E SLM CC Eg 02 Word
E SLM CC Eg 02 Word
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Module-1
Introduction to European Classical Literature
Unit 1 Ancient Greece: History, Culture and Ideas
Structure
1.1.0 Introduction
1.1.1 Rise and Fall of Ancient Greece:
(a) From Indo-Europeans to Mycenaeans
(b) Archaic Period
(c) Classical Greece
(d) Hellenistic Greece
(e) Fall of Ancient Greece
1.1.2 Greek Culture:
(a) Daily life in Greek City-States
(b) Religion and Festivals
(c) Arts and Entertainment
(d) Heroic Codes and Warfare
(e) Death and Afterlife
1.1.3 Greek Ideas That Changed the World:
(a) Architecture
(b) Philosophy
(c) Politics
(d) Literature
(e) Theatre
(f) Medicine
(g) Sciences
(h) Sports
1.1.4 Some Famous People of Ancient Greece
1.1.5 Legacy of Ancient Greek Civilization
1.1.6 Summing Up
1.1.7 Comprehension Exercises
1.1.8 Suggested Reading
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1.1.0 Introduction
The Introductory Unit of this Course seeks to familiarise you with the origins and
development of the ancient Greek civilization, with special focus on the socio-cultural
and political life of the Greek people. It also explores some eminent personalities whose
ideas revolutionised the world. After reading this Unit you will know about the different
periods of ancient Greek history and the ancient Greek way of life. This background
information will help you to understand and appreciate the Greek classics in translation
in your syllabus.
Minoan civilization:
The Minoan civilization was a Bronze Age civilization on the island of Crete and
other islands of the Aegean Sea that flourished from 3000 to 1450 BC and, after a
period of decline, ended around 1100 BC. Named after King Minos, the legendary ruler
of the island, the Minoan was an advanced civilization which has left behind large
architectural complexes—“palaces”, works of art, writing systems, instruments and
weapons, and evidence of a maritime trade network. The major settlements of the
Minoan civilization were in Knossos, Phaistos, Malia and Kato Zakros. The early
palaces were destroyed possibly by earthquakes but they were rebuilt on a grander scale
marking the height of Minoan prosperity. The sprawling palaces were multi-storied with
large central courtyards which may have been used for public ceremonies. Living
quarters, storage rooms and administrative centres were constructed around the
courtyard. The walls were decorated with colourful paintings. The rulers and their
attendants lived in the palaces while the general population lived in houses around the
palaces. In Greek mythology, King Minos, the son of Zeus and Europa, lived in the
palace at Knossos, the centre of the Minoan civilization. He is best known for
constructing the Labyrinth—a network of passages— for the Minotaur (literally, the
‘bull of Minos’), a half-man, half-bull monster born to his wife, Pasiphae. The Minotaur
devoured sacrificial victims thrown into the Labyrinth. It was eventually killed by the
Athenian hero, Theseus.
Mycenaean civilization:
The Mycenaean civilization was the last phase of the Bronze Age that flourished in
ancient Greece approximately from 1600 to 1100 BC and ended around 1000 BC.
Named after its most famous archaeological site—Mycenae—it was the first distinctive
Greek civilization on the Greek mainland. Other major settlements were in Tiryns,
Pylos, Thebes, Argos, Sparta and probably Athens. Though all Mycenaeans spoke the
Greek language, the Mycenaean Greece was not an empire; it was a confederacy of
independent city-states, each with its own king, such as, Agamemnon of Mycenae,
Oedipus of Thebes and Menelaus of Sparta.
The close contact of the Mycenaeans with the earlier Minoans is evident from the
ruins of Mycenaean palaces, wall-paintings, pottery, jewellery, weaponry and their
writing system. Unlike the Minoan palaces, Mycenaean palaces were built on hills and
fortified with massive Cyclopean walls named after Cyclopes, the one-eyed giants in
Greek mythology. The later Greeks believed only giants could have built the massive
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hill-top fortifications. The palaces were built around a large hall or the ‘Megaron’.
There were living quarters in the palaces and separate spaces for administrative work,
storage and workshops. The palaces were decorated with fresco paintings on the walls
and floors. The Mycenaean palaces—with the exception of Pylos—were constructed for
defence against other Mycenaeans, or perhaps seaborne invaders. All of them were
located close to the sea because the Mycenaeans were a seafaring people. They
dominated the Mediterranean region in wars and commercial rivalry and probably put
an end to the Minoans of Crete. The Mycenaean civilization reached the height of its
prosperity between about 1300 and 1200 BC and collapsed around 1100 BC owing to
natural disasters like earthquakes and volcanic explosions or internal strife and invasion
from foreign tribes.
Both the Minoans and the Mycenaeans remained unknown to the modern world for
centuries before their archaeological discovery in the 19 th century. They existed in the
writings of later Greeks, like the poet Homer, a native of Ionia (Asia Minor), who
composed The Iliad and The Odyssey in 8th century BC. You can go through the links
given below for better understanding:
Sources:
Ancient Greece: From Indo-Europeans to Mycenaeans—Brewminate
The Minoan Civilization (penfield.edu)
The Mycenaean Civilization (penfield.edu)
b. Archaic period:
The collapse of the Mycenaean civilization was caused by the Dorian invasion and
led to the Greek Dark Ages (1100 to 800 BC). The Dorians were wild northern Greek
tribes that migrated to settle in the southern Aegean region. Culturally, they were
probably inferior to the Mycenaeans, but they ushered in the Iron Age of Greece and
influenced the later development of Greek art. However, by 800 BC there was a revival
of Greek civilization and new settlements appeared marking the end of the Dark Ages
and the transition into the Greek Archaic Period.
The Archaic period (800 to 480 BC) saw a significant increase in the Greek
population and changes in Greek language, culture, society, art, architecture and politics
and international relations. New socio-political ideas and organizations emerged, the
most important of which was Democracy. Draco, the first legislator of Athens, wrote
laws that were to be enforced by a court. However, Draco’s rather harsh laws were
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abolished later by Solon, a Greek statesman. Solon wrote another code of laws that
equalized political power and laid the foundation of Athenian democracy.
The process of “synoecism” or urbanisation i.e. the merger of several small
settlements into one urban centre took place during this period. Initially, the polis (city-
state) was a hill-top citadel which offered protection during war; later the poleis (plural
of polis) evolved into urban centres that exerted control on surrounding regions which
provided resources and paid taxes. Some of the most important city-states were Athens,
Sparta, Thebes, Corinth and Delphi. All Greek city-states functioned independently and
followed different forms of governance, such as monarchy, oligarchy and proto-
democracy. But the Greeks were unified by traditions like the Pan-Hellenic games i.e.
athletic competitions among representatives of different city-states, such as the
Olympics which emerged around 776 BC. The increasing population of the city-
states led to colonization and hundreds of Greek settlements were established in Ionia
on the coasts of the Mediterranean and Black seas. Greek colonies led to the spread of
the Greek language and Greek culture, but it also resulted in conflict with the
neighbouring Persian Empire, culminating in the series of Persian Wars in the 5 th
century BC. The Archaic Period came to an end with the expulsion of the Persians from
Greece after the battles of Plataea and Mykale in 479 BC. You can go through the
links given below for better understanding:
Sources:
Greek Dark Age—World History Encyclopedia
Greek Archaic Period—World History Encyclopedia
c. Classical Greece:
The Classical Period of ancient Greece (480 to 323 BC) began with the Greek
victory over the Persians when Athens emerged as the most powerful city-state under
the leadership of Pericles, an Athenian general and statesman. The Athenian leader,
Cleisthenes introduced the political system of demokratia, or “rule by the people”
(demos, “the people,” kratos, “power”) in 507 BC. It is believed to be the first known
instance of ‘democracy’ in the world. Pericles strengthened democracy by
providing salaries to public officials which allowed all Athenian citizens to participate
in governance irrespective of their socio-economic status. Pericles also rebuilt parts of
Athens that were destroyed by the Persian invaders, such as the magnificent Parthenon,
dedicated to the goddess Athena. Under Pericles, Athens entered a golden age known
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for great artists, philosophers and writers. Historians like Herodotus and Thucydides,
philosophers like Socrates, Plato and Aristotle, Hippocrates, the physician, Phidias, the
sculptor, Democritus, the scientist and playwrights like Aeschylus, Euripides, Sophocles
and Aristophanes all lived and worked in and around Athens during this period.
Athens organized a confederacy of allies called the Delian League (478 BC) to
protect faraway Greek settlements from Persian attacks. However, resistance to Athens’
growing power among the other Greek city-states, particularly Sparta and its allies
Corinth and Thebes, led to the Peloponnesian War (431 to 404 BC). The war ended with
the complete defeat and fall of Athens which was absorbed into the Spartan Empire.
Conflict soon broke out between Sparta and her allies and after a series of battles
none of the southern city-states were in a position to take control over Greece. A new
power started gaining influence in northern Greece—Macedonia. Hitherto a small
kingdom, it came to dominate the entire Hellenic world and beyond owing to the
personality and policy of Philip II and his son, Alexander. Phillip II politically unified
the Greek city-states by creating the League of Corinth or the Hellenic League (337
BC). He wished to conquer the Persian Empire but was assassinated in 336 BC. His
son, Alexander the Great, one of the greatest military generals in history, fulfilled his
father’s vision. Alexander led the Hellenic League in a long military campaign and
conquered the Persian Empire, making Macedonia the most powerful empire in the
world. Alexander’s Macedonian Empire extended from Greece to India. Alexander died
in 323 BC without an apparent heir. Consequently, the Macedonian Empire
disintegrated soon after his death. However, Alexander’s conquests brought people of
diverse cultures residing around the Mediterranean and South-west Asia under Greek
influence and led to the emergence of a distinctive Hellenistic culture. You can go
through the links given below for better understanding:
Sources:
The Classical Age (500-336 BC) (penfield.edu)
Classical Greece—HISTORY Macedonia
—HISTORY
d. Hellenistic Greece:
Alexander ushered in the Hellenistic Period of ancient Greece (323 to 31 BC) when
Greek culture spread across Europe, Asia and Africa. The word “Hellenistic” comes
from the word Hellazein, which means “to speak Greek or identify with the Greeks.”
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The Hellenistic period saw the Wars of the Diadochi (“Successors”) or the ambitious
generals of Alexander who divided the Macedonian Empire into three major kingdoms.
Ptolemy established his control over Egypt and parts of the Middle-East; Seleucus took
over Syria and the remnants of the Persian Empire, while Antigonus brought
Macedonia, Thrace and parts of Asia Minor under his authority. Most of the city-states
of the classical Greece such as Athens, Corinth and Thebes continued to flourish
independently.
Though marked by war and conflict, the Hellenistic period saw the spread of Greek
culture and language and the flourishing of the arts, science and philosophy. This era
also saw the rise of New Comedy, Alexandrian poetry and the philosophies of Stoicism
and Epicureanism. Alexandria in Egypt emerged as a great centre of learning and
scholarship. The Library of Alexandria, one of the important libraries in world history,
with its vast collection of scrolls attracted some of the greatest Greek thinkers of the
time, such as Archimedes, Aristarchus, Hero, Eratosthenes, Hipparchus and Euclid. The
socio-cultural religious life of Hellenistic Greece was marked by syncretism. Although
ancient Greece was at the height of its power in the Hellenistic Period, this era also
marked its decline and eventual conquest by the Roman Empire.
