
ment, had applied in Russia the same “macro-economic surgery” as in
Bolivia where he was economic advisor to the MNR government in 1985.
(See Chapter 15.) The IMF-World Bank program, adopted in the name of
democracy, constitutes a coherent program of impoverishment oflarge sec-
tors of the population. It was designed (in theory) to “stabilize” the econo-
my, yet consumer prices in 1992 increased by more than one hundred times
(9,900 percent) as a direct result of the “anti-inflationary programme”. As
in Third World “stabilization programs”, the inflationary process was
largely engineered through the “dollarization” of domestic prices and the
collapse of the national currency. The price liberalization program did not,
however, resolve (as proposed by the IMF) the distorted structure ofrela-
tive prices which existed under the Soviet system.
The price of bread increased (by more than a hundred times) from 13-
18 kopeks in December 1991 (before the reforms) to over 20 rubles in
October 1992; the price of a (domestically produced) television set rose
from 800 rubles to 85,000 rubles. Wages, in contrast, increased approxi-
mately ten times — i.e. real earnings had declined by more than 80 percent
and billions of rubles of life-long savings had been wiped out. Ordinary
Russians were very bitter: “the government has stolen our money’.
According to an IMF official, it was necessary to “sop up excess liquidity,
purchasing power was too high”.’ “The government opted for ‘a maximum
bang’” so as to eliminate household money holdings “at the beginning ofthe
reform programme”.’ According to one World Bank advisor, these savings
“were not real, they were only a perception because [under the Soviet Sys-
tem] they [the people] were not allowed to buy anything”.*An economist of
the Russian Academy of Science saw things differently:
Under the Communist system, our standard of living was never very
high. But everybody was employed and basic human needs and
essential social services although second-rate by Western standards.
were free and available. But now social conditions in Russia are sim-
ilar to those in the Third World.’
Average earnings were below US$ 10 a month (1992-3), the minimum
}

|
| THE “THIRDWORLDIZATION” OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION — 241

wage (1992) was of the order of US$ 3 a month, a university professor

earned US$ 8, an office worker US$ 7, a qualified nurse in an urban clinic
earned US$ 6." With the prices of many consumer goods moving rapidly
up to world-market levels, these ruble salaries were barely sufficient to buy
food. A winter coat could be purchased for US$ 60 — the equivalent of nine
months pay.'!
The collapse in the standard ofliving, engineered as a result of macro-
economic policy, is without precedent in Russian history: “We had mote to
eat during the Second World War”.
Under IMF-World Bank guidelines, social programs are to become
self-financing: schools, hospitals and kindergartens (not to mention state-
supported programs in sports, culture and the arts) were instructed to gen-
erate their own sources of revenue through the exaction of user fees."
Charges for surgery in hospitals were equivalent to two to six months earn-
ings which only the “nouveaux riches” could afford. Not only hospitals,
but theatres and museums were driven into bankruptcy. The famous
Taganka Theatre was dismantled in 1992; many small theatres no longer
had the funds to pay their actors. The reforms were conducive to the col-
lapse of the welfare state. Many of the achievements of the Soviet system
in health, education, culture and the arts (broadly acknowledged by
Western scholars) have been undone."
Continuity with the ancien regime was nonetheless maintained. Under
the masque of liberal democracy, the totalitarian state remained unscathed:
a careful blend of Stalinism and the “free” market. From one day to the
next, Yeltsin and his cronies had become fervent partisans of neoliberal-
ism. One totalitarian dogma was replaced by another, social reality was
distorted, official statistics on real earnings were falsified: the IMF claimed
in late 1992, that the standard ofliving “had gone up” since the beginning
of the economic reform programme.'* The Russian Ministry of Economy
maintained that “wages were growing faster than prices”.'’ In 1992, the
consumer price index computed with the technical support of the IMF,
pointed to a 15.6 times increase in prices (1,660 percent).'° “But the peo-
ple are not stupid, we simply do not believe them [the government]; we
know that prices have gone up one hundred times”."’

The Legacy of Perestroika

During the period of perestroika, buying at state-regulated prices and

reselling in the free market, combined with graft and corruption were the
 242 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

principal sources of wealth formation. These “shadow dealings” by former

bureaucrats and party members became legalized in May 1988 with the
Law on Cooperatives implemented under Mikhail Gorbachev.'* This law
allowed for the formation of private commercial enterprises and joint-stock
companies which operated alongside the system of state enterprises. In
many instances, these “cooperatives” were set up as private ventures by the
managers of state enterprises. The latter would sell (at official prices) the
output produced by their state enterprise to their privately owned “cooper-
atives” (i.e. to themselves) and then re-sell on the free market at a very
large profit. In 1989, the “cooperatives” were allowed to create their own
commercial banks, and undertake foreign-trade transactions. By retaining
a dual price system, the 1987-89 enterprise reforms, rather than encourag-
ing bona fide capitalist entrepreneurship, supported personal enrichment,
corruption and the development of a bogus “bazaar bourgeoisie”.

Developing a Bazaar Bourgeoisie

In the former Soviet Union, “the secret of primitive accumulation” is based
on the principle of “quick money”: stealing from the state and buying at
one price and re-selling at another. The birth of Russia’s new “biznes-
many’, an offshoot of the Communist nomenclature of the Brezhnev
period, lies in the development of“apparatchik capitalism’. “Adam bit the
apple and original sin fell upon ‘socialism’”."”
Not surprisingly, the IMF program had acquired unconditional
political backing by the “Democrats” i.e. the IMF reforms supported the
narrow interests of this new merchant class. The Yeltsin government
unequivocally upheld the interests of these “dollarized élites”. Price liber-
alization and the collapse of the ruble under IMF guidance advanced the
enrichment of a small segment ofthe population. The dollar was handled
on the Interbank currency auction; it was also freely transacted in street
kiosks across the former Soviet Union. The reforms have meant that the
ruble is no longer considered a safe “store of value” — i.e. the plunge of the
national currency was further exacerbated because ordinary citizens pre-
ferred to hold their household savings in dollars: “people are willing to buy
dollars at any price”. ~”

Distorting Social Relations

The Cold War was a war without physical destruction. In its cruel
after-
|
| THE “THIRDWORLDIZATION” OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION — 243

_| math, the instruments of macro-economic policy perform a decisive role in

| dismantling the economy of a defeated nation. The reforms are not intent
_ (as claimed by the West) in building market capitalism and Western style
socio-democracy, but in neutralizing a former enemy and forestalling the
development of Russia as a major capitalist power. Also of significance is
_ the extent to which the economic measures have contributed to destroying
civil society and distorting fundamental social relations: the criminaliza-
tion of economic activity, the looting of state property, money laundering
and capital flight are bolstered by the reforms. In turn, the privatization
program (through the public auction of state enterprises) also favored the
transfer of a significant portion of state property to organized crime. The
iatter permeates the state apparatus and constitutes a powerful lobby
broadly supportive of Yeltsin’s macro-economic reforms. According to a
recent estimate, half of Russia’s commercial banks were, by 1993, under
the control of the local mafias, and half of the commercial real estate in
central Moscow was in the hands of organized crime.”!

Pillage of the Russian Economy

The collapse of the ruble was instrumental in the pillage of Russia’s natu-
ral resources: oil, non-ferrous metals and strategic raw materials could be
bought by Russian merchants in rubles from a state factory and re-sold in
hard currency to traders from the European Community at ten times the
price. Crude oil, for instance, was purchased at 5,200 rubles (US$ 17) a ton
(1992), an export license was acquired by bribing a corrupt official and the
oil was re-sold on the world market at $ 150 a ton.” The profits of this
transaction were deposited in offshore bank accounts or channeled towards
luxury consumption (imports). Although officially illegal, capital flight
and money laundering were facilitated by the deregulation of the foreign-
exchange market and the reforms ofthe banking system. Capital flight was
estimated to be running at over $ | billion a month during the first phase
of the IMF reforms (1992).** There is evidence that prominent members of
the political establishment had been transferring large amounts of money
overseas.

Undermining Russian Capitalism

What role will “capitalist Russia” perform in the international division of

labor during a period of global economic crisis ?? What will be the fate of
244 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

Russian industry in a depressed global market? With plant closures in

Europe and North America, “is there room for Russian capitalism” on the
world market ? Macro-economic policy under IMF guidance shapes
Russia’s relationship to the global economy. The reforms tend to support
the free and unregulated export of primary goods including oil, strategic
metals and food staples, while consumer goods including luxury cars,
durables and processed food are freely imported for a small privileged
market but there is no protection of domestic industry, nor are there any
measures to rehabilitate the industrial sector or to transform domestic raw
materials. Credit for the purchase of equipment is frozen, the deregulation
ofinput prices (including oil, energy and freight prices) is pushing Russian
industry into bankruptcy.
Moreover, the collapse in the standard of living has backlashed on
industry and agriculture — 1.e. the dramatic increase in poverty does not
favor the growth of the internal market. Ironically, from “an economy of
shortage” under the Soviet system (marked by long queues), consumer
demand has been compressed to such an extent that the population can
barely afford to buy food.
In contrast, the enrichment of a small segment of the population has
encouraged a dynamic market for luxury goods including long queues in
front of the dollar stores in Moscow’s fashionable Kuznetsky area. The
“nouveaux riches” look down on domestically produced goods: Mercedes
Benz, BMW, Paris haute couture, not to mention high-quality imported
“Russian vodka” from the United States at US$ 345 in a crystal bottle (four
years of earnings of an average worker) are preferred. This ‘dynamic
demand” by the upper-income groups is, therefore, largely diverted into
consumer imports financed through the pillage of Russia’s primary
resources.

Acquiring State Property “at a Good Price”

The enormous profits accruing to the new commercial élites are also recy-
cled into buying state property “at a good price” (or buying it from the
managers and workers once it has gone through the government’s privati-
zation scheme). Because the recorded book-value of state property
(denominated in current rubles) was kept artificially low (and because the
ruble was so cheap), state assets could be acquired for practically nothing.
A high-tech rocket production facility could be purchased for US$ 1 mil-
lion. A downtown Moscow hotel could be acquired for less than the price
}

| THE “THIRDWORLDIZATION” OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION — 245

of a Paris apartment. In October 1992, the Moscow city government put a

|large number of apartments on auction; bids were to start at three rubles.
| While the former nomenclature, the new commercial élites and the
local mafias are the only people who have money (and who are in a posi-
_tion to acquire property), they have neither the skills nor the foresight to
|manage Russian industry. It is unlikely that they will play a strong and
|decisive role in rebuilding Russia’s economy. As in many Third World
countries, these “compradore” élites prosper largely through their relation-
ship to foreign capital.
| Moreover, the economic reforms favor the displacement of national
producers (whether state or private) and the taking over of large sectors of
|the national economy by foreign capital through the formation ofjoint ven-
tures. Marlboro and Philip Morris, the American tobacco giants, for
|instance, have already acquired control over state production facilities for
sale in the domestic market; British Airways has gained access to domes-
tic air-routes through Air Russia, a joint venture with Aeroflot.
Important sectors of light industry are being closed down and replaced
by imports whereas the more profitable sectors of the Russian economy
(including the high-tech enterprises of the military-industrial complex) are
being taken over by joint ventures. Foreign capital, however, has adopted
a wait-and-see attitude. The political situation is uncertain, the risks are
great: “we need guarantees regarding the ownership of land, and the repa-
triation of profits in hard currency”.~ Many foreign enterprises prefer to
enter “through the back door” with small investments. These often involve
joint ventures or the purchase of domestic enterprises at a very low cost,
largely to secure control over (highly qualified) cheap labor and factory
space.

Weakening Russia’s High-Tech Economy

Export processing is being developed in the high-tech areas. It constitutes

a very lucrative business: Lockheed Missile and Space Corporation,
Boeing and Rockwell International among others have their eye on the
aerospace and aircraft industries. American and European high-tech firms
(including defense contractors) can purchase the services of top Russian
scientists in fiber optics, computer design, satellite technology, nuclear
physics (to name but a few) for an average wage below US$ 100 a month,
at least 50 times less that in Silicon Valley. There are 1.5 million scientists
and engineers in the former Soviet Union representing a sizeable reserve
246 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

of “cheap human capital”’.”°

Macro-economic policy supports the interests of Western high-tech
firms and military contractors because it weakens the former Soviet aero-
space and high-tech industries and blocks Russia (as a capitalist power in
its own right) from competing on the world market. The talent and scien-
tific know-how can be bought up and the production facilities can either be
taken over or closed down. ~
A large share of the military-industrial complex is under the jurisdic-
tion of the Ministry of Defense. Carried out under its auspices, the various
“conversion programs” negotiated with NATO and Western defense min-
istries aim at dismantling that complex, including its civilian arm, and
preventing Russia from becoming a potential rival in the world market.
The conversion schemes purport physically to demobilize Russia’s
productive capabilities in the military, avionics and high-tech areas while
facilitating the take-over and control by Western capital of Russia’s knowl-
edge base (intellectual property rights) and human capital, including her
scientists, engineers and research institutes. AT&T Bell Laboratories, for
instance, has acquired through a “joint venture” the services of an entire
research laboratory at the General Physics Institute in Moscow. McDonnell
Douglas has signed a similar agreement with the Mechanical Research
Institute.”
Under one particular conversion formula, military hardware and
industrial assets were “transformed” into scrap metal which was sold on
the world commodity market. The proceeds of these sales were then
deposited into a fund (under the Ministry of Defense) which could be used
for the imports of capital goods, the payment of debt-servicing obligations
or investment in the privatization programs.

Taking Over Russia’s Banking System

Since the 1992 reforms and the collapse of many state banks, some 2,000
commercial banks have sprung up in the former Soviet Union of which 500
are located in Moscow. With the breakdown ofindustry, only the strongest
banks and those with ties to international banks will survive. This situation
favors the penetration of the Russian banking system by foreign commer-
cial banks and joint-venture banks.
 THE “THIRDWORLDIZATION” OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION — 247

Undermining the Ruble Zone

The IMF program was also intent on abolishing the ruble zone and under-
mining trade between the former republics. The latter were encouraged from
the outset to establish their own currencies and central banks with technical
|
|
|
assistance provided by the IMF. This process supported “economic
Balkanization”: with the collapse of the ruble zone, regional economic
power serving the narrow interests of local tycoons and bureaucrats
unfolded.
Bitter financial and trade disputes between Russia and the Ukraine
have developed. Whereas trade is liberalized with the outside world, new
|
“internal boundaries” were installed, impeding the movement of goods and
people within the Commonwealth of Independent States.**

Phase II: The IMF Reforms Enter an Impasse

The IMF-sponsored reforms (under Prime Minister Yegor Gaidar) entered

an impasse in late 1992. Opposition had built up in parliament as well as
in the Central Bank. The IMF conceded that if the government were to
meet the target for the fiscal deficit, up to 40 percent of industrial plants
might have been forced to close down. The president of the Central Bank,
Mr. Gerashchenko with support from Arcady Volsky of the Civic Union
Party, took the decision (against the advice of the IMF) to expand credit to
the state enterprises, while at the same time cutting drastically expendi-
tures in health, education and old-age pensions. The Civic Union had put
forth an “alternative program” in September 1992. Despite the subsequent
replacement of Yegor Gaidar as prime minister in the parliamentary crisis
of December 1992, the Civic Union’s program was never carried out.
The IMF had, nonetheless, agreed in late 1992 to the possibility of “the
less orthodox” approach of the centrist Civic Union prior to Gaidar’s dis-
missal. In the words of the IMF resident representative in Moscow: “the
IMF is not married to Gaidar, he has a similar economic approach but we
will work with his successor”.
At the beginning of 1993, the relationship between the government
and the parliament evolved towards open confrontation. Legislative con-
trol over the government’s budgetary and monetary policy served to under-
mine the “smooth execution” of the IMF program. The parliament had
passed legislation which slowed down the privatization of state industry,
placed restrictions on foreign banks and limited the government’s ability to
 248 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

slash subsidies and social expenditures as required by the IMF.”

Opposition to the reforms had largely emanated from within the ruling
political élites, from the moderate centrist faction (which included former
Yeltsin collaborators). While representing a minority within the parlia-
ment, the Civic Union (also involving the union of industrialists led by
Arcady Volsky) favored the development of national capitalism while
maintaining a strong role for the central state. The main political actors in
Yeltsin’s confrontation with the parliament (e.g. Alexander Rutskoi and
Ruslan Khasbulatov), therefore, cannot be categorized as “Communist
hard-liners”.
The government was incapable of completely bypassing the legisla-
ture. Both houses of parliament were suspended by presidential decree on
21 September 1993.

Abolishing the Parliament in the Name of “Governance”

On 23 September, two days later, Mr. Michel Camdessus, the IMF manag-
ing director, hinted that the second tranche of aUS$ 3 billion loan under the
IMF’s systemic transformation facility (STF) would not be forthcoming
because “Russia had failed to meet its commitments” largely as a result of
parliamentary encroachment. (The STF loan is similar in form to the struc-
tural adjustment loans negotiated with indebted Third World countries). (See
Chapter 3.)
President Clinton had stated at the Vancouver Summit in April 1993
that Western “aid” was tied to the implementation of “democratic reform”.
The conditions set by the IMF and the Western creditors, however, could
only be met by suspending parliament altogether (a not unusual practice in
many indebted Third World countries). The storming of the White House
by élite troops and mortar artillery was thus largely intent on neutralizing
political dissent from within the ranks of the nomenclature both in Moscow
and the regions, and getting rid of individuals opposing IMF-style reform.
The G7 had endorsed President Yeltsin’s decree abolishing both hous-
es of parliament prior to its formal enactment and their embassies in
Moscow had been briefed ahead of time. The presidential decree of 21
September was immediately followed by a wave of decrees designed to
speed up the pace of economic reform and meet the conditionalities con-
tained in the IMF loan agreement signed by the Russian government
in
May: credit was immediately tightened and interest rates raised, measures
were adopted to increase the pace of privatization and trade liberalization.
 THE “THIRDWORLDIZATION” OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION — 249

In the words of Minister of Finance Mr. Boris Fyodoroyv, now freed from
parliamentary control: “we can bring in any budget that we like’”*’
The timing of President Yeltsin’s decree was well chosen: Yeltsin’s
finance minister Boris Fyodorov was scheduled to report to the G7 meet-
ing of finance ministers on 25 September, the foreign minister Mr. Andrei
Kosyrev was in Washington meeting President Clinton, the IMF-World
Bank annual meeting was scheduled to commence in Washington on the 28
September, and | October had been set as a deadline for a decision on the
IMF’s standby loan prior to the holding in Frankfurt of the meeting of the
London Club of commercial bank creditors (chaired by the Deutsche
Bank) on 8 October. And on 12 October, President Yeltsin was to travel to
Japan to initiate negotiations on the fate of four Kuril islands in exchange
for debt relief and Japanese “aid”.
Following the suspension of parliament, the G7 expressed “their very
strong hope that the latest developments will help Russia achieve a deci-
sive breakthrough on the path of market reforms’”’' The German minister
of finance Mr. Theo Wagel said that “Russian leaders must make it clear
that economic reforms would continue or they would lose international
financial aid”. Mr. Michel Camdessus expressed hope that political devel-
opments in Russia would contribute to “stepping up the process of
economic reform”.
Yet despite Western encouragement, the IMF was not yet prepared to
grant Russia the “green light’: Mr. Viktor Gerashchenko, the pro-Civic
Union president of the Central Bank, was still formally in control of mon-
etary policy; an IMF mission which traveled to Moscow in late September
1993 (during the heat of the parliamentary revolt), had advised Michel
Camdessus that “plans already announced by the government for subsidy
cuts and controls over credit were insufficient”.*”
The impact of the September 1993 economic decrees was almost
immediate: the decision to further liberalize energy prices and to increase
interest rates served the objective of rapidly pushing large sectors of
Russian industry into bankruptcy. With the deregulation of
Roskhlebprodukt, the state bread distribution company, in mid-October
1993, bread prices increased overnight by three to four times.” It 1s worth
emphasizing that this “second wave” of impoverishment of the Russian
people was occurring in the aftermath of an estimated 86 percent decline
in real purchasing power in 1992 !** Since all subsidies were financed out
of the state budget, the money saved could be redirected (as instructed by
the IMF) towards the servicing of Russia’s external debt.
 250 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

The reform of the fiscal system, proposed by Finance Minister Boris

Fyodorovy in the aftermath of the September 1993 coup, followed the World
Bank formula imposed on indebted Third World countries. It required “fiscal
autonomy” for the republics and local governments by cutting the flow of
revenue from Moscow to the regions and diverting the central state’s finan-
cial resources towards the reimbursement of the creditors. The consequences
of these reforms were fiscal collapse, economic and political Balkanization,
and enhanced control of Western and Japanese capital over the economies of
Russia’s regions.

“Western Aid” to Boris Yeltsin

By 1993, the reforms had led to the massive plunder of Russia’s wealth
resulting in a significant outflow of real resources: the balance of payments
deficit for 1993 was of the order of US$ 40 billion —approximately the
amount of “aid” ($ 43 billion) pledged by the G7 at its Tokyo Summit in
1993. Yet most of this Western “aid” was fictitious: it was largely in the
form of loans (rather than grant aid) which served the “useful” purpose of
enlarging Russia’s external debt (of the order of $ 80 billion in 1993) and
strengthening the grip of Western creditors over the Russian econom y.
Russia was being handled by the creditors in much the same way asa
Third World country: out of a total of US$ 43.4 billion which had been
pledged in 1993, less than $ 3 billion was actually disbursed. Moreover, the
agreement reached with the Paris Club regarding the rescheduling of
Russia’s official debt — while “generous” at first sight — in reality offered
Moscow a very short breathing space. Only the debt incurred during the
Soviet era was to be rescheduled;* the massive debts incurred by the
Yeltsin government (ironically largely as a result of the economic reforms)
were excluded from these negotiations.
With regard to bilateral pledges, President Clinton offered a meager
US$ 1.6 billion at the Vancouver Summit in 1993: $ 970 million was in the
form of credits — mainly for food purchases from US farmers: $ 630 mil-
lion was arrears on Russian payments for US grain to be financed by tap-
ping “The Food for Progress Program” of the US Department of
Agriculture, thus putting Russia on the same footing as countries in sub-
Saharan Africa in receipt of US food aid under PL 480. Similarly, the bulk
of Japanese bilateral “aid” to Russia were funds earmarked for “insurance
for Japanese companies” investing in Russia.”
||
1

THE “THIRDWORLDIZATION” OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION — 251

|
_ Into the Strait-Jacket of Debt-Servicing

The elimination of parliamentary opposition in September 1993 resulted in

an immediate shift in Moscow’s debt-negotiation strategy with the commer-
cial banks. Again, the timing was of critical importance. No “write-off” or
| “write-down” of Russia’s commercial debt was requested by the Russian
_ negotiating team at the Frankfurt meetings of the London Club held in early
October 1993, only four days after the storming of the White House. Under
the proposed deal, the date of reckoning would be temporarily postponed;
US$ 24 out of US$ 38 billion of commercial debt would be rescheduled. All
the conditions of the London Club were accepted by Moscow’s negotiating
team, with the exception of Russia’s refusal to waive its “sovereign immu-
| nity to legal action”. This waiver would have enabled the creditor banks to
| impound Russia’s state enterprises and confiscate physical assets if debt-
| servicing obligations were not met. For the commercial banks, this clause
_ was by no means a formality: with the collapse of Russia’s economy, a
balance of payments crisis, accumulated debt-servicing obligations due to
the Paris Club, Russia was being pushed into a “technical moratorium” — i.e.
a situation of de facto default.
The foreign creditors had also contemplated mechanisms for convert-
ing Russia’s foreign exchange reserves (at the Central Bank as well as
dollar deposits in Russian commercial banks) into debt-servicing. They
also had their eye on foreign exchange holdings held by Russians in off-
shore bank accounts.
The IMF’s economic medicine was not only devised to enforce debt-
servicing obligations, it was also intent on “enlarging the debt”. The
reforms contributed to crippling the national economy thereby creating a
greater dependency on external credit. In turn, debt default was paving the
way towards a new critical phase in Moscow’s relationship to the creditors.
In the image of a subservient and compliant Third World regime, the
Russian state was caught in the strait-jacket of debt and structural adjust-
ment: state expenditures were brutally slashed to release state funds to
reimburse the creditors.

The Collapse of Civil Society

As the crisis deepened, the population became increasingly isolated and

vulnerable. “Democracy” had been formally installed but the new political
parties, divorced from the masses, were largely heeding the interests of
merchants and bureaucrats. The impact of the privatization program on
252 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

employment was devastating: more than 50 percent of industrial plants had

been driven into bankruptcy by 1993. Moreover, entire cities in the Urals
and Siberia belonging to the military-industrial complex and dependent on
state credits and procurements were in the process of being closed down.
In 1994 (according to official figures), workers at some 33,000 indebted
enterprises, including state industrial corporations and collective farms,
were not receiving wages on a regular basis.”
The tendency was not solely towards continued impoverishment and
massive unemployment. A much deeper fracturing ofthe fabric of Russian
society was unfolding, including the destruction of its institutions and the
possible break-up of the Russian Federation. G7 policy-makers should
carefully assess the consequences oftheir actions in the interests of world
peace. The global geopolitical and security risks are far-reaching; the con-
tinued adoption of the IMF economic package spells disaster for Russia
and the West.
 THE “THIRDWORLDIZATION” OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION 253

Table 16.1
Storming the Russian Parliament, a Macro-Economic Chronology

September—October 1993

13 September President Yeltsin calls back Yegor Gaidar into the government.

20 September G7 embassies are advised of the suspension of parliament.

21 September Boris Yeltsin dissolves parliament and abrogates the constitution.

22 September G7 messages of support to Boris Yeltsin.

23 September Michel Camdessus, managing director of IMF, states that Russia’s

economic reforms are not on track.

A wave of economic decrees is initiated by Yegor Gaidar.

24 September Troops and riot police encircle the White House.

25 September The finance minister Mr. Boris Fyodorov meets G7 finance ministers.

28 September The annual meeting of the IMF and World Bank opens in
Washington; Boris Fyodorov meets Michel Camdessus.

IMF mission of economists is in Moscow to monitor progress of

economic reforms.

1 October Deadline date for decision by IMF regarding stand-by loan.

4 October Storming of the White House.

4 October Decision by the IMF (based on economists’ mission report) to delay

loan disbursements.

5 October The US, the European Community and Japan support Yeltsin’s deci-
sion to crush the parliamentary revolt.

Massive purges of Yeltsin opponents begin in Moscow and the

regions.

8 October Meeting in Frankfurt of the London Club pertaining to the resched-

uling of Russia’s debt with the commercial banks.

12 October Boris Yeltsin arrives in Tokyo.

14 October Price of bread increases from 100 to 300 rubles.

Source: Financial Times, September and October 1993, several issues.

