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JBPXXX10.1177/0095798414537935Journal of Black PsychologyUtsey et al.

The Hilliard-Jones Forum for African-Centered Psychology

Journal of Black Psychology
2015, Vol. 41(3) 195­–220
Assessing the © The Author(s) 2014
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DOI: 10.1177/0095798414537935
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Internalized Colonialism
on the Psychological
Well-Being of Young
Adults in Ghana

Shawn O. Utsey1, Jasmine A. Abrams1,

Annabella Opare-Henaku1, Mark A. Bolden2,
and Otis Williams III3

Abstract
This study examined the psychometric properties of a revised version of the
Colonial Mentality Scale in a sample Ghanaian young adults (CMS-G; N = 431).
In addition, the degree to which mental health and self- and group-concept
was effected by internalized notions of colonial mentality was assessed.
Both exploratory and confirmatory factor analyses were used to evaluate
the underlying factor structure of the CMS-G. The findings indicated that
the CMS-G produced a four-factor orthogonal model as best representing
the construct of colonial mentality among Ghanaian young adults. CMS-G
scores correlated in the anticipated direction with self-esteem, collective
self-esteem, anxiety, and depression. Additional analyses indicated that
Ghanaian young adults endorsed colonial mentality items associated with

1Virginia
Commonwealth University, Richmond, VA, USA
2Trinity
Washington University, Washington, DC, USA
3Bowie State University, Bowie, MD, USA

Corresponding Author:
Shawn O. Utsey, Psychology Department, Virginia Commonwealth University, 915 W.
Franklin St, Richmond, VA 23831, USA.
Email: soutsey@vcu.edu
196 Journal of Black Psychology 41(3)

physical characteristics and colonial debt with a higher frequency than other
CMS-G items. Men endorsed colonial debt items statistically significantly
more than women. Implications for the study’s findings are discussed and
recommendations for future research are presented.

Keywords
trauma, African self-consciousness, slavery/enslavement, ethnic identity,
Maafa

Colonialism has profoundly affected indigenous communities across the con-

tinent of Africa (Fanon, 1963; Okazaki, David, & Abelmann, 2008), leaving
an undeniable imprint on politics, economics, culture, and social norms. For
nearly a century, various European powers exploited natural and human
resources, which has had far reaching negative impacts on the lived experi-
ences of Africans. Colonial systems robbed Africans of their land and tradi-
tions, incited the devaluation of African peoples and culture, and left many in
a cultural abyss struggling to recompose fragmented identities. Accordingly,
“the most negative serious impact of colonialism has been psychological.
This is seen, first, in the creation of colonial mentality among the educated
Africans, in particular, and also among the populace in general” (Boahen,
1987, pp. 107-108).
While there is general consensus among scholars that colonialism has
negatively affected the mental health of Africans, little empirical research
investigates such conventions. A small but expanding body of research has
begun to investigate the impact of internalized colonialism among previously
subjugated populations. Within this body of research, the Colonial Mentality
Scale (CMS; David & Okazaki, 2006) has been used to assess patterns of
internalized racial oppression as a consequence of the historical memory
derived from the collective experience of colonization. It is possible that this
measure may be utilized to provide useful information about the mental
health of former colonized groups in Africa. Specifically, given the long his-
tory of colonialism in Ghana (Oliver & Fage, 1962), use of the CMS could
allow researchers to assess the degree to which European imperialism has left
indelible scars on the psyches of Ghanaians. As such, the purpose of the cur-
rent study was to evaluate the psychometric properties of the CMS and assess
the degree to which young adults in Ghana manifest psychological symptoms
associated with the legacy of colonialism. The article begins by providing a
historical context through a brief overview of colonialism in Africa followed
Utsey et al. 197

by a description of colonial mentality as a consequence of colonialism. Next,

a more focused discussion of colonialism in Ghana is provided. The results of
two studies are presented followed by a discussion of implications associated
with the current study.

Colonialism in Africa
Nested in mercantilist and imperialist ideologies, colonialism involves the
acquisition of political dominion over another country or group of people
with the primary goal of economic advancement (Nkrumah, 1962). Europeans
employed this system to extract both human and natural resources from many
parts of Africa, which benefited the economies of mother countries and shat-
tered countless African nations (Fetter, 1979). Numerous strategies were uti-
lized by Europeans to maximize profits of the colonies and exercise control
of African peoples including the use of military force, exploitation of bodies
for free or inexpensive labor, election of indigenous elites, and the “divide
and rule” technique (Houngnikpo, 2010).
European colonial powers were encouraged by their mother countries to
exhibit effective control over colonies (Fetter, 1979). Resistance to colo-
nialism by Africans was met with brute land and marine military force that
allowed colonists to establish and maintain domination (Fetter, 1979;
Houngnikpo, 2010). The need for inexpensive or free labor prompted large-
scale movements of indigenous people to new urban areas (Oliver & Fage,
1962). Through these large-scale movements colonists were able to further
exert control over Africans by diminishing any attempt of mass organiza-
tion and revolution (Nkrumah, 1962). Such processes influenced the modi-
fication or abandonment of cultural and social customs and traditions
(Morrock, 1973).
Colonial powers transformed African politics, creating a system in which
a small number of authorities with great power ruled over economic and
social processes for the powerless majority (Nkrumah, 1962). Colonists
elected African elites to assist with implementation of policies that further
assisted with maintaining control (Na‘īm, 2006). Through exclusionary rule
and corporatist tactics, colonial powers were able to use native elites and
traditional powers as administrative supports while repudiating their power
to make laws or advocate on behalf of their communities (Makoa, 2004).
Another popular strategy was to “divide and rule,” the sentient effort of
colonialists to intentionally weaken indigenous power structures (Morrock,
1973). The separation of religious and tribal groups contributed to intensi-
fied group differences in language, culture, and ethnicity (Morrock, 1973).
Strategies that have facilitated the effectiveness of divide and rule as a
198 Journal of Black Psychology 41(3)