Source:
Alexander the Great and the Hellenistic Age (penfield.edu)
e. Fall of ancient Greece:
Like all civilizations around the world, ancient Greece fell into decline and was
conquered by the Romans. The Hellenistic era showed signs of both socio-cultural and
political decline. Firstly, the Greek city-states failed to maintain democratic ideals.
Democracy transformed into imperialism and gradually faded out after 400 BC. Greek
society became polarised into rich and poor, privileged and exploited, citizens and non-
citizens (slaves and resident aliens), leading to class-struggles. Politically, years of
conflict between the Greek city-states weakened them and also destroyed the sense of
community among Greeks. In a way, the conflicts between Alexander’s successors can
be regarded as repetition of the conflicts between the city-states on a larger scale. The
Greek colonies functioned independently and were not strong allies of Greece any more.
Consequently, Greeks failed to unite against common enemies. Conflicts with Persia,
Macedonia and Rome, were the three stages of the decline of ancient Greece. Finally,
the Roman Empire emerged as the greatest threat to the Greeks during the late
Hellenistic period. There were a series of conflicts between the Roman Republic and
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various Greek city-states until the Romans decisively defeated the Greek Achaean
League and ransacked the city of Corinth (146 BC). The Roman control over Greece
was established after the Battle of Actium (31 BC) and the conquest of Alexandria (30
BC).
However, Greece did not decline as a culture after the Roman conquest. The spirit
of Greek civilization exercised a great influence upon Rome. The Romans adopted
Greek culture as their own and spread it all over Europe.
Source:
The Causes of Greek Decline on JSTOR.
Zeus, the king of the Gods. The Greeks also worshipped deities of nature, the
underworld, heroes and revered ancestors. Gods were worshipped at sacred sites and in
massive temples in Greek city-states, like the temple of Athena in the Parthenon of
Athens and the temple of Zeus at Olympia. Offerings and sacrifices were essential acts
of worship. The Greeks believed in oracles which were believed to be portals through
which the gods spoke directly to people. The oracles of Apollo at Delphi and Zeus at
Dodona were the most famous in ancient Greece. The sibyls (female oracles) and seers
were believed to have the ability to predict the future or speak for the gods. Pan-
Hellenic games were held as part of worship, such as the Olympics in honour of Zeus,
Pythian Games in honour of Apollo, Isthmian Games in honour of Poseidon and
Nemean Games also in honour of Zeus. Besides community worship, the Greeks built
shrines in their homes for household deities.
The Greeks deities were anthropomorphic or created in human forms. The god and
goddesses displayed human qualities, interacted with humans, and even had children
with them. They also competed and fought among themselves. In The Iliad, Hera,
Athena, Thetis favoured the Greeks in the Trojan War; Aphrodite, Apollo, Poseidon
supported the Trojans, while Zeus remained uncommitted.
c. Arts and entertainment:
Ancient Greek art emphasized the accomplishments of craftsmen. Through their
temples, sculpture and pottery, the Greeks exhibited the fundamental principle of their
culture – arête or ‘excellence’. The art of pottery, particularly the decorative vase
paintings dating from the 7th century BC are of special significance as they provide
information about the culture of ancient Greece. Archaeologists believe that the vase
paintings were inspired by the earlier wall paintings in the Minoan palaces.
The Greeks led a relaxed life when they were not fighting wars and enjoyed a
variety of entertainments such as the symposium, athletics and the theatre. The
symposium was a ritualised drinking occasion accompanied by music, dancing, recitals
or intellectual conversation. They were hosted by wealthy men in their homes.
Plato’s Symposium and Xenophon’s Symposium refer to these events. Athletic competitions
were an important part of Greek culture. The most important athletic contests were the
four Pan-Hellenic festivals – the Olympic Games in honour of Zeus at Olympia; the
Pythian Games in honour of Apollo at Delphi; the Isthmian Games in honour of
Poseidon at Corinth; and the Nemean Games, also in honour of Zeus at Nemea. Theatre,
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The ancient Greeks believed all human beings were mortal and after death the soul
(psyche) entered Hades, the world of the dead. In Greek mythology, the boatman
Charon ferries the souls delivered to him by Hermes across the water (the river Acheron
or Styx) to Hades. Cerberus, a three-headed dog guards the gates of the Underworld. In
the early Mycenaean civilization all the dead went to Hades, but during the Archaic Age
the Greeks conceived the underworld in terms of the Tartarus and the Elysium. Tartarus
was a place of torment for the wicked, while Elysium was the place of pleasures for the
virtuous. Greek heroes like Achilles, who fought in the Trojan War, were believed to
live in Elysium.
Some Greek philosophers had different ideas of death and afterlife.
Pythagoras and Plato preached the idea of reincarnation, while Epicurus rejected the
possibility of afterlife and the concepts of reward or punishment after death. However,
these ideas were accepted only by a few Greeks. You can go through the links given
below for better understanding:
Sources:
Daily Life in Ancient Greece (Collection) - World History Encyclopedia
Common Beliefs and Practices in Ancient Greek Religion—Brewminate
ANCIENT GREEK ART, PAINTING AND CRAFTS | Facts and Details
Ancient Greek Warfare—World History Encyclopedia
philosophers thought about and expressed their ideas about human nature, ethics and
morality. Pre-Socratic philosophers, like Pythagoras, investigated natural phenomena.
The Socratic philosophers—Socrates, Plato and Aristotle – were the most well-known
of all Greek philosophers. Socrates taught his pupils by asking thought-provoking
questions. Xenophon and Plato wrote down Socrates’ teachings which contain his views
related to ethics, virtue, justice and other aspects of human behaviour. Plato had political
aspirations and regarded any political system devoid of philosophy as fundamentally
corrupt. His works such as the Republic, describes a wise society run by a philosopher.
Plato established his Academy at Athens for imparting education. Aristotle was Plato’s
student, and under his guidance studied ethics, science and politics. However, Aristotle
disagreed with Plato on many points. Nicomachean Ethics, Poetics and On the Soul are
some Aristotle’s famous works. Aristotle established his own academy, the Lyceum in
Athens. The Post-Socratic philosophers focused their attention on the individual rather
than on community and established four prominent schools of philosophy:
Cynicism, Skepticism, Epicureanism and Stoicism.
c. Politics:
The ancient Greek city-states were independent self-governing entities. The word
‘politics’ comes from Greek politiká, “affairs of the cities” or activities associated with
power structures and relations among people residing in the Greek city-states. The very
notion of democracy was derived from the Athenian political system called demokratia,
or “rule by the people” (demos, “the people,” kratos, “power”). The Athenian system
was a direct democracy—all male citizens were allowed to vote and debate on state
affairs. However, not all Greek philosophers believed in the democratic practices.
Socrates defended the democratic system but objected to the democracy that was
practised in Athens for which he was put to death. Plato distrusted democracy and
proposed an aristocracy i.e. the rule of philosopher-kings. Aristotle feared that
democracy could degenerate into mob rule and favoured rule by polity or political
groups.
Another ancient Greek concept that influenced the modern political systems was the
written constitution. Aristotle researched and recorded the constitutions of 158 ancient
Greek city-states and used them to write his Politics. This work is a major source of
knowledge of the development of Athenian democracy and the workings of the
Athenian city-state.
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d. Literature:
Ancient Greek literature consists of the oldest surviving written works from the
Archaic Period till the 5th century AD. Homer’s epics The Iliad and The Odyssey (8th
century BC) are considered to be the oldest extant works of Western literature. The Iliad
recounts some of the significant events of the final weeks of the Trojan War and the
Greek siege of the city of Troy while The Odyssey is the story of Odysseus, king of
Ithaca, who wanders for ten years after the Trojan War. Homeric epics enshrined the
heroic ideals of Greek culture and civilization. Homer’s contemporary, Hesiod, is
generally regarded as the first poet in the Western tradition. The Greeks invented the
drama, both tragedy and comedy. Aeschylus (The Oresteia), Sophocles (Oedipus Rex)
and Euripides (Medea) are the famous Greek tragedians whose works inspired
Aristotle’s Poetics, the famous study of Greek dramatic art. Aristophanes (The Frogs)
was the greatest writer of ancient Greek comedy who made fun at politicians,
philosophers and fellow artists through his plays. Though very little of it survives; the
ancient Greek plays are regarded as some of the greatest literary achievements till
this day.
e. Theatre:
Greek theatre began in the 6 th century BC in Athens with the
performance of tragedy plays at religious festivals. Annual theatre festivals were held to
honour Dionysus, the god of theatre, to promote peace between individuals and city-
states. Theatre buildings or the theatron were large, open-air structures with the seating
built on the natural slopes of hills pointing down towards the stage. The oldest theatre
of ancient Greece was that of Dionysus on the south slope of the acropolis of Athens.
The popular forms of theatre were the tragedy and the comedy. Initially, only one actor
was allowed on the stage at a time. Later, Aeschylus introduced the second actor and
Sophocles the third one. Professional actors emerged when theatre became competitive
festivals lasting several days. Thespis was the first known actor to appear on stage;
hence ‘actors’ are sometimes referred to as ‘thespians’ after him. Ancient Greek actors
were always men, even if they were playing female roles. Women were excluded from
the theatre in ancient Greece. The actors dressed in elaborate costumes and masks were
an important part of their performance. Actors were held in high regard in the ancient
Greek world.
f. Medicine:
Ancient Greek philosophy led to the development of medicine as Greeks learnt to
rely more on natural solutions instead of divine grace for healing. Two factors that
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encouraged the Greeks to keep healthy and seek healing were warfare and sports.
Hippocrates, who is regarded as “the father of medicine,” established a medical school
at Cos. He developed the theory of the four humours—blood, phlegm, yellow bile, and
black bile—which needed to be kept in balance for good physical and psychological
health. It was believed that illness would occur when the humours were not in balance.
This theory remained popular in Western Europe until the 17th century. Hippocrates and
his followers were the first physicians to describe and document several diseases in the
Hippocratic Corpus which is a collection of around sixty ancient Greek medical works.
However, many Greek physicians still appealed to the gods if their treatments did not
work. Asclepius, the Greco-Roman god of medicine was the son of Apollo (God of
healing). He learnt the art of healing from the centaur, Chiron. The temples dedicated
to the worship of Asclepius were later transformed into gymnasiums, public baths and
stadiums.
g. Sciences:
The Greeks made major contributions to mathematics and science that influenced
Western ideas about astronomy, geography and mathematics for centuries to come.