254 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

Endnotes

1. Interview with an economist of the Russian Academy of Science, Moscow,

October 1992.
we bia.
3. A 50 percent decline in relation to the average of the previous three years.
Interviews with several economists of the Russian Academy of Science,
Moscow, September 1992.
4. Based on author’s compilation of price increases over the period December
1991-October 1992 of some 27 essential consumer goods including food,
transportation, clothing and consumer durables.
5. According to the government’s official statement to the Russian Parliament,
wages increased 11 times from January to September 1992.
6. Interview with the head of the IMF Resident Mission, Moscow, September
992.
7. See World Bank, Russian Economic Reform, Crossing the Threshold of
Structural Reform, Washington DC, 1992, p. 18.
8. Interview with a World Bank advisor, Moscow, October 1992.
9. Interview with an economist of the Russian Academy of Science, Moscow,
September 1992.
10. Interview in a Moscow polyclinic, interviews with workers in different sectors
of economic activity, Moscow and Rostow on the Don, September-October
1992. See also Jean-Jacques Marie, “Ecole et santé en ruines”, Le Monde
diplomatique, June 1992, p. 13.
11. The price and wage levels are those prevailing in September-October 1992. The
exchange rate in September 1992 was of the order of 300 rubles to the dollar.
jaei) . For further details see Jean Jacques Marie, op. cit.
. There is a failure on the part of the Russian economic advisors to uncover the
theoretical falsehoods of the IMF economic framework. There is no analysis
on how the IMF policy package actually works, and little knowledge in the
former Soviet Union of policy experiences in other countries, including sub-
Saharan Africa, Latin America and Eastern Europe.
. Interview with IMF official, Moscow, September 1992.
. See Delovoi Mir (Business World), No. 34, 6 September 1992, p. 14.
. During the first nine months of 1992.
. Interview with ordinary Russian citizens, Rostov on the Don, October 1992.
. See International Monetary Fund, World Bank, Organization for Economic
Cooperation and Development and European Bank for Reconstruction and
Development, A Study of the Soviet Economy, Vol. 1, Paris, 1991, part IL,
chapter 2.
 THE “THIRDWORLDIZATION” OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION — 255

19. Paraphrase of “Adam bit the apple and thereupon sin fell on the human race”
in Karl Marx “On Primitive Accumulation”, Capital (book 1).
20. See “Ruble Plunges to New Low”, Moscow Times, 2 October 1992, p. 1.
21. See Paul Klebnikoy, “Stalin’s Heirs”, Forbes, 27 September 1993, pp. 124-34.
22. The government is said to have issued export licenses in 1992 covering two
times the recorded exports of crude petroleum.
23. According to estimates of the Washington-based International Institute of
Banking.
24. It is estimated that with a purchase of US$ 1,000 of state property (according
to the book value of the enterprise), one acquires real assets of a value of $
300,000.
25. Interview with a Western commercial bank executive, Moscow, October 1992.
26. See Tim Beardsley, “Selling to Survive”, Scientific American, February 1993,
pp. 94-100.
27. Ibid.
28. With technical assistance from the World Bank, a uniform tariff on imports was
designed for the Russian Federation.
29. The Central Bank was under the jurisdiction of parliament. In early September
1993, an agreement was reached whereby the Central Bank would be respon-
sible to both the government and the parliament.
30. Quoted in Financial Times, 23 September 1993, p. 1.
31; dbid, p..1.
32. According to Financial Times, 5 October 1993.
33. See Leyla Boulton, “Russia’s Breadwinners and Losers”, Financial Times, 13
October 1993, p. 3.
34. Chris Doyle, The Distributional Consequences of Russia’s Transition,
Discussion Paper no. 839, Center for Economic Policy Research, London,
1993. This estimate is consistent with the author’s evaluation of price move-
ments of basic consumer goods over the period December 1991—October
1992. Official statistics (which are grossly manipulated) acknowledge a 56
percent collapse in purchasing power since mid-1991.
35. The amount eligible for restructuring pertained to the official debt contracted
prior to January 1991 (US$ 17 billion). Two billion were due in 1993, 15 bil-
lion were rescheduled over 10 years with a five-year grace period.
36. Only debt incurred prior to the cut-off date (January 1991) was to be resched-
uled; 15 out of $ 17 billion were rescheduled, $ 2 billion were due to the Paris
Club in 1993.
37. See The Wall Street Journal, New York, 12 October 1993, p. A17. See also
Allan Saunderson, “Legal Wrangle Holds Up Russian Debt Deal”, The
European, 14-17 October 1993, p. 38.
256 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

38. The World Bank has recommended to the government to “fracturize”, large
enterprises, that is to break them up into smaller entities.
39. See Financial Times, 1 August 1994, p. 1.
 Chapter 17

Dismantling Former Yugoslavia,

Recolonizing Bosnia-Herzegovina

As heavily-armed US and NATO troops enforced the peace in Bosnia, the

press and politicians alike portrayed Western intervention in the former
Yugoslavia as a noble, if agonizingly belated, response to an outbreak of
ethnic massacres and human rights violations. In the wake of the
November 1995 Dayton peace accords, the West was eager to touch up its
self-portrait as savior of the Southern Slavs and get on with “the work of
rebuilding” the newly “sovereign states.”
But following a pattern set early on, Western public opinion had been
skillfully misled. The conventional wisdom exemplified by the writings of
former US Ambassador to Yugoslavia Warren Zimmermann, held that the
plight of the Balkans was the outcome of an “aggressive nationalism’, the
inevitable result of deep-seated ethnic and religious tensions rooted in his-
tory.' Likewise, much was made ofthe “Balkans power-play” and the clash
of political personalities: “Tudjman and Milosevic are tearing
Bosnia-Herzegovina to pieces”’.”
Lost in the barrage of images and self-serving analyses are the
economic and social causes of the conflict. The deep-seated economic cri-
sis, which preceded the civil war, had long been forgotten. The strategic
interests of Germany and the US in laying the groundwork for the disinte-
gration of Yugoslavia go unmentioned, as does the role of external creditors
and international financial institutions. In the eyes of the global media,
Western powers bear no responsibility for the impoverishment and destruc-
tion of a nation of 24 million people.
But through their domination of the global financial system, the
Western powers, in pursuit of national and collective strategic interests,
helped bring the Yugoslav economy to its knees and stirred its simmering
ethnic and social conflicts. Now it is the turn of Yugoslavia’s war-ravaged
successor states to feel the tender mercies of the international financial
community.
258 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

As the world focused on troop movements and cease-fires, the inter-

national financial institutions were busily collecting former Yugoslavia’s
external debt from its remnant states, while transforming the Balkans into
a safe-haven for free enterprise. With a Bosnian peace settlement holding
under NATO guns, the West had in late 1995 unveiled a “reconstruction”
program that stripped that brutalized country of sovereignty to a degree not
seen in Europe since the end of World War II. It consisted largely of
making Bosnia a divided territory under NATO military occupation and
Western administration.

Neocolonial Bosnia

Resting on the Dayton accords, which created a Bosnian “Constitution,”

the US and its European allies had installed a full-fledged colonial admin-
istration in Bosnia. At its head was their appointed High Representative,
Carl Bildt, a former Swedish prime minister and European Union repre-
sentative in the Bosnian peace negotiations.’ Bildt was given full executive
powers in all civilian matters, with the right to overrule the governments of
both the Bosnian Federation and the Republika Srpska (Serbian Bosnia).
To make the point crystal clear, the Accords spelled out that “the High
Representative is the final authority in theater regarding interpretation of
the agreements.” He is to work with the multinational military implemen-
tation force (IFOR) military High Command as well as with creditors and
donors.
The UN Security Council had also appointed a “Commissioner” under
the High Representative to run an international civilian police force. Irish
police official Peter Fitzgerald, with UN policing experience in Namibia,
El Salvador and Cambodia, was to preside over some 1,700 police from 15
countries. Following the signing of the Dayton Accords in November
1995, the international police force was dispatched to Bosnia after a five-
day training program in Zagreb.°
The new “Constitution”, included as an Appendix to the Dayton
Accords, handed the reins of economic policy over to the Bretton Woods
institutions and the London based European Bank for Reconstruction and
Development (EBRD). The IMF was empowered to appoint the first
governor of the Bosnian Central Bank who, like the High Representative,
“shall not be a citizen of Bosnia and Herzegovina or a neighboring state.”
Under the IMF regency, the Central Bank is not allowed to function as
a Central Bank: “For the first six years . . . it may not extend credit by cre-
 DISMANTLING FORMER YUGOSLAVIA 259

ating money, operating in this respect as a currency board.” Neither was

Bosnia to be allowed to have its own currency (issuing paper money only
when there is full foreign exchange backing), nor permitted to mobilize its
internal resources. Its ability to self-finance its reconstruction through an
independent monetary policy was blunted from the outset.
While the Central Bank was in IMF custody, the EBRD heads the
Commission on Public Corporations, which supervises, since 1996, opera-
tions of all public sector enterprises in Bosnia, including energy, water,
postal services, telecommunications and transportation. The EBRD presi-
dent appoints the commission chair and is in charge of public sector
restructuring — i.e. the sell-off of state and socially-owned assets, and the
procurement of long-term investment funds’ Western creditors explicitly
created the EBRD “to give a distinctively political dimension to lending”."”
As the West proclaimed its support for democracy, actual political
power rests in the hands of a parallel Bosnian “state” whose executive
positions are held by non-citizens. Western creditors have embedded their
interests in a constitution hastily written on their behalf. They have done so
without a constitutional assembly and without consultations with Bosnian
citizens’ organizations. Their plans to rebuild Bosnia appear more suited to
sating creditors than satisfying even the elementary needs of Bosnians. The
neocolonization of Bosnia was a logical step of Western efforts to undo
Yugoslavia’s experiment in “market socialism” and workers’ sel f-manage-
ment, and to impose the dictate of the “free market”.

Historical background

Multi-ethnic, socialist Yugoslavia was once a regional industrial power and

economic success. In the two decades before 1980, annual gross domestic
product (GDP) growth averaged 6.1 percent, medical care was free, the
rate ofliteracy was 91 percent and life expectancy was 72 years.'' But after
a decade of Western economic ministrations and a decade ofdisintegration,
war, boycott and embargo, the economies of the former Yugoslavia were
prostrate, their industrial sectors dismantled.
Yugoslavia’s implosion was partially due to US machinations. Despite
Belgrade’s non-alignment and its extensive trading relations with the
European Community and the US, the Reagan administration had targeted
the Yugoslav economy in a “Secret Sensitive” 1984 National Security
Decision Directive (NSDD 133) entitled “US Policy towards Yugoslavia.”
A censored version, declassified in 1990, elaborated on NSDD 64 on
260 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

Eastern Europe issued in 1982. The latter advocated “expanded efforts to

promote a ‘quiet revolution’ to overthrow Communist governments and
parties,” while reintegrating the countries of Eastern Europe into a market-
oriented economy."
The US had earlier joined Belgrade’s other international creditors in
imposing a first round of macroeconomics reform in 1980, shortly before
the death of Marshall Tito. That initial round of restructuring set the pat-
tern.
Secessionist tendencies, feeding on social and ethnic divisions, gained
impetus precisely during a period of brutal impoverishment of the
Yugoslav population. The economic reforms “wreaked economic and
political havoc. . . Slower growth, the accumulation of foreign debt and
especially the cost of servicing it as well as devaluation led to a fall in the
standard of living of the average Yugoslav. . . The economic crisis threat-
ened political stability . . . it also threatened to aggravate simmering ethnic
tensions”’.'°
These reforms, accompanied by the signing of debt restructuring
agreements with the official and commercial creditors, also served to
weaken the institutions of the federal state creating political divisions
between Belgrade and the governments of the Republics and Autonomous
Provinces. “The [Federal] Prime Minister Milka Planinc, who was sup-
posed to carry out the program, had to promise the IMF an immediate
increase of the discount rates and much more for the Reaganomics arsenal
of measures. . .”'" And throughout the 1980s, the IMF and World Bank
periodically prescribed further doses of their bitter economic medicine as
the Yugoslav economy slowly lapsed into a coma.
From the outset, successive IMF sponsored programs hastened the dis-
integration of the Yugoslav industrial sector. Following the initial phase of
macro-economic reform in 1980, industrial growth plummeted to 2.8 per-
cent in the 1980-87 period, plunging to zero in 1987-88 and to a negative
10 percent growth rate by 1990." This process was accompanied by the
piecemeal dismantling of the Yugoslav welfare state, with all the pre-
dictable social consequences. Debt restructuring agreements, meanwhile,
increased foreign debt, and a mandated currency devaluation also hit hard
at Yugoslavs’ standard of living.
 DISMANTLING FORMER YUGOSLAVIA 261

Mr. Markovic goes to Washington

In Autumn 1989, just before the fall of the Berlin Wall, Yugoslav federal
Premier Ante Markovic met in Washington with President George Bush to
cap negotiations for a new financial aid package. In return for assistance,
Yugoslavia agreed to even more sweeping economic reforms, including a
new devalued currency, another wage freeze, sharp cuts in government
spending and the elimination of socially owned, worker-managed
companies."°
The Belgrade nomenclature, with the assistance of Western advisers,
had laid the groundwork for Markovic’s mission by implementing before-
hand many of the required reforms, including a major liberalization of for-
eign investment legislation.
“Shock therapy” began in January 1990. Although inflation had eaten
away at earnings, the IMF ordered that wages be frozen at their mid
November 1989 levels. Prices continued to rise unabated, and real wages
collapsed by 41 percent in the first six months of 1990."
The IMF also effectively controlled the Yugoslav central bank. Its tight
money policy further crippled the country’s ability to finance its econom-
ic and social programs. State revenues that should have gone as transfer
payments to the republics went instead to service Belgrade’s debt with the
Paris and London clubs. The republics were largely left to their own
devices. The economic package was launched in January 1990 under an
IMF Stand-by Arrangement (SBA) and a World Bank Structural
Adjustment Loan (SAL II). The budget cuts requiring the redirection of
federal revenues towards debt servicing, were conducive to the suspension
of transfer payments by Belgrade to the governments of the Republics and
Autonomous Provinces.
In one fell swoop, the reformers had engineered the final collapse of
Yugoslavia’s federal fiscal structure and mortally wounded its federal
political institutions. By cutting the financial arteries between Belgrade
and the republics, the reforms fueled secessionist tendencies that fed on
economic factors, as well as ethnic divisions, virtually ensuring the de
facto secession ofthe republics. The IMF-induced budgetary crisis created
an economic fait accompli that paved the way for Croatia’s and Slovenia’s
formal secession in June 1991.
262 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

Crushed by the Invisible Hand

The reforms demanded by Belgrade’s creditors also struck at the heart of

Yugoslavia’s system of socially-owned and worker-managed enterprises.
As one observer noted, ‘the objective was to subject the Yugoslav econo-
my to massive privatization and the dismantling ofthe public sector.’ “The
Communist Party bureaucracy, most notably its military and intelligence
sector, was canvassed specifically and offered political and economic
backing on the condition that wholesale scuttling of social protections for
Yugoslavia’s workforce was imposed.”’'* It was an offer that a desperate
Yugoslavia could not refuse. By 1990, the annual rate of growth of GDP
had collapsed to -7.5 percent. In 1991, GDP declined by a further 15 per-
cent, industrial output collapsed by 21 percent."
The restructuring program, demanded by Belgrade’s creditors, was
intended to abrogate the system of socially owned enterprises. The
Enterprise Law of 1989 required abolishing the Basic Organizations of
Associated Labor (BOAL). The latter were socially-owned productive
units under self-management with the Workers’ Council constituting the
main decision making body. The 1989 Enterprise Law required the trans-
formation of the BOALs into private capitalist enterprises with the
Worker’s Council replaced by a so-called “Social Board” under the control
of the enterprise’s owners including its creditors.20

Overhauling the Legal Framework

Advised by Western lawyers and consultants, a number of supporting
pieces oflegislation were put in place in a hurry. The Financial Operations
Act of 1989 was to play a crucial role in engineering the collapse of
Yugoslavia’s industrial sector, it was to provide for an “equitable” and so-
called “transparent trigger mechanism” which would steer so-called “insol-
vent” enterprises in bankruptcy or liquidation. A related act entitled the
Law on Compulsory Settlement, Bankruptcy and Liquidation was to safe-
guard “the rights of the creditors”. The latter could call for the initiation of
bankruptcy procedures enabling them to take over and/or liquidate the
assets of debtor enterprises.”!
The earlier 1988 Foreign Investment Law had allowed for unrestricted
entry of foreign capital not only into industry, but also into the banking,
insurance and services’ sectors. Prior to the enactment of the law. foreign
investment was limited to joint ventures with the socially-owned enter-
prises.” In turn, the 1989 Law on the Circulation and Management of
 DISMANTLING FORMER YUGOSLAVIA 263

Social Capital and the 1990 Social Capital Law allowed for the divestiture
of the socially-owned enterprises, including their sale to foreign capital.
The Social Capital Law also provided for the creation of “Restructuring
and Recapitalization Agencies” with a mandate to organize the “valuation”
of enterprise assets prior to privatization. As in Eastern Europe and the for-
mer Soviet Union, however, the valuation of assets was based on the
recorded “book-value” expressed in local currency. This book-value
tended to be unduly low thereby securing the sale of socially-owned assets
at rock-bottom prices. Slovenia and Croatia had by 1990 already estab-
lished their own draft privatization laws.*
The assault on the socialist economy also included a new banking law
designed to trigger the liquidation of the socially-owned Associated Banks.
Within two years, more than half the country’s banks had vanished, to be
replaced by newly-formed “independent profit-oriented institutions.”** By
1990, the entire “three-tier banking system” consisting of the National
Bank of Yugoslavia, the national banks of the eight Republics and
autonomous provinces and the commercial banks had been dismantled
under the guidance of the World Bank. A Federal Agency for Insurance and
Bank Rehabilitation was established in June 1990 with a mandate to
restructure and reprivatize restructured banks under World Bank supervi-
sion.” This process was to be undertaken over a five-year period. The
development of non-banking financial intermediaries including, brokerage
firms, investment management firms and insurance companies was also to
be promoted.

The Bankruptcy Program

Industrial enterprises had been carefully categorized. Under the IMF-World

Bank sponsored reforms, credit to the industrial sector had been frozen with
a view to speeding up the bankruptcy process. So-called exit mechanisms
had been established under the provisions of the 1989 Financial Operations
Act.” Under the new law, ifabusiness was unable to pay its bills for 30 days
running, or for 30 days within a 45-day period, the government would
launch bankruptcy proceedings within the next 15 days. This mechanism
allowed creditors (including national and foreign banks) to routinely convert
their loans into a controlling equity in the insolvent enterprise. Under the
Act, the government was not authorized to intervene. In case a settlement
was not reached, bankruptcy procedures would be initiated — in which case,
workers would not normally receive severance payments.”’
264 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

In 1989, according to official sources, 248 firms were steered into

bankruptcy or were liquidated and 89,400 workers had been laid off.”
During the first nine months of 1990, directly following the adoption of the
IMF program, another 889 enterprises with a combined work-force of
525,000 workers were subjected to bankruptcy procedures.” In less than
two years the World Bank’s so-called trigger mechanism (under the
Financial Operations Act) had led to the lay-off of 614,000 (out of a total
industrial workforce of the order of 2.7 million). The largest concentrations
of bankrupt firms and lay-offs were in Serbia, Bosnia-Herzegovina,
Macedonia and Kosovo.”
Many socially-owned enterprises attempted to avoid bankruptcy
through the non payment of wages. Half a million workers, representing
some 20 percent ofthe industrial labor force, were not paid during the early
months of 1990, in order to meet the demands of creditors under the “set-
tlement” procedures stipulated in the Law on Financial Organizations. Real
earnings were in a free fall, social programs had collapsed. With the bank-
ruptcies ofindustrial enterprises, unemployment had become rampant, cre-
ating within the population an atmosphere of social despair and hopeless-
ness.
The January 1990 IMF-sponsored package contributed to increasing
enterprise losses, while precipitating many ofthe large electric, petroleum
refinery, machinery, engineering and chemical enterprises into bankruptcy.
Moreover, with the deregulation of the trade regime, a flood of imported
commodities contributed to further destabilizing domestic production.
These imports were financed with borrowed money granted under the IMF
package (i.e. the various “quick disbursing loans” granted by the IMF, the
World Bank and bilateral donors in support of the economic reforms).
While the import bonanza was fueling the build-up of Yugoslavia’s exter-
nal debt, the abrupt hikes in interest rates and input prices imposed on
national enterprises had expedited the displacement and exclusion of
domestic producers from their own national market.

“Shedding Surplus Workers”

The situation prevailing in the months preceding the Secession of Croatia

and Slovenia (mid-1991) (confirmed by the 1989-90 bankruptcy figures)
points to the sheer magnitude and brutality of the process ofindustrial dis-
mantling. The figures, however, provide but a partial picture, depicting the
situation at the outset of the bankruptcy program, which continued unabat-
 DISMANTLING FORMER YUGOSLAVIA 265

ed in Yugoslavia’s successor states in the years following the Dayton

Accords.
The World Bank had estimated that there were sti//, in September 1990,
2,435 “loss-making” enterprises out of a remaining total of 7,531."' In other
words, these 2,435 firms, with a combined work-force of more than 1.3
million workers, had been categorized as “insolvent” under the provisions of
the Financial Operations Act, requiring the immediate implementation of
bankruptcy procedures. Bearing in mind that 600,000 workers had already
been laid off by bankrupt firms prior to September 1990, these figures sug-
gest that some 1.9 million workers (out of a total of 2.7 million) had been
classified as “redundant”. The “insolvent” firms concentrated in the energy,
heavy industry, metal processing, forestry and textile sectors were among
the largest industrial enterprises in the country representing (in September
1990) 49.7 percent of the total (remaining and employed) industrial work-
force.”
As 1991 dawned, real wages were in free fall, social programs had col-
lapsed, and unemployment ran rampant. The dismantling of the industrial
economy was breathtaking in its magnitude and brutality. Its social and
political impact, while not as easily quantified, was tremendous. Yugoslav
President Borisav Jovic warned that the reforms were “having a markedly
unfavorable impact on the overall situation in society. . . Citizens have lost
faith in the state and its institutions. . . The further deepening of the eco-
nomic crisis and the growth of social tensions has had a vital impact on the
deterioration ofthe political-security situation.”

The Political Economy of Disintegration

Some Yugoslavs joined together in a doomed battle to prevent the

destruction of their economy and polity. As one observer found, “worker
resistance crossed ethnic lines, as Serbs, Croats, Bosnians and Slovenians
mobilized . . . shoulder to shoulder with their fellow workers.” But the eco-
nomic struggle also heightened already tense relations among the republics
and between the republics and Belgrade.
Serbia rejected the austerity plan outright, and some 650,000 Serbian
workers struck against the federal government to force wage hikes.” The
other republics followed different and sometimes self-contradictory paths.
In relatively wealthy Slovenia, for instance, secessionist leaders such
as Social Democratic party chair Joze Pucnik supported the reforms:
“From an economic standpoint, I can only agree with socially harmful
266 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

measures in our society, such as rising unemployment or cutting workers’

rights, because they are necessary to advance the economic reform
process.”
But at the same time, Slovenia joined other republics in challenging
the federal government’s efforts to restrict their economic autonomy. Both
Croatian leader Franjo Tudjman and Serbia’s Slobodan Milosevic joined
Slovene leaders in railing against Belgrade’s attempts to impose harsh
reforms on behalf of the IMF.*’
In the multiparty elections in 1990, economic policy was at the center
of the political debate as separatist coalitions ousted the Communists in
Croatia, Bosnia and Slovenia. Just as economic collapse spurred the drift
toward separation, separation in turn exacerbated the economic crisis.
Cooperation among the republics virtually ceased. And with the republics
at each others’ throats, both the economy and the nation itself embarked on
a vicious downward spiral.
The process sped along as the republican leadership deliberately fos-
tered social and economic divisions to strengthen their own hands: “The
republican oligarchies, who all had visions of a ‘national renaissance’ of
their own, instead of choosing between a genuine Yugoslav market and
hyperinflation, opted for war which would disguise the real causes of the
economic catastrophe.”**
The simultaneous appearance of militias loyal to secessionist leaders
only hastened the descent into chaos. These militias (covertly financed by
the US and Germany), with their escalating atrocities, not only split the
population along ethnic lines, they also fragmented the workers’ move-
ment.~

“Western Help”

The austerity measures had laid the basis for the recolonization of the
Balkans. Whether that required the breakup of Yugoslavia was subject to
debate among the Western powers, with Germany leading the push for
secession and the US, fearful of opening a nationalist Pandora’s box, orig-
inally arguing for Yugoslavia’s preservation.
Following Franjo Tudjman’s and the rightist Democratic Union’s
decisive victory in Croatia in May 1990, German Foreign Minister Hans-
Dietrich Genscher, in almost daily contact with his counterpart in Zagreb,
gave his go-ahead for Croatian secession.“’ Germany did not passively
support secession; it “forced the pace of international diplomacy” and pres-
 DISMANTLING FORMER YUGOSLAVIA 267

sured its Western allies to recognize Slovenia and Croatia. Germany sought
a free hand among its allies “to pursue economic dominance in the whole of
Mittel Europa”’."'
Washington, on the other hand, “favored a loose unity while encour-
aging democratic development . . . [Secretary of State] Baker told Tudjman
and [Slovenia’s President] Milan Kucan that the United States would not
encourage or support unilateral secession . . . but if they had to leave, he
urged them to leave by a negotiated agreement.” In the meantime, the US
Congress had passed the 1991 Foreign Operations Appropriations Act
which curtailed all financial assistance to Yugoslavia. The provisions ofthe
Act had been casually referred to by the CIA as “a signed death warrant”
for Yugoslavia. The CIA had correctly predicted that “a bloody civil war
would ensue”."* The law also demanded the IMF and the World Bank to
freeze credit to Belgrade. And the US State Department had insisted that
the Yugoslav republics (considered as de facto political entities) “uphold
separate election procedures and returns before any further aid could be
3945
resumed to the individual republics”.

Post War Reconstruction and the “Free Market”

In the wake of the November 1995 Dayton Accords, Western creditors

turned their attention to Yugoslavia’s “successor states”. Yugoslavia’s for-
eign debt had been carefully divided and allocated to the successor
republics, which were strangled in separate debt rescheduling and struc-
tural adjustment agreements.”°
The consensus among donors and international agencies was that past
IMF macro-economics reforms inflicted on federal Yugoslavia had not
quite met their goal and further shock therapy was required to restore “eco-
nomic health” to Yugoslavia’s successor states. Croatia, Slovenia and
Macedonia had agreed to loan packages to pay off their shares of the
Yugoslav debt that required a consolidation of the process begun under
Ante Markovic’s bankruptcy program. The all too familiar pattern of plant
closings, induced bank failures, and impoverishment has continued
unabated since 1996. And who was to carry out IMF diktats ? The leaders
of the newly sovereign states have fully collaborated with the creditors.
In Croatia, the government of President Franjo Tudjman was obliged
to sign already in 1993, at the height of the civil war, an agreement with
the IMF. In return for fresh loans, largely intended to service Zagreb’s
external debt, the government of President Franjo Tudjman agreed to
 268 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

implementing further plant closures and bankruptcies, driving wages to

abysmally low levels. The official unemployment rate increased from 15.5
percent in 1991 to 19.1 percent in 1994.*’
Zagreb had also instituted a far more stringent bankruptcy law, togeth-
er with procedures for “the dismemberment” of large state-owned public
utility companies. According to its “Letter of Intent” to the Bretton Woods
institutions, the Croatian government had promised to restructure and fully
privatize the banking sector with the assistance ofthe European Bank for
Reconstruction and Development (EBRD) and the World Bank. The latter
had also demanded a Croatian capital market structured to heighten the
penetration of Western institutional investors and brokerage firms.
Under the agreement signed in 1993 with the IMF, the Zagreb govern-
ment was not permitted to mobilize its own productive resources through
fiscal and monetary policy. The latter were firmly under the control of its
external creditors. The massive budget cuts demanded under the agreement
had also forestalled the possibility of post-war reconstruction. The latter
could only be carried out through the granting of fresh foreign loans, a
process which has contributed to fueling Croatia’s external debt well into
the 21st century.
Macedonia had also followed a similar economic path to that of Croatia.
In December 1993, the Skopje government agreed to compress real wages
and freeze credit in order to obtain a loan under the IMF’s
Systemic
Transformation Facility (STF). In an unusual twist, multi-billionaire
busi-
ness tycoon George Soros participated in the International Support
Group
composed of the government of the Netherlands and the Basel-based
Bank
of International Settlements. The money provided by the Support
Group,
however, was not intended for “reconstruction” but rather to enable Skopje
to pay back debt arrears owed the World Bank.**
Moreover, in return for debt rescheduling, the government
of
Macedonian Prime Minister Branko Crvenkovski had to agree
to the liqui-
dation of remaining “insolvent” enterprises and the lay off of
“redundant”
workers — which included the employees of half the industrial
enterprises
in the country. As Deputy Finance Minister Hari Kostov
soberly noted,
with interest rates at astronomical levels because of donor-s
ponsored bank-
ing reforms, “it was literally impossible to find a compan
y in the country
which would be able to (. . .) to cover [its}costs.” +
Overall, the IMF economic therapy for Macedonia was a continu
ation
of the “bankruptcy program” launched in 1989-90
under federal
Yugoslavia. The most profitable assets were put on sale on the
Macedonian
 DISMANTLING FORMER YUGOSLAVIA 269

stock market, but this auction of socially owned enterprises had led to
industrial collapse and rampant unemployment.
And global capital applauds. Despite an emerging crisis in social wel-
fare and the decimation of his economy, Macedonian Finance Minister
Ljube Trpevski proudly informed the press in 1996 that “the World Bank
and the IMF place Macedonia among the most successful countries in
regard to current transition reforms”.
99 50

The head of the IMF mission to Macedonia, Paul Thomsen, agreed. He

avowed that “the results of the stabilization program were impressive” and
gave particular credit to “the efficient wages policy” adopted by the Skopje
government. Still, his negotiators had insisted that despite these achieve-
ments, even more budget cutting was necessary.”!

