i

THE INFLECTIONAL STRUCTURE OF LUBUKUSU VERBS

AGGREY WAFULA WATULO

C50/NKU/CE/28191/2013

A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE SCHOOL OF HUMANITIES

AND SOCIAL SCIENCES IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE
REQUIREMENTS FOR THE AWARD OF THE DEGREE OF MASTER
OF ARTS OF KENYATTA UNIVERSITY

OCTOBER 2018
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DECLARATION
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DEDICATION

In memory of my dear late, mum Edith Nekoye, my late uncles Jeff Watulo and

Fred Wenyaa for being my mentors. To my late grand mums Rosa and Rasoa

who took good care of me after the demise of my mum. Lastly, to my dear wife

Naomi who with unwavering support took good care of our lovely sons Ken and

Mike while I was busy connecting dots during mid night and day time to make

my writing scholarly.
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

With a lot of humility, I appreciate our Almighty God for enriching me with

sufficient grace and patience until this moment. I would not have travelled this

long journey had it not been for God‟s mercy and guidance in all the activities I

carried out in building my research work.

My project has finally come to a success because of Dr. Nandelenga‟s dedication

to read the many drafts I send to him. I am deeply indebted to Dr. Nandelenga‟s

passionate guidance and advice during the time I was struggling to read and write

my work.

My profound gratitude goes to my linguistics MA lecturers whom I met during

my course work. To Dr. Kirigia, Prof. Khasandi and Dr. Wathika thank you for

taking me through course work. I have special regards for Professor Marlo of

Missouri University for the pain-staking task he took for sending soft copy of

resources on Bantu morphology and syntax.

The great role that my dad played cannot be gainsaid up to this final stage of my

project. He gave me the most adequate advice to study language up to this level.

To my siblings, Musa, Nanyama, Wekesa, Nanjala and Ngome your prayer,

moral support and encouragement made me a strong and confident candidate in

the class of linguistics at Kenyatta University.

Lastly, I must mention my classmates in the class of linguistics whom we shared

insightful talks concerning research.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

DECLARATION .................................................................................................... ii

DEDICATION ....................................................................................................... iii

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT ..................................................................................... iv

TABLE OF CONTENTS ........................................................................................ v

LIST OF TABLES ................................................................................................. ix

A LIST OF SYMBOLS AND ACRONYMS ......................................................... x

OPERATIONAL DEFINITION OF TERMS ........................................................ xi

ABSTRACT .......................................................................................................... xii

CHAPTER ONE .................................................................................................... 1

BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY ..................................................................... 1

1.0 Introduction ....................................................................................................... 1

1.1 Background of the Study ................................................................................... 1

1.2 Statement of the Problem ................................................................................ 10

1.3 Objectives of the Study ................................................................................... 11

1.4 Research Questions ......................................................................................... 11

1.5 Assumptions .................................................................................................... 11

1.6 Justification and Significance .......................................................................... 12

1.7 Scope and Limitations ..................................................................................... 13

1.8 Summary ......................................................................................................... 14

CHAPTER TWO................................................................................................. 15

LITERATURE REVIEW AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK .............. 15

2.0 Introduction ..................................................................................................... 15

2.1 Literature Review ............................................................................................ 15

2.1.1 Bantu Morphological Template Structure .................................................... 15

2.1.2 Lubukusu Verbal Inflectional Morphology.................................................. 20

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2.1.3 Agreement in Selected Bantu Languages ..................................................... 22

2.1.4 Studies in Inferential Realization Theory..................................................... 23

2.2 Theoretical Framework ................................................................................... 28

2.3 Summary ......................................................................................................... 31

CHAPTER THREE ............................................................................................ 32

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY....................................................................... 32

3.0 Introduction ..................................................................................................... 32

3.1 Research Design .............................................................................................. 32

3.2 Study Site and Target Population .................................................................... 32

3.3 Sampling Technique and Sample Size ............................................................ 33

3.4 Data Collection Instruments ............................................................................ 35

3.5 Data Collection Procedures ............................................................................. 35

3.7 Data Analysis .................................................................................................. 37

3.8 Data Management and Ethical Considerations ............................................... 39

3.9 Summary ......................................................................................................... 40

CHAPTER FOUR ............................................................................................... 41

DATA PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS .................................................... 41

4.0 Introduction ..................................................................................................... 41

4.1 Verbal Template Structure .............................................................................. 41

4.1.1 Pre-initial Negation and Tense ..................................................................... 43

4.1.2 Negation and Aspect .................................................................................... 45

4.1.3 Prefinal Markers and Final Vowel ............................................................... 46

4.1.4 Subject and Object Markers ......................................................................... 48

4.1.5 Tense Aspect Markers .................................................................................. 51

4.2 Realization of Tense ........................................................................................ 53

4.2.1 Present Tense ................................................................................................ 53

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4.2.2 Past Tense ..................................................................................................... 54

4.2.2.1 Intermediate Past ....................................................................................... 54

4.2.2.2 Remote Past ............................................................................................... 56

4.2.2.3 Immediate past .......................................................................................... 57

4.2.3 Future Tense ................................................................................................. 57

4.2.3.1 Intermediate Future ................................................................................... 58

4.2.3.2 Immediate Future ...................................................................................... 58

4.2.3.3 Remote Future/Indefinite Future ............................................................... 59

4.3 Aspect .............................................................................................................. 60

4.3.1 Progressive Aspect ....................................................................................... 60

4.3.2 Habitual Aspect ............................................................................................ 62

4.3.3 Perfective Aspect .......................................................................................... 65

4.4 Agreement ....................................................................................................... 68

4.4.1 Subject Verb Agreement and Modifiers ....................................................... 69

4.4.2 Simple and Negative Predicates ................................................................... 75

4.4.3 Animate and Non-animate NPs .................................................................... 76

4.4.4 Direct and Indirect Arguments ..................................................................... 77

4.5 Inflectional Rules ............................................................................................ 79

4.5.1 Position Class Analysis ................................................................................ 79

4.5.2 Paradigm Schema for the Verb (ruma) ........................................................ 82

4.5.3 Lubukusu Realization Rules......................................................................... 84

4.5.4 Realization Rules for Immediate and Future Paradigms .............................. 88

4.5.5 Rules for Object Marking ............................................................................. 89

4.5.6 Rules for Complex Paradigm ....................................................................... 90

4.6 Chapter Summary ............................................................................................ 92

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CHAPTER FIVE ................................................................................................. 95

SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS ..................... 95

5.0 Introduction ..................................................................................................... 95

5.1 Summary of Findings ...................................................................................... 95

5.2 Conclusion ....................................................................................................... 98

5.3 Recommendations ......................................................................................... 100

5.4 Areas for Further Study ................................................................................. 100

5.5 Summary ....................................................................................................... 101

REFERENCES .................................................................................................. 102

APPENDICES ................................................................................................... 107

Appendix I: A Map of Luhya Speakers............................................................... 107

Appendix II: Bumula Sub-County Map .............................................................. 108

Appendix III: Lubukusu Interview Schedule ...................................................... 109

Appendix IV: Sentence Elicitation ...................................................................... 114

Appendix V: Self Generated Data ....................................................................... 116

Appendix VI: Corpora Data ................................................................................ 120

Appendix VII: Verb Elicitation ........................................................................... 122

Appendix VIII: Data on Negation of Tense ........................................................ 124

Appendix IX: Data on Negation of Aspect ......................................................... 125

Appendix X: Research Permit ............................................................................. 127

Appendix XI: Research Authorization Letter .................................................... 128

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LIST OF TABLES

Table 4.1: Lubukusu Verbal Template Structure……………………………….42

Table 4.2: Negation in Tense……………………..……………………………..43

Table 4.3: Negating Progressive, Habitual, Perfective, Completive and Persistive

aspect………………………………………………………………...45

Table 4.4: Subject Markers……………………………………………………...48

Table 4.5: Object Markers………………………………………………………50

Table 4.6: Tense/Aspect markers……………………………………………….52

Table 4.7: Noun Class Markers…………………………………………………68

Table 4.8: Subject Verb Agreement Markers…………………………………...70

Table 4.9: Subject- Modifier Agreement………………………………………..73

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A LIST OF SYMBOLS AND ACRONYMS

1st First Person

2nd Second Person

3rd Third Person

AGR Agreement

FV Final Vowel

INTER Intermediate

Neg Negative

NPS Noun Phrases

NUM Number

Ơ A Set of Morphosyntactic Properties

OM Object Marker

PER Person

PL Plural

POL Polarity

PST Past

SG Singular

SM Subject Marker

SU Subject

TAM Tense Aspect Marker

TNS Tense

VR Verb Root

X Root
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OPERATIONAL DEFINITION OF TERMS

Agreement: This is a type of syntactic relation whereby the

inflectional behaviour of a given word or phrase is
closely related to a set of properties of a constituent.

Block: It is a set of morphological features grouped together

into one category. Such a set of features include the
specific groups or subcategories for tense, aspect and
agreement.

Exponence: The association of an inflectional marking with the

morphosyntactic properties.

Morphological This is a situation whereby words in a given language

typology: are separated into smallest units of morphological
analysis to allow a morphological opration to take
place.

Morphology: It is the linguistic study that investigates the structure,

meanings of words and rules that govern the
formation of words.

Tense: A verbal subcategorization that relates to the time of

an action, event or state to the moment of speaking.

Morphosyntactic: It is defined as the interplay or a relationship between

morphology and syntax which is realized through
agreement properties like object marking, subject
marking and agreement between the subject, verb and
modifier.

Paradigm: It denotes a set of linguistic elements with a common

propery for example a group of inflected verb belong
to the same lexeme hence forming a paradigm.
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ABSTRACT

The study was an analysis of the verbal inflectional morphology of Lubukusu.

The linguistic study sought to cross-examine the verbal templatic structure, which
appears the same cross-linguistically within Bantu languages. The basis of this
study is to focus on subject/object markers, negation, TAM, agreement and
inflectional rules. The objectives that guided the research were to describe the
order of morphemes in Lubukusu verbs, to find out the morphosyntactic
properties of Lubukusu verbal inflectional morphology and lastly, to describe the
inflectional rules that govern the inflectional morphology of Lubukusu verbs.
Stump‟s theory of Inferential Realization (2000) lays an emphasis on inflectional
markings and inflectional rules, which helps to delimit my study on most of its
tenets. This study employed a descriptive design because it helped the researcher
in interpreting, summarizing and analyzing data. In this study, the target
population comprised native speakers of Lubukusu while the sample size
included the three villages and three proficient native speakers from Bumula. The
study utilized elicited, introspected and corpora data, which was analyzed
descriptively within the morphological theory accompanied with tables. The
findings of the study indicate that inflectional features on the root are based on a
templatic morphology, a sub-category of inflectional morphology. The Bantu
verbal template was re-structured to suit the structure evident in Lubukusu. Tone
marking which is influenced by phonological, syntactical and morphological
factors helps in the realization of the surface level of some verbs. Agreement
between morphology and syntax is realized through specific morphemes while
inflectional, and realization rules are formed from RULE BLOCKS. The study
contributes to linguistic theory of morphological typology, which is a basis for
language documentation. It will be a useful reference material by native speakers
and academicians.
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CHAPTER ONE

BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY

1.0 Introduction

The chapter provides details on the background of the study, statement of the

problem, objectives of the study, research questions, assumptions, justification

and significance of the study. Lastly, it presents information on the scope and

limitations of the study.

1.1 Background of the Study

According to statistics by (Lewis, 2009), 1,532 of the 6,909 languages of the

world are classified into the Niger-Congo group while 522 are narrow Bantu. The

word Bantu is a sub-family that comprises of about 500 and 800 languages

spoken by approximately 240 million people in the sub Saharan (Nurse &

Philippson, 2003). That is 22 percent of the world‟s languages are Niger-Congo

and 7.5 percent are Bantu. Bantu languages are a group of the largest African

languages. They display inflectional and derivational morphology (Waweru,

2007). Botne and Kershner (2008) argue that the languages have a rich tense and

aspect systems. The factors towards this richness, is because of a large number of

simple tenses, moods and availability of compound tenses evident in Bantu

languages. The present study sought to investigate the complexity of tense system

evident in Lubukusu.
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Guthrie (1948) originally classified Lubukusu as E31 but current studies have

reclassified Lubukusu. Lubukusu is a branch of Bantu languages spoken in

Western region of Kenya (Guthrie, 1967). Lewis (2009) reclassifies Lubukusu,

which is a dialect under-study as a Niger-Congo (Narrow) Bantu Luhya language

under J 30.

According to the population census of 2009, 1.5m speakers speak Lubukusu in

Western Kenya. Luhya language comprises eighteen dialects one of which is

Lubukusu spoken in Bungoma and parts of Rift valley. Apart from Lubukusu, the

following are the other dialects of Luhya spoken in Western region: Lutiriki,

Luloogoli, Lunyore, Lukhayo, Lumarachi, Lusamia, Lwitakho, Lushitsa,

Lutsotso, Lukabarasi, Lutachoni, Luwanga, Lumarama, Lunyala west, Lunyala

east, Lutura and Lwisukha (Angogo, 1980). In Eastern Uganda, there exist four

dialects of the Luhya language: Lunyole, Lubukusu, Lumasaba and Lukisu

(Were, 1967). Were argues that Lubukusu dialect is spoken in western Kenya in

the larger Bungoma district and Eastern region in Uganda in Manafwa, Bududa,

Mbale and Sironko districts. Marlo (2009) as quoted in Diercks (2010) argues

that there are twenty-three dialects of Luhya spoken in Western Kenya and

Eastern Uganda.

The recent ethnologue by Lewis (2009), classifies Lubukusu as a “language”

alongside other dialects of Luhya a superseding “macro language.” For the

purposes on this study, I will keep referring to Lubukusu as a language because it

has grammatical and lexical features that characterize Luhya.

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Bryan (1959) questioned whether Lubukusu, Lugisu and Lukisu (also spoken in

Uganda) are a group of related languages or a cluster of dialects of one language.

Lugisu and Lukisu were later considered as similar languages. She recognized

three divisions within the Kavirondo area (Gisu, Luhya and Gusii groups).

Guthrie (1967) argued that the more southerly, languages should be considered

separately but combined Gisu/Bukusu and Luhya into one group.

Bennet (1973) postulated three subgroups of the language he referred to as the

North –Eastern Victoria Bantu (NEV): Northern Central and Southern. He further

argued that the Northern subgroup comprised the Gisu and Bukusu. The Southern

subgroup included Lwitakho, and Lwisukha, which are traditionally been

regarded as Lulogooli.

Lubukusu bears a relation with the language of Eastern Uganda within

documentations concerning classifications (Austen, 1974). Lubukusu is the

northern most dialect of the Luhya language, spoken mostly in Bungoma County

and parts of Transnzoia County and some areas of Uasin Gishu County

(Nandelenga, 2000; 2013). The Lubukusu spoken in Bungoma District has three

main variations according to (Makila, 1978). There are minor variations as you

go further from Bukusu heartland (Bumula) to the north of Kimilili area towards

Transnzoia and east of Webuye towards Kakamega and Lugari. These variations

are influenced by the neighboring dialects of Luhya and other languages.

Speakers of Lubukusu in such regions tend to pronounce some words differently

from those who hail Bumula which is the heartland of Lubukusu dialect.
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The pronunciation affects the transcription especially the tone patterns on given

syllables. The Babukusu are a Bantu cultural sub-entity who belongs to a larger

cultural entity known as Abaluhya. They speak the dialect called Lubukusu.

Coming to the linguistic subfield under which Lubukusu will be studied Booij

(2007), argues that morphology is a sub discipline of linguistics but it can also

mean part of the grammar of a language. It contains rules for inflection and word

formation also called derivation. He further notes that morphology aims to probe

into the nature of linguistic systems and human natural language. Hence it serves

to get a good understanding of the given linguistic rules and even internal

organization of the grammar of languages. He further argues that morphology

gives an insight into how linguistic rules function in language perception and

production of grammatical structures.

The morphology of any given language is governed by rules that explain the

attachment of a given affix to the stem. The rule-governed morphology forms the

field for linguistic investigation of verbal inflectional rules to account for the

realization of different morphological markings in Lubukusu. Booij (2007)

argues that for a given morphological operation there is need to define a group of

base words of any syntactic category. Affixation is a kind of morphological

process whose role is to create words that have a high level of transparency,

which means that words have a formal morphological structure that relates to

their semantic interpretation (Booij, 2007, pp. 34). He argues that words are

grouped into various roots and affixes called morphemes. Therefore, morphemes

are morphological atoms of any given language.

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He adds that morphemes may possess variations in the type of shapes

(allormophy) a variation that does not always follow the phonology of a

language. The study sought to investigate variations of morphemes that mark

different morphological aspects. The morphemes were studied based on specific

functions and meanings they carry when attached on verbal paradigms.

The morphological analysis involves a separation of a word into constituents and

provides rules that account for the sub-divided parts (Haspelmath, 2002). The

analysis begins with a typology, which is a sub-division of a range of phenomena

into different types (Payne, 1997). He notes that the syntactic environment

requires any inflectional operations where the root appears (Payne, 1997). These

operations do not usually change the basic meaning of the concept expressed.

They specify the time the activity or situation took place, the participant or

participants and at other times where the activity took place. The present study on

Lubukusu delved into a formal analysis of key morphological aspects of

Lubukusu. The analysis of the present study begins with a sub-division of

paradigms into morphological atoms called morphemes. The morphological

analysis will utilize inflectional rules and reconstruct some, which will explain

verbal inflectional morphology of the dialect.

Booij (2007) posits that agglutinative languages are always studied in a model

referred to us as Item and Arrangement morphology. The order in which

inflectional elements appear is at other levels expressed through templates.

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He adds that the best examples of languages with a type of a templatic

morphology (position class morphology) are Bantu languages. The order of

morphemes is not completely arbitrary and there are no tendencies in ordering of

the inflected morphemes. Nurse (2008) argues that Bantu languages are “verby”

hence expressing verbal inflections. This presents an agglutinative nature of

Bantu languages.

Verbs have several affixes, and a verb plays a pivotal role in a sentence by

incorporating a lot of information and it can make a complete sentence (Nurse &

Philippson, 2003). In this sense, single word verbs initially consisted of eleven

slots, centered on a root. The verb comprises the root with optional derivational

suffixes and inflectional prefixes (Van der wal, 2015). The eleven slots do not

mean eleven morphemes. In this regard, extension slot allows a number of

morphemes to co-occur. Therefore, to the left are inflectional prefixes that mark

relative, negation, subject, tense, aspect and object while on the right exists

(derivational) extensions together with inflectional morphemes that mark aspect,

mood among other categories. Most Bantu languages still have this or a similar

structure, others a modified form and a few have shortened it as others have made

it long.

Buell (2011) argues that object marking is widely realized using a prefix that is

morphologically close to the verb root. Subject marking is always obligatory but

object marking is not always available in a verb paradigm (Buell, 2011). On the

other hand, mood within the language is mostly subjunctive or optative.

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The study in Lubukusu sought to find out the order of morphemes of Lubukusu

verbs that, encode diverse morphological features.