Early Greek philosophers were also scientists who observed and studied the natural
world – the earth, seas and mountains, as well as the solar system, planetary motion, and
astral phenomena. Pythagoras proposed the idea of a spherical Earth around 500 BC
which was validated later by Aristotle. Eratosthenes calculated the circumference of the
Earth around 240 BC while Aristarchus presented the heliocentric model of the
universe with the Sun at the centre and the Earth revolving around it once a year and
rotating about its axis once a day. In the 3rd century BC, Archimedes invented the
science of mechanics; hydrostatics and one of the most fundamental concepts of physics
i.e. centre of gravity. The basic ideas about geometry and the concept of mathematical
proofs were propounded by Greek mathematicians such as Pythagoras (500 BC) and
Euclid (300 BC). Hypatia (350-415 AD), the first woman teacher of mathematics and
philosophy of the Hellenistic school, had a social ranking equal to Alexandria’s most
important men. But she was killed by a mob of Christian men which marked the end
of paganism and the triumph of Christianity. Thus, many ideas and inventions that are
used in the modern world have their origins in ancient Greece.
h. Sports:
Games in ancient Greece were held as parts of religious festivals. The earliest
record of Greek athletics is from Homer’s The Iliad which describes how Achilles
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organized funeral games for his dead friend, Patroklos. By the Archaic Period Greek
athletics were associated with competitions for glory and status. Before participating in
these events, the athletes prayed and dedicated their performances to deities. The Greek
Olympics began in 776 BC as a way of paying tribute to Zeus, every four years in
Olympia. Pentathlon (“five events” – running, long jump, discus throw, javelin throw,
and wrestling) and chariot racing were some of the earliest events. The winners were
honoured with crowns or olive leaves. The Olympics inspired similar athletic
competitions elsewhere, like the Pythian Games sacred to Apollo at Delphi, the Isthmian
Games sacred to Poseidon at Corinth and the Nemean Games also sacred to Zeus at
Nemea. Besides these events, the city-states organised Olympic-like local games
offering valuable prizes. Winning was important for a Greek athlete for victory brought
glorious fame. As the prominence of athletics increased in ancient Greece, as part of
religious festivities, they were eventually suppressed by Christian emperors out of
concerns about pagan piety. You can go through the links given below for better
understanding:
Sources:
Ancient Greek Philosophy | Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy (utm.edu)
Greek Theatre—Ancient Greece
Ancient Greek Science—World History Encyclopedia
Greek Athletic Competitions—A Companion to Sport and Spectacle in Greek and
Roman Antiquity—Wiley Online Library
powerful empire that extended from Greece to India. Alexander was taught by Aristotle
and established the city of Alexandria in Egypt which became a great centre of learning
and scholarship. He died in 323 BC without an apparent heir and the Macedonian
Empire disintegrated soon after his death. However, Alexander’s conquests brought
people of diverse cultures residing around the Mediterranean and South-west Asia under
Greek influence and led to the emergence of a distinctive Hellenistic culture.
2. Archimedes:
Archimedes was the greatest mathematician and inventor in ancient Greece. He was
born in the city of Syracuse in Sicily in 287 BC and travelled to study in Alexandria in
Egypt. After his return he helped King Hiero II with his numerous inventions. Many
fantastic tales are associated with Archimedes, such as his exuberant cry, “Eureka!”
after discovering the way to measure the volume of gold in the king’s crown. As per
legend, Archimedes devised a mechanism to defend Syracuse during the Roman
siege. It was a crane-like mechanism—“the Claw of Archimedes” – that could lift
enemy ships and throw them back into the sea. Archimedes defended Syracuse for two
years before it was captured by Roman forces. The modern world remains indebted to
Archimedes for his works on mathematics, mechanics, hydrostatics and one of the most
fundamental concepts of physics i.e. centre of gravity.
3. Aristotle:
Aristotle was one of the most important philosophers of ancient Greece who was
tutored by Plato and later on taught Alexander the Great. He was born in 384 BC in
Stagira in northern Greece. At a young age he was sent to Plato’s Academy in Athens
where he spent twenty years. He studied matters of ethics, science, and politics like
Plato but disagreed with his teacher on many points. Later, Aristotle established his own
school, the Lyceum. Nicomachean Ethics, Poetics and On the Soul are some his famous
works. Aristotle was forced to flee Athens after the death of Alexander and his works
were lost. They were rediscovered in the 1 st century BC and since then Aristotle’s
philosophy has been the subject of academic research till this day. You will read about
him in more detail in a subsequent Unit.
4. Euclid:
Euclid was an important mathematician of Greco-Roman antiquity, best known for
his treatise on geometry called Elements. He is often referred to as the “Father of
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Geometry” for collecting and reworking the mathematical concepts of his predecessors
into a consistent whole. This work laid the foundation of Euclidean geometry. Almost
nothing is known of Euclid’s life except that he ran a school in Alexandria around 300
BC.
5. Herodotus:
Herodotus was an ancient Greek historian who was born in 485 BC in the city of
Halicarnassus, in Asia Minor. He is often referred to as the “Father of History,” for
collecting and systematically documenting events into his work known as The Histories.
His main source was oral tradition. Though Herodotus focused on the Greco-Persian
Wars (499–479 BC), he also wrote about other events of the contemporary
Mediterranean world. However, he was criticised by later historians like Thucydides,
for including familiar legends and fanciful stories in his historical account for
entertainment.
6. Homer:
Almost nothing definite is known of Homer, not even whether he really existed.
Going by legend, Homer was born at Smyrna in the Ionian region of Asia Minor
between 750 and 700 BC. He is often depicted as a blind poet wandering around the
coastal region of Greece. Homer is regarded as the author of the ancient Greek
epics, The Iliad and The Odyssey, dating from the 8th century BC. The poems are set in
Mycenaean Greece. The Iliad narrates the events of the final weeks of the Trojan War,
while The Odyssey tells the story of the travels of Odysseus, king of Ithaca, after the
Trojan War. Homeric epics belong to the oral tradition; his works were likely written
down at a later age by others. The Iliad and The Odyssey offer insights into the ideals
of Greek culture and civilization. Being the earliest literary works of the western world,
Homer’s works set the foundation of the Western literary tradition.
7. Pericles:
Pericles was an ancient Greek statesman who ushered in the Golden Age of Athens.
He was born into an aristocratic family of Athens in 495 BC. He was a patron of the
arts from an early age and sponsored Aeschylus and his play The Persians. The success
of the play made Pericles a popular figure in Athens. He led several successful military
campaigns which further increased his popularity. His outstanding oratory skills also
helped him to gain considerable influence in Athenian politics. Pericles
strengthened democracy by providing salaries to public officials which allowed all
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1.1.6 Summing Up
It is never easy to approach a culture and civilization long removed from our times,
and this Course is a challenging one exactly because that is what it demands. To make
your journey smooth, in this Unit we have given you a detailed view of the ancient
Greek civilization, its glorious development and its fall when it was conquered by
the Romans. The Classical and Hellenistic eras of Greece were undoubtedly the most
splendid, however the eras that preceded and succeeded this glorious period, have left
a rich a legacy. This Unit also gives an idea about the ancient Greek way of life: the
socio-cultural political aspects and the contributions of some ancient Greek personalities
whose ideas and activities influenced the world. We hope this Unit will help you to
understand the background of the classical texts in this paper and appreciate them better.
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Retief, Francois & Cilliers, Louise. “Burial customs, the afterlife and the pollution of
death in ancient Greece”. Acta Theologica, Supplementum 7: 26.2 (2006): 44-61.
Web. 1 May 2021.
Richard, Carl J. Twelve Greeks and Romans who changed the World. Rowman and
Littlefield, 2003.
Said, Suzanne and Monique Trede. 1990. Trans. Trista Selous. A Short History of Greek
Literature. Routledge, 1999.
Sansone, David. Ancient Greek Civilization. 2004. Wiley Blackwell, 2017.
Soupious, M.A. The Greeks who made us who We are: Eighteen Greek Philosophers,
Scientists, Poets and Others. McFarland and Co., 2013.
Walbank, F.W. “The Causes of Greek Decline.” The Journal of Hellenic Studies, vol. 64
(1944): 10-20. JSTOR. Web. 1 May 2021.
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1.2.0 Introduction
This Unit attempts to explore how the epic as a creative genre evolved over the
centuries and how it developed, incorporating innovating elements that suited the new
age. It tries to define the term ‘epic,’ and see how critics divide it into categories. It
specifically discusses, with suitable examples, the two broad categories—primary epic
poetry and secondary epic poetry. It is necessary to understand the basic features of both
the primary epic poetry and secondary epic poetry. That is what we shall do in this unit.
One need not necessarily agree with the view expressed by the critics mentioned
above. A genre goes through transformations in content and form as it travels through
time. Innovations and imitations take place during the journey. It takes new turns and
the old forms of the genre transform and appear in new guises. That is why one may
be tempted to announce the death of the genre prematurely. The same thing happens in
the case of epic as well. Since its birth in the ancient times, the epic is conceived in
terms of its length,features (such as heroism), motifs (such as travel motif), and generic
conventions (such as ‘in medias res’ and ‘Invocation to Muse’).However, you must
have observed how the use of the term ‘epic’ is no longer limited to the long,
conventional poetry such as Homer’s the Iliad and the Odyssey. It is now being applied
to a wide range of works such as Tolstoy’s War and Peace (published serially during
1865-69), Derek Walcott’s Omeros (1990), D. W. Griffith’s pioneering Birth of a
Nation (1915) or Cecil B. DeMille’s The Ten Commandments (1923). The last two
examples are from the film genre where discourses related to the epic have also left its
mark. Critics have noted down epic qualities in certain films having “extravagant
demonstrations of spectacle and special effects first in the mid-twentieth century and
then at the beginning of the twenty-first” (Johns-Putra 9). Literary epic and epic film,
Adeline Johns-Putra argues, share elements of heroism and grandeur of scale (9) and
she has included a whole chapter on film in her book The History of the Epic (2006).
These qualities are shared in other genres such as novel. That is why Tolstoy’s War and
Peace has been mentioned above. Richard P. Martin thus argues that “[the term] ‘epic,’
applied to similar categories across cultures, plays a necessary role that transcends genre
(thus making fruitless the attempt to pin it down as any single genre)” (9). All these
suggest that it is difficult to impose a strict definitional boundary on the epic, or on any
other genre for that matter, and that genres tend to have continuous dialogues with one
another.
While you should remain alert to the porosity of generic borders and the flexibility
of definitions, you should also be aware of the history of the birth and growth of the
epic as a genre and how it developed some specific kind of epic themes, conventions,
and styles. Traditional definitions are built on these. If we know how a genre is
traditionally defined, we can trace the history of innovations as well. That is one reason
why we should also try to define a genre at a given point of time.This can be helpful
in understanding the classical European epics which you will have to read.
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war and you will see spectacular scenes of valour on display here. Greek leaders came
together to preserve their honour which was slighted by Troy’s abduction of Menelaus’s
wife Helen. The long temporal span of the Trojan war and the sustained spirit of
heroism of the leaders reinforce the epic spirit in the Iliad.
Sienkewicz mentions the following characteristic features of the epic poetry:
(1) It deals with stories from ancient times when ‘a superior race of men’ lived for
‘action and for the honor and renown which it brings.’
(2) consolidation of minor details to form a ‘solid [narrative] background.’.
(3) ‘the use of the single line, instead of the stanza, as the metrical unit.’
(4) use of speeches, often quite long, by mostly important characters.
(5) ‘literary devices to vary or assist the narrative, such as similes, repeated
passages, and incidental stories.’
(6) ‘the reluctance of the poet to assert his own personality.’