Reconstruction Colonial Style

But Western intervention was making its most serious inroads on national
sovereignty in Bosnia. The neocolonial administration imposed under the
Dayton Accords and supported by NATO’s firepower had ensured that
Bosnia’s future would be determined in Washington, Bonn, and Brussels
rather than in Sarajevo.
The Bosnian government had estimated in the wake of the Dayton
Accords that reconstruction costs would reach $ 47 billion. Western donors
had initially pledged $3 billion in reconstruction loans, of which only a
part was actually granted. Moreover, a large chunk of the fresh money lent
to Bosnia had been tagged to finance some of the local civilian costs of
IFOR’s military deployment, as well as repay international creditors.”
Fresh loans will pay back old debt. The Central Bank of the
Netherlands had generously provided “bridge financing” of $37 million to
allow Bosnia to pay its arrears with the IMF, without which the IMF will
not lend it fresh money. But in a cruel and absurd paradox, the sought-after
loans from the IMF’s newly created “Emergency Window” for “post-con-
flict countries” will not be used for post-war reconstruction. Instead, they
will repay the Dutch Central Bank, which had coughed up the money to
settle IMF arrears in the first place.”
Debt piles up, and little new money goes for rebuilding Bosnia’s war
torn economy.
While rebuilding is sacrificed on the altar of debt repayment, Western
governments and corporations show greater interest in gaining access to
strategic natural resources. With the discovery of energy reserves in the
 270 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

region, the partition of Bosnia between the Federation of Bosnia-

Herzegovina and the Bosnian-Serb Republika Srpska under the Dayton
Accords has taken on new strategic importance. Documents in the hands of
Croatia and the Bosnian Serbs indicate that coal and oil deposits have been
identified on the eastern slope of the Dinarides Thrust, retaken from
Krajina Serbs by the US-backed Croatian army in the final offensives
before the Dayton Accords. Bosnian officials had reported that Chicago-
based Amoco was among seVeral foreign firms that subsequently initiated
exploratory surveys in Bosnia.54
“Substantial” petroleum fields also lie “in the Serb-held part of
Croatia” just across the Sava River from Tuzla, the headquarters for the US
military zone.55 Exploration operations went on during the war, but the
World Bank and the multinationals that conducted the operations kept local
governments in the dark, presumably to prevent them from acting to grab
potentially valuable areas.”
With their attention devoted to debt repayment and potential energy
bonanzas, both the US and Germany have devoted their efforts — with
70,000 NATO troops on hand to “enforce the peace” — to administering the
partition of Bosnia in accordance with Western economic and strategic
interests.
While local leaders and Western interests share the spoils of the former
Yugoslav economy, they have entrenched socio-ethnic divisions in
the very
structure of partition. This permanent fragmentation of Yugoslavia along
ethnic lines thwarts a united resistance of Yugoslavs of all ethnic
origins
against the recolonization of their homeland.
But what’s new ? As one observer caustically noted, all of the
leaders
of Yugoslavia’s successor states have worked closely with the West:
“All
the current leaders of the former Yugoslav republics were Commun
ist
Party functionaries and each in turn vied to meet the demands
of the World
Bank and the IMF, the better to qualify for investment loans
and substan-
tial perks for the leadership.””

From Bosnia to Kosovo .

Economic and political dislocation has been the pattern in the various
stages of the Balkans war: from the initial military intervention
of NATO
in Bosnia in 1992 to the bombing of Yugoslavia on
“humanitarian
grounds” in 1999. Bosnia and Kosovo are stages in the
recolonization of
the Balkans. The pattern of intervention under NATO guns
in Bosnia under
 DISMANTLING FORMER YUGOSLAVIA 2st

the Dayton Accords has been replicated in Kosovo under the formal man-
date of United Nations “peace-keeping”.
In post-war Kosovo, state terror and the “free market” go hand in
hand. In close consultation with NATO, the World Bank had carefully ana-
lyzed the consequences of an eventual military intervention leading to the
occupation of Kosovo. Almost a year prior to the onslaught of the war, the
World Bank had conducted relevant “simulations” which “anticipated the
possibility of an emergency scenario arising out of the tensions in
Kosovo”.** This suggests that NATO had already briefed the World Bank
at an early stage of military planning.
While the bombing was still ongoing, the World Bank and the
European Commission had been granted a special mandate for “‘coordinat-
ing donors’ economic assistance in the Balkans” The underlying terms of
reference did not exclude Yugoslavia from receiving donor support. It was,
however, clearly stipulated that Belgrade would be eligible for reconstruc-
tion loans “‘once political conditions there change”.
In the wake of the bombings, “free market reforms” were imposed on
Kosovo largely replicating the clauses of the Rambouillet agreement,
which had in part been modeled on the Dayton Accords imposed on
Bosnia. Article I (Chapter 4a) of the Rambouillet Agreement stipulated
that: “The economy of Kosovo shall function in accordance with free mar-
ket principles”.
Along with NATO troops, an army of lawyers and consultants was sent
into Kosovo under World Bank auspices. Their mandate: create an
“enabling environment” for foreign capital and ensure Kosovo’s speedy
transition to a “thriving, open and transparent market economy”.”' In turn,
the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) provisional government had been
called upon by the donor community to “establish transparent, effective
and sustainable institutions”.°° The extensive links of the KLA to organized
crime and the Balkans narcotics trade were not seen by the “international
community” as an obstacle to the installation of “democracy” and “good
governance”.
In occupied Kosovo, under UN mandate, the management of state-
owned enterprises and public utilities was taken over by appointees of the
Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA). The leaders of the Provisional
Government of Kosovo (PGK) had become “the brokers” of multinational
capital committed to handing over the Kosovar economy at bargain prices
to foreign investors.
Meanwhile, Yugoslav state banks operating in Pristina had been closed
 272 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

down. The Deutschmark was adopted as legal tender and almost the entire
banking system in Kosovo was handed over to Germany’s Commerzbank
A.G., which gained full control over commercial banking functions for the
province including money transfers and foreign exchange transactions.63

Taking over Kosovo’s Mineral Wealth

Under Western military occupation, Kosovo’s extensive wealth in mineral

resources and coal was slated to be auctioned off at bargain prices to for-
eign capital. Prior to the bombings, Western investors already had their
eyes riveted on the massive Trepca mining complex which constitutes “the
most valuable piece of real estate in the Balkans, worth at least $5 bil-
lion”. The Trepca complex not only includes copper and large reserves of
zinc, but also cadmium, gold and silver. It has several smelting plants, 17
metal treatment sites, a power plant and Yugoslavia’s largest battery plant.
Northern Kosovo also has estimated reserves of 17 billion tons of coal and
lignite.
Barely a month after Kosovo’s military occupation under NATO guns,
the head of the United Nations Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) Bernard
Kouchner issued a decree to the effect that: “UNMIK shall administer
movable or immovable property, including monetary accounts, and other
property of, or registered in the name of the Federal Republic of
Yugoslavia or the Republic of Serbia or any of its organs, which is in the
territory of Kosovo”.
No time was lost — a few months after the military occupation of
Kosovo, the International Crisis Group (ICG) — a think tank supported by
Financier George Soros — issued a paper on “Trepca: Making Sense of the
Labyrinth”, which advised the United Nations Mission in Kosovo
(UNMIK) “to take over the Trepca mining complex from the Serbs as
quickly as possible and explained how this should be done”. And in
August 2000, UNMIK Head Bernard Kouchner sent in heavily armed
“peacekeepers” (“wearing surgical masks against toxic smoke’) to occupy
the mine on the pretense that it was creating an environmental hazard
through excessive air pollution.
Meanwhile, the United Nations had handed over the management of
the entire Trepca complex to a Western consortium. With a stake in the
Trepca deal was Morrison Knudsen International. now regrouped with
Rayethon Engineering and Construction. The new conglomerate is the
Washington Group, one of the world’s most powerful engineering and
con-
 DISMANTLING FORMER YUGOSLAVIA 273

struction firms, as well as a major Defense contractor in the US. Junior

partners in the deal are TEC-Ingenierie of France and Sweden’s consulting
outfit Boliden Contech.

The Installation of a Mafia State

While Financier George Soros was investing money in Kosovo’s

reconstruction, the George Soros Foundation for an Open Society had
opened a branch office in Pristina establishing the Kosovo Foundation for
an Open Society (KFOS) as part of the Soros’ network of “non-profit foun-
dations” in the Balkans, Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union.
Together with the World Bank’s Post Conflict Trust Fund, the Kosovo
Open Society Foundation (KOSF) was providing “targeted support” for
“the development of local governments to allow them to serve their com-
munities in a transparent, fair and accountable manner”®’ Since most of
these local governments are in the hands of the KLA, which has extensive
links to organized crime, this program is unlikely to meet its declared
objective.”
In turn, “strong economic medicine” imposed by external creditors has
contributed to further boosting a criminal economy (already firmly
implanted in Albania) which feeds on poverty and economic dislocation.
With Albania and Kosovo at the hub of the Balkans drug trade, Kosovo
was also slated to reimburse foreign creditors through the laundering of
dirty money. Narco-dollars will be recycled towards servicing Kosovo’s
debt, as well as “financing” the costs of “reconstruction”. The lucrative
flow of narco-dollars thus ensures that foreign investors involved in the
“reconstruction” programme will be able reap substantial returns.

Neoliberalism, the Only Possible World ?

Administered in several doses since the 1980s, NATO-backed neo-liberal

economic medicine has helped destroy Yugoslavia. Yet, the global media
has carefully overlooked or denied its central role. Instead, they have
joined the chorus singing praises of the “free market” as the basis for
rebuilding a war shattered economy. The social and political impact of
economic restructuring in Yugoslavia has been carefully erased from our
collective understanding. Opinion-makers instead dogmatically present
cultural, ethnic, and religious divisions as the sole cause of war and
devastation. In reality, they are the consequence of a much deeper process
 274 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

of economic and political fracturing.

Such false consciousness not only masks the truth, it also prevents us
from acknowledging precise historical occurrences. Ultimately, it distorts
the true sources of social conflict. When applied to the former Yugoslavia,
it obscures the historical foundations of South Slavic unity, solidarity and
identity in what constituted a multi-ethnic society.
At stake in the Balkans are the lives of millions of people. Macro-eco-
nomic reform, combined with military conquest and UN “peace keeping”,
has destroyed livelihoods and made a joke of the right to work. It has put
basic needs such as food and shelter beyond the reach of many. It has
degraded culture and national identity. In the name of global capital,
borders have been redrawn, legal codes rewritten, industries destroyed,
financial and banking systems dismantled and social programs eliminated.
No alternative to global capital, be it Yugoslav “market socialism” or
“national capitalism’, will be allowed to exist.

Endnotes

1. See, e.g., former US Ambassador to Yugoslavia Warren Zimmerman, ‘The

Last Ambassador, A Memoir of the Collapse of Yugoslavia’, Foreign Affairs,
Vol 74, no. 2, 1995.
bo For a critique, see Milos Vasic, et al., War Against Bosnia, Vreme News
Digest Agency, Apr. 13, 1992.
ws) Testimony of Richard C. Holbrooke, Assistant Secretary of State, Bureau of
European and Canadian Affairs, before the Senate Appropriations Committee,
Subcommittee on Foreign Operations, Washington, 19 December 1995.
4. Dayton Peace Accords, Agreement on High Representative, Articles I and UH,
16 December 1995,
GN Dayton Peace Accords, Agreement on Police Task Force. Article II.
6. According to a United Nations statement, United Nations, New York, 5
January 1996. See also Seattle Post Intelligencer, 16 January 1996, p. AS.
7. Dayton Peace Accords, Agreement on General Framework, Article VII.
8. Lbid.
9. Ibid, Agreement on Public Corporations, Article 1.10.
10. Stabilizing Europe, The Times (London), Nov 22, 1990.
11. World Bank, World Development Report 1991, Statistical Annex, Tables 1
and 2, Washington, 1991.
2. Sean Gervasi, ‘Germany, the US, and the Yugoslav Crisis’, Covert Action
Quarterly, No. 43, Winter 1992-93, p. 42.
13. 1bid.:
 DISMANTLING FORMER YUGOSLAVIA 275

. Dimitrije Boarov, “A Brief Review of Anti-inflation Programs, the Curse of

Dead Programs”, Vreme New Digest Agency, No. 29, 13 April 1992.
. World Bank, Industrial Restructuring Study: Overview, Issues, and Strategy
for Restructuring, Washington, D C, June 1991, pp. 10,14.
. Gervasi, op. cit., p. 44.
. World Bank, Industrial Restructuring Study, op. cit., p. vill.
. Ralph Schoenman, Divide and Rule Schemes in the Balkans, Zhe Organizer,
San Francisco, Sept. 11, 1995.
. Judit Kiss, Debt Management in Eastern Europe, Eastern European
Economics, May June 1894, p 59.
20. See Barbara Lee and John Nellis, Enterprise Reform and Privatization in
Socialist Economies, The World Bank, Washington DC, 1990, pp. 20-21.
. For further details see World Bank, Yugoslavia, Industrial Restructuring,
Deoee
. World Bank, Yugoslavia, Industrial Restructuring, p. 29.
» Weeds 23:
Ibid, p. 38.
» ibid, p..39.
riba, p33.
. Lbid, p: 33:
. Lbid, p. 34. Data of the Federal Secretariat for Industry and Energy. Of the
total number of firms, 222 went bankrupt and 26 were liquidated.
. Ibid, p. 33. These figures include bankruptcy and liquidation.
. Ibid, p. 34.
. oid, p13. Annex lp. 1.
. “Surplus labor” in industry had been assessed by the World Bank mission to
be of the order of 20 percent of the total labor force of 8.9 million, — Le.
approximately 1.8 million. This figure is significantly below the actual num-
ber of redundant workers based on the categorization of “insolvent” enter-
prises. Solely in the industrial sector, there were 1.9 million workers
(September 1990) out of 2.7 million employed in enterprises classified as
insolvent by the World Bank. See World Bank, Yugoslavia, Industrial
Restructuring, Annex 1.
33. British Broadcasting Service, Borisav Jovic Tells SFRY Assembly Situation
Has Dramatically Deteriorated, 27 April 1991.
34. Schoenman, op. cit.
22. Gervasi, op cit., p. 44.
36. Federico Nier Fischer, Eastern Europe: Social Crisis, /nter Press Service, 5
September 1990.
a Klas Bergman, ‘Markovic Seeks to Keep Yugoslavia One Nation’, Christian
 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

Science Monitor, July 11,1990, p. 6.

Dimitrue Boarov, “Brief Review of Anti-Inflation Programs: the Curse ofthe
Dead Programs”, Vreme News Digest Agency, Apr. 13, 1992.
. lbid.
. Gervasi, op cit., p. 65.
. Lbid, p. 45.
. Zimmerman, op. cit.
. Jim Burkholder, Humanitarian Intervention ? Veterans For Peace, undated,
www.veteransforpeace.org.
. Lbid.
. Lbid.
. In June 1995, the IMF, acting on behalf of creditor banks and Western gov-
ernments, proposed to redistribute that debt as follows: Serbia and
Montenegro, 36%, Croatia 28%, Slovenia 16%, Bosnia-Herzegovina, 16%
and Macedonia 5%.
. “Zagreb’s About Turn”, The Banker, January 1995, p. 38.
. See World Bank, Macedonia Financial and Enterprise Sector, Public
Information Department, 28 November 1995.
49. Statement of Macedonia’s Deputy Minister of Finance Mr. Hari Kostov,
reported in MAK News, 18 April 1995. Macedonian Information and Liaison
Service, MILS' News, 11 April 1995.
. Lbid.
. According to the terms of the Dayton Accords (Annex 1-A), “the government
of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina shall provide free of cost such
facilities NATO needs for the preparation and execution of the Operation”.
IMF to Admit Bosnia on Wednesday, United Press International, 18
December 1995.
. Frank Viviano and Kenneth Howe, “Bosnia Leaders Say Nation Sit Atop Oil
Fields”, The San Francisco Chronicle, 28 August 1995. See also Scott
Cooper, “Western Aims in Ex-Yugoslavia Unmasked”, The Organizer, 24
September.
[bid.
» Loid:
Schoenman, op. cit.
World Bank Development News, Washington, 27 April 1999.
- World Bank Group Response to Post Conflict Reconstruction in Kosovo:
General Framework For an Emergency Assistance Strategy,
http: /www.worldbank.org/html/extdr/kosovo/kosovo_st.htm undated).
. Lbid.
. World Bank, The World Bank’s Role in Reconstruction and Recovery in
 DISMANTLING FORMER YUGOSLAVIA 277)

Kosovo, http://www.worldbank.org/html/extdr/pb/pbkosovo.htm, undated.

. Lbid.
. International Finance Corporation (IFC), International Consortium Backs
Kosovo’s First Licensed Bank, http://www.ifc.org, Press Release, Washington,
24 January 2000.
. New York Times, July 8, 1998, report by Chris Hedges.
Quoted in Diana Johnstone, “How it is Done, Taking over the Trepca
Mines: Plans and Propaganda”, http://www.emperors- clothes.com/
articles/Johnstone/howitis.htm, Emperors Clothes, 28 February 2000.
. See Johnstone, op cit.
. For the ICG report see http://www.emperorsclothes.com/artiches/
Johnstone/icg.htm
67. World Bank, KOSF and World Bank, World Bank Launches First Kosovo
Project, Washington, http://www.worldbank.org/html/extdr/extme/097.htm,
November 16, 1999, News Release No. 2000/097/ECA.
68. Out of the 20 million dollars budget for this program, only one million dollars
was being provided by the World Bank.
 Chapter 18

Albania’s IMF Sponsored Financial Disaster

Historical Background of the Crisis

Following the demise of the Communist State in 1991, Western capitalism

had come to symbolize, for many Albanians, the end of an era, as well as
the uncertain promise of a better life. In a cruel irony, production and earn-
ings had plummeted under the brunt of the free market reforms inflicted by
donors and creditors. Since 1991, the national economy had been thor-
oughly revamped under the supervision of the Bretton Woods institutions.
With most of the state-owned enterprises spearheaded into liquidation,
unemployment and poverty had become rampant.
President Ramiz Alia, Enver Hoxha’s chosen successor had already ini-
tiated an overture to Western capitalism. Diplomatic relations had been
restored with Bonn in 1987 leading to expanded trade with the European
Community. In 1990 at its Ninth Plenum, the Albanian Workers’ Party
(AWP) adopted an economic reform programme, which encouraged foreign
investment and provided greater autonomy to managers of state-owned
enterprises. These reforms also allowed for the accumulation of private
wealth by members of the Communist nomenclature. In April 1990, Prime
Minister Adil Carcani announced confidently that Albania was eager to par-
ticipate in the Conference on European Cooperation and Security, opening
the door to the establishment of close ties with Western Defence institutions
including NATO.
President Ramiz Alia was re-elected by a multi-party Parliament in
May 1991. The defunct Albanian Workers Party was re-baptized and a
coalition government between the new “Socialists” and the opposition
Democratic Party was formed. Also in 1991, full diplomatic relations with
Washington were restored; Secretary of State James Baker visited Tirana,
and Albania requested full membership in the Bretton Woods institutions.
Meanwhile, amidst the chaos of hyperinflation and street riots, which
 280 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

preceded the 1992 elections, German, Italian and American business inter-
ests had carefully positioned themselves forging political alliances as well
as “joint ventures” with the former Communist establishment. The opposi-
tion Democratic Party (in principle committed to Western style democracy)
was led by Sali Berisha, a former Secretary of theCommunist Party and a
member of Enver Hoxha’s inner circle. Berisha’s election campaign had
been generously funded by the West.

The IMF-World Bank Sponsored Reforms

Western capital was anxious to secure a firm grip over the reigns of macro-
economic policy. The IMF-World Bank sponsored reforms were set in
motion immediately after the electoral victory of the Democrats and the
inauguration of President Sali Berisha in May 1992. Economic borders
were torn down, Albanian industry and agriculture were “opened up”.
Adopted in several stages, the ill-fated IMF sponsored reforms reached
their inevitable climax in late 1996 with the ruin ofthe industrial sector and
the near disintegration of the banking system. The fraudulent “pyramid”
investment funds, which had mushroomed under the Berisha regime, had
closed their doors. The faded promises of the “free market” had evapor-
ated, millions of dollars of life long savings had been squandered; the
money had been siphoned out of the country. One third of the population
was defrauded with many people selling their houses and land.
Some 1.5 billion dollars had been deposited in the “ponzi” schemes
with remittances from Albanian workers in Greece and Italy representing a
sizeable portion of total deposits. Yet the amounts of money which had
transited in and out of the investment funds were significantly larger. The
Puglian Sacra Corona Unita and the Neapolitan Camorra Mafias had used
the pyramids to launder vast amounts of dirty money, part of which was
reinvested in the acquisition of state property and land under Tirana’s pri-
vatization programme. The ponzi schemes were allegedly also used by
Italy’s crime syndicates as a point of transit — i.e. to re-route dirty money
towards safe offshore banking havens in Western Europe.
These shady investment funds were an integral part of the economic
reforms inflicted by Western creditors. The application of “strong
eco-
nomic medicine”, under the guidance of the Washington-based Bretton
Woods institutions, had contributed to wrecking the banking system
and
precipitating the collapse of the Albanian economy. Since their inceptio
n
in 1991-92, the free market reforms had also generated an environ
ment
 ALBANIA’S IMF SPONSORED FINANCIAL DISASTER 281

which fostered the progress of illicit trade (noticeably in narcotics and

arms sales) as well as the criminalization of state institutions.
Controlled by the ruling Democratic Party, Albania’s largest financial
“pyramid” —VEFA Holdings — had been set up by the Guegue “families” of
Northern Albania with the support of Western banking interests. According
to one report, VEFA is now under investigation in Italy for its ties to the
Mafia, which allegedly used VEFA to launder large amounts of dirty
money. '
The pyramids not only financed the campaign of the Democratic Party
ahead of the June 1996 elections, they were also used by Party officials to
swiftly transfer money out of the country.’
Several of the multi-million-dollar schemes lent their support to the
ruling Democratic Party in last year’s [1996] parliamentary and local
elections. (. . .) To date, no country has investigated the link between
governments and the schemes, and critics point to a dearth of fraud-
related legislation.
‘Foundation fever” was also used to bolster Berisha’s euphoric 1996
re-election bid. Widely accused of poll-rigging, the Democratic Party had
branded the logos of the pyramids in its 1996 campaign posters. Echoing
the get-rich-quick frenzy of the ponzi schemes, the Berisha regime had
promised: “with us everybody wins”. . .

An “Economic Success Story”

The alleged links of the Albanian state apparatus to organized crime were
known to Western governments and intelligence agencies, yet President Sali
Berisha had been commended by Washington for his efforts toward estab-
lishing a multi-party democracy “with legal guarantees of human rights”.
Echoing the US State Department, the Bretton Woods institutions (which
had overseen the deregulation of the banking system), had touted Albania as
an “economic success story”: “Albania’s performance on macro-economic
policy and structural reforms has been remarkably good since 1992”.
World Bank Director for Central Europe and Asia Mr. Jean Michel Severino
on a visit to Tirana in the Fall of 1996, had praised Berisha for the country’s
“fast growth and generally positive results”; the economy “has bounced
back quicker than in other [transition] countries”... A few months later, the
scam surrounding the fraudulent “pyramids” and their alleged links to
organized crime were unveiled.
 282 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

In all the euphoria about double-digit growth rates, few bothered to

notice that the revenue was almost all coming from criminal activity
or artificial sources, such as foreign aid and remittances sent home by
Albanians working abroad.”
In February 1997, Prime Minister Alekxander Meksi grimly admitted
in a statement to Parliament that the country was on “the brink of macro-
economic chaos, (. . .) a real economic catastrophe (. . .) even worse than
in 1992,” following the initial injection of IMF shock treatment.’ President
Berisha had himself re-appointed by Parliament; a state of emergency was
in force which “gave police power to shoot stone-throwers on sight. The
main opposition newspaper was set afire, apparently by the secret police,
less than 12 hours after the introduction of draconian press censorship
laws”.’ Prime Minister Meksi was sacked in early March 1997, the
Commander in chief of the Armed Forces General Sheme Kosova was put
under house arrest and replaced by General Adam Copani. The latter — who
over the years had established close personal ties to NATO headquarters —
was responsible for coordinating with Western governments the activities
of the military-humanitarian operation ordered by the UN Security
Council.
The economy had come to a standstill, poverty was rampant, the
Albanian State was in total disarray leading to mass protest and civil unrest.
Yet the West’s endorsement ofthe Berisha regime remained impervious.

The Bankruptcy Programme

The pyramid scam was the consequence of economic and financial dereg-
ulation. Under the IMF-World Bank sponsored reforms initiated since the
outset of the Berisha regime in 1992, most of the large public enterprises
had been earmarked for liquidation or forced bankruptcy leading to mass
unemployment. Under the World Bank programme, budgetary support for
the State Owned Enterprises (SOEs) would be slashed while “clearly iden-
tifying which enterprises are to be allowed access to public resources and
under which conditions”.* This mechanism contributed to rendering inop-
erative a large part of the nation’s productive assets. Moreover, credit to
state enterprises had been frozen with a view to speeding up the bankrupt-
cy process.
A bankruptcy law was enacted (modelled on. that imposed on
Yugoslavia in 1989); the World Bank had demanded that:
restructuring efforts include splitting of SOEs [state owned enterprises
|
 ALBANIA’S IMF SPONSORED FINANCIAL DISASTER 283

to make them more manageable (. . .) and prepare them for privatiza-

tion. The state-owned medium-sized and large enterprises including
public utilities, would be privatized through the mass privatization
program (MPP), (. . .), for which vouchers are being distributed to the
citizens.”
The most profitable state enterprises were initially transferred to hold-
ing companies controlled by members of the former nomenclature state
assets within the portfolio of these holding companies were to be auctioned
off to foreign capital according to a calendar agreed upon with the Bretton
Woods institutions.
The privatization programme had led virtually overnight to the devel-
opment of a property owning class firmly committed to the tenets of
neoliberalism. In Northern Albania, this class was associated with the
Guegue “families” linked to the Democratic Party. According to one
report, the Northern tribal clans or “fares” had also developed links with
Italy’s crime syndicates."
In turn, this rapid accumulation of private wealth had led to the spurt
of luxury housing and imports (including large numbers of shiny Mercedes
cars) (...) The import of cars has been boosted by the influx of dirty
money (...) Moreover, the gush of hard currency loans granted by multilat-
eral creditors had also contributed to fuelling the import of luxury goods.
(Imports had almost doubled from 1989 to 1995. Exports, on the other
hand, had dwindled exacerbating the country’s balance of payments cri-
sis).!!

Financial Deregulation

The Albanian Parliament had passed a banking law in 1992 allowing for
the creation (with little or no restrictions) of “foundations” and “holding
companies” involved in commercial banking activities. The World Bank
had insisted on “an appropriate framework for creating new [small and
medium-sized] private banks and encouraging informal money lenders and
non-bank financial intermediaries to enter the formal financial intermedia-
tion circuit”.'’ The “pyramids” had thereby become an integral part of the
untamed banking environment proposed by the Bretton Woods institutions.
The various funds and “foundations” were to operate freely alongside the
state banks composed of the National Commercial Bank, the Rural
Commercial Bank and the Savings Bank. The law, while spurting the
expansion ofprivate financial intermediaries, nonetheless, retained certain
284 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

“supervisory functions” for the Central Bank authorities. Article 28 of the

law provided for the establishment of a Reserve Fund at the Central Bank
with a view to “safeguarding the interests of depositors”."’
The provisions of Article 28 were later incorporated into a special arti-
cle on banks and financial institutions contained in the World Bank
sponsored Draft Law on Bankruptcy presented to Parliament in late 1994.
This article provided for the establishment of a “deposit insurance fund”
under the supervision of the Central Bank.
While the law was being debated in the Legislature, the IMF advisory
team at the Central Bank intervened and demanded:
that this clause be scrapped because it was “‘at this time inconsistent
with Fund staff advice”. (No other reason was given.) Also, the IMF
experts advised, normal bankruptcy procedure should not be applied
to banks because that would have meant that the creditors of an insol-
vent bank could ask that bank to stop operations. This was inadvis-
able, an IMF expert claimed, because “in Albania, which has so few
banks, this is perhaps a matter solely for the bank regulatory authori-
ties” — and that meant the Central Bank."
In turn, the foreign consultant who had drafted the Bankruptcy Law
(on behalf of the government with support from the World Bank) had
advised the authorities that the removal of the deposit insurance clause
from the draft law might result in:
‘Small creditors’ rallies in front of closed banks, waving red flags and
posters accusing National Bank officials of conspiracy with Western
capital, or the Mafia, to exploit and destroy the people”. The IMF
experts did not listen. On their advice, the deposit insurance scheme
and the full application of insolvency law to banks were scrapped.'
Despite this forewarning, the IMF’s decision (over-ruling both the
government and the World Bank) was to be formally embodied in the draft
of a new banking law presented to Parliament in February 1996 “at a time
when the danger represented by fraudulent banking enterprises should
have been evident to everybody”."’ The new banking law also scrapped the
three-tier banking system contained in the 1992 Law:
It [the 1996 draft law] was written in an Albanian so awful that the
poor deputies can hardly have understood it; that may have been the
reason why they passed it, certainly very much impressed by its arcane
technicality. It evidently was a verbatim translation from an English
original, so one may safely assume that this, again, was the work of
 ALBANIA’S IMF SPONSORED FINANCIAL DISASTER 285

those IMF experts at the Central Bank everybody believed in — just as,
at that same time, nearly everybody believed in those pyramids.'’
The IMF team at the Albanian Central Bank had:
thwarted pending legislation for the safety of depositors. (. . .) The
IMF team at the Albanian Central Bank did not use its influence to
make the Central Bank carry out its supervisory duties and stop the
pyramids in time — perhaps because the IMF experts believed that
Albania needed all the banks it could get, honest or fraudulent.'*
And it was only when the financial scam had reached its climax in late
1996, that the IMF retreated from its initial position and ‘tasked President
Berisha to act. At that time it was far too late, any sort of soft landing was
umpossible”."”
In parallel with these developments, the World Bank (which was busy
overseeing the enterprise restructuring and privatization programme) had
demanded in 1995 the adoption of legislation, which would transform the
state-owned banks into holding companies. This transformation had been
included in the “conditionalities” of the World Bank Enterprise and
Financial Sector Adjustment Credit (EFSAC).
The World Bank had carefully mapped out the process of industrial
destruction by demanding a freeze of budget support to hundreds of SOEs
targeted for liquidation. It had also required the authorities to set aside
large amounts of money to prop up SOEs which had been earmarked for
privatization. Thus, prior to putting the National Commercial Bank, the
Rural Commercial Bank and the Savings Bank on the auction block, the
government (following World Bank advice) was required to “help restore
the banks’ balance sheets by assuming their non-performing loan portfolio.
This will be done so that they can be really sound banks and be turned into
shareholding companies, which will then be sold”.’ Making the SOEs
(including state-owned public utilities) “more attractive” to potential
foreign investors had predictably contributed to fuelling the country’s
external debt. This “strengthening of SOEs in preparation for privatiza-
tion” was being financed from the gush of fresh money granted by multi-
lateral and bilateral creditors. Ironically, the Albanian State was “funding
its own indebtedness” — 1.e. by providing financial support to SOEs ear-
marked for sale to Western investors.
Moreover, part of the foreign exchange proceeds, generated by the
influx of overseas remittances and dirty money into the “foundations”,
were also being used to prop up the state’s debt-stricken enterprises ulti-
256 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

mately to the benefit of foreign buyers who were acquiring state property
at rock bottom prices.
In 1996, the Tirana stock exchange was set up with a view to “speed-
ing up the privatization programme”. In the true spirit of anglo-saxon lib-
eralism, only ten players (carefully selected by the regime) would be
licensed to operate and “compete” in the exchange. *!