Morrison (2011) posits that the Bena language has a rich morphology compared

to other Bantu languages in Africa. The verb can have a set of prefixes that are

entirely inflectional while suffixes are purely derivational although at other levels

inflectional suffixes exist. The tense and aspect configuration within the language

is quite complex. Within the language tense and aspect is marked using prefixes,

a few suffixes, inflecting and non-inflecting auxiliaries or temporal adverbs. She

gives a summary of tense-aspect configuration in which tense morphemes appear

mostly before the verbal root while aspect morphemes occur before and after the

verbal root.

In the Bena language aspect is mostly indicated using verbal suffixes, some

aspectual prefixes and to some extent auxiliaries followed by a main verb. She

argues that the progressive aspect indicates ongoing activities and perfective

marks an event as a whole. The past perfective is marked using the suffix [–ile] in

the verb such as „tugonile’ (we slept). In her study, she discusses present

perfective and past perfective along with morphemes that mark the two

morphological aspects. Our present study handled tense and aspect then provided

slots for both tense and aspectual markings in Lubukusu.

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On the other hand, mood in the Bena language is imperative and subjunctive.

Morrison (2011) argues that the imperative takes the verbal stem (verbal root and

any verbal extensions, with a final vowel [–a]. The vowel is used with the second

person singular. It states a wish, desire and uncertainty. Consequently, the

subjunctive is applicable in commands with singular and plural subjects.

It is a more polite form as opposed to the imperatives. It is always toneless. The

subjunctive is formed with the subject marker followed by the verbal base (verbal

root with any extensions) and the final vowel [–e]. Moreover, the object prefixes

are evident with the subjunctive. Apart from the exhortation marker [–ha-] used

in commands there are no other prefixes used to form the subjunctives. The

following is a template for forming the subjunctive: subject marker + (ha) +

object marker + verbal base + [-e]. The study by Morrison on the template

informed the present study to generate a verbal template structure for Lubukusu

with the slots inflectional markings.

Negation in the Bena is quite straightforward. Morrison (2011) argues that there

are three negative morphemes the negative prefix [si-] with all inflected finite

forms. Secondly, the prefix [ta-] negates verbal infinitives. The third form of

negation involves the verb tanaa, which negates the subjunctive. The morpheme

[si-] occurs in one of the positions. The prefix immediately precedes the subject

marker in the pre- SM slot or it immediately follows the subject marker in the

NEG 2 slot Morrison (2011, p. 285).

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The negated infinitives have the negative morpheme ta- before the verbal stem.

The high tone occurs on the morpheme ta-. The study on negation in Bena

provides a rich information on the negation slot on the template structure in

Bantu languages, which later helped in the discussion of negation morphemes on

a tensed verb.

Corbert (2006) notes that agreement is a state of morphology (structure of

words). We therefore require morphology to offer an opportunity for agreement

to be indicated and it is the key relation between morphology and syntax. In a

few of the languages of the world, verbal agreement is dependent on grammatical

number of a given subject. Nurse and Philippson (2003) argue that in most Bantu

languages information encoded in the syntax can also be found in verb

morphology. Henceforth, a sentence can be reduced to a verb but it does not

cease playing the role of a sentence. In this case, a finite verb acts as a basic

sentence in Bantu languages. Within the languages, subject agreement is evident

in a pre-stem slot and is a key criterion that creates “verbiness” in a stem. It is an

obligatory component of the verbal morphology.

Just like other Luhya dialects, the morphology of Lubukusu is quite rich in

agreement both at affixal and sentential level. Diercks (2010) argues that

Lubukusu presents a number of agreement relations that relate to Baker‟s

prediction that agreement is upward, nominal and verbal among others. The study

on Lubukusu seeks to generate a discussion on verbal agreement of Lubukusu

encoded in selected agreement markers.

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1.2 Statement of the Problem

The study on inflectional structure of lubukusu dialect sought to investigate the

order of morphemes on a verbal template structure, position, selected inflectional

rules and agreement. The studies conducted in the area of morphology and

morphosyntax; had either neglected or left out some core aspects like; verbal

inflectional rules, agreement at a level of subject and object prefixes within verbs.

Though the template structure of Bantu verbs seems to be somehow similar, the

study on Lubukusu template verbal structure has not been studied by the previous

researchers. The starting point for verbal inflectional study is a sub division of a

verbal paradigm into smallest units to offer a step forward for a detailed

morphological analysis. The study focuses on 1st, 2nd and 3rd person forms of

verbs in both singular and plural forms within Lubukusu. The study takes up a

formal analysis and a rule based approach to the study of verbal morphemes in

the realization of number, tense, aspect, negation and the morphosyntax of

Lubukusu.

The morphological structure of Bantu verbs is the same cross linguistically but

some Bantu languages do not adopt such a general and similar structure, hence

forming the justification for studying Lubukusu. Consequently, the

morphosyntactic properties that appear on verbal forms in Bantu languages vary

widely and this provides a firm basis for studying Lubukusu. Through a formal

analysis, the study utilizes Bantu morphological rules and reconstructs some that

explain the paradigm structure of Lubukusu verbal morphology.

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Additionally, the study probes into the order of selected morphemes in few

paradigms and places them in specific rule blocks.

1.3 Objectives of the Study

The study was guided by the following objectives:

1. To explain the order of morphemes in Lubukusu verbs.

2. To describe the morphosyntactic properties of Lubukusu verbal inflectional

morphemes.

3. To describe the rules that governs the inflectional morphology of Lubukusu

verbs.

1.4 Research Questions

The study sought to answer the following questions:

1. What is the order of inflectional morphemes in Lubukusu verbs?

2. What are the morphosyntactic properties of Lubukusu verbal inflectional

morphemes?

3. What are the inflectional rules that govern the inflectional morphology of

Lubukusu verbs?

1.5 Assumptions

The study was based on the following assumptions:

1. Lubukusu has a prescribed order of verbal inflectional morphemes.

2. The morphosyntactic properties of Lubukusu can be encoded in specific

verbal inflectional morphemes.

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3. Lubukusu verbal inflectional morphology can be described using

inflectional rules.

1.6 Justification and Significance

Diercks (2010, p.7) argues that “there are strong reasons as to why Lubukusu as a

language in particular is an important area of theoretical morphological and

syntactic research, as well as language documentation.” The Luhya languages are

under-researched especially Lubukusu at the level of morphological and syntactic

properties. He further reports that constructions in Lubukusu have been

unreported and under-reported. In my view, previous studies have delved a lot

into some aspects of syntax and phonology hence leaving out a key component-

verbal inflectional morphology for study and documentation.

Although studies on morphology are ongoing but there are strong reasons why

inflectional morphology should be studied theoretically using adequate theories

of morphology. Therefore, need arose as to why a study within Inferential–

Realizational theory was to be conducted to unearth some of the issues that the

previous researchers have not given a thorough look in the area of verbal

inflectional morphology. This study therefore enriches the data on local

languages and hence acts as a basis for documentation of the language within

morphological theory. It will further act as a point of reference by lexicographers

and authors of Bukusu literature.

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1.7 Scope and Limitations

The study focuses on Lubukusu within the theoretical framework of inferential

realizational morphology theory. Although studies in the field of morphology

have been conducted but little has been studied in the area of verbal inflectional

morphology. This study was limited to verbal inflectional morphology, which

begins with a morphological typology that sub-divides a word into smallest

elements of morphological analysis. A comprehensive study of verbal

morphology entails a sub division of a word into morphemes that mark

morphological features and morphosyntactic properties. The morphosyntactic

properties form a key component of verbal inflectional morphology. Further, the

study handled the interface between morphology and syntax through agreement.

Agreement is realized through inflectional markings such as subject and object

marking. The study also discusses agreement within simple predicates, negatives,

transitive and ditransitive verbs. Such syntactical aspects include; subject-verb

agreement, agreement in simple predicates, and agreement in direct and

indirectarguments among others. The study therefore leaves out aspects of

syntax, which do not bear a relation with morphology. The study does not tackle

syntactical trees because the theoretical framework does not provide details on

such a phenomena. The syntactical trees though they are key aspects of Syntax

but they do not offer an in-depth opportunity for interaction with inflectional

morphology. Further, the theory is only limited to two sets of tenses (remote and

immediate future) within the same category in order to reconstruct the realization

rules.
 14

Moreover, the study is limited to introspected data, corpora data and elicited data.

The researcher used the native speaker‟s intuitions to arrive at introspected data.

The researcher sampled corpora data purposivelyly from Lubukusu Bible.

Additionally elicited data was generated from three native speakers using an

interview schedule. Despite the fact that there were scanty published sources on

Lubukusu literature the researcher used his on intuitions with the aid of other

native speakers to confirm the data collected. On the other hand, sampling is

limited to subjects from Bumula sub-county. Makila (1978) argues that the purest

form of Lubukusu is spoken in Bumula. This is because Lubukusu spoken in

Bumula sub-county is not influenced by neighbouring dialects of Luhya.

1.8 Summary

In summary, this chapter has focused on the background of the study, statement

of the problem, research objectives, research questions, assumptions, justification

and significance of the study and finally the scope and limitation. In the next

chapter, our discussion deals with the literature review and the theoretical

framework.
 15

CHAPTER TWO

LITERATURE REVIEW AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

2.0 Introduction

The chapter handles a review of related literature to the study and Stump‟s theory

of 2000, which tackles pertinent issues of the research. The literature review is

approached from a global angle/dimension and narrowed down to the specific

field and area of study. The literature is also linked tightly to the objectives of the

study. The study is guided by the Inferential-Realization theory.

2.1 Literature Review

The section deals with previous Bantu morphological template structure,

Lubukusu verbal inflectional morphology, agreement in selected Bantu languages

and Studies within Inferential Realizational theory.

2.1.1 Bantu Morphological Template Structure

Nurse (2008) suggests five common types of verbal structures evident in Bantu.

They are single imperatives, inflected single words, two word structures

comprising of inflected auxiliaries, and two/three word structures consisting of

inflected auxiliaries. Lastly, the inflected main verb two-word structures with

inflected form of the verb. Morrison (2011) argues that the Bena language

comprises the five types although some structures are more common. The

imperatives in singular and plural are singleword of the structure SM- root-FV.
 16

Bena language, which is spoken in South Western Tanzania, has the verbal

structures comprising of one or two forms: they can be inflected single words or

combining inflected auxiliaries and inflected main verbs. She adds that the

structure consisting of an inflected auxiliary and infinitive are not common in the

Bena. The last structure has an infinitive followed by an inflected form of the

same verb. This study bears a relationship with the current because it deals with

aspects of verbal morphology that are discussed in our study. The study on

Lubukusu seeks to handle different morphological markings on various structures

of verbs. Consequently, the study discusses verbal structures of Lubukusu verbs

in connection with the morphological markings evident in the language.

The sequencing or ordering of the prefixes in Ndebele follows a defined and

predetermined order evident in most Bantu languages Sibanda 2004. He notes

that when there are no other prefixes the subject marker precedes the root but if

the tense marker or the object marker is present the subject marker cannot

immediately precede the root since the position is occupied by the prefixes. In the

immediate future continuous and future continuous tense, tense marking comes

after the subject marker, which is followed up by the object marker. Within the

language there exists a special type of object marking by the morpheme [zi-] that

indicates the relationship between an object and the verb. Nikki (2010) agrees

with other researchers that the Zulu verb structure is quite similar to that of other

Bantu languages. The Zulu verbal template has the following structure: neg

marker, subject marker, tense/aspect marker, object marker inflectional

morpheme, final vowel.

 17

He argues that negation is presented at the left side of the verb in the form of an

initial a-. It can also be split and expressed not only with a- but also with a

different final vowel. Nikki (2010) states that the Zulu language compared to

many Bantu languages allow object marking within the verb. The object marker

is optional and not always available like the subject markers. The object markers

indicate definiteness or specificity. The study on Chichewa, Bena, Zulu and

Ndebele on inflectional markings has a similarity with the current because they

sought to explore the order of morphemes on a verb template. The current study

looks at the morpheme ordering on the verbal template structure of Lubukusu.

The findings on template structures guided the current study in generating a

detailed account on the paradigm structure of Lubukusu by placing various

morphemes within the required slots.

Aimee (2009) explains that in Shimaore language, negation is simply attaching

the negative marker /ka-/ at the beginning of a verb. This marker is evident with

the present progressive, future tense and the conditionals, which is a combination

of the past tense marker-a- and future marker-tso-. The study explored the

position of the negative mark on the root and its interaction with tense and aspect,

which bears a relation ship with the present study.

Wright (2007) classifies mood in Kikaonde, a language spoken in Zambia into

subjunctive and indicative. The formation of indicative entails placing subject

concords before the verb stems or infinitive and several tense markers. The

subjunctive mood expresses ideas that communicate desire, wish and even doubt.
 18

Such ideas are realized using a stem that ends in [–e] with or without future

formative [–ka], affix [–ki], continuous suffix [–nga] and any other object infixes

and suffixes. Sibanda (2004) explains that the infinitive mood Ndebele language

is realised through the prefix uku-. Besides [uku-] the infinitive can also take the

object marker, which comes before the root. The studies on Bena, Ndebele and

Kikaonde supplement the current research with knowledge on infinitive and

mood markers on the verbal template.

Mchombo (2004) notes that Chichewa is a tone language, which is, represented

in two levels with high and low tones. The verb structure comprises a stem onto

which proclitics are added which carry syntactic information. This information

communicates negation, tense and aspect markers, modals, conditional markers

and directional markers. He further asserts that object marking is not a mandatory

feature but subject marking is obligatorily present within the verb structure. In

this regard, grammatical agreement is dependent on an obligatory feature of

subject marking. In a study by Spencer and Zwicky 1998, they argue that the

nucleaus of the verbal morphology of Chichewa is a verb root or radical that

contains various prefixes and suffixes that play different grammatical roles. They

further argue that the regular verbal radical interchanges with the suffix [a],

which is referred to, as the final vowel. If it occurs in simple sentences, the verb

root is always prefixed hence marking the subject, person, number, tense and

aspect.
 19

They further note that person numbers within the language are ndi-(1st plural), u-

2nd singular, a- 3rd singular and plural, ti-1st plural and mu-2ndplural. The tense

and aspect marker include ma-habitual or past progressive depending on tone.

Lastly, the [–a-] marks perfective while [– na-] and [naa-] indicates past and

remote past respectively. They argue that a few tense aspect markers toned for

example immediate future. The study on Chichewa informs the current study to

discuss the 1st, 2nd, and 3rd person, tense, aspect categories and negation within

Lubukusu.

Kioko (2005) posits that the verbal morphology of Kikamba is quite complex.

The verb has a verb root, one or more prefixes and one or more suffixes (Kioko

2005, p. 24). The morphology of the verb has the pre root affixes, root,

derivational affixes and post stem affixes (Kioko 2005, p. 40). The pre root

affixes include the focus marker, the subject agreement, negative marker and the

tense marker. On the other hand, derivational affixes are verbal extensions while

the post stem markers are aspectual marker, final vowel and lastly the imperative

plural affix.

Kioko (2005) further argues that the Kikamba imperative is the simplest verbal

form within the language. She discusses forms of imperative used to address one

person, two people and many people with their corresponding negatives. She

discusses morphological markings that indicate imperatives alongside the tone

patterns. Onyango (2006) argues that mood in Olunyala is expressed through

inflections, modal auxiliaries and phonologically through high and low tones.
 20

In his study, he discusses indicative, possibility, desirability, conditionality and

imperative moods evident in Olunyala. Our study on Lubukusu focusses on mood

marking and its usage in reference to one or many people. Onyango (2006)

explains tha Olunyala language is verby just like other Luhya languages. The

verbiness of the language is realised through a distinction it makes of the seven

tenses as follows present, have just, immediate past, past, remote past, immediate

future, and future. The tense and aspect system has inflections and tone patterns

on selected syllables. The study of Lubukusu investigated the realization of

tense and aspect system in Lubukusu through inflection marking and high tones

on selected tense and aspect categories.

2.1.2 Lubukusu Verbal Inflectional Morphology

Nasiombe (2000) discusses tense system in Lubukusu verbs and provides affixal

markers for tense, aspect and negation in the language. He classifies the future

tenseinto immediate, intermediate and remote future. The immediate future

presents events that will happen today while the intermediate talks about the

activities that will take place after today. The affixal marker for immediate future

is the affix-ta- while the intermediate future is [–xa-] and the remote future is

realized through [–li-].

Similarly, he analyses past tense and classifies it into immediate, intermediate

and remote past just as he does with the progressive aspect (Nasiombe, 2000,

p.56:57). He also discusses the habitual aspect in detail. He classifies it into

ongoing habitual, past habitual and future habitual.

 21

Our study sets out to provide specific morphological rules that account for

affixation and a systematic order of morphemes organized within the verbal

paradigm. Although Nasiombe, discusses the elements of the template structure

but it happens that these elements are not placed on the verbal template with their

corresponding positions as is evident of a typical Bantu language hence forming a

field for investigation.

He further discusses negation of different tenses and aspect within Lubukusu. He

uses the prefixes [se-] and [sa-] to mark negation in selected paradigms in

Lubukusu. The particle [–ta] is attached to the verb. The current study will

present a discussion on negation and provides a formal analysis through a rule

based approach of inflectional morphology. He makes a critical discussion on

negation but he leaves out information concerning rules that explain the

attachment of affixes on paradigms. The study on negation by Nasiombe either

omitted or left out the prefix so- in marking negation. The present study delved

into a discussion of the negative prefixes sa-, se- and so- which mark negation

within the second person plural.

Nasiombe (2000) in his study discusses the Lubukusu imperative forms which

take two forms depending on if the order is being given to one person or many.

The examples of tehse forms are /lima/ (cultivate) addressing a single person

while /limé/ is used with the plural. The negative paradigms of the imperatives

are realized through attaching the negative prefix [xa] to a verb stem.
 22

The subject marker is not a mandatory component in the negated verbal forms but

if it is present it must preced the negative marker [xa]. On the other hand, he

states that the subjunctives are combined with another verb for example [nééɲa]

(I want). A subject marker is obligatorily present with the final vowel [-e]. a high

tone is further attached to the first two moras of the verb to realize the following

[nééɲa múlime] (I want you to cultivate). The study by Nasiombe is quite related

to the present because it delved into obligatory subject marking.

2.1.3 Agreement in Selected Bantu Languages

Buell (2011) argues that Bantu languages use their subject markers, object

markers and agreeing prefixes that appear in the verb. Bantu verb word can be

composed of a number of morphemes related to different syntactic domain.

Bearth (2003) posits that syntax creates an interaction with the verbal

morphology. An object marker if present always appears immediately before the

verb stem. The subject marker appears earlier in the word, often to the left of

certain tense and aspect prefixes. Subject marking is always obligatory while

object marking is not always present in a verb. The study is related with the

present because it deals with conditions for subject and object marking. Our study

focuses on the morphosyntactic properties which aid in the in the realisation of

agreement within the language.

Kioko (2005) argues that verb agreement in Kikamba is not always

straightforward. A verb that carries tense obligatorily agrees with the

corresponding subject in person and class.