(7) ‘the dependence on a tradition which is passed from generation to generation,
and from poet to poet, and [which] supplies stories, themes, and language.’
not as an historical record of the past, but as the poet’s artistic interpretation or
recreation of legend or theme. The combination of the poet’s ‘seeing eye’ and his
personal style together create something which is not based on reality but has a life of
its own to be transmitted to the mind of the reader.”
Activity for the Learner:
1. What is the relationship between oral epic poetry or primary epic poetry on one
hand and literary epic poetry or secondary epic poetry on the other?
2. Who are the critics who believe that epic poetry cannot be written now?
3. Do you feel that genre boundary is basically flexible?
4. Mention some more examples (not mentioned in this unit) of primary and
secondary epic poetry?
5. Mention some films (not mentioned in this unit) which may be called ‘epic’?
What are the features for which they may be called ‘epic’ films?
perilous adventures. In the process, as the introduction of the written book states, he
‘learnt of everything the sum of wisdom’ (qtd. in Johns-Putra 16). His friendship with
Enkidu constitutes an important part of the story. Enkidu was originally created by God
to challenge and contain Gilgamesh’s rash behaviour. Subsequently, both became
friends and jointly participated in heroic adventures such as killing of the monster
Humbaba (or Huwawa) and the Bull of Heaven. Enkidu’s death during an encounter
was greatly mourned by Gilgamesh. Gilgamesh’s last adventure involved a quest motif,
that of discovering the secret of immortality. He encountered Uta-napishti who had this
knowledge. He is a Noah-like figure who survived a deluge, a close parallel to that told
in the Old Testament. He, however, failed to gather the secret from Uta-napishti. The
poem ends with the description of his return to his kingdom. While it is striking to note
the close resemblance between Uta-napishti in Gilgamesh and the Biblical figure of
Noah and their experience of the divine deluge, there are also parallels with Homeric
stories. Johns-Putra states that “many scholars point to a number of thematic, structural
and narrative parallels between the texts, such as the friendship between Gilgamesh and
Enkidu and that between Achilleus and Patroklos, or the power dynamics that underlie
Ishtar’s attempted seduction of Gilgamesh and Kalypso’s and Circe’s relationships with
Odysseus” (17).
Homer’s Iliad and Odyssey are also based on oral narratives which circulated for a
long time. These narratives were spontaneously composed by anonymous singers and
contained many formulaic expressions that helped the process of composition. Such a
singer was known as aiodos. Johns-Putra points out that “the question of the orality of
the Homeric poems is complicated by the coincidence of their composition and the
invention of writing in Greece” (19). She also asserts that ‘at the heart of Homeric epic’
lies ‘its heroic function’ which is ‘captured in the phrase klea’ which means ‘glorious
deeds’ (25). Referring to Nagy, she points out that “the word kleos, or ‘fame’ (literally,
‘that which is heard’), refers not simply to the fame that is achieved by the hero who
is sung” (Johns-Putra 25) but also to “the formal word which the Singer himself
(aiodos) used to designate the songs which he sang in praise of gods and men, or, by
extension, the songs which people learned to sing from him” (Nagy qtd. In Johns-Putra
25). Pointing out that “the heroic deeds are inseparable from the song that immortalises
them,” she observes,
Underpinning kleos, then, is the notion that glory is about reputation, heroism
about public honour. The Homeric poems do not simply demonstrate this heroic
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code, they rigorously interrogate it, exploring and exposing its limits. It is to this
close to ironic nature of Homeric verse—its doubleness or self-awareness of its
own inherent contradictions—that we shall turn our attention. (25)
Homer’s Iliad projects its protagonist Achilles’ ménis (wrath) which results from
Agamemnon’s flouting of the codes of kleos. By demanding Briseis, a woman awarded
to Achilles as a prize in observation of the code of heroism, Agamemnon dishonours the
very convention of the heroic age, and this angers Achilles who withdraws from the
war. “Agamemnon’s selfish actions are incompatible with, indeed incomprehensible to,
Achilleus’ value system: ‘this thought comes as a bitter sorrow to my heart and my
spirit/when a man tries to foul one who is his equal, to take back/a prize of honour,
because he goes in greater authority’ (XVII.52–4)” (Johns-Putra 28). This has a
disastrous effect on the Achaian army. Achilles does not participate in the war till his
dear friend Petroklas is killed by Hector. He has the foreknowledge that his end is near
but devastates the army of Troy till he succumbs to death (See details of the story in
Module 2, Unit 6).
The Odyssey, like the Iliad, contains 24 books. It opens in medias res. It is the
narrative of Odysseus’s return home from the Trojan war and has the epic motifs and
themes such as wandering and return, participation of gods and goddesses in the actions
of the poems, prophecies and omens, and encounters with supernatural creatures.The
return journey takes about ten years. During his journey he encounters a series of
adventures from which he comes out unscathed by means of valour, wiliness, and
resourcefulness. He and his men meet lotos-eaters, and have encounters with Cyclops,
Circe, Scylla. He was a captive of the goddess Calypso whose offer of marriage and
immortality he rejected. Many of his comrades, however, died during these adventures.
Returning home, he deals with his wife Penelope’s suitors who took advantage of his
long absence from his kingdom. In fact, he was assumed to have died because of his
failure to return during the long intervening period of twenty years. Upon his return,
Ulysses, with the help of his son Telemachus, killed Penelope’s unruly suitors. Thus, as
in the Iliad, the spirit of kleos is very much present in the Odyssey.
Based on our discussion above, we may identify some common features of the
primary epic. These features have been neatly pointed out in the following extract from
an essay entitled “English Language and Literary Types: A Study of Primary and
Secondary Epic”:
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These primary epics have features in common–a central figure of heroic, even
super-human caliber, who undertake perilous journeys, face various
misadventures, show intellectual capacity, and have a strong element of the
supernatural forces that shape the action. There are conflicts in the form of
battles or other physical combat. The epics show repetition of fairly long
passages of narrative or dialogue, have elaborate greetings that add to the
grandeur of the heroes, their plots show digressions and the narrative takes
recourse to elaborate or epic similes. There are long speeches, vivid and direct
description of actions and in general there is a lofty tone, which often resembles
the tone of classical tragedy, in other words a larger than life world forms the
staple of the epic. Commonplace details of everyday life may appear, but they
serve only as background for the story and are described in the same lofty style
as the rest of the poem.
We may now proceed to discuss the secondary epic poetry in the next section.
were some epic poets such as Apollonius and Ennius who appeared in between Homer
and Virgil, he was chiefly influenced by Homer. Aeneas, the protagonist, is a Trojan
warrior who fled to Italy and was responsible for the foundation of the Roman empire.
The son of the goddess Venus, he has a divine lineage. In the poem Aeneas is seen
crossing the sea and encountering several hurdles. These were caused by the Roman
goddess Juno who, we will see in our module on the Iliad, was ill-disposed towards the
Trojans. Subsequently, however, he is able to reach Italy where the king Latinus
proposes his daughter Lavinus’ marriage with him. Turnus, Lavinus’s betrothed,
however, challenges Aeneas. In the war that follows Aeneas defeats Turnus’s army.
After some hesitation when he is overtaken by a spirit of kindness and piety, Aeneas
kills Turnus. The path for the foundation of a new nation is made smooth in this way.
Critics note two neat divisions in the epic– the Odyssean and Iliadic halves. “Aeneas’
quest to find a new home to replace the ruins of Troy corresponds to the lengthy and
difficult nostos experienced by Odysseus” (41). His challenge to Turnus, his subsequent
killing of him, his “gaining the hand of Lavinia and settlement of Latium [that] echoes
the Achaians’ invasion of Troy” (41) constitute the Iliadic half which “allows Aeneas to
display his aristeia and achieve kleos” (41). Johns-Putra also discovers two selves in
Aeneas—a romantic self and an imperialist self. The former gives in to the latter. This
is, for example, clearly manifested in his relationship with Dido, the Carthaginian
queen, who woos him. He declines it with great difficulty: “Aeneas, mindful of Jove’s
words, kept his eyes / Unyielding, and with a great effort repressed his feeling for her”
(qtd. in Johns-Putra 41). Such a sacrifice of the personal happiness at the altar of the
greater duty “defines Aeneas as a leader of his people rather than just a brilliant warrior.
His respect for the gods is a prerequisite for Roman imperial glory, since his obeisance
to Jupiter’s decrees, not to mention the behests of his mother, Venus, lead directly to his
founding an empire in Italy” (44). Aeneid clearly marks a shift in the genre’s journey
forward: “Virgil’s Aeneid oversees the epic’s evolution from ancient Greece to
imperialist Rome as a transition from a mythical narrative of a ‘history of the world’ to
a vehicle for nationalist ideology” (44).
The next example that we shall discuss now—Milton’s Paradise Lost—marks yet
another shift—the genre shows a distinct turn towards Christian values. In this
‘conventional heroic epic’, originally published in 1667 in ten Books (twelve Books in
the second revised edition published in 1674) Milton chose a biblical theme and adopted
heroic conventions from Homer and Virgil. The theme revolves round conflicts, war,
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and heroism.The poem tells the story of Adam and Eve, how they were created, why
they disobeyed God’s instructions and their subsequent fall. It recreates the story of
Genesis, enlarging it, and giving Satan (Lucifer) a privileged focus.It talks about his
rebellion against God, his expulsion, his recuperation from the effects of defeat and how
he, in the form of a serpent, foils God’s design by tempting Eve to eat the forbidden
fruit.Thus, Paradise Lost has the entire cosmos as the background and Milton embeds
his story of God, archangels, and men amid this vast space. To suit the loftiness of the
theme, he employs an elevated style. Milton adopts blank verse, which he describes as
“English heroic verse without rhyme, as that of Homer in Greek and of Virgil in Latin;
rhyme being no necessary adjunct or true ornament of poem or good verse” (qtd. in
Johns-Putra 73). Following epic conventions, he also invokes the Muse, begins the story
in medias res, and uses motifs such as descent into the underworld. Indeed “Milton
brings back into focus a range of epic motifs.…[He] reintroduces the epic catalogue, the
war council, and the heavenly scales. Thus, his list of fallen angels in hell echoes those
of the Achaian ships in the Iliad and of the Italian chieftains in Book VII of the Aeneid;
the devils’ war council at Pandemonium recalls those of both Agamemnon and Aeneas
before the main attack, and God, like Zeus and Jupiter, indicates his judgment with a
divine set of scales” (Johns-Putra 73). Milton assigns a privileged focus to the character
of Satan who unmistakably shows heroic qualities. Northrop Frye rightly says, “It is to
Satan and his followers that Milton assigns the conventional and classical type of
heroism. Satan, like Achilles, retires sulkily in heaven when a decision appears to be
favouring another Son of God, and emerges in a torrent of wrath to wreak vengeance.
Like Odysseus, he steers his way with great cunning between the Scylla-like Sin and the
Charybdis-like Death; like the knights errant of romance, he goes out alone on a
perilous quest to an unknown world” (qtd. in Johns-Putra 75).