colonial system include (but are not limited to) the development of dissimi-
larities within the indigenous population, the amplification of present dis-
similarities, and the manipulation and exploitation of dissimilarities to
increase colonial power (Marrock, 1978).
A major implement of colonialism’s influence on the psyche of African
people was through the educational system. Rodney (1982) notes that colo-
nial educational systems, the relics of which still remain in most parts of
colonized Africa, were aimed at transforming the mentality of the educated
African through mis-education. People were taught to deny their culture and
think like Europeans. The result of such mis-education was that “those who
had the most education were to be found the most alienated Africans on the
continent” (Rodney, 1982, p. 248). By condemning African culture, in terms
of its music, names, dance, marriage, inheritance system, and discouraging
that they do not be taught in schools, colonialism alienated people from their
cultural and introduced a sense of inferiority into the African psyche.
Educated Africans were made to feel shame about their own culture and peo-
ple. It was therefore not a surprise when Boahen (1987) noted that majority
of those trained under colonial educational system became alienated and
estranged from their society and culture.
All the strategies outlined above assisted the colonial powers with accom-
plishing their objectives of establishing dominance and increasing revenue
for mother countries. These techniques were far less beneficial for Africans;
however, as colonialism destroyed African communities, incited the degrada-
tion of African culture, and instilled the belief in White supremacy (Igboin,
2011). The ramifications of such processes resulted in the devaluation of
African culture, permeating the mentality and worldview of Africans and
resulting in behaviors that supported the colonial master and his institutions
(Igboin, 2011). Today remnants of this mentality are clearly alive and well.

Colonial Mentality as a Consequence of Colonialism

Colonial mentality, a product of colonialism, is a broad multidimensional
construct that refers to personal feelings or beliefs of ethnic or cultural infe-
riority (David & Okazaki, 2006). Colonial mentality can manifest in the fol-
lowing ways: (1) denigration of the self, (2) denigration of the culture or
body, (3) discriminating against less Americanized in-group members, and
(4) tolerating historical and contemporary oppression (Nadal, 2011). This
form of internalized oppression has a deleterious effect on ethnic identity and
mental health and is associated with bullying, acculturative stress, and other
maladaptive behaviors (Nadal, 2011). Colonial mentality has been empiri-
cally studied in primarily Filipino populations. However, given the nature
Utsey et al. 199

and magnitude of colonialism in Africa, it is imperative that scholars investi-

gate this phenomenon in African peoples as well.
The invidious psychological residuals of the colonial experience can range
from admiration of the colonial legacy and culture to feelings of shame and
embarrassment about the indigenous culture (Boahen, 1987). Taking either
perspective can be deleterious to a person’s psychological functioning and
self-concept. Those who develop admiration for the colonizer’s culture are
seen to develop a dislike not only for the indigenous culture but also are dis-
criminatory against persons who have physical characteristics associated
with the indigenous culture (e.g., being dark skinned), or those holding indig-
enous values (e.g., traditional healers). Simultaneously, inability to become
like the colonizer robs the person of the ability to be authentic, leaving the
person with feelings of anxiety (Memmi, 1965). On the other hand, internal-
ized shame of a person’s culture increases the experience of anxiety and
depression. This is because the adoption of colonial values is coupled with
the condemnation of the self. The condemnation is in the sense that the per-
son is met with disappointment when he/she is unable to become like the
colonizer despite repeated attempts. Torn between the indigenous culture and
the colonizer’s cultural values, the person is left with feelings of self-hatred
or even shame (Bulhan, 1985; Memmi, 1965).
Internalized colonialism weakens collective self-esteem by distorting the
importance of the indigenous culture (Agozino, 2003). At the individual
level, internalized colonialism encourages a sense of inferiority. When con-
fronted with ambiguities because of the colonial past, some people may try to
become like the colonizer (Memmi, 1965). Others become trapped in the
colonized mentality leading to a deleterious effect on their mental health as
seen in a higher likelihood in the onset of depression and a general sense of
anxiety. The relationship between colonial mentality and weakened collec-
tive self-esteem is likely based on the fact that the individual high in colonial
mentality does not desire the colonial framework and its values, but he/she
also restricts his engagement with the indigenous culture. In so doing, the
person loses part of his/her individual as well as collective identity (Cabral,
1973). The result of this psychological process is detrimental to the mental
health of the individual.
In a series of studies, Bulhan (1978, 1980) examined the psychological
and cultural manifestations of internalized colonialism in African popula-
tions on the continent and living in United States. One study sought to develop
a self-report measure of internalized colonialism among African populations
(Bulhan, 1980). This effort produced a measure with three distinct compo-
nents of African’s reactions to Euro-American domination—Capitulation,
Revitalization, and Radicalization. According to Bulhan (1980), Capitulation
200 Journal of Black Psychology 41(3)

is the process of assimilating into Euro-American culture while simultane-

ously abandoning one’s indigenous African culture. Revitalization is mani-
fest in a defensive rejection of Euro-American culture and an equally
defensive romanticism of African culture. Radicalization represents a revolu-
tionary commitment to sociopolitical change. In earlier study, Bulhan (1978)
examined Reactive Identity formation in Western-educated Africans. The
theory of Reactive Identity Formation postulates that there are three responses
of psychological alienation associated with internalized colonization and
expressed at the individual level: fixation with, flight from, and fight against
White supremacy domination (Bulhan, 1978). Taken together, these studies
demonstrate the early empirical interest in elucidating the psychological
mechanisms and manifestations of colonial mentality in Africa.

Colonialism and Colonial Mentality in Ghana

Colonization in the Gold Coast (present day Ghana) lasted nearly four centu-
ries and involved numerous countries including Great Britain, Portugal,
Holland, and Denmark (Oliver & Fage, 1962). Up until the mid-19th century,
indigenous people along with viable resources (i.e., gold, ivory, and cocoa)
were sold and traded for the benefit of the colonizers. During the 20th cen-
tury, the devaluation of Black life, systematic oppression, economic margin-
alization, and the rejection of African culture prompted political movements
and nationalism, which led to the Gold Coast attaining its independence from
Britain in 1957 and becoming Ghana (Nkrumah, 1963; Oliver & Fage, 1962).
Despite the long period of European rule and domination in Ghana,
there is a dearth of empirical studies that have examined the psychological
residuals of colonialism on the personality and behavior of Ghanaians.
However, cultural patterns and linguistic expressions suggest that vestiges
of internalize colonialism exist in the Ghanaian psyche. For example, the
Twi expression—Wu yi Nyame a Obroni na eba (The Whiteman is next to
God)—exemplifies the deification of the colonial master (Europeans) in
Ghanaian culture (Prah, 1992). The process by which Ghanaians internal-
ize notions of White supremacy has received some empirical attention in
the psychological literature. Specifically, a replication of the Clark Doll
Study conducted by Mahama, Danquah, and Wan (2009) found that
Ghanaian boys from lower socioeconomic status expressed a preference
for the White doll.
The practice of skin bleaching among Ghanaian women is related to
assumptions that lighter skin is preferred and can be viewed as social capital
for marriage and possibly other aspects of life (Fokuo, 2009; Pierre, 2008).
Research in other postcolonial societies suggest that lighter skin individuals
Utsey et al. 201