 23

A verb copies semantic and morphological specification of a given noun. In

Kikamba just like most Bantu languages, there are subject and object agreement

markers. A subject marker is an obligatory element of a tensed verb complex. On

the other hand, the lack of object markers is dependent partly on the presence and

absence of a sub-categorized object noun phrase and pragmatic properties

(Muchina, 1981). Subject-verb agreement in Kikamba is after the focus -ni in the

verb complex (Kioko, 2005, p. 55). In Chingoni language, agreement between the

subject and the verb is in the form of an affix that precedes the tense marker

(Ngonyani, 2003). Subject concord is obligatory except for the imperative verbs

only. He adds that object markers are obligatory for human objects and not other

nouns. In Chingoni, the object concord marker appears after the tense marker and

the verb stem. The current study sought to discuss manifestation of agreement

within subject, and modifier, noun phrases and simple predicates.

2.1.4 Studies in Inferential Realization Theory

Aranovich (2015) presents a realizational analysis of the Shona verb morphology

and argues that a template between subject concord and the stem can best serve to

analyze the Shona verb like ndi-cha-chi-tora (I will not take) and (nda-ka-chi-

tora) (I then now take). The first rule BLOCK encompasses exclusive prefix chi-

, the second block comprises of the future cha- and a remote ka-. The final

BLOCK is made up of the concord prefixes ndi- and nda-, which expresses the

feature 1st singular while nda- marks the past tense.

 24

Stump (2001) provides a Swahili verbal positional analysis of the verb ona (see).

He makes an arrangement of three slots (A, B C) which are featurally coherent

and thus each designated BLOCK expresses similar morphosyntactic features. An

inferential-realizational definition of the forms entails application of six

prefixational rules. The rules are organized into three coherent blocks with

similar features. He presents BLOCK A as housing subject agreement whereby

first plural subject agreement is realized through the prefix tu- while second

person is marked by the affix m (w)-. The study on Swahili position class

analysis provided rich information from which the morpheme slots and

prefixational rules of Lubukusu were reconstructed.

On the other hand BLOCK B is occupied by the prefix ta- and li- to express the

future and past tense respectively as BLOCK C takes up the prefix ku- for 2nd

singular object agreement and m(w) for 3rd class 1 object agreement (Stump,

2001, p.20). The studies carried out by Aranovich and Stump are relevant to this

study the inflectional morphology was approached through the use of Inferential

Realization theory which guided our study. Based on the studies by (Stump, 2001

and Aranovich 2015) the current study set out to give analysis of selected verbs

in Lubukusu and subject them to Stumps theory for analysis. The rules of

inflectional morphology are re-constructed to help in the describtion of the

dialect.
 25

Matthews (1991) as quoted in (Arnoff & Fuderman 2011) views exponence as a

realization of morphosyntactic features through an inflectional process. Matthews

gives an example of the English word sailed and asserts that the past tense and

participle of the verb are realized through inflecting the verb sail with the suffix-

ed. This is a phenomenon called simple exponence because there is a link

between form and meaning to realize a morphosyntactic feature (Arnoff &

Fuderman, 2011). Spencer and Zwicky (1998) define exponence as a

morphological marking that expresses morphosyntactic properties like tense,

aspect among others. In a good number of languages, the choice of a stem plays a

pivotal role as an exponent of a morphosyntactic property (Spencer & Zwicky,

1998).

Spencer and Zwicky (1998) argue that in Latin verbal paradigm there is a very

special stem called the b- stem. It is realized by attaching the suffix -b to a

present tense stem (this includes concomitant lengthening of the final vowel of

the stem).The stem in Latin forms imperfect of verbs in conjugations and even

the future verbs for the first and the second conjugation. In line with this

argument the -b suffix in laudab (the b stem of the conjugation verb laudare

which is translated as (praise) is not an exponent of any given morphosyntactic

property, it is purely morphemic (Spencer & Zwicky, 2000). Therefore, the

choice of laudab from a list of the given stems counts as an example of an

exponent of imperfect in the verb laudam which means I praised and therefore

one of the future form of the verb laudab (I will praise).

 26

The current study looks at the stems that are associated with particular

morphosyntactic properties and the specific affixes attached to the given stems.

Exponence in the current study served as the only morphological marking to

realize morphosyntactic properties on verbal paradigms.

Aranovich (2015) argues that in realizational morphology, a morphological

process entails a change of a morphosyntactic property such as the future tense

and the past tense of the verb. The pieces that combine to realize the form of a

word are exponents of a word‟s morphosyntactic properties. He posits that the

exponent and the property are related using realization rules. Exponence is

through affixes and stem alternations in languages. Suffixes are inflectional

affixes that appear after the stem. Corbett (2006, p. 73) gives the following

example of the Russian language.

1 Nov-aja Knig-a

New-F.SG .Nom book (F)-sg.nOM

2 Nov –oe Pismo

New-N.SG.Nom letter (N).SG.Nom

The current study sought to discuss the use of suffixes and prefixes in the

realization of tense, aspect and negation in the language. Additionally, the present

study provided a rule based approach in the analysis of morphemes with their

corresponding functions and meanings.

 27

Corbett (2006) argues that in non-canonical inflection stems may show minor

alternations such as stress differences and a number of segmental alternations. In

a few cases, alternation tends to follow values of agreement features (Corbett,

2006). In languages such as French the verb „savoir’ (know) in the present tense

has several stems in both singular and plural Corbett (2006, pp. 74).

SINGULAR PLURAL

1. Sais Savons

2. Sais Savez

3. Sait Savent

The inflectional information within a word form is within a feature value notation

(Haspelmath, 2010). This is evident with an example of the Spanish paradigm

word, caminabamos (Haspelmath 2010, p. 63).

Caminabamos TENSE PAST

We were walking PERSON IST

NUMBER PLURAL

Secondly, the inflectional categories are presented using subscripts of the word

form, caminabamos (1 PL PAST). For example in the case of an English suffix -s

indicating singular it is introduced by a rule whereby /X/ is any verb stem that

carries the third person, singular, present tense and indicative mood features. The

rule stated below is applicable to the stem X to yield the paradigm/X-Z/.

V PER 3

NUM sg

TNS pres
MOOD: Indic

X X- Y
 28

The type of approach has inflectional rules grouped into BLOCKS in that the

rules that are within similar BLOCKS are excluded in their application. Our study

in Lubukusu presents a discussion on feature value notation of morphosyntactic

properties of the given stems within the language.

2.2 Theoretical Framework

Stump (2001) explains that in Inferential Realization theory an inflected word‟s

relation with a given set of morphosyntactic properties allows a word‟s subjection

to rules that later determine a given word‟s inflectional structure. The

morphosyntactic properties associated with an inflected word specify and under-

determines the properties that are associated with an entire word. Therefore, a

word‟s relation with a given set of morphosyntactic properties determines how a

word is inflected. For example, a word such as loves arises because of a certain

rule appending the suffix –s to a given verb stem that is associated with such

properties like 3sg subject agreement, present tense and even indicative mood

(Stump, 2001). In our study of Lubukusu the paradigm „ba-loma‟ (they say)

arises through the morphosyntactic rule that appends the prefix ba- to any given

Lubukusu verb stem that bears the following set of properties; 3rd plural subject

agreement, present tense and indicative mood.

The morphosyntactic property is imperative to understanding of a language‟s

inflectional paradigms. The property distinguishes phrases that are of the same

category according to various ways they do participate in syntactic relations such

as agreement.
 29

The properties are paired with the morphosyntactic features of permissible

values. The inflectional morphology study takes this form of pairing as key to the

presentation of properties and markings on verbal paradigms. According to

(Stump, 2001, P. 39) feature value, pairing is presented below;

Feature possible values feature possible values

TNS pres, imp, aor PER 1, 2, 3

MOOD Indic, impv AGR set of morphosyntactic

properties

NUM sg, pl

The assumption of inferential-realization presupposes a bleak interplay between

morphology and syntax. In this case, an inflected word of a certain category is

related with a set of morphosyntactic properties. The only factor that mediates

syntactic description with morphosyntactic properties are rules of morphology.

The verbal paradigms are shared by a language‟s system of rules that include

morphosyntactic properties like plural, number and tense. The theory states that

inflectional morphology and syntax are related through feature interface.

Stump, (2001) argues that paradigms play a key role in defining the inflectional

morphology of any given language. The order in which inflectional rules apply to

realize a word‟s morphosyntactic properties systematically rely on the cell, which

the word occupies in the paradigm. The association of a word‟s morphosyntactic

properties with details of its morphological form is mostly effected by realization

rules. The rules of exponence associate a group of morphosyntactic properties

with a given inflectional exponent.

 30

Such rules associate a given affix with the property set for example 1st person

plural subject agreement or 2nd person subject agreement among others. Stump

and Stewart (2007) argue that rules of exponence explain morphological

processes with a set of morphosyntactic properties. He adds that,

“morphosyntactic properties associated with an inflected word may exhibit

extended exponence in that word‟s morphology i.e. a given property may be

expressed by more than one marking in the same word.” A study of Swahili

concerning multiple exponence by (Stump, 2001) indicates that the negative past

tense verb negation is expressed by the use of the negative past tense prefix ku-

and the prefix ha- (haku-taka) “he/she did not want.” In the negative plural, it is

presented as follows (ha-tu-ku-taka). In our study and analysis of Lubukusu the

study generates a discussion on the prefixes se- and sa- that are attached on a verb

such as kula (buy) to realize paradigms like seengula (I don‟t buy) and saakula

(He/she does not buy) respectively.

He further posits that Inferential- Realizational theory is equivalent to the

assumption that the only relation of inflectional marking and morphosyntactic

properties is exponence. In Inferential Realization theory, a set of affixes is

featurally coherent if only each member communicates one or any other given

specification of same morphosyntactic feature(s). In his study he explains that

inflectional irregularities within a given forms of its stem is hindered by a rule of

automatic morphology and sometimes morphophonological modifications. He

further notes that deletion involves a given consonant or vowel being omitted

from the root.

 31

The paradigm serves an important role in the definition of a language‟s

inflectional morphology. The order in which inflection rules are applicable to

create a given word‟s morphosyntactic properties rely heavily on a cell that a

word occupies in a paradigm. A particular word that occupies a cell in a paradigm

can be deductible from the one that is similar to the cell in a different paradigm.

Consequently, he also argues that in the morphology of any given language a

paradigm function is defined in terms of more specific realizational rules. The

rules are organized in BLOCKS. The rules belonging to the same block compete

for the same position in the sequence of rule applications defining a word‟s

inflectional form. The organization of rules within BLOCKS is revealed through

rules that introduce affixal exponents. A given slot in a word‟s sequence of

inflectional affixes is related to a BLOCK of realization rules. In selected

Lubukusu verbs, tense marking is placed in BLOCK A while agreement is

housed within BLOCK B as object marking is placed in BLOCK C.

2.3 Summary

The chapter has objectively reviewed the literature related to the study. The

literature from the Bantu verbal morphology studies was reviewed systematically

as per the objectives of the study. The focus of the literature delved more on the

template structure, inflectional morphology of lubukusu, agreement and studies

conducted within inferential realizational theory. The theory was espoused by

Gregory Stump in the year 2001. The next chapter evaluates the research

methodology, which guided our study.

 32

CHAPTER THREE

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

3.0 Introduction

This chapter gives a detailed description of the research methodology. The sub-

headings discussed in this section include research design, study site and target

population, sampling technique and sample size, research instruments, piloting,

data collection procedure, data analysis, data management and ethical

considerations.

3.1 Research Design

The study employed a descriptive analytical research design. Dornyei (2007)

argues that the design allows the researcher to gather information, summarize and

interpret the data. The design enabled the researcher to identify the

morphological markings on paradigms for study. It also gave an in-depth

description of the phenomena as observed from the verbal paradigms collected.

Further, the design provided a detailed summary and analysis of elicited, corpora

and introspected data. The design suits our study since it is qualitative and hence

it does not involve numerical data. It is also reliable since it helps the researcher

to explain the scenario as it is based on the paradigms collected from the field.

3.2 Study Site and Target Population

The study was conducted in Bumula sub-county in Bungoma County. Bumula

sub-county borders Mumias sub-county, Teso sub-county and Matayos

constituency (see Appendix i and ii).

 33

Specifically, the villages for study were Kimatuni, Lumboka and Mateka. Makila

(1978) asserts that the purest form of the Lubukusu is spoken in the former

Bumula constituency. The site for study was accessible and had a large

population of Lubukusu speakers. Bumula sub-county is approximately five

kilometers from Bungoma town. The target population is Lubukusu speaking

community, which is a dialect of the larger Abaluhya community of Western

Kenya.

3.3 Sampling Technique and Sample Size

The study used convenience sampling to arrive at the sample size. Dornyei

(2003) argues that in this kind of sampling, members of the target group are

selected because they possess certain practical criteria like geographical

proximity and availability at a given time. Aiken (1997) argues that “convenience

samples are mostly purposive since besides accessibility; subjects also possess

relevant qualities for investigation and study.”

The researcher further used purposive sampling because it allowed a selection of

subjects that are rich in the information required for the study. For purposes of

selecting paradigms and participants, purposive sampling was employed while

random sampling was utilized to select the villages to be visited for the study. In

this study, subjects were selected based on the linguistic competence. The three

villages were randomly sampled. The three villages are Kimatuni, Lumboka and

Mateka where natives predominantly speak Lubukusu.

 34

Chomsky (1981, 1982) argues that the central goal of linguistic inquiry is to

determine competence of a native speaker. According to this study, competence

entails the speaker‟s ability to identify verbal paradigms that are acceptable and

unacceptable within Lubukusu. The researcher sampled three native speakers

from the three villages mentioned above. According to (Marlo 2013) small

samples are preferred since linguistic behaviuor is homogeneous and large

samples tend not to be necessary for linguistic studies. Therefore, out of the three

native speakers, one speaker from Kimatuni village participated in verb

elicitation while the other speaker from Lumboka took part in sentence

elicitation. The third speaker from Mateka took part in the checking of the

grammaticaliness and the general structure of the elicited data.

The next sample size entailed the verbal paradigms gathered from the field,

Lubukusu Bible, elicitation and through self- generation. Therefore, the verbs

elicited from the respondents in the field were fifty while forty sentences were

elicited. Fifty verbs were sampled from the Bible and one hundred were self

generated based on the objectives of the study. The verbs from the Bible were

sampled purposively depending on the goals of the study. The verbs sampled

from the Bible were the infinitives. After this, the researcher used his intuitions as

a native speaker to generate inflectional markings that communicate mood,

aspect, tense, negation and agreement on the stated verbs. For purposes of

analysis and documentation of Lubukusu smaller sample sizes were created from

the larger ones above. The paradigms that were used for analysis were scaled

down to sixty.
 35

3.4 Data Collection Instruments

The researcher sampled various paradigms from different sections of Lubukusu

Bible. After that, the researcher used an interview schedule (see Appendix iii).

This was used to elicit data from two native speakers who hail from Kimatuni

and Lumboka village. In order to get acceptable and the right structures of the

verbal paradigms the field researcher asked the respondents the same question at

least twice to get the most accepted form of the paradigms. The researcher used

recorders during the interview sessions while in the field. The purpose of this tool

was to help the researcher to get the actual pronunciation for later analysis on

aspects of tone marking on some tensed verbs. Specific questions concerning the

research study were asked to generate the right data for study. The researcher

elicited specific paradigms by preparing suitable probing questions. The purpose

of elicitation was to give the researcher a considerable tight control of data

intended for study. Later the researcher used word lists to create categories for

different inflectional markings such as tense/aspect, negation, mood, among other

concerns of inflectional morphology.

3.5 Data Collection Procedures

The researcher used a direct form of elicitation with three proficient native

speakers of the language. The researcher elicited data and prompted the

respondents to repeat answers for each question at least two times (see Appendix

vii and ix). The researcher started with simple verbs and continued to elicit more

verbs that are complex. The complexity of the verb is realized though the length

which is accomplished by the attachment of a series of inflectional markings.

 36

The field researcher carried out substitutions on aspects of mood marking, tense,

aspect, negation, number, and agreement. As the list of elicited words enlarged,

the researcher identified more examples of inflected words. Moreover, the

researcher got in the field with an interview schedule bearing questions

concerning different sub categories of tense and aspect in Lubukusu. Further, the

researcher intuitively self-generated a list of one hundred verbs with diverse

syntactic properties and quickly introspected whether it was possible to attach a

given affix on any type of a verb (see Appendix v).

Moreover, the researcher got corpora data by collecting, examining and analyzing

a sample of fifty paradigms from Lubukusu Bible (see appendix vi). Within the

Bible, thirty verbal paradigms were sampled from different books of the Old

Testament while the rest came from the New Testament. The verbs were sampled

based on the goals of the study, variations in structure, meanings and

morphosyntactic features that arose from the verbs. Consequently, the researcher

collected 240 paradigms from the Bible, elicitation and using an interview

schedule. A morphological study requires an engagement of native speakers to

confirm the sampled data for purposes of grammaticality, structure and meaning

generated from the forms. Later on the researcher engaged two speakers of the

dialect from Mateka village for purposes of grammatical checking of the elicited

verbs and sentences concerning the structure, morphological marking and their

meanings.
 37

The verb elicitation process generated one hundred paradigms while sentence

elicitation gave rise to forty sentences, then the Bible and interview schedule

provided fifty paradigms each. Additionally, the researcher used the native

speaker‟s intuitions to inflect the verbs for tense and aspect. These comprised 100

verbs each for both tense and aspect. The groups were listed as group A (tense)

and group B (aspect).

The researcher collected different varieties of verbs based on semantic

characteristics and phonological shapes. The semantic properties entail transitive

and intransitive verbs, finite and non-finite verbs, active and passive verbs among

others. On the other hand the phonological shapes comprises of monosyllabic,

disyllabic and trisyllabic verbs. These samples represented all forms of tense,

aspect, person, mood, agreement and negation used in the analysis and

presentation of data.

3.7 Data Analysis

The researcher started by organizing and preparing data by typing the notes

gathered from the field. The coding process helped the researcher to give a vivid

description of inflectional categories. Later the researcher carried out

transcriptions of the paradigms gathered from the three sources. The phonological

transcriptions are a core aspect of morphological analysis because it later helped

the researcher to assign tone patterns on various tense and aspect categories. The

audio-recorded data was transcriped to get the surface level.

 38

Furthermore, the analysis also entailed sub-dividing the paradigms into smallest

elements of morphological analysis called morphemes. The morphemes were

placed in specific slots on a verbal template structure and an explanation was

made concerning the type and function of the morphemes identified. The study

identified morphemes in a given paradigm and the rules that explain the entire

processes of attaching a given morpheme to a stem. The different morphological

markings that carry tense, subject, object, person, number, negation, agreement

and mood were identified once the selected infinitives verbs were inflected.

After isolating the morphemes, the researcher checked the form, meaning and

function of the same morphemes, and then explained alternations that existed.

Further, the morphemes were placed in specific slots in tables. The tables

presented entailed those that communicate information on the template structure,

tense/aspect, negation and agreement. A descriptive analysis of the tables was

carried out based on the inflectional markings presented in each table.