The last work we shall discuss briefly here is Alexander Pope’s The Rape of the
Lock. The poem in two cantos first appeared in 1712, a revised edition in 1714, and the
final version in 1717. Pope’s venture was quite in conformity with the spirit of the
eighteenth century which saw vigorous literary activities related to the epic in two new
forms.The century witnessed the growth of translations of epic poetry as well as the
development of mock-epic forms. John Dryden and Pope were the two main
practitioners of these forms. Dryden translated Aeneid in 1697, six volumes of Pope’s
translation of the Iliad reached the English readers in between 1715 and 1720 (Pope
also collaborated
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in the translation of Odyssey). Dryden’s Absalom and Achitophel (1681) and Mac
Flecknoe (1682), as well as Pope’s The Rape of the Lock (1712-14) and The Dunciad
(1728-42) are mock-heroic poems.
The Rape of the Lock, as we have just mentioned, is a satiric representation of the
eighteenth-century English society. It represents the satiric variety of the genre, one that
takes small events and treats them as ones having epic dimensions. The poem narrates
the fictional version of a true incident that involved two aristocratic families.Pope wrote
the poem at John Caryll’s request, Caryll was Pope’s patron and the main purpose of
writing the poem was to revive friendship between the families by pointing out their
follies. Enmity between them developed out of an incident involving cutting of a portion
of Belinda’s lock of hair.This event is blown out of proportions and described in terms
of a great war in which even the supernatural beings such as sylphs and gnomes who
protect Belinda participate in the true epic tradition of wars. The environment of conflict
and war is created through card games and the exchange of ‘glares and frowns.’ The
“decisive battle-scene is the assault on Belinda’s lock and the fight that ensues” (Johns-
Putra 102). This poem, along with those of Dryden, thus created a new trend in the epic
tradition.
Activity for the Learner:
1. Consult relevant sources to find out the meanings of the following words:
(a) aiodos; (b) nostos; (c) kleos; (d) aristeia; (e) klea
2. Mention some works which were influenced by Homer’s Iliad and Odyssey.
3. During which period did the following authors write?
Homer, Virgil, Milton, Pope, Dryden.
4. Consult relevant sources to find out whether Homer wrote any work/s other
than the Iliad and the Odyssey.
5. Mention some other works (not spoken about in this unit) of Milton, Pope, and
Dryden.
1.2.5 Summing Up
Going through the above sections, we can understand that the epic poetry has really
taken new innovative turns. It was oral in the beginning, sung by local bards, and
40 CC-EG-02 NSOU
embraced as its theme heroic deeds of great men of bygone days. To them honour of
the self and of the people was of great importance. Gradually, literary epic poetry
emerged as a new form which retained some of the features of the oral epic poetry but
introduced new elements as well. This new form celebrated the heroic deeds of great
men but inducted new motives such as imperialist desires or Christian values. The term
‘epic’ has now transcended the strict generic boundary of poetry and is being
increasingly used in the fields of novel and film. That is why we need to trace the
trajectory of the development of the epic poetry as a genre. We have exactly done this in
the unit. It will help you contextualise the epic poems which are included in your
syllabus.
Short Questions:
1. Who is the author of The English Epic and Its Background?
2. Mention a book written by C.M. Bowra.
3. Mention any motif usually employed by an epic poet.
4. Mention at least two examples of epic conventions.
5. In which genre will you place Birth of a Nation (1915)?
6. Which is the earliest extant epic poetry?
7. Who is Turnus in Virgil’s Aeneid ?
8. Is Milton’s Paradise Lost a primary or secondary epic?
1.3.0 Introduction
The Greeks, specifically from Athens, were the pioneering group of people who
introduced one of the earliest theatres in the world. You already have an overview of
how drama originated in Greece, here we shall see in detail how it developed.
Eventually you will also be acquainted with some of the great Greek Tragedies and
Comedies, along with the ancient theatre forms in Greece. Greek plays are the root of
all kinds of drama originating in Europe, and therefore, learning about the Greek drama
tradition is very important for you as students of English literature. This Unit will enable
you to-
learn about the origin of drama in ancient Greece;
know about the important forms and examples of Greek drama;
understand the infrastructure of ancient theatres;
become familiar with great Greek dramatists.
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unmanageable, because as there were rows and fighting over the possession of seats, the
state authority decided to charge an admission fee and tickets had to be bought
beforehand. Even then there were no reserved seats, except for certain officials who sat
in the front row. In the time of Pericles, complaints were made that the poorer citizens
could not afford to buy tickets, and so important was the drama then considered, that
it was ordered that tickets should be given free to all who applied for them.
stage on which the actors would act, would be behind the orchestra. At the back of the
orchestra used to be a building painted to look like the front of a temple or a palace,
to which the actors would retire when they were not needed on the stage or they would
change their costumes.
As seen in the images, there would be no roof, and overhead was the deep blue
European sky. The Acropolis could be seen behind with its olive-laden hills in the
distance. There was no room for curtains in the plays, as the plays were not divided into
different acts. When there was a pause in the action, the Chorus used to fill up the time
with their songs. In a tragedy, we would not see the catastrophe on the stage, but a
messenger would most often impart a bloody account of death or what had happened.
We must not be beguiled by the simplicity of the outward surroundings, as we know
that some of the greatest tragedies and comedies were produced here by the Greeks
more than two thousand years ago.
Image: The Odeon of Herodes Atticus, the Amphitheatre existent in Acropolis of Athens
today (photo source: internet)
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BCE. He was a prolific writer; had written between seventy and ninety plays by the time
of his death in 456 BCE, as is surmised today. Most of his plays were written for the
annual Athenian drama competition mentioned in the earlier section, the City Dionysia
as it was called, which Aeschylus won thirteen times. At this festival, three chosen
dramatists would perform three tragedies and a satyr play. The Oresteia by Aeschylus
is the only complete Greek tragic trilogy existing today. Only seven of Aeschylus’ plays
have survived till date: Agamemnon, The Libation Bearers, The Eumenides (these three
plays compose the tragic trilogy known as The Oresteia), The Persians, Seven Against
Thebes, The Supplicants, and Prometheus Bound. Some scholars discount Prometheus
Bound and hold that it is wrongly attributed to Aeschylus. The first time he won at the
drama festival (City Dionysia) was perhaps in 484 BCE, although the title of the trilogy
is unknown. The known title of his winning trilogy for the festival in 472 BCE is The
Persians. This trilogy deserves mention because it is about the Persian defeat at
Salamis, which is unusual as at the festival the topics of the pantheon of Greek myth
were usually dealt in the festival.
The second, Sophocles, is considered to be the greatest among the three, as his work
took Greek tragedy to its peak. He was born near Athens perhaps in 496 BCE in the
town of Colonus. It is told that in his ninety-year lifespan he witnessed the rise and fall
of the Athenian Golden Age. His breakthrough in the festival of Dionysus happened
dramatically. It is said that Aeschylus had left Athens in 471 BCE to attend the court
of a great tyrant called Hieronat Syracuse. Hieron is known as a famous patron of the
arts. When Aeschylus returned to Athens for the festival in 468 BCE, Sophocles, then
twenty-eight-year-old and competing for the first time, won the first place defeating the
great Aeschylus.
Sophocles never lost his popularity in Athens, and as is known, he remained in this
city throughout his life although he was invited by many rulers to visit other cities in
the surrounding regions. He wrote around one hundred and twenty-three plays for the
Athenian theatre, and won twenty-four festivals—had he not won all of them he was at
least placed second in every festival. However, only seven of his plays have survived.
These are (in the order in which they are thought to have been written): Ajax, Antigone,
The Women of Trachis, Oedipus the King, Electra, Philoctetes, and Oedipus at Colonus
—all tragedies. Of these, Oedipus the King is syllabised as a text for you in this course.
All the same, as eager enthusiasts, you would do good to try and access the other plays
on internet archives.
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Oedipus the King is perhaps Sophocles’ most famous play in which he deals with
the mythological figure of Oedipus and explores several important issues of the time.
You will read this play thoroughly. Its sequel, Antigone (c. 442 BCE) is another of his
most famous works, and in this the lead character is a female though the presence of
female actors is debated. She antagonises her maternal uncle King Creon of Thebes by
burying her brother Polynices against his wish, and has to receive his punishment. It is
a very complicated play as it deals with the moral right of a sister seeking to rescue the
soul of her dead brother by giving him a proper burial, and at the same time it talks
about the political right of the king having the traitor Polynices denied burial rites. The
play is quite modern in that sense. From the existing wreckages of Sophocles’ works or
references to his lost plays, scholars have discovered that he wrote on many issues, but
he was mostly revered by his contemporaries as well as by modern scholars for his
treatment of the individual and for the complex issues that his tragic plays address.
Sophocles was an innovator, as it is believed that he introduced several key changes in
the theatre practices of the time. He ended the tradition of writing trilogies on connected
topics at the City Dionysia, and introduced elaborate painted background scenery,
changed the number of speaking actors from two to three, and enlarged the chorus from
twelve to fifteen men.
The third great Greek tragedian is Euripides. Eighty titles of Euripides’ plays are
known today, of which nineteen tragedies are extant. Among these the famous ones are
Medea, Hippolytus, Trojan Women, The Bacchae, and Iphigenia in Aulis. Some scholars
think that he is not as great as he is considered to be, because they find his plays filled
with too many unrelated ideas that misrepresent the Greek religion. They argue that had
he been as great he would not lose in so many of the drama competitions. According
to information, Euripides staged his plays in the drama festival (the City Dionysia)
twenty-two times, but he only won five times. He was, however, bold and irreverent as
he could look beyond religious orthodoxy and criticize Greek culture and religion. It is
remarkable that many of the protagonists in his plays are female, and he was able to
examine well-known stories in a completely new way through his vision of the world
from a female’s perspective. He used to delve deep into the psychology of his
characters.
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Frogs had a more serious tone than some of Aristophanes’ other comedies, and it is
about dramatists, poets and competitors in the festivals.
The comedies often used satire, parody, puns, exaggeration, colourful language, and
crude jokes. The plot of these comedies usually challenged reality as they would jump
incredible geographic distances, break the limit of time and space and there would be
rapid changes of scenes. Fantastical elements were part of these: giant creatures would
walk on the stage in their improbable disguises.
Menander was quite popular at that time, and his works were frequently adapted by
later Latin playwrights. His plays were popular for their imaginative situations, fast-
moving dialogues and suspense. Unlike Aristophanes’ middle-aged heroes, he often
presented a young romantic protagonist, who would be single. There were quite many
comedy playwrights of the time, among whom Epicharmus of Kos (540-450 BCE),
Cratinus (520-420 BCE), Eupolis (446-411 BCE), Hegemon of Thasos (Fifth
century BCE), Pherecrates (Fifth century BCE), Cantharus (422 BCE), Antiphanes
(408- 334 BCE) can be mentioned. Cratinus’ Cheimazomenae (426 BCE), Satyrs (424
BCE), and Pytine (423BCE) and Eupolis’ Numeniae (425 BCE), Maricas (421 BCE),
Flatterers (421 BCE) and Autolycus (420 BCE) are remarkable and these two dramatists
were multiple winners at the most prestigious festivals of the time.
Sometime in the late 4th century BCE, New Comedy arrived. Some scholars
suggest that there was an intermediary stage called Middle Comedy. The division
between Old and Middle Comedy is not very clearly marked. For instance,
Aristophanes and some other writers of the Old Comedy were the earliest writers of the
Middle Comedy. Indeed, Menander is counted as one of the Middle comedy writers.