are viewed as more attractive, more likely to marry, and experience advan-
tages in education, income, and housing (Hunter, 2007). Whiteness/fair skin
is perceived as such an important commodity that individuals risk their health
to achieve it (Hunter, 2007). Despite the deleterious effects of excessive
bleaching, research indicates that skin bleaching practices are common
among West Africans and such practices have contributed to the thriving
industry in postcolonial African societies (Mire, 2001).
Another outward expression of cultural identification associated with
colonial mentality is preference for Western clothing over traditional
Ghanaian clothing. In a study of Ghanaian’s attitudes toward locally manu-
factured versus imported clothing products, Opoku and Akorli (2009) found
that foreign labels were held in high regard compared with Ghanaian-made
products. This preference was associated with beliefs that foreign products
were of superior quality. These findings are consistent with previous research
that found a decline in wearing of traditional Ghanaian clothing and an
increase in the preference for Western clothing styles (Matthews, 1979).
Moreover, Boahen (1987) noted the irrationality of this preference by observ-
ing that three-piece suits are routinely worn in a climate where temperatures
are routinely hot and humid.
Colonial mentality also appears to be evident in structural institutions. For
example, despite the existence of approximately 250 native dialects, the offi-
cial language spoken in Ghana is English. English predominates business and
governmental affairs and is the language in which students learn and are
evaluated in schools and universities. Remnants of colonialism are also evi-
denced in the native languages. For example, in one of the most common
native languages, Twi, phrases exist (e.g., Wu yi Nyame a Obroni na eba—
The Whiteman is next to God) that exemplify the deification of whiteness
and typifies the colonial mentality (Prah, 1992).
Skin bleaching practices and Western clothing preferences suggest a moti-
vation to “de-Africanize” oneself, further explicating the polarized dichot-
omy of the depreciation of Blackness and affinity for Whiteness. The
previously mentioned practices appear to be outward expressions of internal-
ized beliefs of racial and cultural inferiority. Despite these assertions, the
degree to which Ghanaians have internalized feelings of ethnocultural inferi-
ority has not been empirically examined in the psychological literature. Thus,
the purpose of the current study is to evaluate the validity and utility of the
CMS and assess the presentation of associated psychological symptoms
among Ghanaian young adults. This study addresses a gap in the African
psychological literature and builds on the existing work of theorists by offer-
ing a contemporary and more in-depth examination of the impact of the struc-
tural mechanisms of European colonialism. Few empirical studies offer
202 Journal of Black Psychology 41(3)

information pertaining to the damage colonialism has inflicted at the psycho-

logical level and this is a contribution of the current study.

Study 1
Study 1 was intended to establish the initial factor structure of the CMS using
exploratory factor analytic methods. In addition, indexes of internal consis-
tency (Cronbach’s alpha) were computed for each of the CMS subscales.
Pearson’s product-moment correlation coefficients were calculated to deter-
mine the subscale intercorrelations for the CMS.

Method
Participants. There were a total 430 participants comprising undergraduate
college students from the University of Ghana who were enrolled in Level I
introductory psychology courses and Level II and III advanced topics courses.
A random split of the initial data set was conducted in SPSS 20 to create to
separate data sets for conducting exploratory and confirmatory factor analy-
sis (CFA). This procedure resulted in a total of 202 randomly selected cases
for the current study. Of the 202 participants randomly selected from the total
data set, 117 (53.4%) were men and 88 (40.2%) were women. There were 14
(6.4%) missing values. The participants ranged in age from 19 to 37 years
(mean = 22.69, SD = 3.21). There were 201 (58.9%) second year, 7 (3.2%)
third year, and 77 (35.2%) fourth year students. There were 6 (2.7%) missing
values.

Measures. A revised version of the CMS for Filipino Americans (David &
Okazaki, 2006) is a 36-item, 6-point Likert-type (1 = strongly disagree to 6 =
strongly agree) self-reporting scale that measures the extent of internalized
colonialism following oppression. According to David and Okazaki (2006),
“Colonial mentality is a form of internalized oppression . . . characterized by
a perception of ethnic or cultural inferiority” (p. 241). Furthermore, Colonial
Mentality is characterized by a rejection of any and all things derived from
the indigenous culture and a preference for anything connected to the culture
of the colonial master (David, 2008).
In validation studies to develop a CMS for Filipino Americans, David and
Okazaki (2010) found that the CMS is best measured along five related fac-
tors: (1) within-group discrimination, (2) physical characteristics, (3) colo-
nial debt, (4) cultural shame and embarrassment, and (5) internalized cultural
and ethnic inferiority. The scale is theoretically derived and psychometrically
validated, and David and Okazaki (2006) note that it is applicable to later
Utsey et al. 203

generations based on evidence that Colonial Mentality is passed on through

socialization and continued oppression, thereby causing negative effects on
the mental health of modern day Filipino Americans. The CMS Scale for
Filipino Americans was reported to be consistent with literature on colonial
mentality, with correlations between cultural mistrust and collective self-
esteem providing additional validity to the construct (David & Okazaki,
2006).
As the CMS was intended for use with Filipino Americans several revi-
sions were necessary to make it appropriate for use with Ghanaians. Therefore,
to construct the Ghana version of the CMS (CMS-G), several items were
reworded to reflect the fact that the revised questionnaire would be com-
pleted by Black Africans from Ghana and not Filipino Americans. For exam-
ple, the item that read “In general, I feel ashamed of Filipino culture and
traditions” was revised to read “In general, I feel ashamed of African culture
and traditions.” Next, additional items were eliminated as they applied spe-
cifically to Filipino immigrants and were not relevant to the current popula-
tion. For example, one item that read “In general, I do not associate with
newly-arrived Filipino immigrants” was eliminated because it did not apply
to the current population. Likewise, several items were added to the CMS as
there were context-specific (i.e., British colonial rule) nuances that were not
captured by many of the original CMS items. Specially, items were added to
assess feelings and attitudes left over from British colonial rule regarding
indigenous African religions and traditional African dress. Finally, an effort
was made to recreate those CMS items that captured the shame experienced
by acculturated and assimilated Filipino Americans toward less acculturated
and assimilated group members. In the context of Ghanaian cultural dynam-
ics in the assimilation of Western culture and values, individuals from the
northern region of the country (“Northerners”) are viewed as less accultur-
ated, less assimilated, and, therefore, less Westernized (a trait valued in
Ghanaian society). Consequently, we replaced items referencing newly
arrived Filipino immigrants with the term Northerners. Following the revi-
sions made to the CMS items, the final version consisted of 36 items in total.
Cronbach alpha coefficients for the CMS-G are reported in the Results sec-
tion of this study.
A demographic data questionnaire was completed by all participants in
the study. The questionnaire asked respondents to identify their gender, age,
and academic status.