The first step in corpus analysis entailed extracting lexemes from the Bible with

diverse conjugations. Secondly, the researcher identified the forms that encode

tense, agreement, negation, person and aspect within the verbal forms that were

purposively sampled from Lubukusu Bible. The items were later arranged and

labeled from far (past) to far (future). The morphological property person was

presented in a table from first person to third person along with their

corresponding singular and plural forms. Lastly, the category aspect was arranged

from progressive to perfective.

 39

The study also looked at the rules of insertion and deletion of selected verbal

paradigms. The researcher categorized verbal paradigms into specific

morphological slots to study prefixational rules. Consequently, the researcher

applied some aspects of the theoretical framework such as realizational rules and

rule BLOCKS to organize the selected morphemes that mark tense, agreement,

person and number into featurally coherent blocks. The realization rules are

derived from the coherently organized BLOCKS, which form an integral aspect

of theoretical analysis. An explanation was systematically done concerning

BLOCKS A, B, and C on the organization of different morphemes in the given

position BLOCKS.

3.8 Data Management and Ethical Considerations

The researcher applied for the research permit from National Commission for

Science, Technology and Innovation (NACOSTI) before collecting data from the

respondents. Data management involved careful note taking and documentation

by the use of the field notebook and a laptop. The daily log file helped the

fieldwork researcher to summarize what was learnt during the day hence making

a review of data into a most elaborate and clear way. Data was organized in data

base files which included paradigms that were studied. The organization of data

involved clear and systematic integration of analysis and data collection

procedures. Vaux and Justin (2003) argue that the field notebook should be

organized based on the sentences the researcher was working with during the

study. The lexemes were typed on separate pages to cater for neatness and logical

arrangement of data.
 40

The respondents signed a consent form before they got involved in the interview

process. Data was used for the purposes stated to the respondents and made clear

at the start of data collection process. The researcher further promised the

respondents the rights to privacy and confidentiality of the data provided. The

researcher used pseudonyms to conceal the identity of those taking part in the

research.

3.9 Summary

This chapter discussed the research methodology. Our discussion in this chapter

has focused on the research design, study site and target population, sampling

technique and sample size, data collection tools, data collection procedure, data

analysis and lastly data management and ethical considerations. The following

chapter deals with presentation and analysis of data.

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CHAPTER FOUR

DATA PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS

4.0 Introduction

The chapter deals with presentation and analysis of the data collected from the

field. The section presents data in line with the objectives and research questions

for the study. Firstly, it delves into inflectional markings that realize subject,

object, negation, tense and aspect among other concerns of verbal inflectional

morphology. Agreement is discussed at the level of subject and object marking

which forms the key aspect of the interplay between morphology and syntax.

Lastly, prefixational rules and realization rules are discussed as the last concern

of the chapter.

4.1 Verbal Template Structure

According to the data that was collected through self generation, elicitation and

secondary source, this section provides a formal analysis of the the order of

verbal inflectional markers in Lubukusu. The verb template structure comprises

nine slots for attachment of morphemes though the ninth slot is not evident in

Lubukusu. The presentation below gives the slots, class and specific morphemes

within the language.

Slot class of morphemes specific morpheme

1 Pre-initial neg Se-, so-, sa-

2 Sm initial a-, mu-, xa-, o-, e-, βa-

3 Post initial neg/formative -ta

4 TA/M formative 2 xa-

 42

5 OM Radical ci-, xa-

6 Verbal base/radical kul-

7 Pre final -aŋg-

8 Final a-, -e,-il,-e

9 Post final -

Based on the data above, Lubukusu being a highly agglutinative language allows

several slots to be filled using specific inflectional morphemes. The slots, class of

morphemes and specific morphemes indicated above can be presented in a table

form and this gives a second way of analyzing a verbal template structure that

may be preferred in Lubukusu.

Table 4.4: Lubukusu Verbal Template Structure

Slot 1 Slot 2 Slot 3 Slot 4 Slot 5 Slot 6 Slot 7 Slot 8 Slot 9

PRE SM SM NEG TAM OM ROOT PRE FV POST

FV FV
Subject Subject Negative Tense Object Verbal Pre Final Post
relative/negative marker marker aspec marker root final vowel final
vowel vowel

In table 4.1, the slots on the verbal template indicate that the stated morphemes

possess a fixed order that starts from the left to the right side of the template.

Therefore, Lubukusu grammatical relations are marked morphologically on the

verbal template. The above is a modified version of the Bantu verbal template

structure evident in Lubukusu verbs. The adjustment and modification of the

template helps to analyze the order of morphemes found within Lubukusu verbal

morphology.
 43

4.1.1 Pre-initial Negation and Tense

This comprises a set of affixes that occupy slot 1 on the template structure. They

occupy the first position at the left side of the root. Lubukusu realizes three

negative morphemes, which pattern with the particle [ta] to form negative verbal

paradigms. Within the language, affixes that mark negation include [se-], [so-]

and [sa-]. These morphemes are accompanied with high-toned particle [tá] to

complete negation (see Appendix viii).

Table 4.5: Negation in Tense

TENSE SING, PER NEG PL, PER NEG

PRES 1st se 1st se
2nd so 2nd so
3rd sa 3rd sa
Inter pst/remote past 1st se 1st se
2nd se 2nd se
3rd se 3rd se

Immediate pst 1st se 1st se

2nd so 2nd so
3rd sa 3rd sa
Future
Interfuture/remote future 1st se 1st se

2nd so 2nd se
3rd sa 3rd se
Immediate, future 1st se 1st se
2nd so 2nd so
3rd sa 3rd sa

Table 4.2 shows that the choice of the negative prefixes is dependent on

tense/aspect and number features. Such groups of affixes are specific with certain

verb roots, tense, aspect and person. It is with this regard that the table presented

above gives a summary of all negative morphemes in the language.

 44

The table also shows the patterning of negation with tense, aspect and person.

The subject marker precedes the negative morpheme. The morphemes are used

with class 1, 2 and 3 verbal paradigms.

Negation in Lubukusu is intricately linked to tense and sometimes aspect.

Therefore, the discussion on negation is tied closely to tense and aspect

categories. In the data presented negative morphemes occur pre-verbally and that

is why they are always called pre-initial negative. The present tense utilizes the

negative morphemes se-, so-, and sa- in singular and plural forms. These

morphemes are attached before the root. The intermediate past and remote past

are negated by the negative morpheme se-, which is attached before the subject

markers, marking the 1st, 2nd, and 3rd persons. The morphemes are used both

with the singular and plural forms of verbs. The immediate past behaves

differently from the two forms because it uses the negative morphemes [se-], [so-

] and [sa-] with the 1st person, 2nd person and 3rd person respectively.

The intermediate future, immediate future and remote future are negated using

the negative morphemes se-, so- and sa-. The prefix se- is used with the 1st

person, while so- is attached before the 2nd person subject markers [xa-], [nda-]

and [la-] to mark negation in the three categories of future tense. Lastly, the

negative morpheme sa- is attached before the 3rd person to realize negation in the

three forms of future tense. The morphemes [se-], [so-] and [sa-] are applicable to

the 1st, 2nd and 3rd person singular respectively.

 45

4.1.2 Negation and Aspect

The negative morphemes are attached before the auxiliary. The auxiliaries

utilized here are am and is (see Appendix ix).

Table 4.6: Negating Progressive, Habitual, Perfective, Completive and

Persistive aspect
ASPECT SNG PER NEG PL PER NEG
progressive 1st se 1st se
2nd so 2nd so
3rd sa 3rd sa
Habitual
Ongoing/past/future 1st se 1st se
habitual
2nd se 2nd se
3rd se 3rd se

Perf aspect 1st se 1st se

2nd se 2nd

3rd se 3rd se

Immed fut perf/inter 1st se 1st se

fut perf

2nd so 2nd se
3rd sa 3rd se
Completive aspect 1st se 1st se
2nd se 2nd se

3rd se 3rd se
Persistive aspect 1st se 1st se
2nd so 2nd se
3rd sa 3rd se
 46

In table 4.3, the progressive aspect is negated in the 1st, 2nd, and 3rd person

using the negative morphemes [se-], [so-] and [sa-] respectively. The habitual

aspect is negated through the morpheme that is placed before the specific subject

markers na-, wa-, ka, and xa-. This form of aspect behaves uniquely from the rest

because it only utilizes the prefix se- for negation of 1st, 2nd and 3rd persons in

both singular and plural. The negation of the perfective aspect singular within 1st,

2nd and 3rd persons is accomplished through the negative morphemes [se-], [so-]

and [sa-] respectively while the plural persons is marked using the prefix se-.

4.1.3 Prefinal Markers and Final Vowel

Lubukusu utilizes two pre final markers on the right of the verb. They occupy slot

seven on the template on the right side of the root.

Paradigm gloss

SM root pref fv

a- tikul-a– aŋɡ- a he/she usually destroys

a- tex-a- aŋɡ- a he/she usually cooks

a- xolol-a- aŋɡ- a he/she usually coughs.

SM TM root pref fv

a- xa- tikul- enŋɡ- e he/she will usually destroy.

a- xolol- enŋɡ- e he/she will usually cough

texe- enŋɡ- e he/she will usually cook

From the data above the suffixes [––aŋɡ] and [ –enŋɡ-] are used to mark habitual

aspect and perfective aspect. They are always used with habitual aspect.
 47

The pre-final marker [–aŋɡ-] is used with on going habitual while [-enŋɡ-] is

evident with the future habitual.

The final vowel forms which come after the pre-final markers form a set of

suffixes that appear at the end of the verb in the FV slot on a verbal template.

Imperative gloss benefactive gloss

Root fv root fv root fv

Omβax- a build omβex-e omβax- il-a build for

Xul- a uproot xul- e xul- il--a uproot for

Siŋg- a wash siŋg- e siŋg- il-a wash for

Examples of paradigms

Sm root fv

1st a- yet- a he/she help

a- yet- e he/she help

a- yet- il-e he/she helped

2nd mu- yet -a you help

mu- yet -e you help

mu- yet -il-e you helped

3rd per
ba- yet- a they help

ba- yet- e they help

ba- yet- il- e they helped

The data above confirms that the final vowel changes from [–a], to [–e] and [–il]

depending on the tense, aspect and mood. Lubukusu utilizes three final vowels

which include [–e], [-a] and [–i].

 48

The vowels are not presented in isolation but instead they pattern with tense,

aspectual and mood markers within the language. They come after the tense and

aspect markers as presented in the data above. The morphemes help in the

formation of imperative, benefactive, applicative, passive and causative forms.

4.1.4 Subject and Object Markers

Lubukusu verbs have markers for person/class through subject. The language is

marked for person and number for both singular and plural.

Table 4.4: Subject Markers

class sng class pl

1 a- 2 βa-
3 ku- 4 ki-
5 li- 6 ka-
7 e- 8 ci
9-10 e- 9-10 tʃi-
11 lu- 8 tʃi-
12 xa- βi-
14 βu- βu-
15 xu- βa-
16 a-
17 x- ki-
18 mu- mu-
20 ku- ki-
23 e-

In table 4.4, the 1st, 2nd and 3rd person paradigms have both singular and plural

forms. These markers agree with the class of the nouns in question. Lubukusu has

23 noun classes and only class1, 2 and 3 are inflected for person and number

while the rest are inflected for number.

 49

The subject prefixes are obligatory markers in finite verb forms within Lubukusu.

Subject marking is realized through subject concords that appear in the initial

position. The subject concord is a necessary element of inflected finite verb thus,

it is obligatory. The subject marking is also an obligatory aspect of inflection

morphology.

Contrary to obligatoriness, there exist exceptional cases of subject marking in

Lubukusu, which entails the formation of infinitives and imperatives.

Obligatory Subject Marking

Singular Gloss Plural Gloss

Sm root fv Sm root fv

1st /e- ním- a/ I dig /xu- lím- a/ we dig

2nd /o- lím- a/ you dig /mu- lím- a/ you dig

3rd /a- lím- a/ he/she digs /βa- lím- a/ they dig

Non Obligatory Subject Marking

Infinitives gloss imperatives gloss

Sm root fv root fv

xu- xiin- a to dance xiin- a dance

xu- lok- a to bewitch lok- a be witch

xu- rusy- a to vomit rusy- a vomit

xu-rum- a to send rum- a send

According to the data above, the infinitive comprises the prefix [xu-] and the

final vowel [-a] while the imperatives have the final vowel [-a] alone. These

forms do not have the subject markers/concords like other forms of verbal

paradigms.
 50

Object marking is key in Lubukusu because of the position it takes on the

template and the class of noun it attaches to. An object marker is a type of

morpheme that is attached to the verb. It is also referred to us as the object

concord or object pronoun.

Table 4.5: Object Markers

CLASS SINGOM VB GLOSS CLASS PLUR GLOSS

OM
1 a-la-mu- βonaa He/she 2 βa-la- They
will see βa- will see
him βonaa them
3 a-la-ku βonaa He/she 4 βa-la-ki- They
will see it βonaa will see
them
5 a-la-li βonaa He/she 6 βa-la- They
will see it ka- will see
βonaa them
7 a-la-si βonaa He/she 8 βa-la-βi- They
will see it βonaa will see
them
9 a-la-ki βonaa He /she 10 βa-la-tʃi- They
will see it βonaa will see
them
11 a-la-lu βonaa He/she 10 βa-la-tʃi- They
will see it βonaa will see
them
12 a-la-xa βonaa He/she 8 βa-la-βi- They
will see it βonaa will see
them
14 a-la-βu- βonaa He/she 14 βa-la- They
will see it βu- will see
βonaa them

Table 4.5 is a summarized overview of object markers in singular and plural

within Lubukusu. The object prefixes are placed on OM slot on a verb within

position 5 of the verbal template structure.

 51

As presented in the table above, the object markers appear morphologically

next/close to the verb immediately before the verb root. The prefixes mark the

verb for person/class of the object. Lubukusu allows a single object to be marked

on the verb and is preceded by the subject marker. The object markers are

optional within the verbal base.

Lubukusu, object markers for person are only two and these include; [mu-] and

[βa-]. The morpheme mu- marks the singular person while [βa-] is evident with

the plural forms. Lubukusu has a variety of object markers for both animate and

inanimate object marking.

4.1.5 Tense Aspect Markers

Lubukusu tense and aspect system is quite complex. The complexity is realized

through a group of inflectional morphemes, which include prefixes, suffixes and

some auxiliaries, to realize the tense and aspect.

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Table 4.6: Tense/Aspect markers

TENSES TAM EXAMPLES GLOSS

Present - Xu-tim-a We run
PAST
Immediate past -il, -e Xu-tim-il-e We ran
Intermediate past -il, -e xwa-a-tim-il-e We ran
Remote future -il, -a xwa-a-tim-a We ran

FUTURE TENSE
Immediate future -la Xu-la-tim-a We will run
Intermediate future -xa xu-xa-tim-e We will run
Remote future -li xu-li-tim-a We will run
HABITUAL ASPECT
Ongoing habitual -aŋɡ, -a xu-tim-aŋɡ-a We usually run
Past habitual -aŋɡ -a xwa-tim-aŋɡ-a We usually run
Future habitual -eŋɡ-e xu-xa-tim-eŋɡ-e We usually run

PERFECTIVEASPECT
immediate future -a -il, - xu-laβa-xwa-tim-il- We will have run
intermediate future e e We will have run
remote future -e -il - xu-xa-b-e-xwa-tim- We will have run
e il-e
-a -il -e xu-li-b-a-xwa-tim-
il-e
Persistive aspect -sii- -a xu-sii-tim-a We still run
Subjunctive aspect -e xu-tim-e I want you to run
Imperative -a, -e tim-a tim-e You run
Completive aspect -a xwa-a-tim-a We already ran
Progressive aspect -lixo - xu-li-xo-xu-tim-a We are still
xee running

In table 4.6, the tense morphemes are placed immediately before the verbal root

while the aspectual markers are placed either before or after the verbal root. In

the table presented above, there are instances when the auxiliaries are used to

mark tense and aspect. This is evident with the future tense and perfective aspect.
 53

In some rare cases the adverb is used to mark the habitual, persistive, completive

and progressive aspect. The tense and aspect markers are discussed in detail in

the later section of the project. These will involve subcategories of past tense,

future, habitual and persistive among others.

4.2 Realization of Tense

Tense is the various representations of time within an event which is realized

lexically or grammatically. It is also an inflectional category, which is mostly

realized through inflectional marking and tone marking. Tense system in

Lubukusu is a bit complex due to a series of inflectional markings attached on the

verb accompanied with a system of high tones on some tense categories. The data

presented and analysed within the following subsections of 4.2 confirms to us the

issue of tense marking.

4.2.1 Present Tense

The present tense is also called the unmarked present or the zero present because

it is not marked using a prefix or a suffix.

Singular

Surface Gloss

SM root fv
1st
/e- ŋɡon- a/ [eŋɡóna] I sleep

2nd /o- koon- a/ [okóna) you sleep

3rd /a- koon- a/ [akóna] he/she sleeps

 54

Plural Surface Gloss

Sm root fv
1st
/xuu- kon- a/ [xukóna] we sleep

2nd /mu- koon- a/ [mukóna] you sleep

3rd /βa- koon- a/ [βakóna] they sleep

The paradigms in present tense in Lubukusu are not prefixed but there is always

the final vowel [–e] or [–a] at the end of the verbal root. The stem‟s initial vowel

gets a high tone in both the singular and plural paradigms making it high toned.

The verb is used with both the 1st, 2nd and 3rd persons. The order of morphemes is

the subject marker, verbal root and the final vowel represented in a few

paradigms below. The data below gives the underlying and the surface level of

the paradigms in singular and plural respectively.

4.2.2 Past Tense

This is the location in time prior to the present period. It locates the situation in

the past time and does not continue to or extend to the present period. Lubukusu

past tense is categorized into three periods in the past: intermediate past, remote

past and immediate past.

4.2.2.1 Intermediate Past

The intermediate past is formed by the prefix a- before the root and the suffix –

ile. The intermediate past is also called the recent past.

 55

Singular surface gloss

SM root TM fv

1st /na- koon-il- e/ [nakónile] I slept

2nd /wa- koon-il- e/ [wakónile] you slept

3rd /ka- koon-il- e/ [kakónile] he/she slept

SM root TM fv

1st /xwa-a-koon- il- e/ [xwakónile] we slept

2nd /mwa-koon- il- e/ [mwakónile] you slept

3rd /βa-koon- il- e/ [βakónile] they slept

The data above indicates the realization of the intermediate past tense in

Lubukusu. In a tensed verb, the subject markers are obligatorily attached before

the root. In the first person singular and plural, the subject prefixes na- and xwa-

are attached immediately before the root. The second person singular involves the

subject prefix wa- attached immediately before the root while the plural takes the

prefix mu- before the root. The stem‟s initial vowel receives a high tone. Lastly,

the prefixes ka- and βa- are attached to the root to mark third person singular and

plural respectively.

The structure of the verbal paradigm entails the prefix a- attached before the root

and the suffix [–ile] that comes immediately before the root. The subject markers

[na-], [xwa-], [wa-], [mu-], [ka-] and [βa-] are placed next to the prefix a- as

obligatory markers. The underlying forms are not transcribed phonologically but

the surface levels, which are the actual realization of paradigms during

articulation, are transcribed.