Middle Comedy was an offshoot of the Old Comedy, as it stands, only differing in some
essential particulars like the Middle Comedy had no chorus; public characters were not
personified on the stage in these like the Old comedies, and the objects of ridicule were
more general and literary rather than being personal and political. Therefore, some
scholars suggest that Old Comedy was more like lampoon while Middle Comedy was
criticism and review. Aristophanes’ final plays provided a transition towards this newer
style.
The period of the Middle Comedy extended from the closing years of the fifth
century BCE to nearly the middle of the fourth century BCE. It was a productive time
for plays, as many plays were produced at that time, but the quality of plays declined.
Popular themes of comedies were literary and social peculiarities of the day, which were
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treated lightly instead of with serious criticism. The Middle Comedy also parodied the
grand tragedies and parts of epics. Parts of Aeschylus, Sophocles and Homer, or
beautiful lyrics of Pindar and Simonides would be parodied regularly. Myths were
treated in the same way. Eubulus, Epicrates of Ambracia, Anaxandrides and Alexis are
some of the important playwrights of the time.
Compared to Old and Middle Comedies, New Comedy focused more on the plot,
and would often employ recurring stock characters such as cooks, soldiers, pimps, and
the cunning slave. The chorus became less important to the plot. There would be only
musical interludes between acts by the chorus. Plays of this time were of five-act
structure. There was already a legislation made to curb the practice of personal attacks
in plays, and there were indeed fewer of such invectives in the New Comedies. Instead,
New Comedy showed concerns for people, classes, and family relations. The most
important playwright of this period was the poet Philemon (c. 368/60-267/3 BCE), who
wrote about 97 comedies, Diphilus who wrote around 100 plays, and Philippides.
Philemon won more festival victories than Menander, but Meander is the one
considered to be the greatest poet of New Comedy. He wrote around 100 plays that
survived up to the 7th century CE, but after that they were lost. The Dyskolos (316
BCE) is the most complete surviving play of Meander and significant portions of six
other plays also survive till date. Other playwrights of the time were Apollodorus of
Carystus (300- 260 BCE), Diphilus of Sinope (340-290 BCE), Machon of Corinth
(Third century BCE), Poseidippus of Cassandreia (316-250 BCE), Laines or Laenes
(185 BCE), Philemon (183 BCE), Chairion or Chaerion (154 BCE).
scripts, particularly by the three great tragedians, are now classics. The plays that took
part in the festivals were kept by the state as official and unalterable state documents.
The study of the ‘classic’ plays has become an important part of the school curriculum.
The sociopolitical impact of the plays was great. In addition to entertainment with
their comic touch, the plays gave invaluable insights into Greek society. They ridiculed
the government, political institutions, legal systems, religious practices, education, and
so on. Today the plays reveal to us the specific interests of the Greek audience, as those
show the Greeks’ sense of humour of the time. They represent the relationship between
the domestic and the public phases of Greek life and comment on the individual and the
community lives in Greece. They teach us how to comment on a society with its
nuances. Individuals, great or less important, get equal importance in these; kings,
statemen, courtesans, parasites, revelers, the self-conceited cook, all become so alive in
these plays that we can say here is ‘God’s plenty’.
known as Istanbul today, Greek texts were copied and read. The three tragedians
mentioned in the earlier section, together with the comedy playwright Aristophanes,
were part of the Byzantine school curriculum. In Western Europe, Classical drama was
known mainly through Latin authors, and through Seneca, whose plays influenced
English dramatists like Thomas Kyd. The knowledge of Greek was never lost in Europe,
and especially in Southern Italy, where Greek manuscripts were being copied in the
thirteenth century. However, other Europeans did not know ancient Greek and thus
could not have access to the original texts. Some Italian intellectuals such as Petrarch,
Boccaccio and a few Italian teachers started teaching Greek. After the fall of
Constantinople to the Turks in the middle of the 15th century, a handful of Byzantine
intellectuals took shelter in Italy and taught Greek there. They brought Greek
manuscripts with them, and thus Greek drama became available to Italian humanists.
The rediscovery of Classical texts played an important role for Latin drama as well. As
European intellectuals learned Greek, throughout the second half of the 15th century in
Italy and in the rest of Europe,Latin translations of Greek texts followed. One particular
event was the publication of several plays by Aristophanes, Sophocles, Euripides, and
Aeschylus by Aldo Manuzio (1449-1515) in Venice. You will learn in greater detail
about this phase in subsequent Units.
Greek, and later Roman tragedies came as a viable model to follow for the rest of
Europe, and all tragedies written in Renaissance Italy were fundamentally neoclassical,
because they formally complied with Classical rules. Many tragedies of the time
borrowed from Greek myths, and also used Roman myths or history. Renaissance
thinkers who were thinking man as the centre of creation and questioned the supremacy
of God and fate, found affinity in Greek classics that dealt with complicated issues like
man’s predicament in a world dominated by uncertainties where fate needed to be
treated as the ultimately powerful. In that sense, there is a line of continuity to be traced
between pre-Christian classical dramaturgy and post-Renaissance humanistic strain in
literature and culture. Some tragedies often focused on blood and revenge or on tragic
love stories, often included supernatural elements, but would often have a moralistic
undertone about human destiny. For the Renaissance playwrights, tragedy had a didactic
function. An idea that by staging the fall of great nobles or tyrants, tragedy could teach
rulers how to govern with justice flourished in Renaissance Italy. Kingship and power
were also recurrent themes alongside man’s inability to control his destiny. Renaissance
playwrights borrowed the theme of destiny from Greek tragedy and expanded it. The
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Prince written by Machiavelli was also an influential text of the time. The
unpredictability of human fortune initiated the Machiavellian idea of the necessity of
exploiting it, and Renaissance tragedies used to depict Senecan tyrants as Machiavellian
princes and rulers.
Neoclassical tragedy was strongly dependent on Greek models, but Greek comedy
did not thrive much during the Renaissance. Neoclassical comedy took its inspiration
from Roman comedy. Perhaps the crude political humor of ancient Greek comedy was
not easy for the Renaissance dramatists to adapt for their audiences, while the family
based humor of Roman comedy was much easier to follow. Though Aristophanes was
known and appreciated, Plautus and Terence were imitated during the period.
Another form of drama called the Pastoral flourished during the Renaissance. A
Pastoral is basically a love story enacted in an idealized rural setting, and showing the
interaction between romanticized characters such as shepherds and shepherdesses,
nymphs and satyrs, etc. The Renaissance Opera also attempted to re-create Greek
tragedy. Apart from borrowing themes and styles for drama, Renaissance architecture
also developed the Terrence Stage that used Perspective Painting (for comedy-regular
houses; for tragedy-palaces; pastorals-woods) that had Greek influence. So, Italian
Renaissance followed Greek plays to a large extent to give an artistic expression to the
new thoughts of the time, and it was transferred to the rest of Europe soon and inspired
many great dramatists like Marlowe, Shakespeare, Jonson, Rabelais, Cervantes, Swift,
Voltaire, and many others.
The Greek theatre was viewed as a manifestation of Greek culture and, therefore, was
forbidden by the Rabbinic authorities. However, when early in the nineteenth century,
Yiddish stage introduced European-style drama into Jewish literature, some Greek plays
were translated, adapted and staged. Similarly, in many cultures of the world, Greek
plays found thematic relevance and were either directly staged in English translation or
adapted to their own languages in their sociopolitical milieus. In Africa, Greek plays
became quite popular in the 1970s. Oedipus the King is a play that had paramount
prominence. Apart from different direct staging attempts, The Gods Are Not To Blame is
a 1968 play and a 1971 novel by the Nigerian writer Ola Rotimi that became famous
in the African setting. The story centres on Odewale, an African king, who is lured into
a false sense of security, only to get caught up in a somewhat consanguineous trail of
events by the gods of the land. The impact of the source text is clearly perceptible here.
In the Indian Subcontinent too, Greek plays became very popular during the
colonial period, for the obvious parallels that could be drawn and lessons that could be
imparted in sync with nationalist aspirations. The trend has continued unabated even
after national independence in India. In Bengal there were several adaptations of
Oedipus the King and Agamemnon. One popular example is Raja Oedipus, translated,
directed and acted by Shambhu Mitra as Raja (King) Oedipus, that was produced by
Bohurupee at New Empire in 1964. The play’s audio recording is available, and you can
listen to it on YouTube using this link https://youtu.be/ILlnfadICJ8.
Greek plays brought new tragic genre to modern plays, and also gave birth to new
forms of art. For example, Old Comedy can be traced in contemporary political satires.
New Comedy gave rise to a new art form called pantomime from the 1st century BCE,
which drew inspiration from the Greek tragedy.
1.3.8 Summing Up
Greek plays are considered to be the root of European drama. For their thematic
richness and stylistic versatility Greek plays found paramount prominence in
Renaissance Europe, and through colonial connections, they reached almost all parts of
the globe. These plays have given rise to theatre architecture, innovative acting space
and style, the idea of theatre as a form of social criticism, and so on. Greek plays not
only defined the European theatre genre, rather gave birth to modern urban theatre in
many parts of the world.
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Module-2
Iliad (Book 1)
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2.4.0 Introduction
In Module 1 Unit 2, you have already been introduced to the classical epic as a
genre, and have contextually come across the name of Homer. In this Unit, we intend
to bring about:
some basic knowledge of Homer’s life and works that will guide you through this
Module
to have an idea of the ancient Greek world
to understand the significance of the Homeric style in epic poetry
except for a marble bust, the image of which is available widely on the internet. This
statue dates back to 2nd century AD and is said to be a Roman copy of the Hellenistic
original sculpted in 2nd century BC.
Homer had a strong influence not only on Greek learning and literature in the
classical age but also on the European culture in the later ages. Ancient philosophers
such as Plato and Aristotle referred to the lines of Homer in their treatises on different
branches of knowledge. Though a miasma surrounds his biography, most of the
historical records show that Homer was born in Ioniain Asia Minor (located in modern
day Turkey), and probably lived during 7th century BCE or 8th century BCE. Herodotus,
a historian of 5th century BCE, affirms that both Homer and Hesiod, a contemporary
poet, lived not more than four hundred years before him.
Homeric poems precede the compositions of Hesiod, the author of Theogony or
Genealogy of the Gods and Works and Days. In Works and Days, Hesiod describes the
life of the farmers and glorifies their hard work on the land. It is written in Homeric
verse, which shows the influence of Homer’s style on Hesiod. However, it seems
apparent that Hesiod suffered from the anxiety of Homeric influence. In Theogony, he
says that while tending the flock on Mount Helicon, the abode of the Muses, he received
orders from the Muses to become a poet and to sing of the gods. In Works and Days,
he refers to a contest between two poets, in which he wins a tripod by defeating the rival
poet. Although Hesiod does not mention the name of Homer as his rival, in another
biographical narrative called Certamen Homeri et Hesiodi or Contest of Homer and
Hesiod, this imagined contest is represented as taking place between Homer and Hesiod,
in which the latter wins because his works on agriculture and peaceful life is considered
thematically superior to Homer’s war narratives.