Procedure. Participants were recruited from undergraduate introductory psy-

chology classes and received extra credit for their participation. The survey
included a consent form that explained the study’s procedures and the rights
204 Journal of Black Psychology 41(3)

of participants. Following consent, survey questionnaires were group-

administered to participants. After completing the questionnaires, partici-
pants read a debriefing statement that included the contact information of the
researcher in case they had any questions about the study. Individuals
recruited from the introductory psychology courses were assigned course
credit for their participation.

Results
Preliminary Data Analysis. Prior to conducting the exploratory factor analyses,
the data were screened for outliers and missing data. The findings revealed
that there were no outliers and approximately 5% missing data. Missing data
were addressed using the listwise deletion procedure. According to Yuan and
Bentler (2000), when there are less than 20% missing data, listwise deletion
is just as effective as the (preferred) full information maximum likelihood
method.

Exploratory Factor Analysis. A factor analysis using the principle axis factoring
(PAF) method was performed on all 36 items of the CMS-G. First, the data
were evaluated using the Kaiser-Meyer-Olkin measure of sampling adequacy
(KMO) and Bartlett’s test of sphericity to determine if the sample was opti-
mal for conducting an exploratory factor analysis. The results indicated that
the current sample’s KMO (.84) and Bartlett’s test of sphericity (p < .001)
were acceptable. Next, the Cattell’s scree test (Cattell, 1966) was used to
determine the optimal number of factors to best represent the underlying
structure of the CMS-G. This procedure indicated that as many as four factors
could be extracted. This finding was confirmed with the use of a parallel
analysis, which was conducted based on 1,000 random data sets. Parallel
analysis is a more conservative procedure for identifying the number of fac-
tors to retain. Based on the findings from Cattell’s scree test and the parallel
analysis, the researchers forced a one-, two-, three-, and four-factor extrac-
tion using both orthogonal (Varimax) and oblique solutions (Oblimin). Of
these extraction methods, the four-factor orthogonal solution loaded items to
factors that were conceptually more compelling than the oblique solution
(see Table 1).
The criteria for retaining items to factors were as follows: (1) items with
factor loadings of .40 or higher were retained, (2) items that cross-loaded
(i.e., loaded .40 on more than one factor) were dropped, and (3) items that
loaded .15 higher on their primary factor than on their next highest factor
loading were retained. Based on results from the PAF, 12 items were elimi-
nated from the CMS-G. The remaining 24 items represented the most robust
Utsey et al. 205

Table 1. Items and Factor Structure of the Colonial Mentality Scale–Ghana

Version.

Factor loadings
Subscale and items X SD I II III IV
Factor I (Within-Group Discrimination)
   3. In general, I do not associate with 1.62 1.14 .638 .139 .129 .033
Northerners (Black Africans from
the North of my country).
11. In general, I am ashamed of 1.67 1.19 .516 −.008 .395 .182
Northerners because of the way
they dress and act.
13. I generally do not like Northerners. 1.43 0.873 .787 .186 .161 .298
18. I think Northerners are backwards, 1.83 1.21 .434 −.070 .247 .334
don’t speak good English, and act
weird.
29. In general, I am ashamed of 1.37 0.872 .705 .073 .080 .329
Northerners because of their
inability to speak fluent, accent-free
English.
Factor II (Physical Characteristics)
   2. I find persons with lighter skin-tones 2.65 1.76 .039 .618 .114 −.140
to be more attractive than persons
with dark skin tones.
   4. I do not want my children to be 1.96 1.44 .149 .747 .081 .002
dark-skinned.
   9. I generally think that a person that 2.58 1.76 −.030 .403 .231 .264
is part White and part African is
more attractive than a full-blooded
African.
12. I find persons who have bridged 2.14 1.50 .221 .464 .217 .240
noses (like Whites) as more
attractive than persons with wide
African noses.
14. I would like to have a skin-tone that 1.88 1.44 .040 .631 .120 .257
is lighter than the skin-tone I have.
16. I would like to have children with 2.54 1.67 .026 .714 .196 .098
light skin-tones.
24. I do not want my children to have a 2.48 1.80 .283 .406 .110 .129
flat African nose.
Factor III (Colonial Debt)
   5. Africans should feel privileged and 2.63 1.63 .077 .186 .511 .131
honored that Europeans (Whites)
had contact with them.
(continued)
206 Journal of Black Psychology 41(3)

Table 1. (continued)

Factor loadings
Subscale and items X SD I II III IV
17. Europe and the United States are 2.97 1.67 .107 .160 .602 .014
highly responsible for civilizing
Africa and improving their ways of
life.
20. Africans should be thankful to 2.33 1.39 .146 .176 .665 .263
Europe and the United States for
transforming the African way of life
into a white/European/American
way of life.
22. In general, Africans should be 2.21 1.34 .217 .090 .646 .134
thankful and feel fortunate that
Africa was once controlled by the
Whites.
25. In general, I prefer to wear 2.70 1.61 .093 .243 .430 .130
Western clothes (from Europe or
America) than traditional African
clothing.
Factor IV (Internalized Cultural Shame and Inferiority)
   8. There are situations where I feel 1.48 1.09 .175 .202 .185 .470
ashamed of my ethnic/cultural
background.
15. I think all Africans should become as 1.46 0.988 .268 .361 .121 .496
Americanized as quickly as possible.
19. I would like to have a nose that is 1.63 1.21 .091 .372 .091 .591
more bridged (like Whites) than the
nose I have.
23. In general, I feel that being African 1.75 1.29 .325 .180 .275 .445
is not as good as being White/
European/American.
32. There are moments when I wish I 1.54 1.10 .099 .164 .089 .410
was a member of a ethnic/cultural
group that is different from my own.
34. In general, I feel ashamed of the 1.37 0.922 .073 .010 .065 .512
African culture and traditions.
36. In general, I feel that being a person 1.62 1.18 .233 .078 .120 .596
of my ethnic/cultural background is
not as good as being White.