 56

4.2.2.2 Remote Past

The remote past refers to events that took place long ago. It is realized through

the prefix –a attached after the subject marker.

Singular (underlying) Surface Gloss

SM root FV

1st /na- kon- a/ [nákona] I slept

2nd /wa- kon- a/ [wákona] you slept

3rd /ka-kon- a/ kákona he/she slept

Plural (underlying) Surface Gloss

SM root FV

1st /xwa- kon- a/ [xwákona] we slept

2nd /mwa- kon- a/ [mwákona] you slept

3rd /βa- kon- a/ [βákona] they slept

In the data above the remote past is formed by the final vowel [-a] which is

always placed at the end of the verb root. The subject markers [na-], [wa-] and

[ka-] receive high tones on the vowel [a]. The surface level in this case has a

high tone on the subject-marker vowel [a] making the entire subject marker be

high toned.
 57

4.2.2.3 Immediate past

The immediate past is used with events that have happened in the last few

minutes.

Singular Surface Gloss

SM root fv

1st /ŋ-ɡon- il- e/ [ŋɡónile] I slept

2nd /o-kon- il- e/ [okónile] you slept

3rd /a- kon- il- e/ [akónile] he/she slept

Plural Surface Gloss

SM root fv

1st /xuu- kon- il- e/ [xukónile] we slept

2nd /mu- kon- il- e/ [mukónile] you slept

3rd /βa- kon- il- e/ [βakónile] they slept

The data above on immediate past confirms that the stem‟s initial vowel is

marked with a high tone within the surface level of each paradigm in singular and

plural. This is followed up with the suffix [ –il-] and [-e] that attaches at the end

of the paradigm. The person markers are attached at the initial position just

before the root because the entire verbs formed are tensed.

4.2.3 Future Tense

The future reference is derived diachronically from the modal expression for

example desirability. It signals that a given situation is located on the time axis

after the time of speaking.

 58

Therefore the future is more speculative because the future prediction that is

made can change based on the intervening event and even our conscious

intervention. Lubukusu future tense is divided into the following periods;

intermediate future, immediate future and remote future.

4.2.3.1 Intermediate Future

The intermediate future is also called the near future. It refers to the events that

will happen in the next few days after the time of speaking.

Singular Plural Gloss

SM TM root fv

1st /e- xa- kon- e/ [xuu-xa-kon-e] I will sleep

2nd /o- xa- kon- e/ [mu-xa-kon-e] you will sleep

3rd /a- xa- kon- e/ [ba-xa-kon-e] he/she sleep

The intermediate future paradigms are toneless in both the singular and plural

forms. This takes the affix [-xa-] meaning that an action will take place some

hours after now during the same day. This is followed up by the final vowel [–e]

which attaches at the end of the paradigm. The subject markers are always

attached before the tense marker [xa-] as an obligatory marker.

4.2.3.2 Immediate Future

The immediate future talks about events that will take place very soon (mostly

the same day).

 59

Singular surface gloss

SM TM Root FV

1st /n da- kon- a/ [ndákona] I will sleep

2nd /o- la- kon- a/ [olákóná] you will sleep

3rd /a- la- kon- a/ [alákona] he/she will sleep

Plural surface gloss

SM TM Root FV

1st /xuu- la- kon- a/ [xuulákona] we will sleep

2nd / mu- la- kon- a/ [mulákona] you will sleep

3rd /βa- la- kon- a/ [βalákona] they will sleep

The data above which was collected through verb elicitation indicates that the

immediate future marked using the tense marker [–la-] although the 1st person

singular takes the affix -nd-. The final vowel [–a] is attached at the end of the

verbal root. The paradigm is presented as follows on a template structure.

4.2.3.3 Remote Future/Indefinite Future

The remote future informs us that the events are not expected to take place soon.

This means that the events will happen in several months or years to come.

Singular Surface Gloss

SM TM root fv

1st /nd i- kon- a/ [ndikóna] I will sleep

2nd /o- li- kon- a/ [olikóna] you will sleep

3rd /a- li- kon- a/ [alikóna] he/she will sleep

 60

Plural surface Gloss

SM TM root fv

1st /xuu- li- kon- a/ [xulikóna] we will sleep

2nd /mu- li- kon- a/ [mulikóna] you will sleep

3rd /βa- li- kon- a/ [βalikóna] they will sleep

The reaization of remote future in the data above is through the tense marker –li-

that is attached after the subject marker. After attaching the tense marker the final

vowel [–a] is placed immediately after the verbal root. The template for the

remote future takes the subject marker, tense marker, the verbal root and the final

vowel. The remote future bears a slight resemblance with the present tense

because in this case the stem‟s initial vowel is marked with a high tone making it

high toned on the surface level.

4.3 Aspect

Aspect is realized through final vowels and primary auxiliary verbs. It is

categorized into progressive, habitual and perfective with the last two forms

having sub categories. Tone is an important aspect in the realization of aspect

because it affects the progressive, on going habitual and past habitual.

4.3.1 Progressive Aspect

This aspect describes the situation in progress and the listener need not to have

witnessed the activities from the start to the end but middle part of the activity

that is going on confirms progressiveness. The progressive aspect is also referred

to us as the periphrastic progressive. It is described as a continuous action.

 61

Singular Surface Gloss

SM aux OM root fv

1st /e- ndi-xo- e- ŋɡon- a/ [endíxó eŋɡóna] I am sleeping

2nd /o- li-xo- o- kon- a/ [olíxó okóna] you are sleeping

3rd /a- li-xo- a- kon- a/ [alíxó akóna] he /she is sleeping

Plural surface gloss

SM Aux OM root fv

1st / xuu- li-xo- xu- tim- a/ [xulíxó xutíma] we are running

2nd / mu- li-xo- mu -tim- a/ [mulíxó mutíma] you are running

3rd / βa- li-xo- ba- tim- a/ [βalíxó batíma] they are running

1st / xu- li-xo- xu- kon- a/ [xulíxó xukóna] we are sleeping

2nd / mu- li-xo- mu- kon- a/ [mulíxó mukóna] you are sleeping

3rd / βa- li-xo- ba- kon- a/ [ βalíxó bakóna] they are sleeping

The data above indicates how the progressive aspect is realized. It is formed by

attaching the auxiliary [–lixo-] in the middle of the subject marker and the object

marker. In all the paradigms in the progressive the vowels present are always

high toned which are accompanied with a high tone in the stem‟s initial vowel.

Some speakers of Lubukusu use the auxiliary [–xee-] and [–lixo-]

interchangeably in talking about progressive aspects. The auxiliary ndixo- is used

with paradigms in first person singular. The more standard and accepted form is

the auxiliary [–lixo-] and not [–xee-]. The template for the paradigm in

progressive aspect comprises the subject marker, auxiliary, object marker, the

verbal root and the final vowel as shown below.

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4.3.2 Habitual Aspect

The concept of habituality means a repetition of a situation or continuous

occurrence of activities within a given period. In case, a situation is repeated

severally then it iscalled habitual. Habitual events describe situation, which is a

feature of elongated period. The aspect is a situation of which is a characteristic

of an extended time and it is not an incidental property of the moment but a

feature of the entire period. It is divided into ongoing habitual, past habitual and

future habitual. The ongoing habitual and the past habitual are formed using the

final vowel-aŋɡ and [–a] but the future habitual utilizes [–e] instead of [–a]

although it retains [–aŋɡ]. The structure of the three forms of habitual aspect is

similar apart from the subject markers in the initial position that vary.

Singular Surface Gloss

SM root pref fv

1st /ŋ ɡon- aŋɡ- a/ [ŋɡónaaŋɡa] I usually sleep

2nd /o- kon- aŋɡ- a/ [okónaaŋɡ a] you usually sleep

3rd /a- kon- aŋɡ- a/ [akónaaŋɡa] he/she usually sleep

Plural Surface Gloss

SM root pref fv

1st /xu- kon- aŋɡ- a/ [xukónaaŋɡa] we usually sleep

2nd /mu- kon- aŋɡ- a/ [mukónaaŋɡa] you usually sleep

3rd /βa- kon- aŋɡ- a/ [βakónaaŋɡa] they usually sleep

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The on-going habitual refers to an event that is going on during the present

moment at regular intervals. The data above indicates that it is realized through

the pre final vowel [–nɡ] and the final vowel –a in all paradigms in 1st, 2nd and 3rd

person paradigms. The pre final vowel is placed before the root as the final vowel

comes last after the pre final vowel. In this case, high tone marking is always

within the stem‟s initial vowel in both the singular and the plural forms. The

subject markers form an important aspect and are always attached before the

verb.

Another form of habitual aspect is called the past habitual indicating an event that

used to occur in the past at regular intervals or always as a habit. The time when

the event began and ended is not clear.

Singular surface gloss

SM root pref fv

1st /na- kon- aŋɡ- a/ [nákonaŋɡa] I used to sleep

2nd /wa- kon- aŋɡ- a/ [wákonaŋɡa] you used to sleep

3rd /ka- kon- aŋɡ- a/ [kákonaŋɡa] he/she used to sleep

Plural surface gloss

SM root pref fv

1st /xwa- kon- aŋɡ- a/ [xwákonaŋɡa] we used to sleep

2nd /mwa- kon- aŋɡ- a/ [mwákonaŋɡa] you used to sleep

3rd /βa- kon- aŋɡ- a/ [βákonaŋɡa] they used to sleep

 64

It is evident from the data above that the past habitual is formed using the pre

final –aŋɡ and the final vowel a in the 1st, 2nd and 3rd person paradigms. The

concept of tone marking behaves a little bit different from the present, past and

ongoing habitual because while the three mark tone on the stem‟s initial vowel

the past habitual is high toned on the subject marker vowel.

The last form of habitual aspect is the future habitual which points at an event

that will take place in the future at regular intervals or it is a habit. The exact time

when the events will take place is not explicit.

Singular Surface Gloss

SM aux root pref fv

1st /e- xa- kon- enŋɡ- e/ [exakoneenŋɡe] I will usually sleep

2nd /o- xa- kon- enŋɡ- e/ [oxakoneenŋɡe] you will usually sleep

3rd /a- xa- kon- enŋɡ- e/ [axakoneenŋɡe] he/she will usually sleep

Plural Surface Gloss

SM aux root pref fv

1st /xuu- xa- kon- aŋɡ- e/ [xuuxakoneenŋɡe] we will usually sleep

2nd /mu- xa- kon- aŋɡ- e/ [muxakoneenŋɡe] you will usually sleep

3rd /βa- xa- kon- aŋɡ- e/ [βaxakonenŋɡe] we will usually sleep

The future habitual is formed using the pre final [–enŋɡ] and the final vowel [–e].

The pre final vowel is placed immediately after the verbal root on the right side.

The final vowel comes after the pre final vowel. The entire verbs in both the

singular and the plural are toneless as indicated in the data above.
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4.3.3 Perfective Aspect

The perfective indicates situations of a short period stating punctuality or

momentary situation. It indicates a completed action.

Singular Surface Gloss

SM root perf fv

1st /na- kon- il- e/ [nakonile] I have slept

2nd /wa-kon- il- e/ [wakonile] you have slept

3rd /ka-kon- il- e/ [kakonile] he/she has slept

Plural Surface Gloss

SM root perf fv

1st /xwa- kon- il- e/ [xwakonile] we have slept

2nd /m-u-a- kon- il- e/ [mwaakonile] you have slept

3rd /βa- kon- il- e/ [βakonile] they have slept

The data above indicates that the perfective is formed by attaching the affix [–a-]

after the subject marker then the perfective-il is attached after the root. The final

vowel is attached just after the root.

On the other hand, the immediate future perfective indicates activities that will

take place soon (sometime during the same day of speaking).

Singular Surface Gloss

SM aux SM root perf fv

1st /e- ndaβa- na- kon- il- e/ [endaβanakonile] I will have slept

2nd /o- laβa- wa- kon- il- e/ [olaβawakonile] you will have slept

3rd /a- laβa- ka- kon- il- e/ [alaβakakonile] he/she will have slept
 66

Plural Surface Gloss

SM aux OM root perf fv
1st /xuu- laβa- xwa- kon- il- e/ [ xuulaβaxwakonile] we will have slept

2nd /mu- laβa- mu-a- kon- il- e/ [mulaβamuakonile] you will have slept

3rd /βa- laβa- βa- kon- il- e/ [βalaβaβakonile] they will have slept

From the data above, the immediate future perfective is formed using the

auxiliary verbs [ndaβa] (will have) or [laβa] (will have). The auxiliary [ndaβa] or

[laba] is attached before the subject prefix. The auxiliary [laβa] becomes ndaβa

through prefixing the pronoun I. Therefore, ndaβa is used with the 1st person

speaker in singular while laba is mostly used with the remaining verbal

paradigms. The final vowels [–il] and [-e] is attached at the end of the paradigms.

Secondly, the intermediate future perfective is also called near future perfective.

It points at situations that will happen in a day or even two days.

Singular Surface Gloss

SM aux OM root perf fv
st
1 /e- xa-b-e na- kon- il- e/ = [exabe nakonile] I will have slept

2nd /o- xa-b-e wa- kon- il- e/ [oxabe wakonile] you will have slept

3rd /a- xa-β-e ka- kon- il- e/ [axaβe kakonile] he/she will have slept

Plural Surface Gloss

SM aux OM root perf fv
1st /xu- xa-βe- xwa- kon- il- e/ [xuxaβe xwakonile] we will have slept

2nd /mu- xa-β-e mwa-a- kon- il- e/ [muxaβe mwaakonile] you will have

slept

3rd /βa- xa-β-e ba- kon- il- e/ [βaxaβe βakonile] they will have slept
 67

The formation of intermediate future perfective involves the auxiliary [-xabe-]

(will be) placed before the subject marker. The final vowel [–il-] and [-e] are

attached at the end of the verbal root.

The final sub-category of perfective aspect is called the remote future perfective.
Singular Surface Gloss
SM aux OM root perf fv
1st /n di- β-a na- kon- il- e/ [ndiβa nakonile] I will have slept

2nd /o- li- β-a wa- kon -il- e/ [oliβa wakonile] you will have slept

3rd /a- li- β-a ka- kon- il- e/ [aliβa kakonile] he/she will have

slept

Plural Surface Gloss

SM aux OM root perf fv
1st /xu- li-βa- xwa- kon- il- e/ [xuliβa xwakonile] we will have

slept

2nd /mu- li-βa- mu-a- kon- il- e/ [muliβa mwaakonile] you will have

slept

3rd /ba- li-βa- ba- kon- il- e/ [baliβa bakonile] they will have

slept

The remote future perfective refers to events, which will happen in the future

(mostly a few months or years). The remote future perfective is formed using the

auxiliary [liβa] which changes to [ndiβa] when used with the 1st person singular

and[ li-β-a] (will have) for the other forms. The final vowel is placed at the end of

the verbal root.

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4.4 Agreement

This section addresses objective three which is the interplay between morphology

and syntax through the morphosyntactic properties. Agreement is studied using

lexical category, which includes classes 1-11. These classes mark number. The

inherent inflectional categories present within nouns are number and class. It is

with the pre-prefix and prefix that the two morphological categories are realized

within nouns and verbs.

The starting point for studying agreement is a partial listing of noun class markers

which include the preprefixes and prefixes.

Table 4.7: Noun Class Markers

clas Pre prefix class Pre prefix prefix Example gloss

s prefix

1 o- mu- 2 βa- βa- Ómuxana girl

βáxana girls
3 ku- mu- 4 Ki- mi- Kúmurwe head
kímirwe heads

5 li- li- 6 ka- ma- Lílyaaŋg‟ina

Kamaaŋg‟ina
7 si- si- 8 βi- βi- Sísyaki granary
βíβyaki granarie
s
9 e- N- 10 ci- N- ÉeNdemu snake
ciNdemu snakes

In light of this, a partial analysis of this concept is presented in the table above

indicating a summary of noun classes that are at the center of agreement.

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4.4.1 Subject Verb Agreement and Modifiers

The subject markers form a salient feature of Lubukusu language using subject

markers alongside the agreeing prefixes that appear within the verb. They are

discussed with reference to the noun class markers. This classification is realized

through the prefixes and it is based on agreement in the verb phrase.

If the object marker is present in a word, it is attached immediately before the

verb stem. The subject marker is placed earlier in the word on the left of some

tense and aspect markers. Therefore, a tensed verb has an obligatory subject

marker just like some other Bantu languages.

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Table 4.8: Subject Verb Agreement Markers

class Sg sub word gloss class pl word gloss

affix sub
affix
1 a- Omwana The child 2 βa- βaβaana The
akul-a buys βa-kul-a childre
n buy
3 ku- Kumuxoono The hand 4 ki- Kimixono The
ku-lwal-a is sick ki-lwal-a hands
are sick
5 li- Liru li-xwa The ear 6 ka- Kamaru The
fells ka-xwa ears fell

7 si- Si-βwakuli The plates 8 βi βi- The

si-kwil-e fell βwakuli plates
βi-kwil-e fell

9-10 e- éemboko e- 9-10 ci cimboko

tim-a ci-tim-a

lu- Lulwala lu- The finger 9-10 ci cinjala The

11 chun-a pains ciichuna fingers
pain
12 xa- Xaxana xa- The small 8 βi βixana βi- The
tʃaxa girl laughs tʃax-a small
girls
laugh
14 βu- βuusomi Education βu Busoomi Educati
βu-yet-a helps bu-yet-a on
helps
15 xu- Xu-kul-a 8 βa-

16 a- Amoni a-
tʃun-a
17 xu- Xumusala On the
xu-funix-a tree ki-
breaks
18 Mu- Mumaindi mu- Mumaindi
muxaxisia
20 ku- Kuxana ku- The big ki- Kimixana The big
kend-a girl walks ki-kend-a. girls
walk
23 e- emakanda e- Emakanda
luy-a e-luuy-a
 71

In table 4.8 we present a summary of noun class preprefixes and prefixes which

agree in number with the subject prefix attached on the verb. To start with, class

1-2 nouns are human beings where by class1 is marked by the prefix o-mu as

class 2 is realised by the prefix structure ba-ba- but realized as baa- before the

consonantal initial stem. On the other hand, class 3-4 has the singular forms

marked by the prefix /ku-mu/ while the plural is realized by /ki-mi/.

The data also indicates that class 5-6 are realized by the prefix /li-li/ in the

singular while the plural is markerd by /ka-ma/. The class 7-8 are use /si-/ in the

singular while the plural class 8 is realized through the prefix /bi-/.\

From the table above class 9-10 contains nouns marked by the prefix /N-/ in the

singular and plural but sometimes differentiated by the preprefixes [e] in the

singular and [či] in the plural form.

The singular forms of the nouns in class 11 are morphologically formed in the

singular by the use of the syllable [lu-] and most of them are pluralized as class

10 with the prefix [či]. The class 15 is the infinitives, which are mostly verbs.

The Bukusu infinitives share characteristics with nouns, which include doubling

the prefix, tone, and agreement features evident with nouns.

The table above also indicates that the class 16, which is also referred to us as the

locative [a], is formed by replacing the preprefix of a noun with a prefix that

marks location. They can be formed from other nouns.