The Trojan War features as the backdrop in both the epics of Homer. It is said to
have taken place in the eleventh or twelfth century BCE, which is approximately three
to four hundred years before Homer’s lifetime. For a long time, many scholars
considered the war and the city of Troy as fictional but later, in the nineteenth century,
archeologists confirmed the existence of the city in Hisalrik, a place in Turkey. Since
Homer is one of the forefathers of ancient Greek literature, his take on the war is
important not only in understanding a long poetic tradition but also in knowing the
Mycenaean world, the first civilisation of Europe. Richard Jenkyns says that the
Mycenaean civilisation was “at its peak in the middle of the second millennium BC, and
the Iliad retains some memory of that time” (1). Jenkyns also points out that the
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“Mycenaeans spoke Greek and they knew the use of writing, although they may have
employed it only for practical purposes, but with the decline of this culture writing
disappeared, not to be introduced again until in the eighth century” (1-2). In this
context, the interesting facts presented in his observation raise a question in our minds
whether
Source: https://blog.britishmuseum.org/who-was-homer/
Homer’s epics had evolved through writing or they belonged purely to the oral tradition.
It may be possible that it was partially written either by the poet himself or by a scribe
at different points of time. Many have challenged the authenticity of single authorship
and have argued that the Iliad and the Odyssey are perhaps works of collaboration.
Activities:
1. Consult relevant books and authentic sources on the internet, gather information
on the authors mentioned below and write short notes on them: Plato, Aristotle,
Hesiod and Herodotus.
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2. The names of the four authors mentioned in Activity no. 1 are not necessarily
arranged chronologically. Arrange them chronologically, giving the dates of
their life period, wherever possible, against brackets.
3. Consult appropriate sources to find out the locations of the places mentioned on
the modern map of the world.
to it. Ten years had passed after the fall of Troy but Odysseus could not return home.
Telemachus, his son, goes in search of his father and he is guided by Athena, the Greek
goddess of wisdom and warfare. For seven years, Odysseus is detained in the island of
Ogygia by goddess Calypso. Zeus orders Calypso to set Odysseus free. He makes a raft
and sails on it. Poseidon, the sea god, raises a storm to take revenge on Odysseus as
he had blinded Poseidon’s son Polyphymus, a cannibal giant. The adventures of
Odysseus describe his encounter with gods, goddesses, women, monsters and the spirits
of the dead. The most prominent motif in this epic is that of ‘journey’ and it has been
explored by Homer from both literal and metaphorical perspectives, thereby tracing the
growth of the hero’s perception of the perplexities and his perseverance in resolving
them. Considering these factors, the Odyssey is also read as a bildungsroman in which
identity, hospitality and test are the major themes.
The Homeric Hymns is another important work ascribed to Homer and the school
of poets who followed his grand style. The word ‘hymn’ is derived from the Greek term
hymnos meaning a song in praise of a divine figure. The Homeric hymns consist of a
collection of thirty three poems written in Greek hexameter.In epic style, these hymns
either invoke the gods and goddesses whose festivals were celebrated or describe events
from the lives of the deities. Particularly, two out of these—“Hymn to Demeter” and
“Hymn to Apollo”—are very popular. In Greek mythology, Apollo is an authority on
music, prophecy, medicine, sun and archery, and Demeter holds her claim over grain
and fertility. The “Hymn to Demeter,” presents a mother-daughter narrative of Demeter
and Persephone. It is based on the myth of Hades’ seizing of Persephone and Demeter’s
search for her. The pursuit ends with the establishment of Eleusinian mysteries, which
are associated with the annual rites of the ancient Greeks in the village of Eleusis in
Athens. The “Hymn to Apollo” is divided into two parts: the first part describes the
birth of the god on Delos; the second part deals with the establishment of his oracle at
Delphi. The hymns narrate the attributes of the concerned deity and often recapitulate
their great deeds in the past. These also describe the rituals and the rites that are
performed to please the deities.
Activities:
1. Consult appropriate sources and write a short note on the Trojan War.
2. Prepare a list of gods, goddesses and monsters you have come across in the
above section (1.2) and write briefly on them after consulting relevant sources.
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3. What is a bildungsroman? Name some works which can be placed under the
category.
2.4.4 Summing Up
Homer offers a panoramic view of the ancient Greek world through an extensive
representation of mythology in his works. Although the mythological tales were well-
known to the audience of his time, Homer re-viewed those narratives through an
experimental representation of the characters of the divine figures and the humans. At
times, Homer portrays his humans as demi-gods. Their wisdom, resilience and tenacity
to fight against the odds leave us awe-stricken. On the other hand, in the Iliad and the
Odyssey, we come across gods and goddesses, who are cunning, revengeful and
frivolous. Their character and temperament are more like the mundane human beings
than the celestial figures. Plato condemned such arepresentation of divinity because he
felt that it would have an ill impact on the common people. This was one reason why
he advocated the banishment of the poets from his ideal republic. Needless to say,
Homer would not have found an entry there. However, as readers, we cannot overlook
the beauty and grandeur in Homer’s treatment of the historical facts and the
mythological tales. He is indeed a great poet whose poetry can transpose us to a sublime
world of antiquity.
Activities:
1. Watch the BBC documentary series In Search of the Trojan War (1985), written
and presented by Michael Wood.
2. Look into an Atlas or a map of modern Europe and try to locate the birth place/
s of Homer and the city of Troy
2.5.0 Introduction
While your syllabus specifically has Book 1 of the Iliad, it is important for you to
have an overview of Homer’s work in its entirety. So in this Unit, we briefly introduce
you to all 24 books of the Iliad, so that you are able to have a better understanding of
the classical epic mode in general and the Homeric work in particular. Apart from that,
we also acquaint you with the overarching themes, and the picture of the society in
which the text is set. As you go through this Unit, you are advised to keep referring back
to Module 1 Unit 2 where the features of epic poetry have been explained in detail. At
the end of this unit, you are expected to:
have an idea of the ancient Greek world
know the background of Troy and the Trojan War
know the storyline of the Iliad
have some idea about epic conventions
Greeks. He addresses them mostly as the Achaeans, the Argives and the Danaans. Let
us try to find out who these people were and why we commonly refer to them as the
Greeks. During Homer’s time, which was specifically the late Bronze Age, the nation
of Greece did not exist as it does in the modern world map. The political demography
of the eastern and the western parts of the Mediterranean during that age, and
particularly, the period when the Battle of Troy had taken place, was divided among
four major empires, namely: the Mesopotamian Empire, the Babylonian Empire, the
Egyptian Empire and the Hittite Empire. With the Hittite Empire to its east, the Aegean
Sea and Mycenae in the west, the city of Troy was located in north-west Asia Minor
(modern day Turkey). The term ‘Achaeans,’ in the ancient times, referred to both the
region and the people in south-east Thessaly and north-east Peloponnese. It was in
South Thessaly that Achilles, whose wrath is the central theme of the Iliad, lived.
‘Achaeans’ also referred to the subjects of Agamemnon, the ruler of Mycenae, who
resided in the north- east Peloponnese. In an extended sense the term ‘Achaeans’
denoted the Greek world and the Greek people. At this point, it should be mentioned
that in the ancient times, particularly during the time of Homer, the concept of nation, as
we understand it today, did not exist.
The term ‘Argives’ is associated with ‘Argos’ (also called Argolis), a city in the
north-east Peloponnese. In Homer’s works, ‘Argos’ refers to the city of King Diomedes
and the kingdom of Agamemnon. Homer also used it to refer to “the whole of the
Peloponnese, as opposed to Hellas, i.e. Greece north of the Isthmus of Corinth”
(Howatson and Chilvers 53). “Danaans sometimes signifies Argives” (Howatson and
Chilvers, 159) and in this regard the term was applied widely to the Greek people living
in the Peloponnesian region. The Achaeans, the Argives and the Danaans—whom
Homer identified as the Greeks, lived in different parts of the Peloponnesian region. It
is a widely known fact that in the classical times, the Greek world was also known as
‘Hellas’ or ‘Hellenes.’ We should, however, note that Homer does not refer to the
besieging group in the Trojan War as the Hellenes. Although both, the Achaeans and the
Hellenes, represented the ancient Greek world, to Homer they were distinct groups.
of the city. In order to have a fair idea of the tale of Troy, you should have some basic
knowledge of the history of this city. It was famous for horses and textiles. Troy had
been attacked and occupied several times. In 1300 BC, the city was destroyed by an
earthquake. Ancient historians have differed about the year of Trojan War. From their
writings, we know that the War took place between 1280 BC and 1184 BC. The study
of the family tree of the Trojan rulers explains the nomenclature of the city: “Dardanus
[, the] son of Zeus ‘established Dardania’ (as Homer says), a district north-east of Troy,
and married the daughter of the local king Teucer (Teukros). He had as descendants
‘Tros’ (from whom the Troad and the Trojans were named) and Ilus, who founded the
city of Troy, sometimes called after him Ilium (Ilion)” (Howatson and Chilvers, 557).
King Priam, whose name you will come across in Iliad, is the grandson of Ilus and the
son of Laomedon. He is the father of Hector, Paris, Polydorus, Cassandra and Creusa.
In the Iliad he is represented as an old man. He laments the death of Hector and his
other sons, who died in the Trojan War. In Unit 4, you have already read about the
cause of the War. You must be curious to know why Paris, Hector’s brother, had
abducted Helen. She, the paragon of beauty, was married to Menelaus, the king of
Sparta. Abduction of the married woman, which apparently became the triggering factor
for the outbreak of the War, was an indirect consequence of a negotiation between Paris
and a goddess.
The background of the Trojan tale takes us to the Greek mythology. Zeus, the
supreme God of the Greeks, loved Thetis, a sea-goddess. However, he did not marry her
when he came to know that she will give birth to a son, who will be greater than his
father. Zeus decided to get her married to a mortal. Thetis was married to Peleus, king
of Phthia. In the wedding ceremony, all gods and goddesses were invited except Eris,
the goddess of strife. She was angry and had come to the banquet hall unexpectedly to
play a trick. She dropped there a golden apple on which was inscribed ‘For the Fairest.’
Soon this apple became an apple of discord between Hera, the wife of Zeus, and their
two daughters, Athena and Aphrodite (Find more about the family tree of the Greek
gods and goddesses by clicking on https://greece.mrdonn.org/greekgods/familytree.html).
All three women claimed the apple and went to Zeus to seek justice. Zeus, in turn,
told them to go to Paris. Each goddess offered a bribe to Paris in order to take
possession of the apple. While Hera promised to give him royal power, Athena offered
him the boon of military success. Aphrodite said that he would have the most beautiful
woman on earth as his wife. Paris was tempted by Aphrodite’s offer and awarded the
golden apple to her. Since Helen was the most beautiful woman in the Greek world,
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Paris sailed to Sparta to meet her. Not only did he woo her but also convinced her to
come along with him to Troy. Many years ago, at the time of Helen’s marriage, the
kings who courted her had vowed to protect her honour and the honour of the man she
chose to marry. Thus, when Menelaus came to know about the abduction of his wife, he
urged the Greek rulers to wage a war against Troy. And thus was formed a loose
confederation of Greek army which would ultimately launch a war against Troy.
Activity for the Learner:
1. Try to find out the present location of Greece in the atlas and compare its
position with that of the old ‘Greece.’