Note: Scores in boldface met criteria for factor loading on the indicated subscale.
Utsey et al. 207

indicators of colonial mentality in the current sample of Ghanaian young

adults. Based on a review of the items and the factors where they loaded,
we observed that the factor loadings generally followed the structure of the
original CMS. The only exception was that Factors IV (Cultural Shame and
Embarrassment) and V (Internalized Cultural/Ethnic Inferiority) of the
original CMS loaded on a single factor. We labeled this factor Internalized
Cultural Shame and Inferiority. The remaining factors were as follows:
Within-Group Discrimination, Physical Characteristics, and Colonial Debt.
The Within-Group Discrimination scale is composed of items that assess
intragroup animosity against less acculturated Ghanaians. Physical
Characteristic items assess the degree to which respondents perceive
African physical features to be less desirable than European features. The
Colonial Debt scale items assess the degree to which Ghanaians feel a sense
of indebtedness toward Europeans for the cultural enlightenment they
received under colonial rule. Finally, the Internalized Cultural Shame and
Inferiority scale items assess the degree to which Ghanaians perceive their
culture as inferior to European culture and experience a sense of shame
related to indigenous cultural beliefs and practices.

Internal Consistency and Subscale Intercorrelations. Cronbach’s alpha coeffi-

cients with 95% confidence intervals (CIs) were calculated for the four fac-
tors of the CMS-G. The alpha coefficients were .83 (95% CI = .75-.84) for
Within-Group Discrimination, .80 (95% CI = .75-.84) for Physical Charac-
teristics, .75 (95% CI = .79-.86) for Colonial Debt, and .80 (95% CI = 69-.80)
for Internalized Cultural Shame and Inferiority.
Pearson product-moment correlation coefficients were calculated to eval-
uate the subscale intercorrelations for the CMS-G. These findings indicated
that Within-Group Discrimination was correlated .36 with Physical
Characteristics, .43 with Colonial Debt, and .53 with Internalized Cultural
Shame and Inferiority (ps < .01). Physical Characteristics were correlated .45
with Colonial Debt (p < .01) and .48 with Internalized Cultural Shame and
Inferiority (p > .01). Colonial Debt correlated .45 with Internalized Cultural
Shame and Inferiority (p < .01). On the basis of these moderate to high inter-
correlations, the CMS subscales can best be described as measuring related,
yet distinct constructs associated with colonial mentality in West Africans
from Ghana.

Study 2: Confirmatory Factor Analysis of the

CMS-G
In Study 1, we conducted exploratory factor analysis on the CMS-G in one
subsample of Ghanaian college students. We found that a four-factor
208 Journal of Black Psychology 41(3)

orthogonal model fit the data best, and we removed items that did not load
highly on these factors in our first subsample. We also found evidence for
internal consistency for the four subscales, as well as moderate intercorre-
lations between subscales. In this second study, our goal was to test how
well the factor structure of the CMS-G fit the data in a second subsample of
Ghanaian college students. We hypothesized that the four-factor model
would fit the data well and that the subscales would again show evidence of
strong internal consistency. Moreover, a second purpose of Study 2 was to
establish evidence of the CMS-G’s criterion validity by correlating the
measure with constructs that would be expected to correlate in the antici-
pated direction.

Method
Participants. The remaining cases from the random selection procedure
described in Study 1 included 175 undergraduate college students from the
University of Ghana who were enrolled in Level I introductory psychology
courses and Level II and III advanced topics courses. Participants were 90
(42.0%) men and 82 (52.4%) women (there were 11 missing values), who
ranged in age from 19 to 42 years (mean = 22.59, SD = 3.41). There were 2
(1.1%) first year, 100 (54.6%) second year, 9 (4.9%) third year, and 65
(35.5%) fourth year students. There were 7 missing values.

Measures. The CMS-G is a 24-item, 6-point Likert-type (1 = strongly dis-

agree to 6 = strongly agree) self-reporting scale that measures the extent of
internalized colonialism following oppression. The CMS-G is composed of
four factors: (1) Within-Group Discrimination, (2) Physical Characteristics,
(3) Colonial Debt, and (4) Internalized Cultural Shame and Inferiority.
Higher subscale scores reflect a greater endorsement of cultural beliefs and
values associated with psychological remnants and residuals of British colo-
nial rule. Cronbach alpha coefficients are reported in the Results section of
this article.
The State-Trait Anxiety Inventory (Form Y)–Trait Form (STAI–Trait;
Spielberger, 1983) is a 20-item questionnaire that measures an individual’s
general feelings of anxiety. Using a 4-point Likert-type scale (1 = almost
never, 2 = sometimes, 3 = often, 4 = almost always), respondents are instructed
to indicate the frequency with which they generally feel anxious. Prior
research has shown the STAI–Trait to demonstrate adequate test-retest reli-
ability and internal consistency as well as convergent and concurrent validity
(Spielberger, 1983). It is important to note, however, that the STAI has not
been established as a valid and reliable measure with Ghanaian populations.
Utsey et al. 209

In the current study, Cronbach’s alpha coefficient for the STAI was .88 (95%
CI = .85-.90).
The Center for Epidemiological Studies–Depression (CES-D) Scale
(Radloff, 1977) is a 20-item self-report scale that measures symptoms of
depression in the general population, with emphasis on depressive mood. The
CES-D is a state measure of depression, with each response scored on a scale
from 0 to 3 based on the frequency of the symptom over the past week (0 =
rarely or none of the time, 1 = some or a little of the time, 2 = occasionally or
a more moderate amount of the time, 3 = more or all of the time). Total scores
on this scale range from 0 to 60 (for the 20 items), with higher scores on the
scale indicating more symptoms associated with depression. Studies found
the CES-D to have a high level of internal consistency, test-retest stability, as
well as concurrent and construct validity (Radloff, 1977). No studies have
been conducted that assess the psychometric properties of the CES-D with
Ghanaian populations. In the current study, Cronbach’s alpha coefficient for
the CES-D was .84 (95% CI = .80-.87).
The Collective Self-Esteem Scale (CSES; Luhtanen & Crocker, 1992) is a
16-item, 7-point (1 = strongly disagree to 7 = strongly agree) Likert-type
measure designed to assess self-esteem in the context of belonging to specific
social groups. The CSES consists of four subscales measuring four dimen-
sions of collective self-esteem–private collective self-esteem, public collec-
tive self-esteem, membership collective self-esteem, and importance to
identity. Several of the CSES items are reverse-scored, and subscale scores
range from 4 to 28. Higher scores are associated with higher levels of collec-
tive self-esteem in each domain. For purposes of data analyses in the current
study, the four CSES subscales were combined to create a CSES total score.
Only the CSES total score was used in the current study’s data analyses.
Luhtanen and Crocker (1992) reported adequate internal consistency reli-
abilities ranging from .71 to .88 for the CSES subscales and a test-retest reli-
ability coefficient of .68 for the total scale. Given the lack of psychometric
data related to the use of the CSES with Ghanaian populations, it is recom-
mended that caution be exercised in interpreting scores on the measure. The
current study’s Cronbach’s alpha coefficient for the CSES total score was .85
(95% CI = .82-.88).
The Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale (RSE; Rosenberg, 1965) is a 10-item
unidimensional measure of global self-regard. It is the most widely used mea-
sure of self-esteem and requires respondents to rate items on a 4-point Likert-
type scale (1 = strongly agree; 2 = agree; 3 = disagree; 4 = strongly disagree).
After reversing the negatively worded items of the RSE, responses are summed
to generate a total self-esteem score (scores range from 10 to 40) with lower
scores indicating greater self-esteem. However, in the current study, we
210 Journal of Black Psychology 41(3)