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On the other hand, class 17 which also called locative [xu] follows the order of

formation just like class 16 nouns although in former case the prefix [xu] replaces

the class preprefix during its formation.

The class 20 nouns are formed by replacing the prefix of a noun in class1-11 and

14 with the argumentative ku-ku. The argumentative marker ku-ku means huge,

large, enormous or gigantic. Last category of the nouns in the table above is class

23 which is realized by the locative prefix [e--]. The formation of class 23 entails

thr locative prefix replacing the preprefix of nouns from other classes as indicated

with the example in the table above.

Agreement is also evident within modifiers. The modifiers in this case are

adjectives whose main function is to describe the nouns. The affix modifier must

agree in number with the one attached on the noun class and verb in terms of

number and person. This means that the singular modifier affix agrees with the

singular marker attached on the verb and the noun. The plural agreement is

explained alongside the plural markers attached on the noun, verb and adjective.

The table below gives a summary of noun, modifier and verb agreement.
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Table 4.9: Subject- Modifier Agreement

Clas Sg mod Example Gloss Clas Pl mod Example Gloss

1 o- Omwana The small 2 βa- βaβaana The small

omukexe child βakexe children
akenda walks βakenda walk
3 ku- Kumurw The big 4 ki- kímirwe The big
e head kimikali heads
kumukali pains kichuna pain
kuchuna
6 li- Liki The ka Kamaki The
liboolo rotten kamabo rotten
lyatixa egg broke olo eggs
katixa broke
7 Si- Sitweya The big 8 βi βitweya The big
sikali short falls βikali shorts fall
sikwa βikwa
9- e- éngosya The black 9-10 ci cingosy The black
10 emali vulture a cimali vultures
ekona sleeps cikona sleep
11 lu lusenelo The old 9-10 ci Cisenelo The old
luxale toothbrus cixale teethbrus
luɲya h smells ciuɲya h smell

12 xa xasoleli A very 8 βi βisoleli Very

xatiti small boy βixexe small
xalila crys βilila boys cry
20 ku Kuremu The big Kimire The big
kumali black mu black
kutima snake kimimal snakes
runs i kitima run
 74

Table 4.9 demonstrates that the subject prefix resembles the subject prefix

attached on the verb. It is with this similarity of the two markers that the subject-

verb agreement is realized in the constructions presented in the table. For

agreement to be achieved, the subject prefix on the noun, modifier and the verb

must agree in number. The singular and plural subject markers agree in number

with those attached on the modifier and the verb.

A partial analysis of this indicates that this similarity as evidenced in the

sentences below.

O-mwana o-mukexe a-wele Wekesa sikono. βa-baana βa-kexe βa-wele Wekesa

sikono

Cl2 cl2 cl2 Cl1 cl1 cl1

The small child gave Wekesa a basket the small children gave Wekesa the

baskets

O-muxana o-mukesi a-cile engo βa-xana βa-kesi βa-ci-le engo

Cl2 cl2 cl2 Cl1 cl1 cl1

The clever girl went home the clever girls went home

O-musoleli o-muleyi a-βuku-le sitabu βa-soleli βa-leyi βa-bukule βi-tabu.

Cl2 cl2 cl2 cl Cl1 cl1 cl1 cl8

The pre-prefix o- in a singular subject agrees with the pre-prefix [o] marked on

the modifier. On the other hand, the pre-prefix [βa] marked on the subject must

agree with that indicated on the modifier of the noun.

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4.4.2 Simple and Negative Predicates

The object concord functions like an object or the noun phrase and resemble the

purposes of an incorporated pronoun. The object markers serve the function of a

pronoun in simple predicates.

e-xa-ci-kul-e I will buy them xu-xa-ci-kul-e we will buy them

O-xa-ci--kul-e you will buy them (sg) mu-xa-ci-kul-e you will buy them

(pl)

a-xa-ci-kul-e he/she will buy them βa-xa-ci-kul-e they will buy them

The object marker in the above set of verbs is the morpheme [-ci-] which agrees

with the subject markers [e-], [xu-], [o-], [mu-],[a-] and [βa-]. This means that the

class 10 object marker [-ci-] agrees with the person markers in class 1 as

presented above.

On the other hand, agreement in negative predicates involves the third person

speakers in singular and plural.

O- mwana sa- a-tim-a βa-βaana se- βa-tim-a

Cl1 neg) cl1 cl2 (neg) cl2

The child does not run the children do not run

Ku- musala se- ku-funix-e ki-misala se- ki funix-e

Cl3 neg) cl3 cl4 neg cl4

The tree did not break The trees did not break

In the above set of data the class 1 nouns agree with the verbal paradigms in

singular and plural forms.

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Additionally, the negative prefix [sa-] agrees in number with the singular third

person paradigm while the negative prefix [se-] agrees with the plural third

person verbal paradigm. In inanimate objects the negative prefix does not change

the form in marking agreement while in animate the prefix shifts from [sa-] in

singular to se- in the plural.

4.4.3 Animate and Non-animate NPs

In Lubukusu, most nouns that refer to human objects are found in class 1 and 2.

The nouns that refer to animals are placed in classes 9 and 10.

Wafula nende Wasike βa -kon-ile

Cl2

Wafula and Wasike slept

ée-ŋgoxo nende ée-pusi ci-tib-il-e

cl9 cl9 cl9

The chicken and the cat got lost

Ka-matore nende ka-makanda koomile

Cl6 cl6

The data presented above on animante and inanimate noun phrases, If the class 1

nouns are conjoined to form a subject then the agreeing verb should have a plural

marker. This is because the two nouns that are conjoined show invariable plural,

which is class two. The conjoined nouns agree in number with the subject prefix

attached on the verb, which indicates number.

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It is evident from the data below that the subject and verb agreement that

involves non-animate objects is realized through number/class of the agreeing

prefixes.

e-kalamu e-tibile ci-kalamu ci-tibile

cl9 cl9 cl9 cl9

The pen got lost. The pens got lost

ku-musala ku-om-ile ki-misala ki-om-ile

cl4 cl4 cl3 cl3

the tree dried the trees dried

si-kombe si-atix-e βi-kombe βi-atix-e

cl4 cl4 cl7 cl7

the cup broke the cups broke

The data above indicates that the number and class prefixes include [e-], [ci-],

[ku-], [ki-], [si-] and [βa-]. The singular subject marker makes it clear that

agreement is based on the class and number of the agreeing prefixes. The prefixes

should belong in the same number and class to complete the concept of

agreement. The singular and plural marking that indicates agreement on the verb

is illustrated using thee following data.

4.4.4 Direct and Indirect Arguments

The object markers are co-referential to the noun phrase within the sentence. The

object marker always matches the person and number or class features of the co-

referential noun phrase that performs the role of the object.

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This focuses on number of the object marker and the noun phrase being referred

to. This is evident in simple and complex sentences.

Omwana a-xa-si-tabul-e sitabu. βa-baana βa-xa-bi-tabul-e βi tabu.

cl1 cl7 cl2 cl2 cl8 cl8

the child will tear the book the children will tear the books

Omusasi a-xa-mu-sing-e o-mwana. βa- sasi βa-xa-βa-sing-e βa baana

cl1 cl1 cl2 cl2 cl2 cl2

the parent will wash the child the parents will wash the children

Omusomi ka-xa-si-som-a si tabu. O-musomi ka-xa-si-soma sitabu.

cl1 cl7 cl7 cl1 cl6 cl7 cl7

the student has read the book the students have read the books

In the examples above, the object marker agrees in number with the noun phrase

that takes the position of the object hence leading to well formedness of the

sentence. The singular object marker agrees with a singular object while the

plural object marker agrees in number with the plural object. The two elements

bove are said to co-refer.

On the other hand, the ditransitive verbs are verbs that take two objects and this

are indirect and direct objects.

O-muxana a-wele Nekesa liembe βa-xana βa-we-le Nekesa kamaembe.

Cl1 cl1 Cl2 cl2

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O-musoleli a-kul-ile Nanjala kumukoye. βa-soleli βa-kul-ile Nanjala kimikoye

Cl1 cl1 Cl2 cl2

Agreement within the above sentences is marked through subject markers evident

on the subject and the verb to indicate either singular or plural agreement.

4.5 Inflectional Rules

We now turn to the last concern of the study which is the presentation and

description of the rules that play a key role in the realization of future tense,

negation, object, agreement, person and number and formation of both simple

and complex paradigms.

4.5.1 Position Class Analysis

The study of prefixational rules starts with a clear understanding of slot analysis,

which involves placing specific morphemes in relevant slots. This placement of

morphemes allows for a derivation of rules and rule blocks from the slots.

In position class analysis a set of affixes within each slot are only featurally

coherent if each affix in the stated slots communicates the same morphosyntactic

feature/s

Slot A(SM) slot B (TM) slot C(OM) stem gloss

e- xa mu βone I will see him.

xu- xa βa βone we will see him.

o- xa mu βone you will see

him. (singular)
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mu- xa βa βone you will see him.(plural)

a- xa mu βone he/she will see him.

βa- xa βa βone they will see him.

In the data presented above the affixes within the given slot, communicate a

specific feature. These features are later presented in specific feature blocks. The

subject markers are presented in slot A while slot B carries tense markers as slot

C hosts the object markers.

The prefixational rules presented below are derived from the inflectional slots

presented above. An inferential realization interpretation of the forms above

would entail thirteen prefixational rules presented and discussed as follows.

BLOCK A applies to realizes property set

A) e- prefixation verbs 1st singular person subject agreement

B) xu- prefixation verbs 1st plural subject agreement

C) o- prefixation verbs 2nd singular subject agreement

D) mu- prefixation verbs 2nd plural subject agreement

E) a- prefixation verbs 3rd sng subject agreement

F) βa- prefixation verbs 3rd pl subject agreement

BLOCK B

G) xa- prefixation verbs future tense

BLOCKC

H) mu- prefixation verbs 1st object agreement

I) xu- prefixation verbs 1st object agreement

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J) mu- prefixation verbs 2nd object agreement

K) βa- prefixation verbs 2nd object agreement

L) mu- prefixation verbs 3rd object agreement

M) βa- prefixation verbs 3rd object agreement

In the data above each affixal slot corresponds to a separate functional head. The

affixal slot in this are three and they include subject agreement node, tense node

and the object agreement node.

The morphological markers for tense, aspect, person and agreement are

applicable to the verbal paradigms. This leads to the realization of the property

sets such as singular subject agreement, plural subject agreement, future tense

and object agreement (singular and plural). The BLOCKS are featurally coherent

because each block communicates a distinct morphological feature. In this

regard, BLOCK A carries subject agreement markers while BLOCK B

communicates tense marker. The last BLOCK C is filled with object markers. In

the analysis within inferential-realization, BLOCK A contains rules that

communicate subject agreement prefixes for 1st, 2nd and 3rd person. These affixes

occupy slot A within the verbal slots. They include e-, xu-for 1st person singular

and plural respectively. The agreement between the subject and a given paradigm

is found in the form of a marker, which precedes the tense marker.

On the other hand, the 2nd person plural prefixes include o- for singular while mu-

indicates plurality in BLOCK A. Lastly, the prefix and [ba-] mark singular and

plural respectively within BLOCK A.

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The future tense is occupied within BLOCK B and is marked using the prefix xa-.

The last BLOCK indicates object agreement. The prefixes that occupy this

BLOCK include mu- which mark 1st person (singular), 2nd person (plural) and 3rd

person object agreement (singular).

4.5.2 Paradigm Schema for the Verb (ruma)

Lubukusu inferential analysis of paradigms makes a comparison of paradigms in

immediate and remote future.

Future tense singular gloss

Immediate 1st e-nda-mu-rum-a I will send him/her

2nd o-la-mu-rum-a you will send him/her

3rd a-la-mu-rum-a he/she will send him/her

1st se-e-nda-mu-rum-a I will not send him/her

2nd so-o-la-mu-rum-a you will send him/her

3rd sa-a-la-mu-rum-a he/she will not send him/her

Remote
Remote 1st e-ndi-mu-rum-a I will send him/her

2nd o-li-mu-rum-a you will send him/her

3rd a-li-mu-rum-a he/she will send him/her

1st se-ndi-mu-rum-a I will not send him/her

2nd so-o-li-mu-rum-a you will send him/her

3rd sa-a-li-mu-rum-a he/she will not send him/her

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Plural gloss

Immediate 1st xu-la-βa-rum-a we will send him/her

2nd mu-la-βa-rum-a you will send him/her

3rd βa-la-βa-rum-a they will send them

1st se-xu-la-βa-rum-a we will not send them

2nd se-mu-la-βa-rum-a you will not send them

3rd se-ba-la-βa-rum-a they will not send them

Remote 1st xu-li-βa-rum-a we will send them

2nd mu-li-βa-rum-a you will send them

3rd βa-li-βa-rum-a they will send them

1st se-xu-li-βa-rum-a we will not send them

2nd se-mu-li-βa-rum-a you will not send them

3rd se-βa-li-βa-rum-a they will not send them

The paradigms above are used to form blocks, which later generate the realization

rules. The paradigms have subject, object, tense markers and other affixal

markers for negation. The starting point for the reconstruction of Lubukusu

realization rules is to organize paradigms into immediate and remote future with

their corresponding singular and plural forms. The singular and plural negative

forms for both immediate and remote future are formed to derive the realization

rules. The morpheme marking are presented as singular subject markers, object

markers, root, final vowel with their equivalents in plural.

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The singular subject markers include [e-], [o-] and [a-] while the singular object

marker is [mu-]. On the other hand, the plural subject markers are [xu-], [mu-]

and [ba-] the immediate and remote future tenses are marked by the prefix [la-]

and [li-] although this are accompanied by a high tone on the subject marker.

4.5.3 Lubukusu Realization Rules

The rules governing the realization of immediate, remote future, subject and

object marking paradigms are derived from the verbal paradigms in remote and

immediate future above.

BLOCK A (a) Xα ơ: Tns immediate future Xla

b) Xα ơ: tns remote future Xli

c) Xα ơ: pol:neg, Tns seX

BLOCK B d) Xα ơ: AGR(su): PER: 1 Num:sg eX

e) Xα ơ: AGR(su): PER : 2 Num: sg oX

f) Xα ơ: AGR (su): PER: 3 Num: sg aX

g) Xα ơ: AGR (su): PER: 1 Num: pl xuX

h) Xα ơ: AGR ( su): PER: 2 Num: pl muX

i) Xα ơ: AGR (su): PER: 3 Num: pl βaX

BLOCK C j) Xα ơ: POL : neg AGR(su) PER 2 Num: sg soX

k) Xα ơ: POL: neg AGR (su) PER 3 Num: pl saX

BLOCK D l) Xα ơ: AGR(OBJ): PER Num: sg muX

X Xα ơ: AGR(OBJ): PER Num: pl Xβa

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The data above indicates that the rules are ordered in four rule blocks. There are

thirteen realization rules, which are ordered in BLOCKS (A-D). Each block

houses a specific affix class. In this case, if a rule applies to one block the other

rule does not apply. The affixal markers for tense are placed in BLOCKA,

BLOCK B houses markers for number, while BLOCK C presents negation

markers and lastly BLOCK D comprises agreement markers.

BLOCK A (a) Xα ơ: Tns immediate future Xla

(b) Xα ơ: tns remote future Xli

(c) Xα ơ: pol:neg, Tns seX

Block A contains rules for tense inflection. The BLOCK A (a) introduces

immediate future while (b) marks the remote future. The last sub-category of

BLOCK A is (c) which comprises rules for negation

BLOCK B (d) Xα ơ: AGR (su): PER: 1 Num:sg eX

(e) Xα ơ: AGR (su): PER: 2 Num: sg oX

(f) Xα ơ: AGR (su): PER: 3 Num: sg aX

(g) Xα ơ: AGR (su): PER: 1 Num: pl xuX

(h) Xα ơ: AGR (su): PER: 2 Num: pl muX

(i) Xα ơ: AGR (su): PER: 3 Num: pl βaX

As can be observed from the data above, BLOCK B contains rules that introduce

prefixes, which are exponents of subject agreement. In this case (d) realizes the

first person singular through the prefix e- while (e) realizes 2nd person singular

using the affixal marker o-. The 3rd person singular is realized through the prefix

a- within (f). The plural agreement markers are realized through (g) to (i).
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The prefix xu- indicated within the category (g) is an exponent of the 1st person

agreement. Secondly, (h) contains the prefix mu-, which marks the 2nd person

plural agreement. The last affix in BLOCK B is the 3rd person plural agreement

marker βa-.

BLOCK C j) Xα ơ: POL : neg AGR(su) PER 2 Num: sg soX

K) Xα ơ: POL: neg AGR (su) PER 3 Num: pl saX

An examination of the data above indicates that BLOCK C introduces the rules

that carry the negation markers. As stated earlier, negation is realized through the

prefixes [se-], [sa-] and [so-]. These prefixes are specific with the person and

number of the paradigm. The prefix so- is used with 2nd person singular paradigm

which is placed in BLOCK C (j). The prefix sa is attached to the 3 rd person plural

paradigms situated within BLOCK C (k).

BLOCK D l) Xα ơ: AGR(OBJ): PER Num: sg muX

Xα ơ: AGR(OBJ): PER Num: pl Xβa

The last BLOCK (D) introduces rules that mark object agreement. Object

marking is realized through the singular marker mu- and plural marker βa-. The

former mark 1st, 2nd and 3rd person singular paradigms while the later are used to

mark plural.

The rule block interaction entails a combination of two or more blocks to realize

a paradigm.

BLOCK A (a) Xα ơ: Tns immediate future Xla

(b) Xα ơ: tns remote future Xli

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(c) Xα ơ: pol:neg, Tns seX

BLOCK B (d) Xα ơ: AGR(su): PER: 1 Num:sg eX

(e) Xα ơ: AGR(su): PER : 2 Num: sg oX

(f) Xα ơ: AGR (su): PER: 3 Num: sg aX

(g) Xα ơ: AGR (su): PER: 1 Num: pl xuX

(h) Xα ơ: AGR ( su): PER: 2 Num: pl muX

(i) Xα ơ: AGR (su): PER: 3 Num: pl βa

BLOCK C (j) Xα ơ: POL : neg AGR(su) PER 2 Num: sg soX

(k) Xα ơ: POL: neg AGR (su) PER 3 Num: pl saX

As can be noted from the data above, the negative paradigm is defined by the

application of the rule from BLOCK A (tense), B (agreement) and BLOCK(C)

negation. Therefore, the formation of the negative paradigms utilizes the three

BLOCKS. The choice of the three blocks is dependent on the tense.

On the other hand, the formation of negative imperatives involves two blocks.

BLOCK B (d) Xα ơ: AGR (su): PER: 1 Num:sg eX

(e) Xα ơ: AGR (su): PER : 2 Num: sg oX

(f) Xα ơ: AGR (su): PER: 3 Num: sg aX

(g) Xα ơ: AGR (su): PER: 1 Num: pl xuX

(h) Xα ơ: AGR (su): PER: 2 Num: pl muX

(i) Xα ơ: AGR (su): PER: 3 Num: pl βa

BLOCK C (j) Xα ơ: POL : neg AGR(su) PER 2 Num: sg soX

(k) Xα ơ: POL: neg AGR (su) PER 3 Num: pl saX

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The BLOCKS involved in the formation of the negative imperatives are B and C.