The Scramble for State Property

As the banking system crumbled and the country edged towards disaster,
foreign investors (including Italy’s crime syndicates) scrambled to take over
the most profitable state assets. In February 1997, Anglo-Adriatic, Albania’s
first voucher privatization fund, was busy negotiating deals with foreign
investors in areas ranging from breweries to cement and pharmaceuticals.
The Privatization Ministry — hastily set up in response to Western demands
after the rigged June 1996 elections — reaffirmed the government’s determi-
nation “to conclude this undertaking to privatize the economy and to do it
soundly, steadily and legally. We are determined to go on.”
At midday on March 10, on the third floor of the Albanian Finance
Ministry, an auction is due to take place for the sale of a 70 percent
stake in the Elbasan cement plant for cash. A day later, a 70 percent
stake is due to be sold in the associated limestone quarry.”’
The World Bank had also recommended that all public utilities includ-
ing, water distribution, electricity and infrastructure, be placed in private
hands. In turn, civil unrest had served to further depress the book-value of
state assets to the benefit of foreign buyers: “This is the Wild East”, says
one Western investor in Tirana. “There is going to be trouble for some
time, but that also offers opportunities. We are pressing on regardless.” ~4

Selling Off Strategic Industries

Despite mounting protest from the trade-unions, the government had estab-
lished (in agreement with Western financial institutions) a precise calendar
for the sale of its strategic holdings in key industries including oil, copper
and chrome. These sales had been scheduled for early 1997... With a mod-
est investment of 3.5 million dollars, Preussag AG, the German mining
group was to acquire an 80 percent stake in the chrome industry, giving it
control over the largest reserves of chrome ore in Europe.
The stakes in the 1996 elections were high for both America and
 ALBANIA’S IMF SPONSORED FINANCIAL DISASTER 287

Germany. The Adenauer Foundation had been lobbying in the background

on behalf of German economic interests. Berisha’s former Minister of
Defence Safet Zoulali (alleged to have been involved in the illegal oil and
narcotics trade) was the architect of the agreement with Preussag against
the competing bid of the US-led consortium of Macalloy Inc. in associa-
tion with Rio Tinto Zimbabwe (RTZ).
Several Western oil companies including Occidental, Shell and British
Petroleum had their eyes rivetted on Albania’s abundant and unexplored
oil-deposits in the regions of Durres, Patos and Tirana. Occidental was also
drilling off-shore on Albania’s coastline on the Adriatic.
A “favorable mining law”, set up under Western advice in 1994, had
enticed several Western mining companies into Mirdita, Albania’s main
copper producing area. But Western investors were also gawking Albania’s
gold, zinc, nickel and platinum reserves in the Kukes, Kacinari and
Radomira areas. A spokesman for a major Western mining company had
been inspired by the fact that “Albania [was] stable politically, unlike some
of its Balkan neighbours”. In 1996, the government established regula-
tions for the privatization ofthe entire mining industry.

Foreign Control over Infrastructure

Under the agreements signed with the Bretton Woods institutions, the
Albanian government was in a strait-jacket. It was not permitted to mobi-
lize its own productive resources through fiscal and monetary policy.
Precise ceilings were imposed on all categories of expenditure. The state
was no longer permitted to build public infrastructure, roads or hospitals
without the assent ofits creditors, — 1.e. the latter had not only become the
“brokers” of all major public investment projects, they also decided in the
context of the “Public Investment Programme” (PIP) (established under
the guidance of the World Bank) on what type of public infrastructure is
best suited to Albania.

The Grey Economy

Alongside the demise of the state-owned corporations, more than 60,000

small scale “informal” enterprises had mushroomed overnight. According
to the World Bank, this was clear evidence of a buoyant free enterprise
economy: “the decline of the state sector was compensated by the rapid
growth of private, small-scale, often informal, activities in retail trade,
288 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

handicrafts, small-scale construction, and services” (World Bank, Public

Information Department, 5 December 1995). Yet upon closer scrutiny of
official data, it appears that some 73 percent of total employment (237,000
workers) in this incipient private sector was composed of “newly created
enterprises [which] have only one employee”. *
An expansive “grey economy” had unfolded: most of these so-called
“enterprises” were “survival activities” (rather than bona fide productive
units) for those who had lost their jobs in the public sector. *’ In turn, this
“embryonic” market capitalism was supported by the Albanian
Development Fund (ADF) — a “social safety net” set up in 1992 by the
World Bank, the European Union and a number of bilateral donors with a
view to “helping the development of rural and urban areas by creating new
jobs”. ADF was also to provide support “with small credits and advice to
the unemployed and economically disadvantaged people helping them start
their own business”. As in the case of VEFA Holdings, the ADF was man-
aged by appointees of the Democratic Party.
Albania had also become a new cheap labor frontier, competing with
numerous low wage locations in the Third World: some 500 enterprises
and joint ventures (some of them with suspected Mafia connections) were
involved in cheap labor assembly in the garment and footwear industries,
largely for export back to Italy and Greece. Legislation had also been
approved in 1996 to create “free economic areas” offering foreign
investors — among other advantages — a seven-year tax holiday. ~”

Rural Collapse

The crisis had brutally impoverished Albania’s rural population; food self-
sufficiency had been destroyed; wheat production for sale in the domestic
market had tumbled from 650,000 tons in 1988 (a level sufficient to feed
Albania’s entire population) to an estimated 305,000 tons in 1996. Local
wheat production had declined by 26 percent in 1996.*
The dumping of surplus agricultural commodities, alongside the disin-
tegration of rural credit, had contributed to steering Albania’s agriculture
into bankruptcy. The United States was supplying the local market with
grain surpluses imported under the 1991 Food for Progress Act. Government
trading companies had also entered into shady deals through Swiss and
Greek commodity brokers involving large shipments of imported wheat.
Moreover, a large chunk of Western financial support was granted in
the form of food aid. Dumped on the domestic market, “US Food for
 ALBANIA’S IMF SPONSORED FINANCIAL DISASTER 289

Progress” not only contributed to demobilizing domestic agriculture, it

also contributed to the enrichment of anew merchant class in control ofthe
sale of commodity surpluses on the domestic market.
Locally produced food staples had been replaced by imports. In turn,
retail food prices had skyrocketed. In the 1980s, Albania was importing
less than 50,000 tons of grain.’'; in 1996 grain imports were (according to
FAO estimates) in excess of 600,000 tons of which 400,000 tons were
wheat.
By 1996, more than 60 percent of the food industry was in the hands
of foreign capital.’ Agro-processing for export to the European Union had
developed largely to the detriment of the local market. The World Bank
was providing low interest loans, seeds and fertilizers solely in support of
non-traditional export crops. According to one observer, neither credit nor
seeds were available to produce grain staples obliging farmers to “shift
away from wheat and corn into higher value added products like fruits,
vegetables, and pork”’.”’ What goes unmentioned, however, is that one of
the “high value crops” for the export market was the illicit production of
marijuana. Moreover, Italian intelligence sources have confirmed the
establishment of coca plantations in mountainous areas on the border with
Greece. “The Sicilian Mafia, with the support of Colombians, is believed
to have set up the plantations.”** The FAO describes the situation with
regard to grain production as follows:
[Wheat] plantings are estimated to have dropped [in 1996] to only
some 127,000 hectares, well below the average 150,000 hectares
sown from 1991 to 1995. This reduction was mainly as a result of
farmers opting for other crops offering better returns relative to
wheat. Yields are also estimated to have dropped further below the
previous year’s already reduced level. As in the past few years, yield
potential was already limited by farmers’ limited access to inputs
such as fertilizer, crop protection chemicals, and new seeds (farmers
have simply been keeping part of the previous season’s crop to plant
in the next year which has led to a degeneration of the quality of the
seed). *
Moreover, the production of traditional seeds (reproduced in local
nurseries) had been destroyed; farmers now depend largely on seed
varieties distributed by international agri-business, yet the prices of com-
mercial seeds has skyrocketed. In a cruel irony, the market for imported
seeds and farm inputs had been totally paralysed. According to a
spokesman of the Ministry of Agriculture:
290 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

Some 35,000 tonnes of wheat are needed this year [1996] as seed,
which is a great amount and may be ensured through import only.
‘But not a kilogram of seed has been imported until now from private
businessmen and the state enterprises.’ *°
This manipulation of the market for seeds and farm inputs had heig-
htened Albania’s dependence on imported grain to the benefit of Western
agri-business.
The dumping of EU and US grain surpluses on domestic markets had
led to the impoverishment of local producers. Fifty percent of the labor force
in farming now earns a mere $165 per annum. According to the United
Nations Development Programme *’ the average income per peasant house-
hold in 1995 was a meagre $ 20.40 a month with farms in mountainous areas
earning $ 13.30 dollars per month. Several hundred thousand people have
flocked out of the rural areas; Tirana’s population has almost doubled since
1990. A sprawling slum area has developed at Kanza, on the north-western
edge of Tirana.

Macro-economic Chaos

From 1989 to 1992, Albania’s industrial output had declined by 64.8 percent
and its GDP by 41.2 percent. ** Recorded GDP later shot up by 7.4 percent
in 1994, 13.4 percent in 1995 and 10 percent in 1996.” Yet, these “positive
results”, hailed by the Bretton Woods institutions, had occurred against a
background of industrial decline spurted by the World Bank sponsored
bankruptcy programme. In 1995, industrial output stood at 27.2 percent of
its 1989 level, — i.e. a decline of more than 70 percent. *°
Despite the impressive turn-around in recorded GDP, living standards,
output and employment continued to tumble. While domestic prices had
skyrocketed, monthly earnings had fallen to abysmally low levels. Real
wages stood at an average of $ 1.50 a day (less than 50 dollars a month) in
1990 declining by 57.1 percent from 1990 to 1992. "' This collapse in real
earnings continued unabated after 1992. According to recent data, con-
scripts in the Armed forces are paid 2 dollars a month, old age pensions
receive between 10 and 34 dollars a month. The highest salaries for
professional labor were of the order of $ 100 a month (1996). With the
devaluation of the lek in late 1996, real earnings collapsed further (almost
overnight) by 33 percent.
 ALBANIA’S IMF SPONSORED FINANCIAL DISASTER 291

The Outbreak of Endemic Diseases

Widespread poverty had led to the resurgence ofinfectious diseases. There

was an outbreak of cholera in 1995. A polio epidemic spread in 1996 from
the Northwestern region to Tirana and the rest of the country. * According
to the United Nations, average life expectancy was 72.2 years in the peri-
od prior to the adoption of the market reforms; adult literacy was of the
order of 85 percent. ** The economic reforms had also precipitated the
disintegration of health and educational services. The World Bank was
assisting the government in slashing social sector budgets through a sys-
tem of cost recovery. Teachers and health workers were laid off and health
spending was squeezed through the adoption of “new pricing policies and
payment mechanisms for outpatient services, hospital services and drugs”
devised by the World Bank. * In collaboration with the World Bank, the
Phare program of the European Union had granted support to the privati-
zation of health care.

Criminalization of the State

An expansive underground economy had unfolded. A triangular trade in

oil, arms and narcotics had developed largely as a result of the embargo
imposed by the international community on Serbia and Montenegro and
the blockade enforced by Greece against Macedonia. In turn, the collapse
of industry and agriculture had created a vacuum in the economic system
which boosted the further expansion ofillicit trade. The latter had become
a “leading sector’, an important source of foreign exchange and a fertile
ground for the criminal mafias.
The influx of overseas remittances from some 300,000 Albanian
workers in Greece and Italy had increased (according to official figures)
threefold from 1992 to 1996. The actual influx, including unrecorded
inflows of dirty money was much larger. Several reports confirm that the
pyramid schemes had been used extensively to launder the proceeds of
organized crime as well as channel dirty money towards the acquisition of
state assets.
A Tirana banker, who declined to be named, told Reuters that the last
major shipment of dirty money arrived at the start of 1997, with the
Mafia paying $1.5 million to a fund which laundered $ 20 million.
He is quoted as saying that: “The dirty money is plunged into the pyr-
amids and clean money sent out under the guise of bogus import
deals,” adding that “it is easy to watch the money clear the system.” ”
 292 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

The Italian mafias were involved in drug-trafficking, cigarette-smug-

gling and prostitution:
Pier Luigi Vigna, Italy’s chief anti-Mafia prosecutor, confirmed a
report by a small business association that Italian-organized crime
groups had sunk money into the schemes to raise start-up capital for
new ventures. He noted that Albania had become a significant pro-
ducer of marijuana and-was dabbling in the cultivation of coca, the
raw material for cocaine. *°
Local politicians were said to “benefit from the ambient disorder, they
even seem to bank on it which hardly encourages efforts towards the mod-
ernization and restructuring of Albania”. “’ According to one press report
(based on intelligence sources), senior members of the government, includ-
ing cabinet members and members of the secret police SHIK, are alleged
to be involved in drugs trafficking and illegal arms trading:
The allegations are very serious. Drugs, arms, contraband cigarettes
all are believed to have been handled by a company run openly by
Albania’s ruling Democratic Party, Shqiponja (. . .). In the course of
1996 Defence Minister, Safet Zhulali [was alleged] to had used his
office to facilitate the transport of arms, oil and contraband cigarettes.
(...) Drugs barons from Kosovo, the Albanian-dominated region con-
trolled by Serbia, operate in Albania with impunity, and much of the
transportation of heroin and other drugs across Albania, from
Macedonia and Greece en route to Italy, is believed to be organized
by Shik, the state security police (. . .). Intelligence agents are con-
vinced the chain of command in the rackets goes all the way to the
top and have had no hesitation in naming ministers in their reports. *
Amidst massive protests against the government handling of the pyra-
mid schemes, Safet Zhulali had fled the country to Italy by boat.

“Guns and Ammo for Greater Albania”

The trade in narcotics and weapons was allowed to prosper despite the
presence, since 1993, of more than 800 American troops at the Albanian-
Macedonian border with a mandate to enforce the embargo. The West had
turned a blind eye. The revenues from oil and narcotics were used to
finance the purchase of arms (often in terms of direct barter): “Deliveri
es
of oil to Macedonia (skirting the Greek embargo [in 1993-4]) can be used
to cover heroin, as do deliveries of kalachnikov rifles to Albanian ‘broth-
ers’ in Kosovo.” *”
 ALBANIA’S IMF SPONSORED FINANCIAL DISASTER 293

These extensive deliveries of weapons were tacitly accepted by the

Western powers on geopolitical grounds; both Washington and Bonn had
favored the idea of ‘ta Greater Albania” encompassing Albania, Kosovo
and parts of Macedonia. ~’ Not surprisingly, there was a “deafening
silence” of the international media regarding the Kosovo arms-drugs trade:
“the trafficking [of drugs and arms] is basically being judged on its
geostrategic implications (. . .) In Kosovo, drugs and weapons trafficking
is fuelling geopolitical hopes and fears.” *'
In turn, the financial proceeds of the trade in drugs and arms were
recycled towards other illicit activities (and vice versa), including a vast
prostitution racket between Albania and Italy. Albanian criminal groups
operating in Milan “have become so powerful running prostitution rackets
that they have even taken over the Calabrians in strength and influence.” ~
Dirty money, originating from payments from the mafias for the dispatch
of Albanian women to Italy, has also been deposited in the pyramid funds.
.. According to the Albanian Helsinki Committee, up to one third ofItaly’s
prostitutes are Albanians. *’ Other estimates place the number of Albanian
prostitutes in Italy at 4000-7000.

Organized Crime Invests in Legal Business

Legal and illegal activities had become inextricably intertwined. The evi-
dence suggests that the involvement of Italy’s crime syndicates in Albania
was not limited to the mafias’ traditional money spinners (drugs, prostitu-
tion, arms smuggling, etc.). Organized crime was also suspected to have
invested in a number of legal economic activities including the garment
industry, tourism and the services economy. According to The Geopolitical
Drug Watch “the pyramid cooperatives of southern Albania mostly invest-
ed in medium sized Italian firms, establishing joint ventures, some of
which are being investigated by the Italian authorities”. ’ Conversely, there
is evidence that Albanian criminal groups have invested in land and real
estate in Italy.
The four main pyramids were Sudja, Populli, Xhaferri and VEFA
Holdings. The latter, upheld by the West ‘tas a model of post-communist
free enterprise”, is the country’s largest pyramid investment fund, closely
controlled by the Democratic Party. VEFA, which continues to play a key
role in the World Bank sponsored privatization programme, owns a large
number of former state-owned enterprises including supermarkets, import-
export, transportation and manufacturing companies. The supermarket run
 204 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

by VEFA is partly owned by the Italian Aldes supermarket chain.

VEFA is currently under investigation in Italy for its alleged ties to the
Mafia. VEFA has been advised by the Naples-based accounting firm
Cecere and Caputo, which is alleged to have connections to the Mafia. The
brother of the (deceased) founder of the accounting firm Gennaro Cecere,
was arrested in early 1997 on Mafia-associated charges. * A consultant for
the firm, Gianni Capizzi, led a seven-member team in February 1997 with
the mandate to restructure VEFA Holdings and give a hand to its chairman,
Vehbi Alimucaj, a former army supplies manager “who has no training in
economics”. Alimucaj is alleged to be involved in the illegal trading of
arms:
Capizzi said by telephone that he had no reason to believe that VEFA
operated in an illegal way (. . .) [T]he brother had no connection with
the firm, (. . .) Nicola Caputo, the other principal in the Italian firm,
has met Alimucaj several times while on business in Albania, Capizzi
said.”

Recycling Dirty Money Towards Western Creditors

International creditors, anxious to collect interest payments on Tirana’s

mounting external debt, had their eyes rivetted on the expansive foreign
exchange proceeds ofthis illegal trade. As Albania fell deeper in debt and
legal industries and agriculture collapsed, income from illicit trade and
overseas remittances became the only available source of essential
foreign
exchange, and creditors and the Tirana government alike shared a vested
financial interest in the uninterrupted flow of lucrative contraband.
The gush of remittances and dirty money into the country was
being
transformed into domestic currency (lek) and funnelled into the pyramid
funds (as well as into the acquisition of state assets and land under the
pri-
vatization programme).
In turn, the hard currency proceeds were being funnelled from
the
inter-bank market towards the Treasury. In conformity with its agreeme
nts
with the Bretton Woods institutions, the government would eventua
lly be
obligated to use these hard currency reserves to pay the interest and
arrears
on Albania’s external debt. In fact, a large part of the foreign
exchange
influx (including money of criminal origin) will eventually be used
to meet
the demands of Tirana’s external creditors leading to a corresponding
out-
flow of resources. According to one report, the creditors had a
vested inter-
est in keeping the pyramids afloat as long as possible:
 ALBANIA’S IMF SPONSORED FINANCIAL DISASTER 295

The IMF waited until October 1996 to raise the alarm. For four years,
international institutions, American and European lenders and the for-
eign ministries of Western countries had been content to back the
activities of the Albanian political class, which is an offshoot of the
“fares”, a name given the extended family clans without which noth-
ing can be done in Albania. ~”
Western finance capital had relied on Berisha’s Democratic Party
which, in turn, was alleged to be associated with Italy’s crime syndicates.
In turn, the Bretton Woods institutions (which were responsible in advis-
ing the government), had insisted on the total deregulation of the banking
system. No impediment were to be placed on the development ofthe pyr-
amids, no restrictions on the movement of money. .. The conventional wis-
dom would no doubt argue that this influx of hot and dirty money was
helping the country “improve its balance of payments”.
The West had not only tolerated, during the government of President
Berisha, a financial environment in which criminals and smugglers were
allowed to prosper, the “free market” system had also laid the foundations
for the criminalization of the state apparatus. The evidence suggests that
“strong economic medicine” imposed by external creditors contributed to
the progress of an extensive criminal economy, which feeds on poverty and
economic dislocation.

What Prospects under the Socialists ?

The political protest movement did not identify the role played by interna-
tional financial institutions and Western business interests in triggering the
collapse of the Albanian economy. The people’s movement was largely
directed against a corrupt political regime. The Democrats were discredited
because society had been impoverished. In the eyes of the people, the
Berisha government was to blame.
The West’s stake in Albania remains unscathed; — i.e. Western inter-
ference was not the prime object of political protest. Moreover, the West
has been able to enforce its free market reforms on the Berisha government
while, at the same time, laying the groundwork for Berisha’s downfall. By
simultaneously co-opting the Socialist opposition, Western business inter-
ests were able to sidetrack political dissent while ensuring the installation
of a successor regime.
The West has ensured the replacement of an unpopular government
whose legitimacy is challenged, by a freshly-elected “Socialist” regime
 206 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

formed from the ranks of the opposition. Successive governments bear the
sole brunt of social discontent while shielding the interests of creditors and
MNCs. Needless to say, this change of regime does not require a shift in
the direction of macro-economic policy. On the contrary, it enables the
Bretton Woods institutions to negotiate with the new authorities a fresh
wave of economic reforms.
Under the arrangement reached with Socialist Party leaders at the
Rome Conference on 31 July 1997, a residual contingent of Italian troops
will remain in Albania. In the words of Franz Vranitzky, mediator for
Albania from the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe
(OSCE), at the close of the Conference: “We will continue to fill the frame-
work with substance with regard to the reconstruction of the Albanian
police force, of the army, of commerce, of financial systems and of the
constitution.”
On the economic front, the Bretton Woods institutions will ensure that
the Socialists continue to apply “sound macro-economic policies”. In the
words of Vranitzky: “The International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the
World Bank would send teams to Tirana in August [1997] to help with eco-
nomic programmes, including setting up banking systems and advising on
how to deal effectively with pyramid schemes.” *
Prime Minister Fatos Nano stated triumphantly at the close of the
Rome Conference: “Our [government] programme has not only received a
[parliamentary] vote of confidence but today it has received a vote of con-
fidence from the international community.”
The July 1997 Rome Agreement safeguards the West’s strategic and
economic interests in Albania; it transforms a country into a territory; it
serves as a bulwark blocking a united resistance of the Albanian people
against the plunder of their homeland by foreign capital.

Endnotes

|. Andrew Gumbel, “The Gangster Regime We Fund”, The Independent,

February 14, 1997, p. 15.
2. “Albania, More than a Bankruptcy, the Theft of aCentury”, The Geopolitical
Drug Dispatch, No. 66, April 1977, p. 1.
3. Christian Science Monitor, 13 February 1997.
4. World Bank Public Information Department, 5 December 1995.
‘nn Andrew Gumbel, op. cit., p. 15.
fono Albanian Daily News, February 28, 1997.
 ALBANIA’S IMF SPONSORED FINANCIAL DISASTER 297

Jane Perlez, “Albania Tightens Grip, Cracks Down on Protests”, New York
Times, March 4, 1997,
World Bank, Public Information Department, 5 December 1995.
Ibid.
Geopolitical Drug Watch, No 66, p. 4.
United Nations Economic Commission for Europe (UNECE), Economic
Survey of Europe 1996, Geneva, 1996, p 188-189.
World Bank, Public Information Department, 5 December 1995.
See F. Miinzel, “IMF Experts Partially Responsible for Albanian Unrest”,
Kosova Information Office, Stockholm, 13 March 1997.
. Lbid.
. Lbid.
Tbid.
Tbid.
. Lbid.
[bid.
Albanian Times, Vol. 2, No. 18, May 1996.
. Lbid.
2. Ibid.
. Kevin Done, Financial Times, February 19, 1997.
. Ibid.
25. Albanian Times, Vol. 2, No. 19, 1996.
. Albanian Times, Vol. 1, No. 8 December 1995.
World Bank Public Information Department, 5 December 1995.
. Albanian Times, Vol 2, No. 19, 1995.
. Albanian Times, Vol 2, No 7, February 1996.
FAO Release, 8 October 1996.
. World Bank, World Development Report, 1992.
. Albanian Times, Vol 2. No. 15.
. Albanian Times, Vol 1, No. 2, 1995.
. Helena Smith, “Italy fears Influx will set back War on Mafia”, The Guardian,
March 25, 1997.
. FAO Release, October 8, 1996.
. Albanian Observer, Vol 2, No 1.
. Albania Human Development Report.
38. United Nations Economic Commission for Europe (UNECE), Economic
Survey of Europe 1996, Geneva, 1996, p. 184.
. [bid. The 1996 figure is an estimate.
. Ibid, p. 185.
298 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

. Statistical Yearbook of Albania, 1991, p. 131.

. WHO, Press Release WHO/59, 18 September 1996; A/banian Times, Vol 2,
No. 40.
. See UNDP, Report on Human Development 1992.
4. World Bank Public Information Department, Albania-Health Financing and
Restructuring Project, Washington, January 1994.
. Fabian Schmidt, “Is There A Link Between The Albanian Government And
Organized Crime ?”, Bulletin of the Open Media Research Institute, 17
February 1997, Vol 1, No. 553.
. Andrew Gumbel, The Gangster Regime We Fund, The Independent,
February 14, 1997, p. 15.
. Geopolitical Drug Watch, No. 35, September 1994, p. 3.
. Andrew Gumbel, The Gangster Regime We Fund, The Independent,
February 14, 1997, p. 15.
. Geopolitical Drug Watch, No. 35, 1994, p. 3.
Geopolitical Drug Watch, No 32, June 1994, p. 4.
[hid.
The Guardian, 25 March 1997.
Ismije Beshiri and Fabian Schmidt, Organized Criminal Gangs Force
Albanian Women Into Prostitution Abroad, Open Media Research Institute
Brief, 14 August 1996,
. Lbid, No. 66, April 1997, p. 3.
. Daniel J. Wakin, Associated Press Dispatch, 19 February 1997.
. bid.
. Geopolitical Drug Watch, No 66, p. 2.
58. Ibid.
 PART. VI

THE NEW WORLD ORDER

 Chapter 19

Structural Adjustment in the Developed Countries

In virtually all sectors of the Western economy, factories are closing down
and workers are being laid-off. Agricultural producers in North America
and Western Europe are facing impending bankruptcy. Corporate restruc-
turing of the aerospace and engineering industries, relocation of
automobile production to Eastern Europe and the Third World, closure of
Britain’s coal mines. . . In turn, the recession in industry backlashes on the
service economy: deregulation and collapse of major airlines, failure of
major retail companies, collapse of real estate empires in Tokyo, Paris and
London. . . And the plunge in property values has led to loan default,
which, in turn, has sent a cold shiver through the entire financial system.
During the Reagan-Thatcher era, the recession was marked by several
waves of bankruptcies of small enterprises, the collapse of local-level
banks (e.g. the US savings and loans crisis) and a bonanza of corporate
mergers which spurted the stock market crash of “Black Monday” October
19, 1987. In the 1990s, with the wave of mega-corporate mergers and
financial deregulation, the global economic crisis had entered a new phase
culminating in a global financial meltdown.