reversed coded RSE items so higher scores on the RSE would reflect higher
levels of self-esteem. As a unidimensional measure of self-esteem, the RSE
has demonstrated adequate internal consistency, test-retest reliability, and
convergent validity (Rosenberg, 1965). Moreover, the RSE has been shown to
demonstrate adequate evidence of reliability and validity with Ghanaian popu-
lations in previous studies (see Goodwin, Costa, & Adonu, 2004; Poku, Linn,
Fife, Azar, & Kendrick, 2005). In the current study, Cronbach’s alpha coeffi-
cient for the RSE was .80 (95% CI = .75-.84).
A demographic data questionnaire was administered to participants, who
were asked to indicate their age, gender, ethnicity, and academic status.

Procedure. A procedure identical to that of Study 1 was used for this study.
However, several additional questionnaires were added to this study to assess
the CMS-G’s criterion and convergent validity. The measures were counter-
balanced to reduce the potential for order effects.

Results
Internal Consistency and Subscale Intercorrelations. Cronbach’s alpha correla-
tion coefficients with 95% CIs were calculated for the four subscales of the
CMS-G. The coefficient alphas for the four subscales were .79 (95% CI =
.70-.81) for Within-Group Discrimination, .84 (95% CI = .80-.87) for Physi-
cal Characteristics, .72 (95% CI = .74-.84) for Colonial Debt, and .76 (95%
CI = .70-.81) for Internalized Cultural Shame and Inferiority. With regard to
the CMS subscale intercorrelations, Within-Group Discrimination correlated
.45 with Physical Characteristics, .46 with Colonial Debt, and .57 with Inter-
nalized Cultural Shame and Inferiority. Physical Characteristics correlated
.44 with Colonial Debt and .66 with Internalized Cultural Shame and Inferi-
ority. Colonial Debt correlated .50 with Internalized Cultural Shame and
Inferiority. The subscale intercorrelations would suggest that the CMS sub-
scales are measuring similar, yet distinct, constructs related to the colonial
mentality of Ghanaian young adults.

Confirmatory Factor Analysis. A CFA using a maximum-likelihood estimation

procedure was conducted on the covariance matrix of the 34-item CMS-G.
Prior to conducting the confirmatory test, CMS-G items were parceled to cre-
ate fewer indicators. According to Bagozzi and Heatherton (1994), the opti-
mal number of items for each factor or component in a measurement model
is three. Having fewer items for each component will address the following
concerns: (1) the complexity of the models, (2) high levels of random error to
be found in a scale with many items, and (3) the many parameters to be
Utsey et al. 211

Table 2. CFA Fit Indexes for the Colonial Mentality Scale.

Model χ2 df TLI IFI CFI RMSEA

Null model 1095.70 91 .00 .00 .00 .246 (90% CI = .233-.259)
Unidimensional model 284.03 77 .76 .80 .79 .122 (90% CI = .107-.137)
Four-factor model 108.31 70 .95 .96 .96 .055 (90% CI = .033-.074)

Note: CFA = confirmatory factor analysis; TLI = Tucker-Lewis index; IFI = incremental fit
index; CFI = comparative fit index; RMSEA = root-mean-square error of approximation; CI =
confidence interval.

estimated. The method recommended by Bagozzi and Heatherton (1994) is to

sum items within each component, thus creating aggregate variables that rep-
resent parallel indicators of the construct being measured by the items. Items
with the highest component loadings are paired with items having the lowest
component loading in sequential order where the first, second, and third high-
est loadings were paired with their corresponding lowest loadings. After the
items are aggregated to form indicators of the construct the data are run in
AMOS for a CFA.
Using established procedures for conducting SEM with AMOS 7.0
(Arbuckle, 2006), several fit indices were calculated for a null, unidimen-
sional, and the hypothesized four-factor orthogonal model (see Table 2).
Comparisons were made between the null model, unidimensional model, and
the hypothesized four-factor model to determine which model produced the
best fit to the data. To determine the degree of fit among the competing mod-
els, both absolute and incremental fit indexes were assessed (see Table 2):
chi-square value (χ2), Tucker-Lewis index (TLI), comparative fit index (CFI),
incremental fit index (IFI), and root-mean-square error of approximation
(RMSEA) were calculated. A model is said to have a good fit to the data
when there is a nonsignificant χ2; the TLI, CFI, and IFI values are above .95;
and the RMSEA is less than .05 (Bentler, 1990). Findings from the CFA
indicated that the chi-square values for all the competing models were sig-
nificant. This would suggest that none of the models produced an acceptable
fit to the data. However, the chi-square test is sensitive to sample size and a
statistically significant result does not necessarily reflect a poor fit to the data
(Bollen, 1989). The AMOS program provides additional measures of fit that
are less sensitive to sample size and considered to be better estimates of a
model’s fit to the data (Bentler, 1990). Based on TLI = .95, CFI = .96, IFI =
.96, and RMSEA = .055 (90% CI = .033-.074), the hypothesized four-factor
orthogonal model produced the best fit to the data from among the competing
models (see Table 2). Furthermore, a chi-square difference test was con-
ducted to determine if the hypothesized model was statistically significantly
212 Journal of Black Psychology 41(3)

different from the alternative unidimensional model. The findings indicated

that the chi-square statistic of the hypothesized four-factor orthogonal model
was statistically significantly different from the unidimensional model.