It is noted that BLOCK B presents rules for subject agreement while BLOCK C

is filled with rules for negation.

The imperatives are the present forms and therefore they are tonally realized.

singular plural

1st [sendúmá] I don‟t send [sexurúmá] we don‟t send

2nd [soorúmá] you don‟t send [semurúmá] you don‟t send

(plural)

3rd [saarúmá] he/she does not send [sebarúmá] they don‟t send

In the examples above, the rules presented in Block B and C realizes the

following paradigms for the negative imperatives. The particle [ta-] which is high

toned is placed at the end of the stem to complete negation.

4.5.4 Realization Rules for Immediate and Future Paradigms

We now turn to the realization rules for immediate and future paradigms.

BLOCK A (a) Xα ơ: Tns immediate future Xla

(b) Xα ơ: tns remote future Xli

(c) Xα ơ: pol: neg, Tns seX

BLOCK B (d) Xα ơ: AGR(su): PER: 1 Num:sg eX

(e) Xα ơ: AGR(su): PER : 2 Num: sg oX

(f) Xα ơ: AGR (su): PER: 3 Num: sg aX

(g) Xα ơ: AGR (su): PER: 1 Num: pl xuX

(h) Xα ơ: AGR ( su): PER: 2 Num: pl muX

(i) Xα ơ: AGR (su): PER: 3 Num: pl βa

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The formation of immediate future tense or remote future tense is realized

through the combination of tense markers in BLOCK A and subject agreement

markers in BLOCK B. The subject agreement markers are obligatory markers in

a tensed verb as observed from the data above.

Immediate Future Paradigms

sing plur
1st endaruma I will send xularuma we will send

2nd olaruma you will send mularuma you will send

3rd alaruma he/she will send βalaruma they will send

Remote Future Paradigms

Sing plur
1st [alirúma] [xulirúma]

2nd [olirúma] [mulirúma]

3rd [alirúma] [βalirúma]

Based on the realization rules above the paradigms formed for the immediate

future and remote future are indicated below. In this case, the morphemes that

mark subjects are drawn from BLOCK B while those that realize tense are

presented in BLOCK A. It is evident that if some rules from certain BLOCK

apply the others are not applicable.

4.5.5 Rules for Object Marking

The realization of object marking in a tensed verb entails the interaction of rules

from BLOCK A, B and D.

BLOCK A (a) Xα ơ: Tns immediate future Xla

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(b) Xα ơ: tns remote future Xli

(c) Xα ơ: pol:neg, Tns seX

BLOCK B (d) Xα ơ: AGR(su): PER: 1 Num:sg eX

(e) Xα ơ: AGR(su): PER : 2 Num: sg oX

(f) Xα ơ: AGR (su): PER: 3 Num: sg aX

(g) Xα ơ: AGR (su): PER: 1 Num: pl xuX

(h) Xα ơ: AGR ( su): PER: 2 Num: pl muX

(i) Xα ơ: AGR (su): PER: 3 Num: pl βaX

BLOCK D (l) Xα ơ: AGR(OBJ): PER Num: sg muX

Xα ơ: AGR(OBJ): PER Num: pl Xβa

The rules in BLOCK A entail person, while BLOCK B comprise rules that carry

tense and the last BLOCK D involve object marking rules. These morphemes

interact closely to form a paradigm with an object marker.

1st endamuruma I will send him/her xulaβaruma we will send him/her

2nd olamuruma You will send him/her olaβaruma you will send him/her

3rd alimuruma he/she will send him/her βalaβaruma they will send him/her

Based on the paradigms above it is noted that, each morphological marking is

derived from a designated BLOCK to indicate a given morphological feature.

4.5.6 Rules for Complex Paradigm

The complex paradigm comprises most of the inflectional markings.

BLOCK A (a) Xα ơ: Tns immediate future Xla

(b) Xα ơ: tns remote future Xli

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(c) Xα ơ: pol: neg, Tns seX

BLOCK B (d) Xα ơ: AGR(su): PER: 1 Num:sg eX

(e) Xα ơ: AGR(su): PER : 2 Num: sg oX

(f) Xα ơ: AGR (su): PER: 3 Num: sg aX

(g) Xα ơ: AGR (su): PER: 1 Num: pl xuX

(h) Xα ơ: AGR ( su): PER: 2 Num: pl muX

(i) Xα ơ: AGR (su): PER: 3 Num: pl βa

BLOCK C (j) Xα ơ: POL : neg AGR(su) PER 2 Num: sg soX

(k) Xα ơ: POL: neg AGR (su) PER 3 Num: pl saX

The data above provides realization rules for a complex paradigm. The longest

paradigm that utilizes all the blocks is inclusive of the rules from all the

aforementioned BLOCKS A, B, C and D respectively. This means that the rules,

which mark negation, number, tense and object are always at play in the

realization of a complex paradigm. A complex paradigm within the language

forms the longest verb structure as presented using the rule blocks indicated

below. Such a complex paradigm utilizes all inflectional morphemes found

within Lubukusu.

The following is a list of paradigms that are drawn from the rules presented from

each BLOCK which helps in the realization of complex paradigms.

Singular gloss

1st sendamuruma I will not send him/her

2nd soolamuruma you will not send him

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3rd saalamuruma he/she will not send him

Plural gloss

1st sexulamuruma we will not send him/her

2nd semulaβaruma you will not send him/her

3rd seβalaβaruma they will not send him/her

It is evident from the rules that the negative prefixes se-, so- and sa- are realized

through the rules in BLOCKS A (c) and BLOCK C. On the other hand, the tense

markers are presented in BLOCK (B) while the subject markers are evident in

BLOCK (B) as shown in the following data. The completion of negation is

indicated by a final particle ta which is not presented in the rule blocks and

paradigm schema.

4.6 Chapter Summary

The chapter discussed the verbal template structure of Lubukusu verbs, which

formed the starting core aspect of morphological analysis. The template provides

inflectional slots within which the inflectional morphemes are placed. The

morphemes that mark inflectional features such as subject, object, negation,

tense, aspect, and mood among others occupy distinct positions/slots on a

template structure. There arrangement and slot numbers begins from the left to

the right of the template. Tense and aspect are complex categories in Lubukusu

because of their sub-categorizations and persistent use of inflectional

morphemes/tone pattterns. Lubukusu has three forms of tenses, which include

present, past, and future tenses.

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The past and future tenses are sub-classified into intermediate, immediate and

remote past or future. The present is the only tense that does not have the sub-

categories. A tensed verb has an obligatory subject marker and non- obligatory

object marker.

Aspect is classified into progressive, habitual and perfective. Habitual aspect

comes into three sub categories, which include ongoing, past and future habitual.

On the other hand, the progressive also takes up the sub classes like immediate

future, intermediate future and remote future.

It is the tone patterns and the subject markers that differentiate the ongoing and

the past habitual. The former takes a high tone on the stem‟s initial vowel while

the latter is high toned on the subject‟s vowel. Agreement as an interface between

morphology and syntax is realized through the inflectional features such as the

subject and object markers. The subject and object markers have the singular and

their corresponding plural forms.

The starting point for discussing agreement was the presentation of tables with

subject marking, object marking and noun class system. For agreement to be

realized then the agreeing markers should belong in the same noun class. In this

case, the class one subject markers must bear agreement features of

number/person with subject markers attached on either the verb or the object.
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The chapter further discussed a morphemes slot analysis, which included

grouping morphemes in specific slots to offer an opportunity to the study of

prefixational rules. It is noted that the rules in the systematically organized blocks

apply to verbs to realize different morphological properties such as person, tense

and agreement. Additionally, the realization rules are formed by looking at the

paradigm schema of the verb „ruma‟ (send). The next chapter handles summary,

conclusions and recommendations based on the findings of the study.

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CHAPTER FIVE

SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS

5.0 Introduction

The aim of this chapter is to provide a summary from the findings, conclusion,

recommendations, and areas for further study. The study examined the order of

morphemes in Lubukusu, the morphosyntactic properties of Lubukusu verbal

inflectional morphemes and lastly the rules that govern the inflectional

morphology of Lubukusu. From the objectives stated and the analysis of the data

done the summary of the findings is presented and followed up with the

conclusion, recommendations and probable areas for further study within the

inflectional morphology of the language.

5.1 Summary of Findings

The study analyzed the order of verbal morphemes on a verbal template and

reaffirmed that the language is agglutinating in nature. A set of inflectional

morphemes are attached to the left and right of the root to realize the

morphological categories of tense, aspect, person, number and negation. These

morphemes are placed in specific slots on a verbal template structure. The left

side of the root takes the morphemes called prefix markers while the suffixes are

always attached to the right side of the template. The total number of inflectional

slots from the template structure is eight although not all of them can be occupied

simultaneously. Although negation is not an aspect of verbal inflectional

morphology but it patterns with tense and aspectual markers on paradigms.

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It is with this concern that negation morphemes were only presented in a

summarized table and explanation was done on how the morphemes are attached

on selected verbs. The negation morphemes [se-], [so-] and [sa-] are specific with

person, tense or aspect but the particle ta which is high toned is applicable to all

negative paradigms to complete negation.

The study analyzed morphosyntactic properties within Inferential Realization

theory. It was established that the language is agglutinating just like most Bantu

languages. Within the language, a single word may contain a series of prefixes

and suffixes and, therefore, standing alone as a well-formed sentence.

The tense system within the language is quite complex and provided a step

forward for study. The complexity of tense is realized through tense sub

categorization and tone patterns attached to some paradigms. The past tense and

future tense are classified into immediate, intermediate, remote tenses. On the

other hand, the future tense is also categorized similar to the past. The tense and

aspect are realized morphologically through inflectional morphemes

accompanied by tone patterns.

The study established that Lubukusu verbs distinguishes six forms of aspect with

a few having subcategories. The study noted that perfective aspect is classified

into immediate future perfective, intermediate future perfective and remote future

perfective.
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On the other hand, habitual aspect is classified into ongoing habitual, past

habitual and future habitual. The forms of aspect that are not sub categorized are

persistive, completive and progressive aspect. Just like most Bantu languages, the

only interplay between morphology and syntax is through agreement. Agreement

is a state of morphology, which is realized through object and subject marking

within the verbal paradigms and sentences. Agreement manifests itself in a

number of syntactic structures whereby the syntactic information about the

categories is linked to the verb in question. According to the findings of the

study, verbs agree with objects and subject markers in terms of nominal class,

person, number and inanimate objects. In regard to this, the study looked at

agreement at the level of subject-verb agreement, subject modifier agreement,

agreement in simple and negative predicates, animate and inanimate NPs and

lastly direct and indirect arguments.

The language is rule based as pointed out through the findings of the study. The

only rules that govern the study within the Inferential Realization theory are

prefixational rules and realization rules. The presentation of prefixational rules

begins with a slot analysis of inflectional morphemes. It is evident that different

morphological markings are placed in specific slots to mark the intended

inflectional category. On the other hand, the realization rules are reconstructed

based on the organization of immediate and remote future paradigms into 1st, 2nd

and 3rd person forms. It is with this arrangement of paradigms that the rules are

ordered in designated BLOCKS with each BLOCK carrying specific rules for the

morphosyntactic properties such as person, tense, aspect, subject and object.

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5.2 Conclusion

From the findings of this study, it was realized that the verbal template of

Lubukusu is the same cross linguistically with most Bantu languages. Although

the similarity of the verbal structure exists, there are modifications that were done

to suit the structure that is evident in the language hence serving as a blue print

for other researchers. The study reaffirmed that the basic verb can play the role of

a simple sentence. It is also worth noting that the verb that has a series of

inflectional morphemes can stand out as a complex sentence. In light of this, the

longest verb takes at most seven inflectional morphemes attached to the left and

right of the root.

The study confirmed that the basis of a verbal inflectional study is the

understanding of inflectional markings on verbal paradigms. The inflectional

slots on the template structure are numbered from the left to the right. It is with

this knowledge that the template structure was studied to serve as a basis for

generating a discussion on tense, aspect and other aspects of the inflectional

morphology of the language. It was evident that the paradigms derive their

structure from the template structure and this provided a base for studying the

verbs in the language. It is a tense aspect prominent language where by the

inflectional structure is somewhat biased towards tense/aspect just like most

Bantu languages. The language is agglutinating despite making use of high tones

on selected verbal paradigms.

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It thus utilizes tone patterns on some tense, aspect and person morphemes. It is

agglutinating because of the inflectional morphemes that are attached on the right

and the left of the root. The study concluded that any study on verbal morphology

should involve phonological transcriptions in order to understand the underlying

level and surface levels of paradigms and even existing alternations.

On the other hand, agreement forms interplay between inflectional morphology

and syntax. Agreement is expressed through selected inflectional morphemes

attached on paradigms. Some of these morphemes entail subject markers, object

markers and noun class markers indicated on verbs and verbs within sentences.

This interaction is somewhat partly skewed to inflectional morphemes and not the

entire word or sentence. It is with this biaseness towards the morphemes that a

discussion between morphology and syntax is discussed.

It is evident that the rule based study within Inferential Realization is governed

by prefixational rules and realization rules. The former are reconstructed based

on the slot analysis of the inflectional morphemes while the latter are generated

from the paradigm schema of a given verb. These two sets of rules are core in the

definition of the inferential rule based morphology.

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5.3 Recommendations

From the findings of this study, it was discovered that the findings on Lubukusu

verbal morphology has closer connections with most Bantu languages. Since

studies on Bantu languages are interrelated, the researcher recommends that close

reference should be conducted in previous Bantu morphological studies to act as

a blue print for building a scholarly research especially for those who intend to

pursue studies in the field of Bantu verbal morphology.

During the study, it was realized that literature on Lubukusu especially on verbal

morphology was little and the ones available was unpublished. I further

recommend that publishing houses should focus on Bukusu literature to enrich

sources on Lubukusu data or alternatively a publishing house of the native

language should be set up at the heartland of western region.

This study has only focused on inflectional structure of Lubukusu within the

theoretical framework of Inferential Realization theory. Further research can be

conducted within Minimalist Program, which handles tense and aspect and the

interaction between morphology and syntax.

5.4 Areas for Further Study

Further studies should endeavor to tackle aspects of negation in Lubukusu that

patterns with tense and aspect. This calls for a study of negation in tensed verbs

and aspect.
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Consequently, morphosyntax and syntax of negation in Lubukusu could be

studied using adequate theories of morphology and syntax such as Minimalist

Program that was espoused by Noam Chomsky.

An Inferential Realization study can be carried out in another dialect of Luhya

language to test its efficacy and whether the dialects share the same verbal

template structure and realization rules.

Future studies can also focus on the interaction and realization of tense through

morphological marking and tonal marking.

5.5 Summary

This chapter handled the summary of the findings, conclusion, recommendations

and possible areas for further study.

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APPENDICES

Appendix I: A Map of Luhya Speakers

Source: Marlo 2009, Heine and Wilhem 1980:35

 108

Appendix II: Bumula Sub-County Map

Source: IEBC revised Bumula constituency county assembly wards 2012

 109

Appendix III: Lubukusu Interview Schedule

Na-pil-e orio e-ŋga-li xu-mi-lim-o kino . kamaxuwa niko xut∫-a xu-ka-t∫ul-a ano

ka-la-rum-i-xa mu-ma-som-o kase koŋgene

I appreciate the support you have given me concerning this work. I promise you

that whatever we are going to discuss here will be used purposely for my research

only.

Kimiko (age)…………………………… ka-ma-som-o (education)………………

Xu-xw-a-lix-a/xu-bey-i-sya(married)……………………………………………...

ki-mi-limo (Profession)…………………………………………………………….

We-sis-a-ni/we-six-a-si male/female………………………………………………

e-xu-salw-a (placeof birth)………………………………………………………...

A. Data on tense

1. e-xol-a-ŋɡa e-ndien-a ne-neɲya xu-rem-a ku-mu-saal-a?

What do I say when I want to cut a tree?

2. ne-kaβa se-neɲya xu-rem-a ku-mu-saal-a e-nom-a e-ndien-a?

How if I don‟t want to cut the tree, what do I say?

3. kaβa βali na-rem-a ku-musaal-a βise-e βik-e-xe βiwe-ele?

How if I cut a tree some few hours ago?

4. ne-kaβa se-nenya xu-rem-a ku-mu-saal-a ka-masa-a makex-e ka-ket∫-a ako e-

nom-a

e-ndien-a?

how if I don‟t want to cut the tree a few hours to come, what do I say?

5. ne-kaβa na-rem-a ku-musaal-a ci-ndal-o ci-ran-o ci-a-bir-a e-nom-a e-ndien-a?

How if I had cut the tree five days ago, what do I say?
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6. ne-kaβa se-na-rem-a ku-mu-saal-a ci-ndal-o o ci-ran-o ci-a-bir-ire?

If you think I did not cut the tree today what do I say?

7. no- βara oli se-na-rem-a ku-mu-saal-a luno e-nom-a e-ndien-a?

if you think I did not cut the tree, what do I say?

8. ne-kaβa ke-xo-lex-a-na mβo se-na-rem-a ku-mu-saal-a ci-i-takika e-ŋgex-e ci-

a-bir-ire e-nom-a e-ndien-a?

How if it happens that I did not cut the tree a few minutes ago , what do I say?

9. e-mβaŋg-a xu-rem-a ku-mu-saal-a luno e-nom-a e-ndien-a?

I plan to cut the tree today, what do I say?

10. ne kaβa βali se-neɲya xu-rem-a ku-mu-saal-a luno e-nom-a e-ndien-a?

How if I don‟t want to cut the tree today, what do I say?

11. ne e-nom-a e-ndien-a kaβa se-neɲya xu-rem-a ku-mu-saal-a e-ndal-o yino?

What do I say if I don‟t want to cut the tree today?

12. ne e-nom-a e-ndien-a kaβa se-neɲya xu-rem-a ku-mu-saal-a mu t∫uli?

What do I say if I don‟t want to cut the tree tomorrow?

B. Data on progressive aspect

1. e-nom-a e-ndien-a kaβa e-ndix-o e-ndem-a ku-mu-saal-a?

What do I say if I am cutting the tree?

2. ne- kaβa se-ndix-o e-ndem-a ku-mu-saal-a ?

How if I am not cutting the tree?

3. e-xe-ndem-a ku-mu-saal-a e-nom-a e-ndien-a?

I am cutting a tree, what do you say?

4. e-nom-a e-ndien-a kaβa se-xe- ŋg-u-rem-a ku-mu-saal-a?

What do I say if I am not cutting the tree?

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C. Data on habitual aspect

1. e-nom-a e-ndien-a kaβa e-ndem-a- ŋɡ-a ku-mu-saal-a βuli luosi?

What do I say if I cut the tree always?

2. ne kaβa se- ŋg-u-rem-a- ŋɡ-a ku-mu-saal-a buli luosi?

How if I don‟t cut the tree always?

3. ne kaβa se-na-bet∫-a- ŋg-a e-ndem-a ku-mu-saal-a?

How if I was not cutting the tree?

4. se-na-bet∫-a- ŋɡ-a e-ndem-a ku-mu-saal-a?