Dismantling the Welfare State

At the very heart of the crisis in the West are the markets for public debt
where hundreds of billions of dollars of government bonds and Treasury
bills are transacted on a daily basis. The accumulation of large public debts
has provided financial and banking interests with “political leverage” as
well as the power to dictate government economic and social policy.
“Surveillance” by creditor institutions (without the formal involvement of
the IMF and the World Bank) is routinely enforced in the European Union
and North America. Since the 1990s, the macro-economic reforms adopted
in the developed countries contain many of the essential ingredients of the
 302 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

“structural adjustment programs” applied in the Third World and Eastern

Europe. Ministers of finance are increasingly expected to report to the
large investment houses and commercial banks. Targets for the budget
deficit are imposed. The Welfare State is slated to be phased out.
The debts of parastatal enterprises, public utilities, state, provincial
and municipal governments are carefully categorized and “rated” by finan-
cial markets (e.g. Moody’s and Standard and Poor ratings). Moody’s
downgrading of Sweden’s sovereign debt rating in 1995 was instrumental
in the decision of the minority Social Democratic government to curtail
core welfare programmes, including child allowances and unemployment
insurance benefits.' Similarly, Moody’s credit rating of Canada’s public
debt was a major factor in the lay-offs of public employees and the closing
down of provincial-level hospitals. Canadian provinces (devoid of ade-
quate funding) have been obliged to “downsize” health, education and
social security. In turn, under the Canadian privatization programme
imposed by Wall Street, large amounts of state property were put on the
auction block with the entire railway network of Canadian National (CN)
(developed since the 19th century) sold off on international capital markets
for the modest sum of 2 billion dollars (somewhat less than the price
demanded for the purchase of the Canadian Labatt brewery consortium).’
This dismantling of the state, however, is not limited to the privatiza-
tion of public utilities, airlines, telecoms and railways: corporate capital
also aspires to privatize health and education, and eventually acquire
control over all state-supported activities. Under WTO definition of
“investment”, cultural activities, the performing arts, sports, municipal
level community services, etc. are slated to be transformed into money-
making operations. In turn, corporations vie to establish their control over
water, electricity, national highways, the inner-city road network, national
parks, etc.

The Conversion of Private Debts

Since the early 1980s, large amounts of debt of large corporations and
commercial banks have been conveniently erased and transformed into
public debt. This process of “debt conversion” is a central feature of the
crisis: business and bank losses have been systematically transferred to the
state. During the merger boom of the late 1980s, the burden of corporate
losses was shifted to the state through the acquisition of bankrupt
enterprises. The latter could then be closed down and written off as tax
 STRUCTURAL ADJUSTMENT IN THE DEVELOPED COUNTRIES — 303

losses. In turn, the “non-performing loans” of the large commercial banks

were routinely written off and transformed into pre-tax losses. The “‘rescue
packages” for troubled corporations and commercial banks were based on
the principle of shifting the burden of corporate debts onto the State
Treasury.
In turn, the many state subsidies — rather than stimulating job creation
— were routinely used by large corporations to finance their mega-mergers,
introduce labor saving technology and relocate production to the Third
World. Not only were the costs associated with corporate restructuring
borne by the state, public spending directly contributed to increased con-
centration of ownership and a significant contraction of the industrial
workforce. In turn, the string of bankruptcies of small and medium-sized
enterprises and lay-off of workers (who are also tax payers) were also con-
ducive to a significant contraction in tax revenues.

Towards a Narrowing of the Tax Base

The development of a highly regressive tax system had backlashed, con-

tributing to the enlargement of the public debt. While corporate taxes were
curtailed, the new tax revenues appropriated from the (lower and middle)
salaried population had been recycled towards the servicing of the public
debt.’ While the state was collecting taxes from its citizens, “‘a tribute” was
being paid by the state (in the form of hand-outs and subsidies) to big busi-
ness.
In turn, spurted by the new banking technologies, the flight of corpo-
rate profits to offshore banking havens in the Bahamas, Switzerland, the
Channel Islands, Luxembourg, etc., had contributed to further exacerbat-
ing the fiscal crisis. The Cayman Islands, a British Crown colony in the
Caribbean, for instance, 1s the fifth largest banking center in the world (..e.
in terms ofthe size of its deposits, most of which are by dummy or anony-
mous companies).’ The enlargement of the budget deficit in the US during
the 1980s and 1990s bears a direct relationship to massive tax evasion and
the flight of unreported corporate profits. In turn, large amounts of money
deposited in the Cayman Islands and the Bahamas (part of which 1s con-
trolled by criminal organizations) are used to fund business investments in
the US.
 304 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

Under the Political Trusteeship of Finance Capital

A vicious circle had been set in motion. The recipients of government

“hand-outs” had become the state’s creditors. In turn, the public debt
issued by the Treasury to fund big business had been acquired by banks
and financial institutions, which were simultaneously the recipients of state
subsidies. An absurd situation: the state was “financing its own indebted-
ness”, government “hand-outs” were being recycled towards the purchase
of bonds and treasury bills. The government was being squeezed between
business groups lobbying for “handouts” on the one hand and its financial
creditors on the other hand. And because a large portion ofthe public debt
was held by private banking and financial institutions, the latter were able
to pressure governments for an increased command over public resources
in the form of more hand-outs and subsidies.

The Illusory “Independence” of the Central Bank

Moreover, the statutes of central banks in most of theOECD countries had

been modified to meet the demands of the financial elites. Central banks
have become independent and shielded from political influence.’ What this
means in practice is that the national Treasury is increasingly at the mercy
of private commercial creditors. The Central Bank cannot, under its new
statutes, be used to provide credit to the state. Under article 104 of the
Maastricht Treaty, for instance, “[c]entral bank credit to the government is
entirely discretionary, the central bank cannot be forced to provide such
credit”." These statutes are, therefore, directly conducive to the enlarge-
ment of the public debt held by private financial and banking institutions.
In practice, the Central Bank (which is neither accountable to the gov-
ernment nor to the Legislature), operates as an autonomous bureaucracy
under the trusteeship of private financial and banking interests. In the US.
the Federal Reserve System is dominated by a handful of private banks
which are the shareholders of the twelve federal reserve banks. In the
European Union, the European central bank, based in Frankfurt, is under
the dominion of Germany’s banking giants — the Deutsche and Dresdner
banks (now merged into a single banking conglomerate), together with a
handful of European banks and financial institutions.
What this means is that monetary policy no longer exists as a means
of State intervention, it largely belongs to the realm of private banking. In
contrast to the marked scarcity of state funds and the inability ofthe State
to finance government programmes through monetary policy, “the
creation
 STRUCTURAL ADJUSTMENT IN THE DEVELOPED COUNTRIES — 305

of money” (implying a command over real resources) occurs within the

inner web ofthe international banking system in accordance with the sole
pursuit of private wealth. Powerful financial actors not only have the abil-
ity of creating and moving money without impediment, but also of manip-
ulating interests rates and precipitating the decline of major currencies as
occurred with the spectacular tumble of the pound sterling in 1992. What
this signifies, in practice, is that central banks are no longer able to regu-
late the creation of money in the broad interests of society (e.g. in view of
mobilizing production or generating employment).

Crisis of the State

Under neoliberalism, Western social democracy has been steered into a

quandary: those elected to high office increasingly act as puppets or
bureaucrats acting on behalf of the financial establishment. The State’s
creditors have become the depositaries of real political power operating
discretely behind the scenes. In turn, a uniform economic discourse and
ideology has unfolded. A “consensus” on macro-economic reform extends
across the entire political spectrum. The fate of public policy is transacted
on the US and Eurobond markets, policy options are mechanically pre-
sented through the same stylized economic slogans: “we must reduce the
deficit, we must combat inflation”; “the economy is overheating: put on the
brakes !”
In the United States, Democrats and Republicans have joined hands;
in the European Union, “socialist” governments (not to mention the Greens
in Germany) have become the protagonists of “strong economic medi-
cine’. . . Social Democrats, New Labor and former Communists have
become loyal servants of the financial establishment. Their “progressive”
rhetoric and their links to organized labor have made them more “effec-
tive” in cutting social budgets and laying off workers. The Social
Democrats have become more astute and compliant political brokers on
behalf of the financial establishment than their Liberal or Conservative
counterparts.
The interests of the financial establishment (particularly in the United
States) have also permeated the top echelons of the Treasury and the
Bretton Woods institutions: the former US Treasury Secretary Mr. Robert
Rubin was a senior banking executive at Goldman Sachs, the former
President of the World Bank Mr. Lewis Preston was chief executive at J. P.
Morgan replaced by James Wolfensohn, a prominent Wall Street invest-
ment banker.
306 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

While financiers are involved in politics, former politicians and high-

ranking officials in international organizations have also acquired a finan-
cial stake in the business community. Upon retiring as head of the World
Trade Organization (WTO), Peter Sutherland joined Goldman Sachs in
Wall Street. Mr. Nicholas Brady — who was a Republican Senator during
the Reagan era and a former US Treasury Secretary in the Bush adminis-
tration — moved into the lucrative business of offshore banking:
[Through his private US company Darby Overseas is participating in
a Cayman islands registered consortium”. “[Mr. Brady’s company] is
to invest in Peru’s commercial banking sector, rated a high risk while
it awaits a Brady plan to reschedule its debt. (. . .) Darby Overseas
was set up a year ago [1993] by Mr. Brady, his chief aide at the
Treasury Mr. Hollis McLoughlin, and Mr. Daniel Marx, [former]
Argentine finance under-secretary (. . .) The prime mover behind IFH,
constituted to bid for Interbanc, is Mr. Carlos Pastor, Peru’s economy
minister in the early 1980s.’
Marred by conflicts of interest, the state system in the West is in crisis
as a result of its ambiguous relationship to private economic and financial
interests. Under these conditions, the practice of parliamentary democracy
has become a ritual. No alternative is offered to the electorate.
Neoliberalism is an integral part of the political platform ofall major polit-
ical parties. As in a one party state, the results of the ballot have virtually
no impact on the actual conduct of state economic and social policy. ..
 STRUCTURAL ADJUSTMENT IN THE DEVELOPED COUNTRIES — 307

Endnotes

Le See Hugh Carnegy, “Moody’s Deals Rating Blow to Sweden”, The Financial
Times, London, 6 January 1995, p. 16. see also Hugh Carnegy, “Swedish Cuts
Fail to Convince Markets”, The Financial Times, London, 12 January 1995,
pe:
i) Figures in Canadian dollars, La Presse, (Montreal), 6 May 1995, p. F2.
In the US the contribution of corporations to federal revenues declined from
13.8 percent in 1980 (including the taxation of windfall profits) to 8.3 percent
in 1992. See US Statistical Abstract, 1992.
Estimate of Jack A. Blum presented at Jornadas: Drogas, desarrollo y esta-
do de derecho, Bilbao, October 1994. See also Jack Blum and Alan
Block,”Le blanchiment de |’argent dans les Antilles” in Alain Labrousse and
Alain Wallon (editors), La planéte des drogues, Le Seuil, Paris, 1993.
See Carlo Cottarelli, Limiting Central Bank Credit to the Government,
International Monetary Fund, Washington, 1993, p. 5.
Ibid, p. 5.
Sally Bowen, Brady Investment in Peru, Financial Times, London, 22 July
1994.
 Chapter 20
Global Financial Meltdown

A new global financial environment has unfolded in several stages since

the collapse of the Bretton Woods system of fixed exchange rates in 1971.
The debt crisis of the early 1980s (broadly coinciding with the
:
Reagan-Thatcher era) had unleashed a wave of corporate mergers,
buy-outs and bankruptcies. These changes have, in turn, paved the way for
the consolidation of a new generation of financiers clustered around the
merchant banks, the institutional investors, stock brokerage firms, large
insurance companies, etc. In this process, commercial banking functions
have coalesced with those of the investment banks and stock brokers.
While these “money managers” play a powerful role on financial mar-
kets, they are, however, increasingly removed from entrepreneurial
functions in the real economy. Their activities (which often escape state
regulation) include speculative transactions in commodity futures and
derivatives, and the manipulation of currency markets. Major financial
actors are routinely involved in “hot money deposits” in “the emerging
markets” of Latin America and Southeast Asia, not to mention money laun-
dering and the development of (specialized) “private banks” (“which
advise wealthy clients”) in the many offshore banking havens. Within this
global financial web, money transits at high speed from one banking haven
to the next in the intangible form of electronic transfers. “Legal” and “‘ille-
gal” business activities have become increasingly intertwined, vast
amounts of unreported private wealth have been accumulated. Favored by
financial deregulation, the criminal mafias have also expanded their role in
the spheres of international banking.”

The 1987 Wall Street Crash

Black Monday October 19, 1987 was the largest one-day drop in the
history of the New York Stock Exchange overshooting the collapse of
310 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

October 28, 1929, which prompted the Wall Street crash and the beginning
of the Great Depression. In the 1987 meltdown, 22.6 percent of the value
of US stocks was wiped out largely during the first hour of trading on
Monday morning. The plunge on Wall Street sent a cold shiver through the
entire financial system leading to the tumble of the European and Asian
stock markets. . .

The Institutional Speculator

The 1987 Wall Street crash served to “clearing the decks” so that only the
“fittest” survive. In the wake of crisis, a massive concentration of financial
power has taken place. From these transformations, the “institutional spec-
ulator” emerged as a powerful actor overshadowing and often undermining
bona fide business interests. Using a variety of instruments, these institu-
tional actors appropriate wealth from the real economy. They often dictate
the fate of companies listed on the New York Stock Exchange. Totally
removed from entrepreneurial functions in the real economy, they have the
power ofprecipitating large industrial corporations into bankruptcy.
In 1993, a report of Germany’s Bundesbank had already warned that
trade in derivatives could potentially “trigger chain reactions and endanger
the financial system as a whole”.’ While committed to financial deregula-
tion, the Chairman of the US Federal Reserve Board Mr. Alan Greenspan
had warned that: “Legislation is not enough to prevent a repeat of the
Barings crisis in a high tech World where transactions are carried out at the
push of the button”. According to Greenspan “the efficiency of global
financial markets, has the capability of transmitting mistakes at a far faster
pace throughout the financial system in ways which were unknown a gen-
eration ago. . .”’ What was not revealed to public opinion was that “these
mistakes”, resulting from large-scale speculative transactions, were the
source of unprecedented accumulation of private wealth.
By 1995, the daily turnover of foreign exchange transactions (US
$1300 billion) had exceeded the world’s official foreign exchange reserves
estimated at US $1202 billion.® The command over privately-held foreign
exchange reserves in the hands of “institutional speculators” far exceeds
the limited capabilities of central banks, — i.e. the latter acting individually
or collectively are unable to fight the tide speculative activity.
 GLOBAL FINANCIAL MELTDOWN Bri

Table 20.1

New York Stock Exchange: Worst Single-Day Declines

(Dow Jones Industrial Average, percentage change)

Percentage
Decline

October 19, 1987

October 28, 1929 12.8
October 29, 1929 bi?
November 6, 1929 9.9
August 12, 1932 8.4
October 26, 1987 8.0
July 21,, 1933 7.8
October 18, 1937 7.6
October 27, 1997 UD
October 5, 1932 me
September 24, 1931 she
August 31, 1998 6.4

Source: New York Stock Exchange

The 1997 Financial Meltdown

The 1987 crisis had occurred in October. Almost to the day, ten years later
(also in October) on Monday the 27th, 1997, stock markets around the
world plummeted in turbulent trading. The Dow Jones average nose-dived
by 554 points, a 7.2 percent decline ofits value, its 12th-worst one-day fall
in the history of the New York Stock Exchange.
Major exchanges around the world are interconnected “around the
clock” through instant computer link-up: volatile trading on Wall Street
“spilled over” into the European and Asian stock markets thereby rapidly
permeating the entire financial system. European stock markets were in
disarray with heavy losses recorded on the Frankfurt, Paris and London
exchanges. The Hong Kong stock exchange had crashed by 10.41 percent
on the previous Thursday (“Black Thursday” October 24th) as mutual fund
managers and pension funds swiftly dumped large amounts of Hong Kong
blue chip stocks. The slide at Hong Kong’s Exchange Square continued
SUZ THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

unabated at the opening of trade on Monday morning: a 6.7 percent drop

on Monday the 27th followed by a 13.7 percent fall on Tuesday (Hong
Kong’s biggest point loss ever).
The 1997 meltdown of financial markets had been heightened by com-
puterized trading and the absence of state regulation. The NYSE’s
Superdot electronic order-routing system was able to handle (without
queuing) more than 300,000 orders per day (an average of 375 orders per
second), representing a daily capacity of more than two billion shares.
While its speed and volume had increased tenfold since 1987, the risks of
financial instability were significantly greater.
Ten years earlier, in the wake of the 1987 meltdown, the US Treasury
was advised by Wall Street not to meddle in financial markets. Free of
government encroachment, the New York and Chicago exchanges were
invited to establish their own regulatory procedures. The latter largely
consisted in freezing computerized programme trading through the use of
so-called “circuit-breakers’’.’
In 1997, the circuit breakers proved to be totally ineffective in averting
a meltdown. On Monday the 27th of October 1997, a first circuit breaker
halted trading for 30 minutes after a 350 point plunge of the Dow Jones.
After the 30 minute trading halt, an aura of panic and confusion was
installed: brokers started dumping large quantities of stocks which
contributed to accelerating the collapse in market values. In the course ofthe
next 25 minutes, the Dow plunged by a further 200 points, triggering a
sec-
ond “circuit breaker” which served to end the trading day on Wall Street.
 GLOBAL FINANCIAL MELTDOWN 313

Box 20.1

Replicating the Policy Failures of the late 1920s

Wall Street was swerving dangerously in volatile trading in the

months preceding the Wall Street crash on October 29, 1929.
Laissez-faire, under the Coolidge and Hoover administrations, was
the order of the day. The possibility of a financial meltdown had
never been seriously contemplated. Professor Irving Fisher of Yale
University had stated authoritatively in 1928 that “nothing resem-
bling a crash can occur”. The illusion of economic prosperity per-
sisted several years after the Wall Street crash of October 1929. In
1930, Irving Fisher stated confidently that “for the immediate future,
at least, the perspective is brilliant”. According to the prestigious
Harvard Economic Society: “manufacturing activity [in 1930]...
was definitely on the road to recovery” (quoted in John Kenneth
Galbraith, The Great Crash, 1929, Penguin, London).

Box 20.2

Mainstream Economics Upholds Financial Deregulation

Sounds familiar? In the wake of the 1997 crash, the same compla-
cency prevailed as during the frenzy of the late 1920s. Echoing almost
verbatim the economic slogans ofIrving Fisher (see box 20.2), today’s
economics orthodoxy not only refutes the existence of an economic
crisis, it denies outright the possibility of a financial meltdown.
According to Nobel Laureate Robert Lucas of the University of
Chicago, the decisions of economic agents are based on so-called
“rational expectations”, ruling out the possibility of “systematic
errors” which might lead the stock market in the wrong direction. . . It
is ironic that precisely at a time when financial markets were in tur-
moil, the Royal Swedish Academy announced the granting of the 1997
Nobel Prize in Economics to two American economists for their ““pio-
neering formula for the valuation of stock options [and derivatives]
used by thousands of traders and investors” (meaning an “algebraic
formula” which is routinely used by hedge funds stock market specu-
lators). (See Greg Burns, “Two Americans Share Nobel in
Economics”, Chicago Tribune, October 15, 1997).
314 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

The Asian Crisis

When viewed historically, the 1997 financial crisis was far more
devastating and destructive than previous financial meltdowns. Both the
stock market and currency markets were affected. In the 1987 crisis, nation-
al currencies remained relatively stable. In contrast to both the crashes of
1929 and 1987, the 1997-98 financial crisis was marked by the concurrent
collapse of currencies and stock markets. An almost symbiotic relationship
between the stock exchange and the foreign currency market had unfolded:
“institutional speculators” were not only involved in manipulating stock
prices, they also had the ability to plunder central banks’ foreign exchange
reserves, undermining sovereign governments and destabilizing entire
national economies.
In the course of 1997, currency speculation in Thailand, Indonesia,
Malaysia and the Philippines was conducive to the transfer of billions of
dollars of central bank reserves into private financial hands. Several
observers have pointed to the deliberate manipulation of equity and
currency markets by investment banks and brokerage firms.’ Ironically, the
same Western financial institutions which looted developing countries’
central banks, have also offered “to come to the rescue” of Southeast
Asia’s monetary authorities. ING Baring, for instance, well known for its
speculative undertakings, generously offered to underwrite a one-billion
dollar loan to the Central Bank of the Philippines (CBP) in July 1997. In
the months which followed, most of these borrowed foreign currency
reserves were reappropriated by international speculators when the CBP
sold large amounts of dollars on the forward market in a desperate attempt
to prop up the Peso.

“Economic Contagion”

Business forecasters and academic economists alike had disregarded the

dangers of a global financial meltdown alluding to “strong economic fun-
damentals”; G7 leaders were afraid to say anything or act in a way, which
might give the “wrong signals”. . . Wall Street analysts continue to bungle
on issues of “market correction” with little understanding of the broader
economic picture.
The plunge on the New York Stock Exchange on October 27th 1997
was casually blamed on the “structurally weak economies” of Southeast
Asia, until recently heralded as upcoming tigers, now depicted as “lame
ducks”. The seriousness of the financial crisis was trivialized: Alan
 GLOBAL FINANCIAL MELTDOWN 315

Greenspan, Chairman of the Federal Reserve Board, reassured Wall Street

pointing authoritatively to “the contagious character of national
economies, spreading weaknesses from country to country”. Following
Greenspan’s verdict (October 28th), the “consensus” among Manhattan
brokers and US academics (with debate or analysis) was that “Wall Street
had caught the Hong Kong flu”.

The 1998 Stock Market Meltdown

In the uncertain wake of Wall Street’s recovery from the 1997 “Asian flu”
~ largely spurred by panic flight out of Japanese stocks — financial markets
backslided a few months later to reach a new dramatic turning-point in
August 1998 with the spectacular nose-dive of the Russian ruble. The Dow
Jones plunged by 554 points on August 31, 1998 (its second largest decline
in the history of the New York stock exchange) leading, in the course of
September, to the dramatic meltdown of stock markets around the World.
In a matter of a few weeks, 2300 billion dollars of “paper profits” had
evaporated from the US stock market.
The ruble’s August 1998 free-fall had spurred Moscow’s largest com-
mercial banks into bankruptcy leading to the potential take-over of
Russia’s financial system by a handful of Western banks and brokerage
houses. In turn, the crisis had created the danger of massive debt default to
Moscow’s Western creditors, including the Deutsche and Dresdner banks.
Since the outset of Russia’s macro-economic reforms, following the first
injection of IMF “shock therapy” in 1992, some 500 billion dollars worth
of Russian assets — including plants of the military industrial complex,
infrastructure and natural resources — have been confiscated (through the
privatization programs and forced bankruptcies) and transferred into the
hands of Western capitalists. In the brutal aftermath of the Cold War, an
entire economic and social system was being dismantled.

Financial Deregulation

Rather than taming financial markets in the wake ofthe storm, Washington
was busy pushing through the US Senate legislation, which was to
significantly increase the powers of the financial services giants and their
associated hedge funds. Under the Financial Modernization Act adopted in
November 1999 — barely a week before the historic Seattle Millenium
Summit of the World Trade Organization (WTO) — US lawmakers had set
316 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

the stage for a sweeping deregulation of the US banking system.

In the wake of lengthy negotiations, all regulatory restraints on Wail
Street’s powerful banking conglomerates were revoked “with a stroke of
the pen”. Under the new rules — ratified by the US Senate and approved by
President Clinton — commercial banks, brokerage firms, hedge funds, insti-
tutional investors, pension funds and insurance companies can freely
invest in each others businesses as well as fully integrate their financial
operations.
The legislation had repealed the Glass-Steagall Act of 1933, a pillar of
President Roosevelt’s “New Deal” which was put in place in response to the
climate of corruption, financial manipulation and “insider trading” which
led to more than 5,000 bank failures in the years following the 1929 Wall
Street crash.” Effective control over the entire US financial services industry
(including insurance companies, pension funds, securities companies, etc.)
had been transferred to a handful of financial conglomerates — which are
also the creditors and shareholders of high tech companies, the defense
industry, major oil and mining consortia, etc. Moreover, as underwriters of
the public debt at federal, state and municipal levels, the financial giants
have also reinforced their stranglehold on politicians, as well as their com-
mand over the conduct of public policy.
The “global financial supermarket” is to be overseen by the Wall Street
giants; competing banking institutions are to be removed from the finan-
cial landscape. State level banks across America will be displaced or
bought up, leading to a deadly string of bank failures. In turn, the supervi-
sory powers of the Federal Reserve Board (which are increasingly under
the direct dominion of Wall Street) have been significantly weakened .
Free from government regulation, the financial giants have the ability
to strangle local-level businesses in the US and overshadow the real econ-
omy. In fact, due to the lack of competition, the legislation also entitles the
financial services giants (bypassing the Federal Reserve Board and acting
in tacit collusion with one another) to set interest rates as they please.

The Merger Frenzy

A new era of intense financial rivalry has unfolded. The New World Order
~ largely under the dominion of American finance capital — was eventually
intent on dwarfing rival banking conglomerates in Western Europe and
Japan, as well as sealing strategic alliances with a “select club” of German-
and British-based banking giants.
 GLOBAL FINANCIAL MELTDOWN 317
Several mammoth bank mergers (including NationsBank with
BankAmerica, and Citibank with Travelers Group) had, in fact, already
been implemented and rubber-stamped by the Federal Reserve Board (in
violation of the pre-existing legislation) prior to the adoption of the 1999
Financial Modernization Act. Citibank, the largest Wall Street bank, and
Travelers Group Inc., the financial services and insurance conglomerate
(which also owns Solomon Smith Barney, a major brokerage firm) com-
bined their operations in 1998 in a 72 billion dollar merger."”
Strategic mergers between American and European banks had also
been negotiated bringing into the heart of the US financial landscape some
of Europe’s key financial players including Deutsche Bank AG (linked up
with Banker’s Trust) and Credit Suisse (linked up with First Boston). The
Hong Kong Shanghai Banking Corporation (HSBC), the UK based bank-
ing conglomerate — which had already sealed a partnership with Wells
Fargo and Wachovia Corporation — had acquired the late Edmond Safra’s
Republic New York Bank in a 9 billion dollar deal.''
In the meantime, rival European banks excluded from Wall Street’s
inner circle, were scrambling to compete in an increasingly “unfriendly”
global financial environment. Banque Nationale de Paris (BNP) had
acquired Société Générale de Banque and Paribas to form one of the
World’s largest banks. BNP eventually aspires “to move into North
America in a bigger way”’."”

Financial Deregulation at a Global Level

While the 1999 US Financial Services Act does not in itself break down
remaining barriers to the free movement of capital, in practice, it empow-
ers Wall Street’s key players, including Merrill Lynch, Citigroup, J.P.
Morgan, Lehman Brothers, etc., to develop a hegemonic position in global
banking, overshadowing and ultimately destabilizing financial systems in
Asia, Latin America and Eastern Europe. . .
Financial deregulation in the US has created an environment which
favors an unprecedented concentration of global financial power. In turn, it
has set the pace of global financial and trade reform under the auspices of
the IMF and the World Trade Organization (WTO). The provisions of both
the WTO General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS) and of the
Financial Services Agreement (FTA) imply the breaking down of remain-
ing impediments to the movement of finance capital meaning that Merrill
Lynch, Citigroup or Deutsche-Bankers Trust can go wherever they please,
318 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

triggering the bankruptcy of national banks and financial institutions.

In practice, this process has already happened in a large number of
developing countries under bankruptcy and privatization programs
imposed on an hoc basis by the Bretton Woods institutions. The mega-
banks have penetrated the financial landscape of developing countries,
taking control of banking institutions and financial services. In this
process, the financial giants have been granted de facto “national treat-
ment”: without recourse to the provisions of the Financial Services
Agreement (FTA) of the WTO, Wall Streets banks, for instance, in Korea,
Pakistan, Argentina or Brazil have become bona fide “national banks”
operating as domestic institutions and governed by domestic laws which
are being remolded under IMF-World Bank jurisdiction. (See Chapters 21
and 22.)
In practice the large US and European financial services giants do not
require the formal adoption of the GATS to be able to dominate banking
institutions worldwide, as well as overshadow national governments. The
process of global financial deregulation is, in many regards, a fait accom-
pli. Wall Street has routinely invaded country after country. The domestic
banking system has been put on the auction block and reorganized under
the surveillance of external creditors. National financial institutions are
routinely destabilized and driven out of business; mass unemployment and
poverty are the invariable results. Assisted by the IMF — which routinely
obliges countries to open up their domestic banking sector to foreign
investment — retail banking, stock brokerage firms and insurance compa-
nies are taken over by foreign capital and reorganized. Citigroup, among
other Wall Street majors, has gone on a global shopping spree buying up
banks and financial institutions at bargain prices in Asia, Latin America
and Eastern Europe. In one fell swoop, Citigroup acquired the 106 branch
network of Banco Mayo Cooperativo Ltda., becoming Argentina’s second
largest bank.

Endnotes

1. In the US, the division between commercial and investment banking is regu-
lated by the Glass Steagall Act enacted in 1933 during the Great Depression
to ensure the separation of securities underwriting from lending, to avoid con-
flicts of interest and prevent the collapse of commercial banks. The Banking
Association has recently pointed to the importance of amending the Glass
Steagall act to allow for the full integration of commercial and investment
banking. See American Banking Association President’s Position, “New Ball
 GLOBAL FINANCIAL MELTDOWN 319

Game in Washington”, ABA Banking Journal, January 1995, p. 17.