How Pervasive Is Internalized Colonialism Among Young Adults in Ghana? The

initial sample of N = 416 was used to analyze the data regarding frequency of
endorsement of CMS-G items. The criteria proposed by David and Okazaki
(2006) was used to establish a cutoff score of at least a mean score 3.5 (using
a scale of 1 = strongly agree to 6 = strongly disagree) on CMS-G subscale
scores as reflecting the endorsed a particular colonial mentality construct.
Findings from a frequency analysis indicated that 4% of participants endorsed
items with a mean score of 3.5 or greater on both Internalized Cultural Shame
and Inferiority (n = 16) and Within-Group Discrimination (n = 18). There
was a substantially greater endorsement of items at a mean of 3.5 or greater
for Physical Characteristics and Colonial Debt. Specifically, 19% and 18% of
participants endorsed items at or above the criteria for Physical Characteris-
tics (n = 77) and Colonial Debt (74), respectively. To examine whether gen-
der differences existed with regard to the expression of colonial mentality
attributes a cross-tabulation with chi-square test was conducted for each of
the CMS-G scales by gender. Findings indicated that men were statistically
significantly more likely than women to express attributes associated with
Colonial Debt scale, χ2(1, N = 379) = 12.04, p < .001.

Internalized Colonialism, Negative Psychological Symptoms, and Self- and Group

Concept Among Young Adults in Ghana. The initial sample of N = 416 was used
to analyze the data regarding the relationship between CMS-G scores, mental
health indicators, and self- and group-concept among participants. It was
hypothesized that scores on CMS-G subscales would be inversely correlated
with scores on measures of self-esteem (both individual and collective) and
positively correlated with scores on measures of mental health symptomatol-
ogy. Consequently, the RSE, CSES, STAI–Trait, and the CES-D were
administered to participants in the study. Pearson correlation coefficients are
reported in Table 3. As hypothesized, scores on the CMS-G subscales were
inversely correlated with the self-esteem scores. Specially, scores on the
Internalized Cultural Shame and Inferiority, Physical Characteristics, and
Colonial Debt subscales were negatively correlated with the RSE and CSES.
The Within-Group Discrimination subscale score was inversely correlated
with the CSES only. With regard to mental health symptomatology, the Inter-
nalized Cultural Shame and Inferiority and Colonial Debt subscales were
positively correlated with higher scores on the STAI and CESD. The
Utsey et al. 213

Table 3. Pearson Product-Moment Correlation Coefficient for the Subscales of

the Colonial Mentality Scale - Ghanaian Version and the Mental Health Indicators.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8
1. CMS-G Internalized — .45** .46** .57** .18* .22** −.29** −.31**
2. CMS-G Physical — — .44** .66** .12 .24** −.25** −.19*
3. CMS-G Within Group — — — .50** .18* .09 −.19* −.13
4. CMS-G Colonial Debt — — — — .32** .33** −.32** −.35**
5. STAI-T — — — — — .50** −.37** −.44**
6. CES-D — — — — — — −.37** −.41**
7. CSES — — — — — — — .45**
8. RSE — — — — — — — —

Note: CMS-G Internalized = Colonial Mentality Scale–Ghana Version, Internalized Cultural

Shame and Inferiority; CMS-G Physical = Colonial Mentality Scale–Ghana Version, Physical
Characteristics; CMS-G Within Group = Colonial Mentality Scale–Ghana Version, Within
Group Discrimination; CMS-G Colonial Debt = Colonial Mentality Scale–Ghana Version,
Colonial Debt; STAI-T = State Trait Anxiety Inventory–Trait Form; CES-D = Center for
Epidemiological Studies–Depression; CSES = Collective Self-Esteem Scale; RSE = Rosenberg
Self-Esteem Scale.
**p < .01. *p < .05.

Within-Group Discrimination subscale scores were positively correlated

with STAI scores only, whereas Physical Characteristic subscale scores were
positively correlated with CESD.

Discussion
The purpose of the current study was to evaluate the validity and utility of a
revised version of the CMS developed by David and Okazaki (2006) for use
with a young adult population of Ghanaian college students. Researchers
have demonstrated a link between the experience of oppression under colo-
nization (David, 2008; David & Okazaki, 2010) and mental health; there-
fore, we anticipated that Ghanaian young adults would also display some
psychological scars from the historical memory of the colonization experi-
ence. Given the lasting effects of colonialism on the values, attitudes,
motives, beliefs, and behaviors of African people (Boahen, 1987; Rodney,
1982), it was postulated that the historical past would be a critical factor in
understanding the psyche of contemporary Ghanaian youth. To date, no
empirical study has examined the impact of the oppressive colonial rule in
Ghana on the psychological functioning of contemporary younger genera-
tion Ghanaians.
214 Journal of Black Psychology 41(3)

We examined the initial factor structure of the CMS-G using exploratory

factor analytic methods, and assessed how an adapted version for use with
Ghanaian samples may be related to self-esteem, collective self-esteem, gen-
eral feelings of anxiety, and depression. An exploratory factor analyses
among a sample of undergraduate college students from the University of
Ghana revealed a four-factor orthogonal solution consisting of (1) Internalized
Cultural Shame and Inferiority, (2) Within-Group Discrimination, (3)
Physical Characteristics, and (4) Colonial Debt. CFA using a similar sample
found that the proposed four-factor orthogonal model produced the best fit to
the data compared with the alternative models. We assessed the correlation
between the CMS-G, the RSE, the CSES, general anxiety as measured by the
STAI, and depression as measured by the CES-D. As expected, results indi-
cated that the Internalized Cultural Shame and Inferiority, Physical
Characteristics, and Colonial Debt subscales were negatively correlated with
the RSE and CSES. The Within-Group Discrimination subscale score was
inversely correlated with the CSES only. In addition, Internalized Cultural
Shame and Inferiority and Colonial Debt subscales were positively correlated
with higher scores on the STAI and CES-D. The Within-Group Discrimination
subscale scores were positively correlated with STAI scores only, whereas
the Physical Characteristic subscale scores were positively correlated with
CES-D.
Other analysis included a frequency distribution to assess the magnitude
of colonial mentality attitudes among Ghanaian young adults and cross-
tabulation with chi-square test for gender difference in the expression of
colonial mentality attitudes. The findings indicated that there was substantial
endorsement of colonial mentality attitudes related to physical characteristics
and colonial debt. The examination of gender differences indicated that men
endorsed statistically significantly more items related to colonial debt than
women.
Social cognitive processes such as schemas, implicit social cognition, and
priming have been identified as some of the mechanisms through which
internalized colonialism operates (David, 2008; David & Okazaki, 2010).
Schemas are implicit theories that derive from past experience. In reference
to internalized colonialism, David and Okazaki (2010) indicated that people
with a history of oppression under colonialism form schemas based on their
cultural knowledge gained through a socialization of subordination. The cul-
tural knowledge can become automated such that it activates specific sche-
mas and implicit social cognitions related to colonial experience. Depending
on the values and information conveyed through the cultural knowledge,
even those individuals who did not directly experience colonialism may form
colonial-specific schemas characterized by automatic negative perceptions
Utsey et al. 215