I was not cutting the tree

5. e-nom-a e-ndien-a kaβa βali e-nda-rem-a ku-mu-saal-a βuli luosi?

What do I say if I will cut the tree always?

6. ne kaβa se-ndi-rem-a - ŋɡ-a ku-mu-saal-a βuli luosi?

How if I will be cutting the tree always?

7. ne kaβa βali se-ndi-rem-a- ŋ-ɡa ku-mu-saal-a βuli luosi?

How if I will not be cutting the tree?

8. e-nom-a- ŋɡ-a e-ndien-a kaβa e-ndi-rem-a ku-mu-saal-a βuli luosi?

What do I say if I will be cutting the tree always?

9. no-βara oli se-ndi-rem-a ku-mu-saal-a βuli luosi?

If you think I will not be cutting the tree always?

10. ne kaβa βali na-bet∫-a- ŋɡ-a e-ndem-a ku-mu-saal-a?

How if I was not cutting the tree?

D. Data on perfective aspect

1. e-nom- a- ŋɡ-a e-ndien-a kaβa βali na-mal-ile xu-rem-a ku-mu-saal-a?

How do I say if I have finished cutting the tree?

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2. ne kaβa se-na-rem-ile ku-mu-saal-a?

How if I have not cut the tree?

3. o-lom-a- ŋ-ɡa orie kaβa se-ndaβa na-rem-ile ku-mu-saal-a?

How do you say if I will not have cut the tree?

4. e-nom-a- ŋg-a e-ndien-a kaβa se-ndaβa na-rem-ile ku-musaal-a?

What do I say if I will not have cut the tree?

5. ne kaβa e-ndaβa e-ndem-ire ku-mu-saal-a e-ndom-a e-ndien-a?

How if I will have cut the tree, what do I say?

6. ne kaβa se-ndaβa na-rem-ile ku-musaal-a e-nom-a e-ndien-a?

How if I will not have cut the tree what do I say?

7. ne kaβa βali e-ndaβa na-rem-ile ku-mu-saal-a?

How if I will have cut the tree?

8. no kanakana oli se-ndaβa na-rem-ile ku-mu-saal-a?

If you think I will not have cut the tree?

9. e-ndom-a e-ndien-a kaβa na-rem-ile ku-mu-saal-a?

What do I say if I will have cut the tree?

10. ne kaβa se-na-rem-ile ku-mu-saal-a ?

How if I have not cut the tree?

11. ne kaβa na-rem-a ku-mu-saal-a xal-e e-nom-a e-ndien-a?

How if I cut the tree long ago, what do I say?

12. no- βara oli se-na-rem-a ku-mu-saal-a xal-e e-nom-a e-ndien-a?

If you think I have not cut the tree, what do I say?

E. Data on completive aspect

1 ne kaβa se-neɲya xu-rem-a ku-mu-saal-a ?

 113

How if I don‟t want to cut the tree?

2. e-ndom-a e-ndien-a kaβa e-ndix-o e-ndem-a ku-mu-saal-a?

What do I say if I am cutting the tree?

3. e-ndom- a- ŋɡ-a e-ndien-a kaβa neɲya xu-rem-a ku-mu-saal-a?

What do I say if I am cutting the tree?

F. Data on subjunctive

1. ne kaβa se-neɲya xu-rem-a ku-mu-saal-a?

If I don‟t want to cut a tree what do I say?

2. e-ndom- a- ŋɡ-a e-ndien-a kaβa e-ndix-o e-ndem-a ku-mu-saal-a?

What do I say if I am cutting the tree?

Orio muno (thank you).

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Appendix IV: Sentence Elicitation

SENTENCE ENGLISH GLOSS

1. Omwana omuleyi atima. (A tall child runs).

2. Omusoleli omutiti asoma. (A small boy reads)

3. Kumukhono kumukekhe kuchuna. (the small hand pains).

4. Kumukhono kumukali kuchuna (the big hand pains)

5. Kumurwe kunukekhe kuchuna (the small head pains)

6. Kumurwe kumubofu kuchuna (the big head pains)

7. Liki liboolo lyatikha. (the rotten egg broke)

8. Liki lititi lyatikha (the small egg broke)

9. Liki libofu lyatikha (the big egg broke)

10. Liru likekhe lilwala (the small ear pains)

11. Liru libofu lilwala (the big ear pains

12. Sitweya sikekhe sikwa (the small short falls)

13. Sitweya sibofu sikwa (the big short falls)

14. Sikuli sikekhe sikwile (the small school fell)

15. Sikuli sibofu sikwile (the big school fell)

16. Engosya emali ekona (the black vulture sleeps)

17. Ekhima ewanga etima (the white monkey runs)

18. Etalang‟I embesemu elya (the red lion eats)

19. Lusenelo lukhale luunya (the old tooth brush smells)

20. Lusenelo luya luunya (the new tooth brush smells)

21. Lusala luleyi lukwile (the long stick fell)

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22. Omwana omukekhe awele Nekesa sikono (the small child gave Nekesa a

basket)

23. Omukhana omukesi achile engo (the clever child went home)

24. Omusoleli omuleyi abukule sitabu (the big boy picked the book)

25. Omwana saatima (the child does not run)

26. Kumusala sekufunikhe (the tree did not break)

27. Wafula nende wasike bakonile (wafula and wasike slept)

28. Ekalamu etibile (the pen fell)

29. Kumusala kuomile (the tree dried)

30. Engokho nende epusi chitibile (the hen and the cat ran)

31. Omwana akhasitabule sitabu (the child will tear the book)

32. Omusasi akhamusinge omwana (the parent is washing the child)

33. Omwana kakhasisoma sitabu (the child is reading the book)

34. Makasi awele lukorito liembe (Makasi gave Lukorito the Mango)

35. Omusoleli akulile nanjala kumukoye (the boy bought for Nanjala the rop)

36. Maumo akhalile embwa kumukhinga (Maumo cut the dog‟s tail)

37. Nandutu awele Nanyama kamabele (Nandutu gave Nanyama the milk)

38. Ngome asendile sisala (Ngome pushed the chair)

39. Bakeni bechile luno (the visitors came today)

40. Balimi babialile nasimia (the farmers planted the maize)

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Appendix V: Self Generated Data

Infinitive imperative gloss verb group

1. xuuxina xiina dance intransitive
2. xuuxupa xupa beat transitive
3. xuuxama xaama milk transitive
4. xuulaata laata castrate transitive
5. xuuloka looka bewitch transitive
6. xuuxwesa xwesa pull transitive
7. xuutexa texa cook transitive
8. xuufula fuula undress transitive
9. xuufuka fuuka cook ugali intransitive/transitive
10. xaaɲala ɲala can/be able auxiliary
11. xuusixa sixa burry transitive
12. xuuSyuβula syuβula excavate transitive
13. xuutima tima run intransitive
14. xuuiβusya iβusya rescitate intransitive
15. xuusena sena step on intransitive
16. xuuatixa atixa break intransitive
17. xuukobola koβola come intransitive
18. xuukusya kusya sell transitive
19. xuukuta kuta gossip transitive
20. xuuβoa βoa tie transitive
21.xuurekuxa rekuxa go intransitive
22. xuuxwaara ara break transitive
23. xuufuala fuala dress transitive
24. xuuxeba xeba circumcise transitive
25. xuuseeya seya condenm
26. xuualuxa aluxa to hatch intransitive
27. xuuβiala βiala plant transitive
28. xuufuna funa harvest transitive
29. xuuaka aka dig intransitive
30.xuuxwiiɲala iɲala urinate transitive
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31. xuumoɲa moɲa whisper intransitive

32. xuukukula kukula make noise intransitive
33. xuuɲa uɲa smell intransitive
33. xuuya uya relocate intransitive
34. xuutimania timania chase transitive
35. xuutikula tikula Demolish transitive
36. xuutisya tisya scare transitive/intransitive
37. xuusulula sulula leak transitive
38. xuutiŋa tiŋa sieve transitive
39. xuuxwiifusia ifusya clean a gourd transitive
40. xuukela kela sit for an exam transitive
41. xuuɲaala ɲala be able intransitive
42. xuukololosia kololosya straighten transitive
43. xuuxolola xolola cough intransitive
44. xuukambusia kambusya answer back in protest/transitive
45. xuukanakana kanakana think intransitive
46. xuukeleka keleka show transitive
47. xuuresya resya rescue transitive
48. xuuruma ruma send transitive
50. xuurekula rekula defeat intransitive
51. xuurora rora dream intransitive
52. xuurokoraa rokora boil intransitive
53. xuuyusya yusya return/turn transitive
54. xutondoβana tondoβana get confused intransitive
55. xuulaama lama curse/ transitive
56. xuutima tima run transitive
57. xuutʃuukutʃa tʃukutʃa throw transitive
58. xuuβokisya βokisya blink intransitive
59. xuuɲalala ɲalala diarrhoea intransitive
60. xuuchyisya chyisya tie tightly transitive
61. xuusimya simya put off a fire transitive
62. xuumemea memea to be harsh intransitive
 118

63. xuara ara peel transitive

64. xuusikama sikama kneel argumentless
65. xuusiila sila malnourish/keep quiet intransitive
67. xuuxwiilula ilula smear a second time intransitive
68. xuuβeera βera slash transitive
69. xwiikama ikama shelter intransitive
70 xwasimula yasimula sneeze intransitive
71 xusoka soka swim intransitive
72. xuusisya sisya bewitch transitive/intransitive
73. xuufumβa fumβa bend transitive
74. xuuxwa xwa pay dowry argumentless
75. xunikina nikina shiver intransitive
76. xuusuna suna jump intransitive
77. xuukosya kosya love transitive
78. xuukuta kuta gossip transitive
79. xuuxamulula xamulula rinse transitive
80. xuuɲiŋiɲa ɲiŋiɲa write argumentless
81. xuufuɲixa fuɲixa cover/to close eyes transitive
83. xuuselela selela woe intransitive
84. xuumanania manania make poor transitive
85. xuusola sola defend transitive/intransitive
86. xuuxwaβina aβina rescue transitive
88. xuuxwakanila akanila welcome/meet transitive
89. xuuŋgelela ŋgelela cry like a child argumentless
90. xuusoŋgola soŋgola sharpen transitive
91. xuunina nina climb transitive
92. xuuxondola xondola open eyes widely transitive/intransitive
93. xuuleŋgelela leŋgelela peep intransitive
94. xuumeela mela drunk intransitive
95. xuusooka soka swim argumentless
96. xuusoola sola defend transitive
97. xuβixa βixa keep transitive
 119

98. xuufumβixa fumβixa to roast e.g a potato transitive

99. xuuxoma xoma abuse/nail transitive
100. xuutimania timania chase transitive
 120

Appendix VI: Corpora Data

infinitive imperative gloss verb group

1. xuuŋona ŋona repair transitive
2. xuuxwiIbetʃakala ibetʃakala belch intransitive
3. xuuxwaasimula asimula sneeze intransitive
4. xuuxwaatixa atixa break intransitive
5. xwiinama inama bend intransitive
6. xuusamβula samβula nuthatch transitive
7. xuumila mila swallow transitive
8. xuurusya rusya vomit transitive/intransitive
9. xuuyeeta yeta help transitive
10. xweekomba ikomba admire transitive
11. xuusesela sesela run slowly intransitive
12. xwiibasya ibasya think intransitive
13. xwiinama inama bend intransitive
14. xwiinixa inixa immerse transitive
15. xuuxamula xamula beat thoroughly/transitive
17. xutimaania timania chase transitive
18. xuutiŋgisya tiŋgisya shake transitive
19. xwonaka onaka destroy transitive
20. xuumela mela grow/get drunk intransitive
21. xuumoka moka open eyes intransitive
22. xuumoɲa moɲa whisper intransitive
23. xuukuta kuta gossip transitive
24. xuuatixa atixa to break intransitive
25. xuuxwiibena ibena bleed intransitive
26. xuuxwiikasya ikasya cover transitive
27.xuuuxwaara ara break transitive
28. xuurixirisya rixirisya scare transitive
29. xuuβolela βolela tell transitive
30. xuuxwoomβaxa omβaxa build transitive
31. xuuβiimβa βimβa swell/thatch intransitive
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32. xuuβoona βona see transitive

33. xuuβaaka βaka slaughter transitive
34. xuulonda londa follow transitive
35. xuulaala lala combust intransitive
36. xuuβoola βola inform/roat transitive
37. xuuroβoora roβora choose transitive
38. xuurumixa rumixa to be used intransitive
39. xuusiima sima thank intransitive
40. xukomelela komelela hover transitive
41. xuusiŋga siŋga wash transitive
42. xuukona kona sleep transitive/transitive
43. xuukukula kukula shout intransitive
44. xuutolola tolola make noise intransitive
45. xuuβaala βala count transitive
46. xuukiisa kisa hide transitive
47. xuuliinda linda take care transitive
48. xuusixa sixa burry transitive
49. xubeka beka shave transitive
50. xuselela selela seduce transitive
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Appendix VII: Verb Elicitation

Infinitive imperative gloss verb group

1. xuukoora koora disappear intransitive
2. xuumoka mooka look intransitive
3. xuumuunamuuna muunamuuna smile intransitive
4. xuuxuula xuula uproot transitive
5. xuuxwiitʃuusya iitʃuusya fill transitive
6. xuuyaa uyaa get burned transitive
7. xuuβaaka βaaka slaughter transitive
8. xuuxwafuula afula crawl intransitive
9. xuusesa sesa winnow transitive
10. xuumitʃa mitʃa broadcast, (millet) transitive
11. xuurora rora dream intransitive
12. xuutubaasya tubasya mix transitive
13. xuukwa kwa fall intransitive
14. xuuanuxa anuxa fall from a tree intransitive
15. xuuterema terema shake intransitive
16. xuutʃa tʃaa go transitive
17. xuuambuxa ambuxa cross over transitive
18. Xuxwiyakala iyakala scratch {your body transitive
19. xuusakuula sakula beckon transitive
20. xuyeta yeta help transitive
21. xuuyiila yila marry transitive
22. xuxiŋa xiŋa cover transitive
23. xuuxola xola do transitive
24. xurama rama remain transitive
25. xuakuxa akuxa give up
26. xuaya aya hunt transitive
27 . xuxweɲa eɲa want transitive
28. xutyuxa tyuxa name transitive
29. xubeka beka shave transitive
30. xusinga singa wash transitive
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31. xuxwikura ikura get satisfied transitive/intransitive

32 xurakixa rakixa start transitive
33. xuxalaŋga xalaŋga fry transitive
34. xuxwiɲoxa iɲoxa rise up transitive
35. xuloβa loβa fish transitive
36. xuβita βita advise transitive
37. xutaβula taβula tear transitive
38. xusindixa sindixa push transitive
39. xusimbula simbula uncover transitive
40. xuxwakama akama remain transitive
41. xuloŋga loŋga mould transitive
42. xureβa reβa ask transitive
43. xusala sala pray/give birth transitive
44. xufwa fwa die intransitive
45. xuβoa βoa tie transitive
46. xurya rya fear transitive
47. xuxwixala ixala sit down intransitive
48. xukaβa kaβa share transitive
49. xuxwomβaxa omβaxa build transitive
50. xuuruma ruma send transitive
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Appendix VIII: Data on Negation of Tense

TENSE SING, NEG PL, NEG SING GLOSS

PER PER NEGATIVE
FORM
PRES 1st se 1st se Sefúná tá i don‟t break
2nd so 2nd so Sofúná tá You don‟t break
3rd sa 3rd sa Safúná tá He/she does not
break
Inter 1st se 1st se Senáfúnílé I did not break
pst tá
2nd se 2nd se Sewáfúnílé You did not break
tá
3rd se 3rd se Sekáfúnílé He/she did not break
tá
Remote 1st se 1st se Senáfuná tá I did not break
pst
2nd se 2nd se Sewáfuná tá You did not break
3rd se 3rd se Sekáfúná tá He/she did not break
Immedi 1st se 1st se Sefúnilé tá I have not broken
ate pst
2nd so 2nd so Sofúnilé tá You have not broken
3rd sa 3rd sa Safúnilé tá He/she has not
broken
Future
Inter, 1st se 1st se Sexáfuné tá I will not break
future
2nd so 2nd se Soxáfuné tá You will not break
3rd sa 3rd se Saxáfuné tá He/she will not
break
Immedi 1st se 1st se Sendáfúná I will not break soon
ate, tá
future
2nd so 2nd so Soláfúná tá You will not break
3rd sa 3rd sa Saláfúná tá He/she will not
break
Remote 1st se 1st se Sendífuná tá I will not break
future
2nd so 2nd se Solifúná tá You will not break
3rd sa 3rd se Salifúná tá He/she will not
break
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Appendix IX: Data on Negation of Aspect

progressive 1st se 1st se Sendíxó efúná I am not breaking

tá
2nd so 2nd so Solíxó ofúná You are not breaking
tá
3rd sa 3rd sa Salíxó afúná He/she is not breaking
tá
Habitual
Ongoing 1st se 1st se Senafúnaŋgá I don‟t usually break
tá
2nd se 2nd se Sewafúnaŋgá You don‟t usually break
tá
3rd se 3rd se Sekafúnaŋgá He/she did not usually
tá break
Pst habitual 1st se 1st se Senáfunaŋgá I didn‟t use to break
tá
2nd se 2nd se Sewáfunaŋgá You didn‟t use to break
tá
3rd se 3rd se Sekáfunaŋgá He/she didn‟t use to
tá break
Fut habitual 1st se 1st se Seexafúnééŋé I will not usually break
tá
2nd se 2nd se Sooxafúnééŋg You will not usually
é tá break
3rd se 3rd se Saaxafúnééŋg He/she will not usually
é tá break
Perf aspect 1st se 1st se Senáfúnílé tá I haven‟t broken
2nd se 2nd se Sewáfúnílé tá You haven‟t broken
3rd se 3rd se Sewáfúnílé tá He/she hasn‟t broken
Immediatefut 1st se 1st se Sendáβá I will not have broken
ure náfúnílé tá
perfective
2nd so 2nd se Sooláβá You will not have broken
wáfúnílé tá
3rd sa 3rd se Saaláβá He/she will not have
káfúnílé tá broken
Inter,fut perf 1st se se Seexáβé I will not have broken
náfúnílé tá
2nd so se Sooxáβé You will not have broken
wáfúnílé tá
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3rd sa se Saaxáβé He/she will not have

káfúnílé tá broken
Remote fut 1st se 1st se Sendiβá I will not have broken
perf náfúnílé tá
2nd so se Sooláβá You will not have broken
nd
2 wáfúnílé tá
rd
3 sa 3rd se Saalíβá He/she will not have
wáfúnílé tá broken
Completive 1st se 1st se Senáfúná tá I have not already broken
aspect
2nd se 2nd se Sewáfúná tá You have not already
broken
3rd se 3rd se Sekáfúná tá He/she has not already
broken
Persistive 1st se 1st se Sesíífúná tá I still do not break
aspect
2nd so 2nd se Soosíífúná tá You still do not break
3rd sa 3rd se Saasíífúná tá He/she still does not
break
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Appendix X: Research Permit

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Appendix XI: Research Authorization Letter