For detailed analysis on the role of criminal organizations in banking and
finance, see Alain Labrousse and Alain Wallon (editors), “La planete des
drogues’, Editions du Seuil, Paris, 1993 and Observatoire géopolitique des
drogues, La drogue, nouveau désordre mondial, Hachette, coll. pluriel-
Intervention, Paris, 1993.
Quoted in Martin Khor, “ Baring and the Search for a Rogue Culprit, Third
World Economics, No. 108, 1-15 March 1995, p. 10.
Ibid.
Bank for International Settlements Review, No. 46, 1997.
Martin Khor, SEA Currency Turmoil Renews Concern on Financial
Speculation, Third World Resurgence, No. 86, October 1997, pp. 14-15.
“Five Years On, the Crash Still Echoes”, The Financial Times, October 19,
1992:
Philip Wong, member ofthe Beijing appointed Legislative Assembly accused
the Manhattan Brokerage firm Morgan Stanley of “short-selling the mar-
ket’. See “Broker Cleared of Manipulation”, Hong Kong Standard, |
November 1997.
See Martin McLaughlin, Clinton Republicans agree to Deregulation
of US Banking System, World Socialist website,
http://www.wsws.org/index.shtml, | November 1999,
. Lbid.
. See Financial Times, November 9, 1999, p. 21.
. Jocelyn Noveck, “Deal would create largest bank’, http://sun-sentinel.com/,
March 9 1999.
 Chapter 21

Economic Warfare

|As financial markets tumble and national economies sink deeper into
recession, the 1997 East Asian crisis has developed into a global econom-
| ic crisis. The international money managers — whose speculative assaults
| have heavily contributed to this development — have been abetted by the
_IMF with its push for the deregulation ofinternational capital flows. After
_ having whittled away the capacity of national governments to effectively
_respond to such ‘financial warfare’, these powerful forces are working
behind the scenes to secure even greater control of the Bretton Woods insti-
tutions and a more direct role in the shaping ofthe international financial
architecture.

Manipulating the “Free Market”

The worldwide scramble to appropriate wealth through “financial manipu-

lation” is the driving force behind the crisis. It is also the source of eco-
nomic turmoil and social devastation. This manipulation of market forces
by powerful actors constitutes a form of financial and economic warfare.
No need to recolonize lost territory or send in invading armies. In the late
twentieth century, the outright “conquest of nations” — meaning the control
over productive assets, labor, natural resources and institutions can be
carried out in an impersonal fashion from the corporate boardroom: com-
mands are dispatched from a computer terminal, or a cell phone. The
relevant data are instantly relayed to major financial markets —often result-
ing in immediate disruptions in the functioning of national economies.
“Financial warfare” also applies complex speculative instruments, includ-
ing the gamut of derivative trade, forward foreign exchange transactions,
currency options, hedge funds, index funds, etc. Speculative instruments
have been used with the ultimate purpose of capturing financial wealth and
acquiring control over productive assets. In the words of Malaysia’s Prime
322 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

Minister Mahathir Mohamad: “This deliberate devaluation of the currency

of a country by currency traders purely for profit is a serious denial of the
rights of independent nations”’.'
The appropriation of global wealth, through the manipulation of mar-
ket forces, is routinely supported by the IMF’s lethal macro-economic
interventions which, act almost concurrently in ruthlessly disrupting
national economies all over the world. “Financial warfare” knows no terri-
torial boundaries; it does not limit its actions to besieging former enemies
of the Cold War era. In Korea, Indonesia and Thailand, the vaults of the
central banks were pillaged by institutional speculators, while the mone-
tary authorities sought, in vain to prop up their ailing currencies. In 1997,
more than 100 billion dollars of Asia’s hard currency reserves had been
confiscated and transferred (in a matter of months) into private financial
hands. In the wake of the currency devaluations, real earnings and employ-
ment plummeted virtually overnight leading to mass poverty in countries
that had, in the post-War period, registered significant economic and social
progress.
The financial scam in the foreign exchange market had destabilized
national economies, thereby creating the preconditions for the subsequent
plunder ofthe Asian countries’ productive assets by so-called “vulture for-
eign investors’. In Thailand, 56 domestic banks and financial institutions
were closed down on orders of the IMF, unemployment virtually doubled
overnight.’ Similarly in Korea, the IMF “rescue operation” has unleashed
a lethal chain of bankruptcies leading to the outright liquidation of so-
called “troubled merchant banks”. (See Chapter 22.)

The Demise of Central Banking

In many regards, this worldwide crisis marks the demise of central banking
meaning the derogation of national economic sovereignty and the inability
of the national state to control money creation on behalf of society.
Privately held money reserves in the hands of “institutional speculators”
far exceed the limited capabilities of the world’s central banks. The latter,
acting individually or collectively, are no longer able to fight the tide of
speculative activity. Monetary policy is in the hands of private creditors
who have the ability to freeze state budgets, paralyze the payments
process, thwart the regular disbursement of wages to millions of workers
(as in the former Soviet Union) and precipitate the collapse of production
and social programs
 ECONOMIC WARFARE 323
As the crisis deepens, the speculative raids on central bank reserves
have been extended into Latin America and the Middle East with devastat-
ing economic and social consequences. A new climax was reached in early
1999 with the dramatic collapse of the Sao Paulo stock exchange. (See
Chapter 23.)
The pillage of central bank reserves, however, is by no means limited
to developing countries. It has also hit several Western countries including
Canada and Australia where the monetary authorities were unable to stem
the slide of their national currencies. In Canada, billions of dollars were
borrowed in 1998 from private financiers to prop up central bank reserves
in the wake of speculative assaults. In Japan — where the yen had tumbled
to new lows —’the Korean scenario” was viewed (according to economist
Michael Hudson), as a “dress rehearsal” for the takeover of Japan’s finan-
cial sector by a handful of Western investment banks.’ The big players are
Goldman Sachs, Morgan Stanley and Deutsche Morgan Gruenfell, among
others who are buying up Japan’s bad bank loans at less than ten percent
of their face value.
In the immediate wake of the 1997 Asian crisis, Washington had exerted
political pressure on Tokyo insisting:
on nothing less than an immediate disposal of Japan’s bad bank
loans - preferably to US and other foreign “vulture investors” at dis-
tress prices. To achieve their objectives they are even pressuring
Japan to rewrite its constitution, restructure its political system and
cabinet and redesign its financial system. (. . .) Once foreign investors
gain control of Japanese banks, these banks will move to take over
Japanese industry.°

Creditors and Speculators

In an integrated financial services industry, the world’s largest banks and

brokerage houses are both creditors and institutional speculators. In con-
text of the Asian crisis, they directly contributed (through their speculative
assaults) to destabilizing national currencies thereby boosting the volume
of dollar denominated debts. In the wake ofthe crisis, they reappeared as
creditors with a view to collecting the debts which they themselves con-
tributed to creating through the manipulation of currency markets. Finally,
they called in “policy advisors” and financial consultants in charge of the
World Bank-sponsored “bankruptcy programs”, of which they are also the
beneficiaries. In Indonesia, for instance, amidst street rioting and in the
 324 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

wake of Suharto’s resignation, the privatization of key sectors of the

Indonesian economy — ordered by the IMF — was entrusted to eight of the
world’s largest merchant banks including Lehman Brothers, Credit Suisse-
First Boston, Goldman Sachs and UBS/SBC Warburg Dillon Read.’ The
world’s largest money managers set countries on fire and are then called in
as firemen (under the IMF “rescue plan”) to extinguish the blaze. They
ultimately decide which enterprises are to be closed down and which are to
be auctioned off to foreign investors at bargain prices.

Who Funds the IMF Bailouts ?

Under repeated speculative assaults, Asian central banks in 1997 had

entered into multi-billion dollar contracts (in the forward foreign exchange
market) in a vain attempt to protect their currency. With the total depletion
of their hard currency reserves, the monetary authorities were forced to
borrow large amounts of money under the IMF bailout agreement.
Following a scheme devised during the Mexican crisis of 1994-95, the
bailout money, however, was not intended “to rescue the country’. In fact,
the money never entered Korea, Thailand or Indonesia. It was earmarked
to reimburse the “institutional speculators” to ensure that they would be
able to collect their multi-billion dollar loot. In turn, the Asian tigers —
tamed by their financial masters — had been transformed into “lame ducks”.
Korea, Indonesia and Thailand have been locked into servicing these mas-
sive dollar denominated debts well into the third millennium.
But “where did the money come from” to finance these multi-billion
dollar operations ? Only a small portion of the money was from IMF
resources: starting with the Mexican 1995 bail-out, G7 countries, including
the US Treasury, were called upon to make large lump-sum contributions
to these IMF rescue operations leading to significant hikes in the levels of
public debt in G7 countries.’ In a cruel irony, the issuing of US public debt
to finance the Asian bail-outs was underwritten and guaranteed by the
same group of Wall Street merchant banks involved in the speculative
assaults.
In other words, those who guarantee the issuing of public debt to
finance the bailout are those who will ultimately appropriate the loot (e.g.
as creditors of Korea or Thailand) — i.e. they are the ultimate beneficiaries
of the bailout money — which essentially constitutes a “safety net” for the
institutional speculator. The vast amounts of money granted under the
rescue packages are intended to enable the Asian countries to meet
their
 ECONOMIC WARFARE 325
debt obligations with the financial institutions, which had contributed to
destabilizing their national currencies. As a result of this vicious circle, a
handful of commercial banks and brokerage houses have enriched them-
selves beyond bounds; they have also increased their stranglehold over
_ governments and politicians around the world.

_ Strong Economic Medicine

Since the 1994-95 Mexican crisis, the IMF has played a crucial role in
shaping the “financial battlefields” on which the global money managers
wage their speculative raids. The global banks are craving for access to
inside information. Successful speculative attacks require the concurrent
implementation on their behalf of “strong economic medicine” under the
IMF bail-out agreements. The “big six” Wall Street commercial banks
(including Chase, Bank America, Citigroup and J.P. Morgan) and the “big
five” merchant banks (Goldman Sachs, Lehman Brothers, Morgan Stanley
| and Salomon Smith Barney) were consulted on the clauses to be included
in the Asian bail-out agreements. (See Chapter 22.)
While in theory committed to “financial stability”, what they really
want is to engineer the collapse of national currencies. In the months pre-
ceding the Asian crisis, the Institute of International Finance (IIF), a
Washington based think-tank representing the interests of some 300 global
banks and brokerage houses had “urged authorities in emerging markets to
counter upward exchange rate pressures where needed. . .”8 This request
was communicated to the IMF. It hinted, in no uncertain terms, that the
IMF should encourage national currencies to slide.”
Indonesia, in fact, had been ordered by the IMF to unpeg its currency
barely three months before the rupiahs dramatic plunge. In the words of
American billionaire and presidential candidate Steve Forbes:
Did the IMF help precipitate the crisis? This agency advocates
openness and transparency for national economies, yet it rivals the CIA
in cloaking its own operations. Did it, for instance, have secret con-
versations with Thailand, advocating the devaluation that instantly set
off the catastrophic chain of events ? (...) Did IMF prescriptions exac-
erbate the illness ? These countries’ moneys were knocked down to
absurdly low levels."
326 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

Deregulating Capital Movements

The rules regulating the movements of money and capital across interna-
tional borders contribute to shaping the “financial battlefields” on which
banks and speculators wage their deadly assaults. In their worldwide quest
to appropriate economic and financial wealth, global banks and multina-
tional corporations have actively pressured for the outright deregulation of
international capital flows including the movement of “hot” and “dirty”
money.'' Caving in to these demands (after hasty consultations with G7
finance ministers), a formal verdict to deregulate capital movements was
taken by the IMF in 1998. The official communiqué stated that the IMF
will proceed with the Amendment of its Articles with a view to “making
the liberalization of capital movements one ofthe purposes of the Fund and
extending, as needed, the Fund’s jurisdiction for this purpose”. '° The IMF
managing director, Mr. Michel Camdessus, nonetheless conceded, in a dis-
passionate tone, that ‘a number of developing countries may come under
speculative attacks after opening their capital account” while reiterating
that this can be avoided by the adoption of “sound macro-economic poli-
cies and strong financial systems in member countries”. (i.e. the IMF’s
standard “‘economic cure for disaster”)."

Speculators Call the Shots on Crisis Management

As the aggressive scramble for global wealth unfolds, international banks

and speculators are anxious to play a more direct role in “policing” coun-
try-level economic reforms. Free market conservatives in the United States
have demanded greater US control over the IMF. They have also hinted
that the IMF should henceforth perform a more piacid role (similar to that
of the bond rate agencies such as Moody’s or Standard and Poor), while
consigning the financing of multi-billion dollar bailouts to the private
banking sector."
The world’s largest banks and investment houses have proposed the
creation of a “Financial Watchdog” — a so-called “Private Sector Advisory
Council” — with the mandate of “supervising the IMF.'° The hidden agenda
behind this initiative is to transform the IMF — from its present status as an
inter-governmental body — into a full-fledged bureaucracy which directly
serves the interests of the global banks.
More importantly, the banks and speculators want access to the details
of IMF negotiations with member governments which will enable them to
effectively wage their speculative assaults. The global banks (pointing to
 ECONOMIC WARFARE 327
the need for “transparency”) have called upon “the IMF to provide valu-
able insights [on its dealings with national governments] without revealing
confidential information. . .”.'° But what they really want is privileged
inside information, as well as a direct role in the negotiation of the IMF
bailout agreements. In a cruel irony, speculators — rather than elected
politicians — are calling the shots on crisis management. In an absurd logic,
those who foster financial turbulence have been invited by G7 Finance
ministers to identify policies which attenuate financial turbulence.
In turn, the broader structural causes of the economic crisis remain
unheralded. Blinded by neoliberal dogma, policy makers are unable to dis-
tinguish between “solutions” and “causes.” Public opinion is misled. Lost
in the barrage of self-serving media reports on the deadly consequences of
“economic contagion”, the precise “market mechanisms” — which trigger
financial instability — are barely mentioned.

The Concentration of Wealth

This restructuring of global financial markets and institutions (alongside

the pillage of national economies) has enabled the accumulation of vast
amounts of private wealth — a large portion of which has been amassed as
a result of strictly speculative transactions. No need to produce commodi-
ties: enrichment is increasingly taking place outside the real economy
divorced from bona fide productive and commercial activities. According
to American billionaire Steven Forbes: “Successes on the Wall Street stock
market [meaning speculative trade] produced most of last year’s [1996]
surge in billionaires”’.’ In turn, part of the money accumulated from spec-
ulative transactions is funnelled towards confidential numbered accounts
in the numerous offshore banking havens. This critical drain of billions of
dollars in capital flight dramatically reduces state tax revenues, paralyses
social programmes, drives up budget deficits and spurs the accumulation
of large public debts.
In contrast, the earnings ofthe direct producers of goods and services
are compressed; the standard of living of large sectors of the world popu-
lation — including the middle classes — has tumbled. Health and education
programmes are downsized; wage inequality has risen in the OECD coun-
tries. In both the developing and developed countries, poverty has become
rampant. The accumulation of financial wealth, resulting from speculative
transactions feeds on poverty and low wages.
328 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

Endnotes
1. Statement at the Meeting of the Group of 15, Malacca, Malaysia, 3 November
1997, quoted in the South China Morning Post, Hong Kong, 3 November
1997.
i) Michael Hudson, Our World, Kawasaki, December 23, 1997. See also
Michael Hudson and Bill Totten, “Vulture speculators”, Our World, No. 197,
Kawasaki, 12 August 1998.
Nicola Bullard, Walden Bello and Kamal Malhotra, “Taming the Tigers: the
IMF and the Asian Crisis”, Special Issue on the IMF, Focus on Trade No. 23,
Focus on the Global South, Bangkok, March 1998.
Hudson, op cit.
Nn Michael Hudson, “Big Bang is Culprit behind Yen’s Fall”, Our World, No.
187, Kawasaki, 28 July 1998. See also Secretary of State Madeleine K.
Albright and Japanese Foreign Minister Keizo Obuchi, Joint Press
Conference, Ikura House, Tokyo, July 4, 1998 contained in Official! Press
Release, US Department of State, Washington, 7 July, 1998.
See Nicola Bullard, Walden Bello and Kamal Malhotra, op. cit.
On 15 July 1998, the Republican dominated House of Representatives slashed
the Clinton Administration request of 18 billion dollars in additional US fund-
ing to the IMF to 3.5 billion. Part of the US contribution to the bail-outs would
be financed under the Foreign Exchange Stabilization Fund of the Treasury.
The US Congress has estimated the increase in the US public debt and the bur-
den on taxpayers of the US contributions to the Asian bail-outs.
Institute of International Finance, Report of the Multilateral Agencies Group,
IIF Annual Report, Washington, 1997.
Letter addressed by the Managing Director of the Institute of International
Finance Mr. Charles Dallara to Mr. Philip Maystadt, Chairman of the IMF
Interim Committee, April 1997, quoted in Institute of International Finance,
1997 Annual Report, Washington, 1997.
. Steven Forbes, “Why Reward Bad Behavior, editorial, Forbes Magazine, 4
May 1998.
. “Hot money” is speculative capital, “dirty money” are the proceeds of organ-
ized crime which are routinely laundered in the international financial system.
International Monetary Fund, Communiqué of the Interim Committee of the
Board of Governors of the International Monetary Fund, Press Release No.
98/14 Washington, April 16, 1998. The controversial proposal to amend its
articles on “capital account liberalization” had initially been put forth in April
1997.
. See Communiqué of the IMF Interim Committee, Hong Kong, 21 September
1997.
Institute of International Finance, “East Asian Crises Calls for New
 ECONOMIC WARFARE 329
International Measures, Say Financial Leaders”, Press Release, 18 April 1998.
. IMF, Communiqué ofthe Interim Committee of the Board of Governors, April
16, 1998.
The IIF proposes that global banks and brokerage houses could for this pur-
pose “be rotated and selected through a neutral process [to ensure confiden-
tality], and a regular exchange of views [which] is unlikely to reveal dramat-
ic surprises that turn markets abruptly (. . .). In this era of globalization, both
market participants and multilateral institutions have crucial roles to play; the
more they understand each other, the greater the prospects for better func-
tioning of markets and financial stability. . .°. See Letter of Charles Dallara.
Managing Director of the IIF to Mr. Philip Maystadt, Chairman of IMF
Interim Committee, IIF, Washington, 8 April 1998.
. Charles Laurence, “Wall Street Warriors force their way into the Billionaires
Club”, Daily Telegraph, London, 30 September 1997.
 Chapter 22

The Recolonization of Korea

In the late days of November 1997 an IMF team of economists led by

“trouble-shooter” Hubert Neiss was swiftly rushed to Seoul. Its mandate:
negotiate a ‘“Mexican-style bail-out” with a view to rapidly “restoring eco-
nomic health and stability”. An important precedent had been set: the
IMF’s bitter economic medicine — routinely imposed on the Third World
and Eastern Europe — was to be applied for the first time i an advanced
industrial economy.
Washington had carefully set the stage in liaison with the US Embassy
in Seoul. Barely a week before the arrival of the IMF mission, President
Kim Young Sam had sacked Finance Minister Kang Kyong-shik for hav-
ing allegedly “hindered negotiations” with the IMF. A more “acceptable”
individual was appointed on Washington’s instructions. Very convenient:
the new “negotiator” and Finance Minister Mr. Lim Chang-yuel happened
to be a former IMF and World Bank official — dispatched to Washington by
Korea’s military rulers in the 1980s heyday of Martial Law. (See Box 21.1)
Also fired on short notice was presidential economic adviser Kim In-Ho,
for having “‘spurned the IMF option and said Seoul would restore interna-
tional credibility through its own efforts.”
Finance Minister Lim was accustomed to the Washington scene. No
sooner had he been appointed, then he was whisked off to Washington for
“negotiations” with his former colleague, IMF Deputy Managing Director
Stanley Fischer. In fact, the meeting at IMF headquarters had already been
scheduled before his appointment as Korea’s Finance Minister.

The IMF Mission arrives in Seoul

The government’s dealings with the IMF were a closely guarded state
secret. On Friday 2ist of November, the government officially announced
that “it would be seeking an IMF bailout”. On the following business day
 332 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

Box 22.1

Korean Finance Minister sacked for “Hindering

Negotiations” with the IMF

In 1998, former Finance Minister Kang kyong-shik was jailed without

bail for allegedly “hindering negotiations (.. .) with the International
Monetary Fund [and for-having] failed to tell his successor, Lim
Chang-yuel, what had been negotiated before resigning as Finance
Minister (.. .) Mr. Kang says he was forced to resign so quickly that
he never had a chance to brief Mr. Lim, who signed an agreement for
a loan package of nearly $ 60 billion on Dec. 3, [1997]” (Don Kirk,
“Vague Charges Accuse Korean Official of Letting Economy Fall”,
International Herald Tribune, Paris, 21 July 1998).

Mr. Lim, upon retiring from his position of Finance Minister, was
elected governor of Kyonggi Province and was later arrested on
charges of graft and corruption.

~ November 24th, “Seoul Black Monday” — the stock market crumbled to

a ten year low over feared IMF austerity measures and “expected corporate
and bank collapses.” In a cruel irony, the IMF intervention was intended
to
help the country “restore confidence and economic stability”. Faithfull
y
obeying orders from Washington, Finance Minister Lim had removed
all
exchange controls from the currency market with the a view to
“wooing
back foreign investors”, but with the inevitable result of enticing further
speculative assaults against the won.
Two days later, November 26th, the IMF mission, headed
by Mr.
Hubert Neiss, arrived at Seoul’s Kimpo airport. And barely four days
later
on the 30th, the parties had already agreed on a “Preliminary Agreeme
nt”.
According to chief negotiator and Finance Minister Lim, “adjust
ments [to
the agreement] were minor and would not affect the substan
ce of the
deal”.
In fact, there was nothing to agree upon, the Finance Minister
was a
former IMF-World Bank official. The draft text had been prepare
d at IMF
headquarters in Washington prior to the arrival of the mission. The
“policy
solutions” had already been decided in consultation with
Wall Street and
the US Treasury: no analysis or negotiation was deemed necessar
y.
IMF Managing Director Michel Camdessus flew into
Seoul on the
 THE RECOLONIZATION OF KOREA Shak)

morning of December 3rd to wrap up the deal. A formal “Letter of Intent”,

drafted in a hurry with the help of IMF officials, was signed by the
Governor of the Bank of Korea, Mr. Kyung shik Lee and the Minister of
Finance Lim Chang-yuel.’ Also present at the wrap-up negotiations was
David Lipton, US Under-secretary of the Treasury. His timely presence in
Seoul was “unofficial” and was not revealed to public opinion until the 57
billion dollar scam had been signed and sealed:
David Lipton, a senior American Treasury official, was in Seoul dur-
ing the negotiations last week. Contrary to claims in the Korean press,
Mr. Lipton was not actually present in the negotiating room. But
Hubert Neiss, the IMF’s chief negotiator, several times refined his
position after talking to Mr. Lipton. Michel Camdessus, the IMF’s
managing director, was scheduled to sign a letter agreeing to the loan
program on December 3rd. After talking with American officials, he
refused to give his approval until all three candidates in Korea’s pres-
idential election, which is set for December 18th, assented to the
terms.”

Shuttling back to Washington

The IMF’s mission was briskly wrapped up on December 3; Hubert Neiss

shuttled back to Washington. The IMF Executive Board was meeting on
the following day (December 4th) to ratify the 57 billion dollar package.
Following the Executive Board decision, the IMF Deputy Managing
Director Stanley Fischer candidly admitted at wrap up press conference
with a sigh of relief:
There was a new deputy Prime Minister and Finance Minister, Mr.
Lim, who fortunately had been an alternate executive director at the
Fund and also at the World Bank in the 1980s. So he was familiar
with these institutions. But he came in, in less — just over two weeks
ago. (...) He was a very tough negotiator; that’s only to be expected.
And I believe that the agreement that has been reached shows a lot of
courage and a lot of wisdom for the future of the Korean economy.°
And the same day, back in Seoul, in a prepared televized statement,
Finance Minister Lim — visibly perplexed by the course of events apolo-
gized to the Nation:
I apologize on behalfof the staffof the Finance Ministry to the peo-
ple. (...) The currency crisis in the Southeast Asian countries led to
 334 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

our own foreign currency crisis. We did not respond wisely [to this
crisis]. I apologize for having to take the bailout package from the
IMF.’

“Arm Twisting” in the wake of the Presidential Race

But the deal was not yet wrapped up. The country was on the eve of a pres-
idential election, and the front-runner opposition center-left candidate Kim
Dae-jung remained firmly opposed to the IMF bailout agreement. He
warned public opinion and accused the outgoing government of organizing
a massive “sell-out” of the Korean economy:
[FJoreign investors can freely buy our entire financial sector, includ-
ing 26 banks, 27 securities firms, 12 insurance companies and 2]
merchant banks, all of which are listed on the Korean Stock
Exchange, for just 5.5 trillion won, that is, $ 3.7 billion.®
Political turnaround. Barely two weeks later — upon winning the pres-
idential race — Kim Dae-jung had become an unbending supporter of
strong economic medicine:
[ will boldly open the market. I will make it so that foreign investors
will invest with confidence”; in a mass rally he confirmed his
unbending support for the IMF... Pain is necessary for reform and we
should take this risk as opportunity.’
Succumbing to political pressure, Kim Dae-jung — a former dissident
,
political prisoner and starch opponent ofthe US backed military regimes
of
Park Chung Hee and Chun Doo Hwan — had caved in to Wall Street
and
Washington prior to his formal inauguration as the country’s democrat
ically
elected president. In fact, Washington had demanded — in no uncertai
n terms
~ that all three candidates in the presidential race commit themsel
ves to
adopting the IMF programme.

Enforcing “Enabling Legislation” through Financial Blackm

ail
Despite Kim Dae-jung’s endorsement, the IMF Agreement was
still in a
political limbo. Legislation was required to carry out the layoff
and firing
of workers. No time was lost. US Under-secretary of the Treasur
y David
Lipton shuttled back to Seoul. This time his presence was
formally
announced. On the 22nd of December Kim Dae-jung — caving
in to
Washington’s demands — agreed in a meeting with Mr. Lipton
on the “the
 THE RECOLONIZATION OF KOREA 335

need to dismiss workers as part of industrial restructuring to make the

| economy competitive.” Kim Dae-jung had also given a “green light” to
_ the Korean parliament. A special session of the Legislature was held on the
| following day, December 23. The four main government motions concern-
ing the IMF Agreement were adopted virtually without debate."'
Enforced through financial blackmail, legislation had also been
approved which stripped the Ministry of Economy and Finance and of its
financial regulatory and supervisory functions. South Korea’s Parliament
had been transformed into a “rubber stamp”.
The IMF had also demanded — on behalf of Korea’s external creditors
— the speedy passage of legislation which would provide for “central bank
independence”. The latter provision was intended to thwart the ability of
_ the Korean State to finance national economic development “from within”
through monetary policy, — i.e. through domestic credit without depending
on foreign loans. In one fell swoop, the system of state-supported credit —
instrumental in Korea’s dynamic industrial development over the last 40
years — was phased out.
Meanwhile, Moody’s Investor Service, the Wall Street credit agency —
acting on behalf of US banking interests — had rewarded Korea’s compli-
ance by “downgrading ratings for Korean government and corporate
bonds, including those of 20 banks, to “junk bond” status”."”
336 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

Box 22.2
Negotiating A 57 Billion Dollar Bailout

19 November 1997- 24 December 1997

19 November: Outgoing President Kim Sam-young fires Minister of Finance Kang
Kyong-shik for “hindering negotiations” with the IMF. Kang is replaced by Mr. Lim
Chang-yuel, a former Executive Director of the IMF.
20 November: Finance Minister Lim is rushed off to Washington for talks with his
former colleague, IMF Deputy Managing Director Stanley Fischer.
21 November: The ROK government formally announces that it will be seeking an
Agreement with the IMF. The New Finance Minister is put in charge ofnegotiations
with the IMF.
24 November: “Seoul Black Monday”. The Seoul stock market crumbles to a ten-
year low over feared IMF austerity measures and expected corporate and bank col-
lapses.
26 November: The IMF mission arrives in Seoul headed by Mr. Hubert Neiss.
27 November: Shrouded in secrecy, talks between the IMF mission and ROK gov-
ernment officials commence.
30 November: After four days of negotiations, the IMF and the Government agree
on a “Preliminary Agreement”.
1 December: The draft agreement is submitted for approval of the ROK Cabinet.
3 December: IMF Managing Director Michel Camdessus arrives in Seoul to wrap
up the deal. US Undersecretary of the Treasury David Lipton, in discussions with
Camdessus, states that the deal cannot be finalized unless all three presidential can-
didates give their support to the IMF bailout.
4 December: The final text of the Agreement is ratified by the IMF Executive Board
which approves a stand-by arrangement for 21 billion dollars out of a total package
of 57 billion.
5 December: Presidential candidate Kim Dae-jung expresses his opposition to the
[MF Agreement and warns public opinion on its devastating economic and social
impacts.
18 December: Kim Dae-jung wins the Presidential election and immediately
declares his unconditional support for the IMF programme.
22 December: US Under-secretary of the Treasury David Lipton arrives in Seoul.
Lipton demands Kim Dae-jung to agree to massive layoffs of workers.
23 December: A special session of the Legislature is called. The Legislature rubber
stamps four key government motions regarding the IMF programme.
24 December: Wall Street bankers are called to an emergency meeting on
Christmas Eve. At midnight, the IMF agrees to rush 10 billion dollars to Seoul to
meet an avalanche of maturing short-term debts.
26 December: Boxing Day: President-elect Kim Dae-jung commits himselfto
tough actions: “Companies must freeze or slash wages. If that proves not enough,
layoffs will be inevitable.”
 THE RECOLONIZATION OF KOREA 337
Wall Street Bankers meet on Christmas Eve

The Korean Legislature had met in emergency sessions on Decembe

r 23.
The final decision concerning the 57 billion dollar deal took place
the fol-
lowing day on Christmas Eve December 24th, after office hours
in New
York. Wall Street’s top financiers from Chase Manhattan, Bank
America,
Citicorp and J. P. Morgan had been called in for a meeting at the
Federal
Reserve Bank of New York. Also at the Christmas Eve venue, were repre-
sentatives of the “big five” New York merchant banks, including Goldman
Sachs, Lehman Brothers, Morgan Stanley and Salomon Smith Barney."
Almost simultaneously, some 80 European creditor banks — under
the
chairmanship of Deutsche Bank AG. — were meeting behind closed doors
in Frankfurt, while Japan’s big ten banks (which hold a significant portion
of Korea’s short term debt) were involved in high-level discussions
in
Tokyo together with Mr. Kyong shik Lee, Governor of the Bank of Korea.
And at midnight on Christmas Eve, upon receiving the “green light”
from the banks, the IMF was allowed “to rush 10 billion dollars to Seoul
to meet the avalanche of maturing short-term debts”,"!