about the indigenous heritage, and positive cognitions and perceptions about
the colonial culture. Once automated, such schemas can function as primes
which when activated in specific contexts can impact a wide range of behav-
iors (Bargh, Chen, & Burrows, 1996).
There are countless colonial legacies in Ghana which work as primes,
serving as constant reminders of the colonization experience for current gen-
erations (Okazaki et al., 2008). For example, the continuous use of the
English language as the official language of instruction in institutions of
higher learning, and as a language of commerce, may indirectly suggest that
Ghanaians are still dependent on the colonial framework for institutional
structure and stability (Bulhan, 1985). This recognition creates a psycho-
logical conflict for young adults who are far removed from the actual colo-
nization experience. It is as if Ghanaians who are living several years after
the actual colonization are being made to participate in two physical and
cultural worlds (Cabral, 1973; Freire, 1994; Memmi, 1965); one of the
indigenous culture and that of the colonial legacy. For example, the use of
English as the official language compels Ghanaians to subject their feelings,
emotions, and values to the foreign language whereas the mother tongue is
restricted to informal social settings. A child may well know how he/she is
feeling or thinking, but the nuances may be lost as he/she tries to express
him/herself in the English language. The effect is what Memmi (1965, p.
107) calls a “cultural catastrophe,” where current generations are made to
feel like foreigners in their own country. The issue is of a great concern
because the adoption of colonial framework imposes the colonial culture on
current generations and maintains the distorted cognitions associated with
colonial mentality (Freire, 1994).
With regard to issues of gender and colonialism, we observe that men
were often appointed to positions colonial administration based on a cultural
of patriarchy and male privilege (Boahen, 1987). Women were excluded
from most of the major colonizing institutions. This may explain the study’s
findings that men endorsed more colonial attitudes related to colonial debt
than women. Given their longer periods and higher expectations for develop-
ment inside the colonial system of work, education, and governance that men
would tend to perceive beneficence on the part of the colonial master is not
surprising.

Implications
The results have implications for research, clinical practice, and policy.
There is a need to assess how the colonial legacies, such as the current edu-
cational system and religious images, which are based on the British system
216 Journal of Black Psychology 41(3)

and cultural ethos, may be promoting alienation of the indigenous Ghanaian

culture, and how this may be detrimental to the psychological functioning of
Ghanaian students. Efforts are needed to deconstruct the colonial frame-
works that serve to perpetuate internalized colonial mentality and negatively
impact psychological functioning of Ghanaians. To do this, stakeholders
may have to encourage discussions about the importance of abandoning
colonial frameworks that have a negative impact on the psychological func-
tioning and be open to finding new ways of existing that promote an African
reality (Memmi, 1965).
Although a comprehensive analysis of the educational system is beyond
the scope of the current study, it is plausible for local education authorities
and policy makers to deconstruct what Brock-Utne (2000) referred to as a
“colonial curriculum dependency.” Currently, however, the sociopolitical
structure of Ghana may inadvertently support a vicious cycle through its
adherence to the norms set by the colonial masters and there by validate the
negative cognitions and perceptions associated with the colonial mentality
(Bulhan, 1985).
The study’s results have implications for African mental health in general,
and for understanding and working with Ghanaians in particular. Furthermore,
it may advantage mental health professionals to consider the psychological
harm that result from the celebration of alien religious images throughout
Ghana (e.g., White Jesus). As Akbar (1996) noted, to see God in others
(Caucasians) to the exclusion of oneself (Ghanaians), thus clearly reflecting
the colonial mentality. This notion is congruent with the current findings, in
that, internalized cultural shame and inferiority was negatively correlated
with self-esteem and collective self-esteem, whereas positively correlated
with higher anxiety and depression scores. In a clinical setting, it may be
imperative for mental health professionals to assess colonial mentality in the
diagnosis and treatment of its associated mental health symptomatologies
(i.e., anxiety and depression). In fact, understanding colonial mentality may
provide the context for which services are provided.
It is also important for mental health professionals working with
Ghanaian clients to understand how the colonial past and its resultant colo-
nial mentality contributes to development of depression and other psycho-
logical problems for some Ghanaians. It is possible that Ghanaian clients
may not be fully aware of the impact of this process on their current psy-
chological functioning, and exploring the issue in therapy can help indi-
viduals make sense of their own past and their current and future behaviors.
Although the focus of this study has been on Ghanaians, the results may be
applied to Africans who share a similar historical past. As was noted with
the educational system, Asante and Oppong (2012) observed that a major
Utsey et al. 217

problem with psychological practice in Ghana is overdependence on

Western-based theories, some of which do not have ecological relevance
for the mental health of the Ghanaian people. It would be important to
begin to focus on ecologically salient social environmental factors, such as
Ghana’s past with colonialism and other factors, on the mental health of the
Ghanaian people.

Limitations
A major limitation of the study is that it used college students’ sample. Future
studies may employ the construct with a general population sample. In com-
parison with the general population, it is plausible that college students may
be more Westernized in their social and cultural orientation and therefore
more likely to endorse colonial mentality items. Another limitation relates to
the fact that we used self-report measures, but future studies may want to use
an experimental design to more thoroughly assess the relationship between
colonial mentality and mental health symptomatology.

Future Research
The revised CMS for use with Ghanaian samples has a lot of potential. It may
be used in future researches to assess the impact of colonial experience on
other mental health issues in Ghanaians and other African samples. Similar
studies can be conducted with a larger sample of both students and the gen-
eral public to ascertain how internalized colonial mentality affects mental
health in the general public, to help in understanding the link between the
internalized colonialism and mental health of the African people. There is a
need to understand the relationship between colonial mentality and other
measures of well-being. In addition, an experimental design may be used in
some of these studies to help in controlling for some of the biases inherent in
using self-report measures and help us explain the links between colonial
mentality and psychopathology more accurately.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research,
authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding
The authors received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publica-
tion of this article.
218 Journal of Black Psychology 41(3)

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