No Capital Inflows under the Bailout

These Christmas Eve meetings were crucial. The banks had insisted that the
multibillion dollar bail-out — financed by G7 governments, the IMF, the
World Bank and the Asian Development Bank — should, under no circum-
stances, result in a positive cash inflow into Korea. The coffers of Korea’s
central Bank had been ransacked. Creditors and speculators were anxiously
awaiting to collect the loot. In other words, the bailout money had already
been tagged to reimburse Western and Japanese financial institutions, as
well as currency traders. The same institutions which had earlier speculated
against the Korean won were cashing in on the IMF bailout money. It was a
scam. Korea was locked into servicing this multibillion debt until the year
2006.

The Macro-Economic Agenda

The IMF bailout had derogated Korea’s economic sovereignty establishing

a de facto colonial administration under a democratically elected president.
It had plunged the country, virtually overnight, into a deep recession. The
social impact was devastating. The standard of living had collapsed the IMF
reforms had depressed real wages and triggered massive unemployment.
338 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

The Agreement had lifted the ceiling on foreign ownership and had
opened up the domestic bond market to foreign investors: “Foreign finan-
cial institutions will be allowed to purchase equity in domestic banks
without restriction.”'> In turn, the central bank had been crushed. Its for-
eign exchange reserves ransacked by institutional speculators. In
November 1997, the Bank of Korea’s reserves had plunged to an all time
low of 7.3 billion dollars. The Bank of Korea (BOK) was reorganized,
increasingly under the direct supervision of Wall Street and the IMF. Under
the bail-out, fiscal and monetary policy was to be dictated by Korea’s
external creditors. The Agreement marked the demise of central banking in
Asia’s most vibrant economy.

Dismantling the Chaebols

The devaluation of the won — together with the stock market meltdown —
had generated a deadly chain of bankruptcies affecting both financial and
industrial enterprises. The devaluation had also contributed to triggering
sharp rises in the prices of consumer necessities. A so-called “exit policy”
(i.e. bankruptcy programme) had been set in motion: the operations of
some nine “troubled” merchant banks were suspended on December 2,
1997 prior to the completion of the IMF mission. In consultation with the
IMF, the government was ordered to “prepare a comprehensive action pro-
gramme to strengthen financial supervision and regulation”’."°
The hidden agenda was to destroy Korean capitalism. The IMF
program had contributed to fracturing the chaebols. The latter had been
invited to establish “strategic alliances with foreign firms” — meaning their
eventual take-over and control by foreign capital. In turn, selected Korean
banks were to “be made more attractive” to potential foreign buyers by
transferring their non-performing loans to a “public bail-out fund” — the
Korea Asset Management Corporation (KAMC). The automotive group
KIA, among Korea’s largest conglomerates, declared insolvency. A similar
fate affected the Halla Group involved in shipbuilding, engineering and
auto-parts.
Acting directly on behalf of Wall Street, the IMF had demanded the
dismantling of the Daewoo Group including the sell-off of the 12 so-called
“troubled” Daewoo affiliate companies. Daewoo Motors was up for grabs,
Korea’s entire auto parts industry was in crisis leading to mass layoffs and
bankruptcies of auto-parts suppliers."
Meanwhile, the creditors of Korea’s largest business empire, Hyundai,
 THE RECOLONIZATION OF KOREA 339

had demanded the group’s break-up. With the so-called “spin off’ — mean-
ing the fracture of Hyundai —, foreign capital had been invited in “to pick
up the pieces” at a good prices, meaning Hyundai’s profitable car and ship
building units.
The bankruptcy of the Korean economy was part and parcel of the
IMF Agreement. The freeze on credit imposed by the IMF prevented the
Central Bank from coming to the rescue of“troubled” enterprises or banks.
The agreement stipulated that “such merchant banks that are unable to sub-
mit to appropriate restructuring plans within 30 days will have their
licences revoked”."*
The freeze on credit had also contributed to crippling the construction
industry and the services economy: “Banks are increasingly reluctant to pro-
vide loans to businesses while bracing for the central bank’s tighter money
| supply.”"” According to one report, more than 90 percent of construction
companies (with combined debts of $ 20 billion dollars to domestic finan-
cial institutions) are in danger of bankruptcy.”*’ The contraction of domestic
purchasing power (i.e. lower wages and higher unemployment) had also sent
“chills through the nations perennially cash-thirsty small businesses”. The
government had acknowledged that “quite a number of smaller enterprises
will go under”.
99 21

Wall Street on a Shopping Spree

The Merger and Acquisition boom was hitting with a vengeance. Korea’s
high-tech electronics and manufacturing economy was up for grabs.
Western corporations had gone on a shopping spree, buying up industrial
assets at rock-bottom prices. The devaluation of the won — combined with
the slide of the Seoul stock market — had dramatically depressed the dollar
value of Korean assets.
The Hanwha Group was selling its oil refineries to Royal Dutch/Shell
after having sold half its chemical joint venture to BASF of Germany.””” In
a matter of a few months, the market value of Samsung Electronics, the
world’s largest producer of computer memory chips, had tumbled from 6.5
billion to 2.4 billion dollars. “It’s now cheaper to buy one of these compa-
nies than buy a factory — and you get all the distribution, brand-name
recognition and trained labor force free in the bargain.’
340 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

Taking over Korea’s Commercial Banks

Under its “free market’ agenda, the IMF had demanded “the nationaliza-
tion” of the country’s “big six” commercial banks, including Korea First
Bank (KFB), Seoul Bank, the merged Commercial Bank of Korea with
Hanil Bank, the Korea Exchange Bank and Cho Hung Bank.” The intention,
however, was not to transfer the banks into state hands — the “nationalized
banks” had been slated for “‘re-privatization”’.
The objective was to transfer a large share of commercial banking into
foreign hands: Korea First Bank (KFB) and Seoul Bank were immediately
put on the auction block. In charge of the sale was one of Wall Street’s
largest investment houses: Morgan Stanley Dean Witter.
How did they do it ? Only honest “foreign investors” were allowed to
participate in the bidding. To ensure transparency, “crony Korean capital-
ists” were to be held at bay. It was a sell-out. On the advice of Morgan
Stanley, the government had also excluded “any consortium of Korean
conglomerates and foreign bidders in the privatization of the two banks.”

California and Texas Tycoons to the Rescue

America had come to the rescue of Korea’s “troubled banks”. The auction
of commercial bank assets was an obvious fraud. For a meager $ 454 mil-
lion, a controlling share (51%) of Korea First Bank (KFB) was transferred
to Newbridge Capital Ltd, a US outfit specializing in leveraged buyouts. ©
Newbridge was controlled by US financier Richard Blum, husband of
California Senator Dianna Feinstein, in partnership with Texas billionaire
David “Bondo” Bonderman of the Texas Pacific Group. Bonderman is a
close business partner of another prominent Texas tycoon Richard Bass
(with ties to George W. Bush, when he was in the Texas oil business), who
also has a stake in the KFB buy-out.”°
In one fell swoop, a California-based investment firm — visibly with no
prior experience in commercial banking — had gained control of one of
Korea’s oldest banking institutions with 5,000 employees and a modern
network of branch offices through out the country. And the Western finan-
cial media applauds: Newbridge Capital had generously “accepted” to buy
Korea First Bank for 500 billion won (454 million dollars). In fact, under
the IMF sponsored scam, Blum, Bonderman and associates “had not dis-
bursed a single dollar of their own money. Korea First Bank was handed to
them free of charge”’”’
 THE RECOLONIZATION OF KOREA 341

Under the terms of its agreement with Newbridge, the government had
granted so-called “put back options” to KFB which entitled the new
owners to demand compensation for all losses stemming from non-per-
forming loans made prior to the sale. What this meant, in practice, was a
total cash injection by the ROK government (in several installments) into
the KFB of 17.3 trillion won, an amount equivalent to 35 times the price
the government received from Newbridge Capital in the first place.’ In a
modern form of highway robbery, a totally fictitious “investment” of 454
million dollars by Blum, Bonderman and associates — together with
General Electric’s financial services arm, GE Capital — had enabled the
new owners to cash in on a 15.9 billion dollar government hand-out. Not
bad ! And behind this lucrative scam, the Wall Street underwriter Morgan
Stanley Dean Witter was also cashing in on fat commissions from both the
ROK government and the new American owners of KFB.
And how was the government going to finance this multi-billion dollar
handout ? Through lower wages, massive layoffs of public employees —
including teachers and health workers — and drastic cuts in social programs,
as well as billions of dollars of borrowed money.
The government was caught in a vicious circle. The multibillion dollar
handout infavor of Wall Street had been financed by loans from Wall Street,
the IMF and the World Bank. The government was “financing its own
indebtedness”. In fact, a 2 billion-dollar loan, granted by the World Bank
shortly before the KFB sell-off, had already been tagged to help American
“investors” acquire a controlling share of the Korean banking sector.
The new American owners of KFB had — from one day to the next —
become creditors of Korea’s once powerful business conglomerates now
down on their knees. The Korean managers were fired; appointed by
Newbridge, the new chairman of the KFB board of directors was Robert
Barnum, an established financial whiz-kid associated with the Texas scene,
closely aligned with Fort Worth billionaire Robert Bass and his Robert
Bass Group. Also on the board of directors were Micky Kantor, former US
Commerce Secretary and NAFTA-negotiator in the Bush Administration,
together with Los Angeles real estate magnate Thomas Barrack, Chairman
of Colony Capital, Inc. who used to be Robert Bass’s personal money
manager.”
Financed by the Korean Treasury, the new Texan and Californian own-
ers of KFB had become “domestic creditors” of Korea’s “troubled” busi-
ness conglomerates. Without investing a single dollar, they had the power
to shake up, downsize or close down entire branches of Korean industry
 342 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

“as they see fit’, including electronics, automobile production, heavy

industry, semiconductors, etc. The fate of the workers of the chaebols was
also in the hands of the new American owners... In fact, most of the busi-
ness takeover proposals and “spin-offs” of the chaebols required the direct
consent of Western financial interests.
The ROK government had not only lost control over the privatization
program, it had allowed the entire financial services industry to be broken
into. Chase Manhattan had purchased a majority interest in Good Money
Securities. Goldman Sachs had acquired control of Kookmin Bank, while
New York Life had taken over its insurance arm Kookmin Life.’
The wholesale privatization of major public utilities had also been
demanded — including Korea Telecom and Korea Gas. Korea Electric
Power Corporation (KEPCO) was to be broken down into several smaller
electricity companies prior to being placed on the auction block. Pohang
Iron & Steel Corp. (POSCO) was also to become fully privatized. A simi-
lar fate awaits Hanjung, the state-owned Korea Heavy Industries and
Construction Company, slated to enter into “a strategic alliance” with
Westinghouse.

US and German Capitalists share the Spoils

In Korea, American and German business interests have joined hands. As

part of the IMF program, the German banking conglomerate — Deutsche
Bank AG — was put in charge of the management of Seoul Bank — which
had been “nationalized” alongside KFB. Meanwhile, Mr. Hubert Neiss, the
man who negotiated the ill-fated December 1997 bailout was no longer
with the IMF. He had been appointed President of Deutsche Bank Asia
based in Hong Kong. His new mandate includes the management of Seoul
Bank, the terms of which are specified in the IMF program, which he him-
self designed when he was on staff with the IMF in Washington. ..*
In a similar deal, Deutsche Bank’s rival Commerzbank AG had been
granted “management control” over the Korea Exchange Bank.” In other
words, the two German banking giants had from one day to the next —
without investing a single Deutschmark — become de facto creditors of the
chaebols. As “managers” on behalf of theROK government, Deutsche and
Commerzbank were calling the shots on the restructuring of the chaebols
bad debts, as well as on the various takeover proposals of Korean industrial
assets by foreign capital.
 THE RECOLONIZATION OF KOREA 343

Instating a System of Direct Colonial Rule

In 1945, Japanese colonial rule was displaced by US political and military

domination in the Southern part of the Korean peninsula. Syngman Rhee,
a Korean expatriate living in the US, was brought in by General MacArthur
to form a pro-US puppet government.
Behind the military rulers installed by Washington, South Korea’s
incipient business groups were largely in control of economic policy.
Under this system of “indirect rule”, “national capitalism” was allowed to
prosper. The military regime was supportive and instrumental in the
dynamic development of the Korean chaebols which came to constitute a
powerful force on international markets.
The growth of Korean capitalism was short-lived: Already in the
1980s, “economic globalization” had led to shrinking markets and a world
economy marked by overproduction. (See Chapter 3) In the 1990s, intense
rivalry and competition developed between competing corporate conglom-
erates. The Korean chaebols were considered as intruders encroaching on
the interests of American, European and Japanese corporate power. The
IMF 1997 bailout was applied to deliberately weaken Korean capitalism
and confiscate the chaebol’s industrial assets.
The hidden agenda was “to tame the tigers”, dismantle and subdue
Korean corporate power. The system of “indirect colonial rule”, first
instated by the US military under President Sygman Rhee in 1945, had
been disbanded. Korea’s ruling business elites had been crushed: an
entirely new system of government, under President Kim Dae-jung, had
been established geared towards the fracture of the chaebols and the dis-
mantling of Korean capitalism. The signing of the IMF bailout Agreement
in December 1997, also marks an important and significant transformation
in the structure of the Korean State.

Reunification and the “Free Market”

An IMF negotiating mission had been rushed to Seoul in early June 2000,
barely a few days before the historic inter-Korean Summit in Pyongyang
between President Kim Dae-jung and Democratic People’s Republic of
Korea (DPRK) Chairman Kim Jong il. Careful timing... The IMF’s pres-
ence in Seoul was barely noticed by the Korean press. Firmly behind Kim
Dae-jung, South Koreans had their eyes riveted on the promise of the
coutry’s reunification. Other political issues had be shoved to the sidelines.
344 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

Meanwhile backstage — removed from the heat of public debate — the

IMF team was quietly putting the finishing touches on a Second IMF
Agreement including a “Letter of Intent” to be duly signed by Finance
Minister Lee Hun-jai, prior to his departure for the Pyongyang Summit.
It was a carefully planned “sell-out”: the Second Agreement was more
deadly than the first one signed in December 1997. The ROK government
had renewed the IMF’s stranglehold on the Korean economy until 2003
without any form of public debate or discussion. The Second Agreement
(Memorandum of Economic and Financial Policies) had outlined — in sig-
nificantly more detail than the controversial 1997 bailout — the precise
steps to be undertaken. The dismantling and fracturing of South Korean
capitalism had been carefully outlined over a three year period (2000-
2003)"
But the IMF mission had something else up its sleeve. In liaison with
the US Embassy, the IMF mission was briefing Finance Minister Lee Hun-
jai who was in charge of the Pyongyang Summit’s economic cooperation
agenda. Lee was a faithful crony of the IMF: prior to assuming the posi-
tion of Finance Minister, he had been in charge of the infamous Financial
Supervisory Commission (FSC) — the powerful IMF sponsored watch dog
~ responsible for triggering the bankruptcy of the chaebols. Carefully
briefed before his departure for Pyongyang, Finance Minister Lee was to
uphold American business interests under the disguise of “inter-Korean
economic cooperation”. Washington’s hidden agenda, under the reunifica-
tion process, is the eventual recolonization ofthe entire Korean peninsula.

Colonizing North Korea

Under the inter-Korean economic cooperation program signed in

Pyongyang, the Seoul government had committed itself to investing in
North Korea. In turn, Hyundai — Korea’s largest conglomerate — was to
invest and build factories in the North.
But the Korean chaebols — including Hyundai — are rapidly being
taken over by American companies. In other words, “inter-Korean
economic cooperation” may turn out to be a disguised form of “foreign
investment” and a new window of opportunity for Wall Street. The new
American owners of the chaebols, in consultation with the US State
Department, will ultimately be calling the shots on “‘inter-Korean econom-
ic Cooperation”, including major investments in North Korea:
Kim Dae-jung’s strategy is to help Pyongyang with aid and develop-
 THE RECOLONIZATION OF KOREA 345

ment, tap its cheap labor and build goodwill and infrastructure that are
also in South Korea’s interest... “Everyone has to keep up the pretense
that nothing will happen to the North Korean regime, that you can open
up and keep your power and we'll help you make deals with the
International Monetary Fund and World Bank. (. . .) But ultimately, we
hope it does undermine them. It’s the Trojan horse.”””
The government of Nobel Peace Laureate President Kim Dae-jung had
“set the stage” on behalf of Washington. With US military might in the
background, the promise of reunification — to which all Koreans aspire —
could lead to the imposition of so-called “free market” reforms on
Communist North Korea, a process which would result in the “recoloniza-
tion” and impoverishment of the entire Korean peninsula under the domin-
- ion of American capital.

Endnotes

1. Agence France Presse, 19 November 1997.

2. Willis Witter , “Economic Chief sacked in South Korean Debt Crisis:
Emergency measures are introduced”, Washington Times, 20 November
1997.
Associated Press Worldstream, 30 November 1997.
See International Monetary Fund, Korea, Request for Stand-by
Arrangement, Washington, December 3, 1997. The text of the 1997 IMF
Agreement together with “The Memorandum on the Economic Program” was
leaked to the Korean press and can be _ consulted at
http://www.chosun.com/feature/imfreport.html.
nN “New Illness, old Medicine”, Zhe Economist, US Edition, New York, 13
December 1997, p. 65.
Transcript of IMF Press Conference, Washington, 5 December 1997, italics
added.
Rebroadcast with English translation on MacNeil/Lehrer Productions The
NewsHour with Jim Lehrer, December 4, 1997, italics added.
oO Michael Hudson, “Draft for Our World”, Our World, Kyoto, 23 December
19977.
National Public Radio, 19 December 1997.
. John Burton, “Korea Bonds reduced to Junk Status”, Financial Times,
London, 23 December 1997. p. 3.
. Choe Seung chul, “Assembly Opens to Legislate Key Financial Reforms”,
Korea Herald, 23 December 1997.
John Burton, op cit.
346 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

Financial Times, 27-28 December 1997, p. 3.

14. Agence France Presse, Paris, 26 December 1997.
15. International Monetary Fund, Korea: Request for IMF Standby,
includes “Letter of Intent’ and “Memorandum on the Economic Program”,
see para. 32, p. 44. The text can be consulted at http://www.chosun.com/fea-
ture/imfreport.html.
16. Ibid, para. 25.
17. Autoparts makers step up resistance to Foreign Control of Daewoo Motor,
Korea Herald, 28, June 2000.
18. Korea, Request
for IMF Standby, para. 20, p. 8.
19. Sah Dong seok, “Credit Woes Cripple Business Sectors”, Korea Times, 28
December 1997.
20. Song Jung tae, “Insolvency of Construction Firms rises in 1998”, Korea
Herald, 24 December 1997.
21. Korean Herald, 5 December 1997.
22. Michael Hudson, op cit.
23. Ibid.
24. Catherine Lee, “The Wrong Medicine; Nationalization of Commercial Banks in
South Korea”, Zhe Banker, December 1998.
25. Text of official government statement, quoted in “Korea To Let Only O/S
Investors to Buy Two Troubled Banks”, Asia Pulse, Seoul, 5 November 1998.
26. See Michael Zielenziger, “A rebounding but unreformed South Korea making
investors, Officials nervous”, Knight Ridder Tribune News Service, 11 June
1999
27. “More Tax Money for KFB”, Korea Herald, Seoul, 17 August 2000, p. 1.
28. Ibid.
29. Ibid.
30. Asia Pulse, 21 January 2000.
31. “Struggle to survive will intensify amid M&As”, Business Korea, Vol 17. No
2, February 2000, p. 30-36.
32. Who What, Where, The Asian Banker Journal , 18 May 2000.
33. Commerzbank Pledges Active Role in Cleaning Up Korea Exchange Bank,
Business Korea, 8 August 2000.
34. Text of “Memorandum of Economic and Financial Policies” and
“Letter of Intent”, June 14, Ministry of Finance, Seoul, 2000, published
in the Republic of Korea Economic Bulletin, June 2000 at
http://epic.kdi.re.kr/home/ecobul/indexlist.htm. Also published by
the International Monetary Fund (IMF) at
http://www.imf.org/external/NP/loi/2000/kor/01/INDEX.HTM. The
Memorandum grants management rights to Deutsce Bank over KFB. Los
Angeles times, 16 June 2000, italics added.
 Chapter 23

The Brazilian Financial Scam

Succumbing to the speculative onslaught, the Sao Paulo stock exchange

crumbled on Black Wednesday, 13 January 1999. The vaults of Brazil’s
central bank had been burst wide open; the Real’s “crawling” peg to the
dollar was broken.
Central Bank Governor Gustavo Franco was replaced by an econom-
ics professor, Francisco Lopes, who was immediately whisked off to
Washington together with Finance Minister Pedro Malan for high-level
“consultations” with the IMF and the US Treasury. This week-end stint
with Washington officials was a preamble to an early morning meeting a
few days later at the New York Federal Reserve Bank with Brazil’s credi-
tors. On the breakfast list were Quantum Hedge Fund speculator George
Soros, Citigroup Vice-President William Rhodes, Jon Corzine from
Goldman Sachs and David Komansky of Merrill Lynch.' This private
meeting, held behind closed doors, was crucial: Rhodes was head of the
New York Banking Committee on behalf of Brazil’s commercial creditors.
He had dealt with president Fernando Henrique Cardoso when he was
Finance Minister in 1993-94. The “restructuring” of Brazil’s external debt
— together with the adoption of the so-called “Real Plan” — had been
imposed by the New York Banking Committee. This “economic stabiliza-
tion” program had contributed to the swelling of Brazil’s internal debt from
60 billion dollars in 1994, to more than 350 billion in 1998. . (See Chapter
13.)
Meanwhile, public opinion had been carefully misled as to the causes
of the financial meltdown: the “Asian flu” was said to be spreading. . . The
global media had casually laid the blame on Minas Gerais’ “rogue
governor” Itamar Franco (a former President of Brazil) for declaring a
moratorium on debt payments to the federal government.’ The threat of
impending debt default by the state governments was said to have affected
Brasilia’s “economic credibility”.
348 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

Brazil’s National Congress was also blamed for not having granted a
swift and “unconditional rubber-stamp” to the IMF’s lethal economic med-
icine. The latter required budget cuts of the order of 28 billion dollars
(including massive lay-offs of civil servants, the dismantling of social pro-
grammes, the sale of state assets, the freeze of transfer payments to the
state governments and the channelling of state revenues towards debt
servicing).

Squeezing Credit

In insisting on tight monetary policy, the Washington-based institutions, in

consultation with Wall Street, were also intent on destabilizing Brazil’s
industrial base, taking over the internal market and speeding up the priva-
tization programme. The government overnight benchmark interest rate
was increased on instructions of the IMF to a staggering 39% (per annum),
implying commercial bank lending rates between 50% and 90% per
annum. Local manufacturing, crippled by insurmountable debts, had been
driven into bankruptcy. Purchasing power had crumbled; interests rates on
consumer loans were as high as 150% to 250% leading to massive loan
default. . .*
While “confidence” had been temporarily restored on financial mar-
kets, the Real had lost more than 40 percent of its value, leading to an
almost immediate surge in the prices of fuel, food and consumer essentials.
The demise of the nation’s currency had contributed to brutally compress-
ing the standard of living in a country of 160 million people where more
than 50 percent of the population are below the poverty line.
In turn, the devaluation had backlashed on Sao Paulo’s Southern
industrial belt where the (official) rate of unemployment had reached 17
percent. In the days following Black Wednesday January 13th 1999,
multinational companies including Ford, General Motors and Volkswagen
confirmed work stoppages and the implementation of massive lay-offs of
workers.”

Background of the IMF Agreement

At first sight, the plight of Brazil appeared to be a standard “re-run” of the
1997 Asian currency crisis. The IMF’s lethal “economic medicine” was
broadly similar to that imposed in 1997-98 on Korea, Thailand and
Indonesia. Yet there was a striking difference in the “timing” (i.e. chronol-
| THE BRAZILIAN FINANCIAL SCAM 349

|
_ ogy) of the IMF ploy: in Asia, the IMF “bailouts” had been negotiated on
_ an ad hoc basis “after” rather than “before” the crisis. (See chapters 21 and
_ 22.) The IMF had “come to the rescue” of
the “Asian tigers” in the wake
_ of the speculative onslaught, once national currencies had tumbled and the
| countries were left with insurmountable debts.
In contrast, in the case of Brazil, the IMF financial operation was
_ launched in November 1998 — exactly two months prior to the financial
_ meltdown — as part of a new standing IMF-G7 arrangement. The
_ “economic medicine” was meant to be “preventive” rather than “curative”.
Officially, it was intended to prevent the occurrence of a financial disaster.
_ In the words of its political architects US Treasury Secretary Robert Rubin
and UK Chancellor of the Exchequer Gordon Brown: “We must do more to
(...) limit the swings of booms and busts that destroy hope and diminish
wealth.’
In practice, the IMF-G7 scheme accomplished exactly the opposite
results. Rather than staving off the speculative onslaught, it contributed to
accelerating the outflow of money wealth. Twenty billion dollars were
taken out of Brazil in the two months following the approval of the IMF
_ “precautionary package” in November: an amount of money equivalent to
the massive “up-front” budget cuts required by the IMF.
Marred by capital flight, Brazil’s central bank reserves were being
plundered at the rate of 400 million dollars a day. From 75 billion dollars
in July 1998, central bank reserves dwindled to 27 billion in January 1999.
The first tranche of the IMF loan, of more than 9 billion dollars (granted in
November 1998), had already been squandered to prop up Brazil’s ailing
currency; the money was barely sufficient to “finance the flight of capital”
in the course of a single month.

Enticing Speculators

The IMF sponsored operation was largely instrumental in enticing specu-

lators to persist in their deadly raids; “The money was there” to be drawn
upon and the speculators knew it. If the Central Bank of Brazil were to
default on its foreign exchange contracts, the availability of IMF-G7
money “upfront” would enable banks, hedge funds and _ institutional
investors to swiftly collect their multi-billion dollar loot. The IMF pro-
gramme signed in November 1998 thereby contributed to reducing the
risks and “reassuring speculators”.
The approximate “timing” of the devaluation was part of the IMF
350 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

ploy; by ensuring a stable exchange rate in the two-month period follow-

ing the IMF agreement (13 November 1998), it had allowed speculators to
swiftly cash in on an additional 20 billion dollars.
Both Wall Street and the Washington institutions knew that a devalua-
tion was imminent and that the IMF-G7 sponsored “preventive” package
was nothing more than a stop gap measure. The IMF programme enabled
Wall Street currency speculators “to buy time”. The Central Bank had been
instructed by the IMF and Wall Street “to hold in” as long as possible. The
ploy was to facilitate the plunder of the country’s money wealth. The eco-
nomic team at the Ministry of Finance said that they were “taken by
surprise”. But they knew all along that the devaluation was coming (. . .) It
was a sell out. In January, the IMF agreed to let the currency slide. By that
time it was too late, Central Bank reserves had already been ransacked.

“A Marshall Plan for Creditors and Speculators”

From the Davos Economic Summit, Stanley Fischer IMF Senior Deputy
Managing Director and main architect of the November “preventive” loan
package, headed to Brasilia to negotiate the terms of anew agreement.
Short-term debts had spiralled, “new policy initiatives” were being
demanded; the harsh austerity measures, agreed with the IMF a few
months earlier, were deemed insufficient to “restore a lasting recovery of
confidence”. New fiscal targets were established; following the pattern set
in the Asian bailouts, Brasilia was “to intensify and broaden the privatiza-
tion and divestment effort” — laying the basis for the liquidation of federal
and state banks, and speeding up the appropriation of Brazil’s energy and
strategic sectors, public utilities and infrastructure by foreign capital.’
In turn, the Central Bank was to be thoroughly revamped under IMF
guidance. The monetary authorities had been instructed to uphold the Real
under a flexible exchange regime. No exchange controls were allowed. A
second tranche of 9 billion dollars (under the 41.5 billion dollar loan) had
contributed to replenishing the coffers of the Central Bank (on borrowed
money), enticing speculators to continue their deadly raids. Under the new
IMF ploy signed in February 1999, capital flight was to continue unabat-
ed. Very lucrative: following the financial meltdown of January 13th,
capital outflows were running at 200 to 300 million dollars a day.’
 THE BRAZILIAN FINANCIAL SCAM Siow

Wall Street in Charge of Brazil’s Central Bank

To ensure the continued success of the speculative onslaught, Professor

Francisco Lopes — who had been appointed head of the Central Bank on
Black Wednesday January 13 — was sacked two weeks later and replaced
by Mr. Arminio Fraga Neto, a former adviser to the Soros Fund in New
York. This appointment was made following Finance Malan’s meeting
with George Soros at the New York Federal Reserve Bank breakfast meet-
ing. Former President Itamar Franco had remarked with a touch of humour:
“I am happy to learn that the new Central Bank governor is mega-specula-
tor George Soros”.
9

Wall Street insiders were in command of monetary policy. Brazil’s

external creditors have the ability to freeze state budgets, paralyse the pay-
ments process — including transfers to the state governments — and thwart
(as in the former Soviet Union) the regular disbursement of wages to
public sector employees, including several million teachers and health
workers,
This “programmed bankruptcy” of domestic producers has been
instrumented through the credit squeeze, not to mention the threat by
Finance Minister Pedro Malan to allow for increased trade liberalization
and (import) commodity dumping with a view to obliging domestic enter-
prises “to be more competitive”. Combined with interest rates above 50
percent, the consequence ofthis policy for many domestic producers is tan-
tamount to bankruptcy, — i.e. pushing domestic prices below costs.
In turn, the dramatic compression of domestic demand (i.e. resulting
from increased unemployment and declining real wages) had led to a situ-
ation of oversupply and rising stocks of unsold merchandise. . . This
ruthless demise of local industry — engineered by macro-economic reform
~ had created an “enabling environment” which empowered foreign capital
to take over the internal market, reinforce its stranglehold over domestic
banking and pick up the most profitable productive assets at bargain prices.
The financial crisis has created conditions which favor the rapid recol-
onization of the Brazilian economy. The depreciation of the Real has
depressed the book value (in dollars) of state assets and has contributed to
speeding up the privatization programme. The IMF’s lethal economic med-
icine — combined with mounting debt and continued capital flight — spells
economic disaster, fragmentation of the federal fiscal structure and social
dislocation.
352 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

“Dollarization” of Latin America

The Brazilian financial meltdown had also created an environment, which

strengthens throughout the Latin American region, the stranglehold of Wall
Street creditors over monetary policy. In Argentina, the demise of the cen-
tral bank was already firmly in place under a colonial style “currency
board” arrangement. The Argentinean peso has been replaced by the US
dollar, implying not only the complete control over money creation by
external creditors. Similarly, the appointment of a Wall Street insider to
head the Central Bank of Brazil, is part of the dollarization ploy, leading to
the eventual destruction of Brazil’s national currency.
Other Latin American countries are slated to follow suit, narrowly viewing
the “dollarization” of their currencies as a way of averting a financial dis-
aster. No “soft-landing” is in sight: although dollarization is not formally
part of the Free Trade Agreement of the Americas (FTAA) initiative, the
hidden agenda is to eventually replace Latin American currencies with the
US dollar, initially under a currency board arrangement.
 THE BRAZILIAN FINANCIAL SCAM S15)

Box 23.1
The Takeover of Brazil’s Banking System
ABN AMRO, Lloyds Bank, HSBC and Dresdner are busy acquiring
bank assets in Brazil. HSBC acquired close to 1000 branch offices of
Banco Amerindus becoming overnight the second largest private retail
bank in Brazil.
Wall Street investment banks are often put in charge with the task
of selling off state assets in shady insider deals under the IMF privati-
zation and bankruptcy programs.
In Brazil, for instance, Merrill Lynch was put in charge ofthe pri-
vatization of Companhia Vale do Rio Doce (CVRD) one of world’s
largest mining outfits, on behalf of the Brazilian government. But
Merrill Lynch was also representing one ofthe prospective buyers of
CVRD: the Anglo-American mining consortium. In a typical insiders
operation, Anglo-American has joined hands with NationsBank (now
merged with BankAmerica), alongside an obscure offshore unregis-
tered investment fund “Opportunity Asset Management Fund” which
has Citibank and mega-businessman George Soros as investors.
(Financial Times, 5 May 1997). Through the acquisition of CVRD, the
consortium will control more than 80 percent of Brazil’s steel industry.
(Geoff Dyer, Soros Consortium set to bid in Brazil Iron Ore Sell-Off,
Financial Times, 5 May 1997, p. 1). In turn, the proceeds ofthe sale of
CVRD will be conveniently recycled from the Treasury back towards
servicing the external debt of Brazil of which one of new owners of
CVRD, namely Citigroup, happens to be Brazil’s main creditor and
head of the Banking committee responsible for the restructuring of
Brazil’s multibillion dollar external debt.
354 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

Endnotes

Estado De Sao Paulo, 2\ January 1999.

tO A 90 days moratorium was declared. See Financial Times, London, January
18, 1999, p. 4.
IMF Press Conference by Michel Camdessus and Stanley Fischer,
Washington, November 13, 1998. See also “Letter of Intent” and “Brazil:
Memorandum of Economic Policies”, IMF, Washington, 13 November 1998.
See Estado de Sao Paulo, 2\ January 1999.
See Larry Rohter, “Crisis Whipsaws Brazilian Workers”, New York Times,
January 16th, 1998.
Quoted in Financial Times, London, 31 October-1 November 1998.
See Joint Statement of the Ministry of Finance of Brazil and the IMF Team,
News Brief no. 99/5, IMF, Washington, 4 February 1999).
Estado de Sao Paulo, 2\ January 1999.
“Itamar: Soros presidara o BC”, Agencia Estado, Ultima Noticias, 2 February
1999.
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 INDEX

Agriculture 24, 43, 46, 49, 53, 56, 90, 95-100, 104, 107, 110, 126, 162, 163, 165,

291, 294, 359

| African National Congress 125
| Agro-Business 126, 128, 139, 141, 168, 180, 202, 289
|t Andhra Pradesh 153
| Angola 125, 128
Anti-export bias 54
_ Asian Development Bank (ADB) 176
Asian Tigers 2, 324, 359
| Assam 115
Australia 97, 323

Bahamas 303
Balance-of-payments 150, 176
Bamako Proposal 51]
Bangladesh 7, 81, 82, 84, 159-165, 179
Bank for International Settlements 319
Bank secrecy 233
Banking 7, 11, 43, 54, 56, 57, 82, 150, 154, 161, 171, 182, 190, 207, 211, 219, 222.
225, 232, 233, 243, 246, 262, 263, 268, 270, 274, 280, 281, 306, 309, 316-
318; 322, 320, 327,335, 338, 3402342, 347, 351
Bankreptcy, 2, 6, 8, 9, 26, 42, 53, 70, 75, 108, 129, 150, 152, 162, 167, 171, 173.
V74, 177, 187, 221,231, 239, 241, 244, 249. 959: 969-265, 267. 268, 282.
284, 288, 290, 301, 303, 309-311, 318, 322, 323, 338, 339, 344, 348, 351
Banzer, Hugo 234
Barre, Siyad 98
Belaunde Terry, Fernando 210
Bilateral loans 105
Black money 57
Bolivia 20, 58, 222, 223, 229-231, 233, 240
Berisha, Sali 280, 281
Brady, Nicholas 195, 306
Brazil 1, 24, 44,55, 69, 79, 191-202, 232, 318, 347-352
Bretton Woods agreement 19
Bretton Woods institutions 5, 10, 18, 28, 34, 42-44, 47, 51, 72, 54, 58, 60, 68. 70.
97, 99, 108, 109, 116, 139, 159, 162, 163, 167-169, 175, 201, 209, 210,
370 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

229, 258, 268, 279-281, 283, 287, 290, 294, 295, 296, 305, 318, 321
Budget deficit 45, 47, 51, 54, 97, 175, 193, 196, 302, 303, 327
Bulgaria 2
Bush, George H.W. 224, 261, 340

Cali cartel 223

Calliari, Aleyr 201
Camdessus, Michel 46, 123,157, 193-195, 196, 198, 215, 248, 249, 253, 326, 332,
333, 336, 354
Canada 31, 33, 74, 76, 77, 113, 302, 323
Capital flight 57, 191, 212, 243, 327, 349-351
Cardoso, Fernando Henrique 197, 200, 203, 346
Caribbean 28, 90, 303, 363, 339
Caste exploitation 154
Cayman Islands 303, 306
Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) 148, 225
Chaebols 338, 342-344
Channel Islands 303
Cheap labour 2, 6, 8, 9, 69, 79, 90, 179, 192, 205, 218, 288, 345
Chiapas region 19
Chinaige SO Me 22235 2969. 73235 ON SO MS Osh S22je250m a.
Chissano, Joaquim 230
Choleras 25117562, 216,291
Civil war 95, 98, 99, 105, 108-118, 120, 132, 138, 168, 257, 267
Climatic conditions 100, 156, 163, 165
Clinton, Wilham 118, 248-250, 316
Coca production/cultivation 223, 224, 233, 357
Coffee production 108, 109
Cold War 1, 17, 23, 24, 38, 139, 239, 242, 315, 322
Colombia 5, 30, 32, 112, 195, 222, 289
Colombian drug cartels 222
Colomalism 20, 4
Commercial banks 56, 131, 191, 193-196, 204, 208, 212, 214, 4, 230 >
243, 246, 251, 254, 263, 302, 303, 315, 316, 318, 325, 55 340 3
Conditionalities 24, 35, 42, 43, 47, 58, 66, 105, 106, 114, 157, 224, 225, 250, 285
Congress Party 155
Consumer markets 75, 78
Consumption 18, 23, 70, 75, 77, 78, 96, 98, 100, 101, 107, 137, 138, 150, 154, 184,
18552095 213.225, 243
Cost Recovery 51, 58, 61-64, 67, 181, 184, 185, 200, 214, 291
Criminal 4, 5, 25, 57, 187, 241, 271, 279, 280, 291, 293-295, 298, 303, 309. 319
Croatia 112, 261, 263, 264, 266-270, 276
Crvenkovski, Branko 268
Currencies 2, 17, 47, 247, 305, 314, 322, 323, 325. 349, 352
Currency markets 309, 310, 323
Czech Republic 75
 INDEX 371

| Dauster, Jorio 193, 194

Dayton agreement xxiv, 257, 258, 267-271
Debt conversion 302
Debt crisis I 205 42,515 59) 7/07, 144s 15952093455 357, 3595,3035.564, 365,
366, 367
Debt rescheduling 42, 99, 267, 268
Debt servicme 37, 42, 45, 51, 56, 57,99, 107, 110, 141, 150, 177, 192, 193, 195,
196, 198, 261, 348
Democracy 103, 105, 111, 126, 160, 191, 192, 202, 219, 233, 234, 240, 241, 243,
P5259) 271) 2805 28 3052306) 358) 3995 363. 365, 367,
Devaluation 8, 18, 21, 30, 47-50, 52, 53, 56, 66, 96, 107, 108, 110, 122, 153, 154,
160; 165, 169, 178, 187, 192, 208, 214, 223, 260, 290, 322, 325, 338, 339,
348-350
Development Programme 29, 32, 131, 135, 290, 357, 363, 366
Dirtyamnoney <6, Ll, 57,225, 232, 233,273, 280, 281, 285, 291, 293-295, 328
Distribution of income 23, 212
Divestiture” 55, 56; 57, 66,98, 175,262
Dollarization 23, 48-50, 56, 169, 213, 230, 266, 352
Downsizing 4, 6, 8, 27, 65, 116, 172
Drought 95, 96, 99, 100, 137, 139, 181, 202
Duong, Vanh Minh 168, 172

Eastern Europe 2-4, 6, 9, 17, 22-24, 69-75, 77, 78, 91, 109, 149, 171, 254, 260,
Deane 15; 50, 302, 317 Sis Sol 362
Education 17, 23, 29, 30, 44, 61-63, 66-68, 97, 108, 111, 175, 182-184, 188, 197,
199, 202, 220, 231, 241, 249; 291, 302, 327, 366
Environment 1, 4, 5, 17, 18, 24, 28, 45, 60, 61, 70, 97, 99, 101, 103, 130, 168, 174,
SD 2276 27, 292280, 283, 295, 32903915392, 303
Ershad, Hussein Mahommed 160, 161
Ethiopia 26, 137-144, 359, 366
Buropes 1-456) 70s 07,22, 23; 24530; 31,33; 37,0309278, a1, 82,.92.97,99:
109, WO; 113, 126, 131, 141, 258-260; 263, 268; 270, 273-275, 279, 280;
281, 286, 288, 291, 295-297, 301, 302, 304, 305, 362, 363, 316, 317, 331,
337, 343, 361, 362
European Community, European Union 97, 110, 243, 259, 279,253
Exchange rate/s_ 17, 45, 47, 48, 187, 193, 212-214, 22 5, 22,9,-23.0,,254, 309: 325;
350

Famines_ 1, 17, 99, 100, 107, 144, 154, 169, 170, 178, 179, 182
Fajgenbaum, José 194, 195, 197
Farias, P.C. 191
Federal Reserve Board 310, 315-317
Financial markets 7, 11, 302, 309, 310, 312, 315, 321, 327, 348, 313
Food aid 96, 97, 99, 101, 106, 109, 142, 144, 162, 202, 232, 250, 288, 360
Food and Agriculture Organization 138, 144, 359
Franco, Itamar 44, 193, 196, 197, 201, 254, 347, 351, 354
B72 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

Free trade LONI 135315 69" 7057 4;,.76, 77, 133" 352
Free trade zones 70
Fuel 21, 48, 49, 53, 54, 62, 96, 104, 106, 108, 114, 118, 152, 168, 176, 177, 192,
207s 22 222" Qo, 264; 268, 283,285,293) 348,208
Fujimori, Alberto 21, 207, 215
Fyodoroy, Boris 249, 250, 253

G7 20, 27, 33, 194, 248-250, 252, 253, 314, 324, 326, 327, 337, 349, 350
Gaidar, Yegor 247, 253
Gandhi, Mahatma 155
Gandhi, Rajiv 149
Garcia, Alan 207, 210, 212
Garment industry 8, 81, 92, 151, 164, 293
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) 56, 150
General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS) 317
Gender 28, 65-68
Gerashchenko, V_ 247, 249
Glass-Stegall 316, 318
Governance 11, 19, 54, 58, 105, 161, 248, 270
Greenspan, Alan 310, 314

Habyarimana, Jouvenal 110, 113-115, 118-120, 124

Haddad, Paulo 196
Haile Mariam, Mengisto 138
Health xxv, 2, 17, 30,31, 45, 51, 58, 61, 62, 67,97, 108, 111,116, 165, 175, 185,
NSO) LOT 2 LO, 23), 241-29, 341251
High technology 79, 239
High-tech economy 245
Hongkong: 71,92, 173, 176, 180, 341.312, 352 308 319. 328
Hot money 56, 233, 311, 328
Hoxha, Enver 279, 280
Human face 28, 63, 358, 360
Hungary 75,78

Institutional speculators 310, 314, 322, 324, 338

International Monetary Fund (IMF) 296, 346
India’ 21, 29:.305°53.63; 132, 149, 150; 151, 159-157, 364
Indonesia 2, 314, 322-324, 348
Industrial Delocation 74
Industry - (see also manufacturing) 8, 45, 53, 54, 56, 69, 70, 72-76, 79, 81, 90-92.
Its, 132, 142, 145, 150,151, 162-164, 172-230, 244-247_.349 962. 965.
264, 280, 286, 287, 289, 291, 293, 303, 316, 323, 338, 339, 341, 342, 351,
353
Infectious diseases 17, 13, 167, 186, 29]
Inflation 253, 47,4800) 108, US, 123, 130.150) [5116918]. 102. 198. 1909:
199, 207-210, 212-216, 229, 261, 305
Informal sector 8, 21, 53, 356
 INDEX 373

Inter-american Development Bank 194, 361

International Coffee Agreement (ICA) 103
International Financial Institutions (IFIS) 19, 42, 196, 219
International Labor Organization 6, 13, 25, 101
International Rice Research Institure IRRI) 181

Japan’s Overseas Economic Cooperation Fund 176

Jordan 24, 32
Jute industry 51, 62

Kagame, Paul 111, 115, 117, 119, 120

Kashmir 155
Kim,Dae-jung 334, 335, 336, 343
Korea (South) 2, 69, 79, 92, 176, 318, 322, 324, 331-335, 337, 338-346, 348, 362
Kosovo 112, 264, 270-272, 273, 276, 292, 293
Kosyrev, Andrei 249
Kucan, Milan 267

Labour markets 6, 33, 76, 82, 90, 362

Land 54-57, 100, 101, 106, 108, 111, 125-131, 133, 134, 137, 141-144, 163, 181-
ISS 202. 208221. 229) 224. 23293
Land tenure 55
Landless farm workers 151, 152, 202
Latin America 1, 4, 28, 31, 37, 62, 69, 73, 74, 78, 149, 207, 218, 210, 254, 309,
S738, 323, 352, 359) 361, 363, 365, 367, 373
Launderme 45 11, 57, 141,21, 227, 232; 233, 243, 273: 309
Letter of Intent 44-46, 123, 195, 198, 204, 268, 333, 344, 346, 354
Livestock 95-97, 99, 101
Llosa, Mario Vargas 215, 216
Loan agreements 24, 35, 42-45, 51, 58, 66, 149, 156, 175, 208
London Club/s 20, 43, 54, 249, 251, 261, 253
Long-term debt 37
Losada, Gonzalez Sanchez de 229, 234, 235
Luxembourg 303

Maastricht Treaty 9, 76, 304

Macedonia 264, 267-269, 276, 291-293
Macro-economic policy 9, 20, 35, 44, 47, 62, 72, 99, 160, 165, 167, 187, 200, 209.
218, 224, 241, 243, 244, 246, 280, 281, 296
Mafias 239, 243, 245, 280, 291-293, 309
Malaria 17, 62, 63, 108, 167, 186, 216
Mandela, Nelson 125, 126, 128
Manufacturing 8, 24, 54, 69-72, 74-76, 78, 79, 85, 90-92, 150, 164, 173, 176, 177.
200, 230, 231, 233, 294, 339, 348
Maquilas 74
Markovic, Ante 260, 261, 267, 275
Medellin cartel 222, 223
374 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

Mello, Fernando Collor de 44, 191, 200, 203

Mello, Zelia Cardoso de 192-195
Mexico: 119: 20; 30-32; 69; 73; 76, 77, 79, 90, 358
Miller, Juan Hurtado 207, 363
Military 10-12, 19, 21, 92, 97, 104, 105, 109, 111-114, 116-123, 128, 138, 139,
LS9=6l 170; W722, 191. 192. 2002 2032 208. 219-22 293. 225. 227, 234,
239!) 245, 246, 252, 258, 202, 269-272 274. 282" 305. 33, 334. 343,345
Military Professional Resources inc. 112
Milosevic, Llobodan 257, 266
Monetarism 18
Monetary policy 19, 26, 50, 52, 59, 160, 197, 231, 235, 255, 258, 266, 275, 294,
315, 334, 335, 347, 361
Money, supply of 50, 51
Monopolies 9, 80, 151, 119, 222
Montenegro 276, 291
Morales Bermudez, Francisco 208
Moreira, Marcilio Marques 191, 192, 195, 196, 198, 203
Morocco 19
Mozambique 127, 129-135, 137, 138
Muyib, Sheik 159, 160
Multilateral 10, 26, 44, 46, 54, 110, 115, 121, 176, 183, 197, 201, 218, 293, 295,
340, 342
Multinational 5, 9, 13, 20, 24-26, 52, 84, 137, 151, 162, 258, 270, 271, 326, 348
Musaveni, Yomeri 111-113

North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) 74, 77, 78, 92, 343
Nagaland a
Narco-dollars 226, 232, 240, 242, 282
aoa es 22d 2292230240. 249
Neoliberal 3, 5, Lt, 205 214, 215. OAs 21302 8380 5e3 060327
New deal 316
New world order 2, 4, 9, 18, 20, 75, 310, 311
Nguyen, Xian Oanh 177, 196
Nigeria 19, 21, 32

Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) 22, 23, 33, ANG
79; 80; 154, 214. 331
Offshore bank/banking 7, 11, 57, 212, 244, 254, 281, 304, 309, 312, 331
Organized crime 4, 243, 271, 273, 281, 291, 292

Pakistan 155,318
Paris Club 56, 98, 120, 132, 140, 145, 176, 184, 204, 263, 264, 267.
Planinc, Milka 260
Paz Estenssoro, Victor 229, 235
Pension plan 195, 199
Perez, Carlos Andres 19
Peru» 21, 31,207, 208, 212, 215, 216, 218,219, 229, 223. 295,296. 937. 939 594
310, 312. 358. 362. 368
}
|

| INDEX 375
t

Philippines 32, 75, 92, 314, 365

| Pinochet, Augusto xxi, 200, 208
| Plant closures 4, 75, 76, 79, 246, 271
PolPRot 135, 171
Pwoland 76, 77; 79.221
Policy Framework Paper 46, 47, 141
| Price liberalization 47, 159, 240
; Privatization xxii, xxv, 2, 19, 27, 45, 54-57, 61, 96, 107, 110, 114, 139, 140, 193,
195, 199, 200, 221, 243, 246, 251, 262, 283, 285-287, 293, 302, 315, 318,
324, 340, 342
| Public expenditure 3, 45, 51, 63, 107, 113, 161, 175, 195, 261
_ Public Expenditure Review (PER) 45, 51, 113
| Public utilities 53, 56, 129, 141, 199, 274, 287, 289
| Punjab 155, 162

Quick disbursing loans 43, 54, 109, 176, 264, 375

Rahman, Mujibur 160, 166

Rahman, Ziaur 160, 166
Rao, P.V. Narasimha 149, 193
| Reagan, Ronald 3, 259, 260, 303, 306, 311
Relocation 6, 69, 72, 74-77, 90, 91, 301
Research and Development 78
Resende, Eliseu 197
Rhodes, William 198, 347, 365
Roosevelt, Franklin 316
Russian Federation 20, 24, 239, 252, 255
Rwandan 103, 105-112, 116-119, 124

Sachs, Jeffrey 240, 305, 306, 323-325, 337, 342, 347, 365
Sahelian belt 99
Saudi Arabia 97
Serbia 358, 264-266, 272, 276, 291, 294
Shock treatment 208, 210, 214, 216, 221, 239, 282, 208, 210
Singapore 69, 92, 187
Singh, Manmohan 152, 157
Singh, V.P. 149
Slovakia 75
Slovenia 261, 263, 265, 266, 267, 276
Social dimensions of adjustment 360, 361, 367
Social safety net 3, 58, 66, 108, 111, 150, 200, 202, 288
Social sectors/programmes 51, 58, 59, 62, 63, 108, 111, 186, 202, 355
Somalia 95, 96-99, 101, 140, 355, 360, 361
Soros, George’ 268.272, 273, 347, 351,353,354
South-East Asia 183
Soviet Union 1, 2, 9, 17, 21, 23, 24, 78, 242, 245, 246, 254, 263, 273, 322, 355
Souza, Herbert de 201
376 THE GLOBALIZATION OF POVERTY

Speculation 213, 314, 319, 362

Sub-Saharan Africa 1, 8, 9, 21, 22, 26, 30, 31, 48, 53, 61, 62, 67, 73, 97, 99, 101,
102, 106, 121, 137, 144, 240, 250, 254, 355, 358, 367
Subsidiess 5356266, 107, 139) 140) 1S0) 1S2 15385 16). W720 745 Wiss 22) 213)
226, 248, 249, 303, 304
Subsistence agriculture 126, 222
Sweden 272, 302, 306
Switzerland 7, 303
Syria 24

Taiwan 71, 92, 178, 180

Tamil Nadu 149, 152, 157
Targeting 51, 201
lemnitis 64 222522923)
Taxsretorm) 54.755,,213
Thailand 2, 30, 34, 75, 81, 314, 322, 324, 348
Tito, B 260
Trade liberalization 19, 24, 54, 66, 107, 139, 150, 193, 230, 351
Transportation 2, 45, 53, 79, 139, 222, 254, 259, 292, 294
Tripura 152
Tudjman, franjo 257, 266, 267
Tunis 19
Tunisia 13, 24

Uganda 108, 111-113, 117, 119, 121, 123, 137

Unemployment 1, 3, 4, 6, 18, 30, 73-75, 179, 192, 252, 264, 268, 279, 282, 302.
3 1853225.337,-348, 351
Uruguay Round 24, 25, 56, 60, 70
United States (US) 3, 5, 13, 18, 28, 30, 31, 33, 81, 113, 117, 127, 144, 159, 169,
183, 194, 201, 223, 225, 227, 244, 267, 288, 305, 326, 366
User fees 20, 53, 61, 62, 66, 67, 96, 111, 185, 186, 241

Velasco, Alvarado 208, 209

Veterinarian services 96, 97
Vietnam 21, 44, 81, 166-180, 182, 183, 185-187, 365. 366. 368
Viljoen, Constand 125, 126, 131, 134
Vo, Van Kiet 170
Vulnerable groups 51, 68, 150

Wagel, Theo 249

Wages Xx1, 2, 6, 8, 9, 18, 23, 40, 50-52, 69-84, 90-92, 98, 116, 118, 131, 139, 152,
162,164, 176, 182,193,197, 199, 208, 212, 214,216; 231, 249, 952. 261.
264, 290, 336, 351
Wall Street 5,7, 11, 13, 255, 302, 305, 306, 309-318, 324, 325, 327, 329. 332, 334-
336, 338-341, 344, 348, 350-353, 358, 359
Washington Consensus 32, 194, 216
Welfare state 3, 11, 18, 241, 260, 301, 302, 359
Wolfensohn, James 305
Women 1, 18, 19, 28, 61, 65-68, 152, 181, 293, 298, 357, 359, 363. 364. 368
 Women’s rights 65-67
World Bank = xxii, 2, 4, 8, 17, 18, 20, 24, 28-32, 45-47, 51-63, 65, 66, 95, 96, 100,
|
| 103, 107, 110, 113-116, 127, 128, 137, 144, 149, 150, 156, 159-161, 177,
179, 181, 186, 201, 218, 240, 241, 261, 263, 264, 280, 284
World Trade Organisation (WTO) 10, 11, 24, 70, 126, 306, 315, 317

Yeltsin, Boris 240-243, 248-250, 253

Yugoslav Federation 199
Yugoslavia 17, 257-259, 261, 262, 264, 266-268, 270, 271-276, 282, 367

Zair, République du 117

Zia, Khaleda 160, 161, 165
Zimbabwe 32, 100, 140, 287, 356, 363
4> MARQUIS
MEMBER OF SCABRINI GROUP

Québec, Canada
2005
 The Globalization of Poverty
and the New World Order
In this new and expanded edition of Chossudovsky’s internationa
bestseller, the author outlines the contours of a New World Order which
feeds on human poverty and the destruction of the environment
generates social apartheid, encourages ethnic strife, and undermines the
rights of women. The result, as his detailed examples from all parts ofthe
Mel elo its)avon" Asomerey aN
aiarerlale]hamsaree] 0)ef=1P4=1
(ela of poverty.
This book is a skilful combination of lucid explanation and oe
ir: 1g¢[U(-lomersli(ele(-melmig-miblacer-laat=iale-]| directions iin which our world is moving
iilatelatert=li\vare lars) economically.
In this second edition, which includes ten new chapters, ‘the autho:
reviews the causes and consequences of famine in the Third World, the
dramatic meltdown of financial markets, the demise of State social
fe)gete|
g=|natower-lale| the ‘devastation resulting Lige)aa a downsizing Eline
trade liberalisation.
Michel Chossudovsky is Professor of Economics at the University of Ottawa pnd
Director of the Centre for Research on Globalization (CRG), which hosts the.
critically acclaimed website: www.globalresearch.ca. He is a contributor to: the
Encyclopaedia Britannica: His writings 7 been ad into more gl 20
a /

- Frances Hutchinson, The Ecologist

= Choice, American Library Association (ALA)

a) Fol a Va

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- MicheleStoddard Covert
‘Action
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ISBN 0-9737147-0-0

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