2. Try to locate the ancient Troy in the map of modern-day Europe.
3. Look up the word ‘Hellenes’ in the dictionary and consult other relevant
sources and write a short note on it.
4. Who are referred to as the ‘Achaeans,’ the ‘Argives’ and the ‘Danaans’ in the
Iliad?
5. Read this unit and consult relevant sources and draw a family tree of Zeus.
6. Write short notes on Zeus, Athena, Aphrodite and Eris.
BOOK II
To keep his promise, Zeus sends to Agamemnon a dream which falsely assures the
latter that if he mounts attacks on Troy now, he will be victorious. Agamemnon then
assembles his army and wants to test their resolution by saying that he will give up
the war and return to Greece. Unfortunately for him, the troops are glad and start
embarking their ships. Alarmed at this, Hera, Zeus’s wife who nurtures grudge against
Paris and Troy (we have already discussed the reason earlier), comes to his help and
becomes instrumental in reassembling the troops and getting them mentally prepared
for the War. Then they march for the war. The poet, invoking the muse, offers details
of the Greek army and also of the Trojan forces.
BOOK III
Menelaus and Paris engage themselves in a duel. It is a fight between two equals
and none of them can claim advantage. At one point in the fight, Menelaus is able to
catch hold of Paris and drag him along. This is a point when he gains advantage over
his rival but it is neutralised when Aphrodite who favours the Trojans intervenes and
whisks Paris away to Priam’s palace. Helen meets him there. Since Paris cannot be
traced in the battleground, Agamemnon insists on Greek victory and demands Helen
back.
BOOK IV
A quarrel among the gods breaks out in Olympus. Zeus feels that the Greeks have
won the battle and there should be an end to the war. But Hera insists on the
continuation of the war. As she favours the Greeks, she wants the complete destruction
of the Trojans. Zeus gives in to her pleas. She employs a divine ploy to begin the war
afresh. As the battle rages, many lives are lost but the major characters remain
unharmed. The gods’ intervention, however, continues to affect the course of the war.
BOOK V
Athena empowers Diomedes with the power of seeing the gods and the goddesses
in the battlefield but instructs her not to disturb them except Aphrodite. Pandarus is
killed by him but Aeneas is saved by Aphrodite whom, however, Diomedes is able to
hurt. Aeneas later returns to the war. With divine help the Greeks are able to inflict
severe losses on the Trojans.
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BOOK VI
The battle continues, now without the direct participation of the gods. The Greeks
gain advantage over the Trojans. Hector returns to his mother Hecuba to request her to
arrange a big sacrifice for Athena so that the Trojans can rebuff the Greeks. Although
the sacrifice is given, Athena refuses to listen to their prayer. Hector and Paris join the
war.
BOOK VII
To avoid the continued slaughter, Hector proposes a duel with anyone from the
Greek camp. Ajax is chosen to fight Hector. The two warriors engage in the duel but
it remains inconclusive. The heralds call them back at the end of the day. Nestor
proposes a truce so that the burial of the dead can be arranged. They will also be able
to utilise this time in building a protective wall. The Trojans too send a proposal for a
temporary truce for the burial of the dead. They also propose to restore Helen’s property
to the Greeks and give some of Paris’s own. This proposal is meant as an alternative
to the return of Helen to Agamemnon. The latter accepts the proposal of the truce but
not the other one.
BOOK VIII
Zeus asks the gods not to interfere in the war. He goes to the Mount Ida to look at
the Trojan plane below. The Trojans give a spirited fightback and the Greeks retreat
behind their wall. Hera and Athena try to help the Greeks but are stopped by Zeus.
Hector and other Trojans camp outside the wall to retain the advantage of the day.
BOOK IX
The Greeks are crestfallen. Even Agamemnon breaks down and speaks of returning
home. The soldiers naturally feel demoralised. Diomedes, however, chides Agamemnon
for his negative attitude and reminds him that the Greeks are fated to win. This instills
some confidence in both Agamemnon and the common soldiers. Nestor reminds
Agamemnon of the absence of Achilles and Agamemnon confesses his own foolishness.
He agrees to return Briseis and offer gifts to Achilles if he agrees to join the battlefield.
But Achilles refuses the offer and says that he cannot be bought or sold by money and
wealth. Diomedes proposes that they should prepare for the fight next day and then all
retire for rest.
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BOOK X
Diomedes and Odysseus [in disguise] go out to the Trojan camp for spying. The
Trojans also send Dolan to spy on the Greeks. Dolan is captured and information about
the Trojan camp, their preparedness, Hector’s location and other sensitive information
is extracted from him. Then they kill him and some other Trojans. Apollo interferes and
then they return to their camps and take a ritual bath.
BOOK XI
The Greeks under the leadership of Agamemnon gain some initial advantage in the
battle but Agamemnon and several other Greek leaders are wounded. As they retire, the
Trojans make advances. Achilles, confined in his isolation, goes through a mixed
feeling of sorrow for the predicament of his comrades in the battle field and pleasure at
the plight of the Greeks for the injustice done to him. He sends his friend Petroklos to
Nestor for gathering information of the proceedings of the battle. As Nestor provides
Petroklos fresh information, he requests the latter to take initiatives for persuading
Achilles to participate in the war. If he fails to do so, he should wear Achilles’s famous
armour and join the fight.
BOOK XII
The Trojans storm the fortification under the leadership of Hector. As Hector and
Polydamas attempt to attack the wall, they see an omen which is interpreted by the latter
as the sign of their failure. Hector, however, ignores the interpretation and attacks the
weak fortification.
BOOK XIII
As Zeus takes his attention away from the battlefield, the sea-god Poseidon secretly
tries to help the Greeks. As the plundering Trojans advance and kill Poseidon’s
grandson, the sea-god becomes angry and helps the Greeks organise an attack against
the Trojans. This results in a huge casualty on the Trojan side. Reinforced by Paris’s
encouraging words, Hector regains his spirit. As Hector and his team move forward,
Ajax promises to offer a great fight. They engage in fights.
BOOK XIV
As Agamemnon, now injured like Odysseus and Diomedes, descends into
depression and speaks of returning home, leaders like Odysseus and Diomedes criticise
him and speak of the need for encouraging the soldiers. Poseidon also informs them that
the Trojan attacks will indeed be repulsed. Hera and others plan to put Zeus on sleep so
that
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he cannot pay attention to the battle. Counselled and aided by Poseidon, the Greeks now
attack the Trojans and injure Hector. Ultimately, the Trojans have to retreat.
BOOK XV
Zeus wakes up to discover the wreckage Hera and Poseidon had done to Hector. He
summons Iris and Apollo and informs them that his support for the Trojans is temporary
and is strategic in nature as it is intended to glorify Achilles. He further predicts that
Hector will kill Petroklas which will ultimately bring Achilles to the battlefield. Iris
goes to Poseidon to refrain him from helping the Greeks. The sea-god reluctantly agrees
to leave the field. Apollo gets into the act of curing Hector’s wounds and getting him
reinvigorated.
BOOK XVI
As the Trojans burn Greek ships, Petroklas requests Achilles to lend him his armour
so that he can repulse the attack. Achilles agrees but warns not to do any more than save
the ships as pursuing the Trojans back to their wall will spell his doom. Seeing Petroklas
join the fight in Achilles armour, the Trojans get scared. They believe that Achilles
himself has joined the war. As they retreat and as Petroklas follow them, Apollo strikes
him from behind and his armour comes out. He is ultimately killed by Hector.
BOOK XVII
This book deals with intense clashes that erupt around the corpse of Patroklas. The
Trojan soldier who speared him is killed by Meneleus. Hector arrives and strips
Patroklas of his armour which he then wears. Meneleus and Ajax, however, are able to
save the body from being desecrated and to send back Hector and his army.
BOOK XVIII
Achilles is informed of Patroklas’s death and he is grief-stricken. His cry attracts
the attention of his mother Thetis who arrives there to know the reason of his grief.
Achilles informs her that he wants to join the war and kill Hector to avenge Patroklas’s
death and that he wants an armour for the purpose. Thetis asks him to wait for a day so
that the divine smith can make a new one for him. Achilles appears on the battlefield
and lets out a cry that scares away the Trojan warriors. Patroklas’s body is
retrieved.
BOOK XIX
Achilles and Agamemnon are reconciled with each other. This causes jubilation in
the Greek camp. Achilles wants to join the war immediately but he is persuaded to wait
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as the soldiers need refreshment and rest. Though Achilles knows that he is doomed to
die, he rushes to the battlefield with his team.
BOOK XX
As the Greek and the Trojan armies get locked in an intense battle, Zeus calls a
meeting of gods and permit them to assist their favourites. They are instructed to see
that the fate of the war which has been pre-determined should not be altered. The gods
get into action accordingly. Achilles fights the war ferociously and kills many Trojans.
While he is about to kill Aeneas, Poseidon intervenes and saves the latter.
BOOK XXI
Achilles continues his ferocious attacks on the Trojans and kills many of them. He
throws so many of the dead bodies on the river Scamander that it gets clogged and the
river-god protests and drags Achilles to the downstream. At this the gods intervene and
sets the plains on fire and ultimately the river-god relents. The gods also quarrel among
themselves. Achilles in the mean time pursues the Trojan soldiers back to wall of the
city and is about to seize it but fails because of Poseidon’s intervention.
BOOK XXII
Hector is the only Trojan hero who chooses to remain outside the city wall. He
confronts Achilles and in a fierce fight ultimately dies. Achilles drags his corpse
through the dirt as Priam witnesses his son’s misfortune.
BOOK XXIII
Back in the Greek camp, Achilles mourns Patroklas’s death. His friend visits him
in his dream and requests Achilles to arrange for his funeral so that he can enter the land
of the death. Achilles does so in the next morning and organises some competitions in
the honour of his dead friend.
BOOK XXIV
As Achilles continues to dishonour Hector’s corpse, Apollo protects it from dogs
and prevents it from rotting. Zeus settles that the corpse should be given back to the
Trojans in exchange for a ransom. Priam arrives to take his son’s body and Achilles
agrees to hand it over to Priam. Back in the Trojan camp, proper arrangements are made
for the burial.
A Quick Recap Activity:
1. How many books does the Iliad have?
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2. Go through the book-wise summary of the Iliad and check whether the
abduction of Helen and the storming of the Troy find place in the epic. Consult
the original text and other relevant sources.
3. Write down the names of the major Greek and Trojan characters mentioned in
the epic.
4. What happened over the body of Patroklas?
5. What is the significance of Achilles’s armour?
6. Which event, according to you, turn the tide of the war in the favour of the
Greeks?
7. Mention at least one Book where the gods engage themselves in quarrel.
8. In which Book are Achilles and Agamemnon reconciled with each other?
9. In which book is Hector killed?
10. How does the epic end?
muse: “Sing, goddess, the anger of Achilles, the anger which caused so many
sorrows to the Greeks” (Richards 33).
ii) The narrative begins in medias res (“in the middle of things”). The Iliad begins
at the tenth year of the siege of Troy. The battle is in full swing between the
Trojans and the Greeks. Specifically, it refers to the time and situation when
“first, Agamemnon, king of men, and great Achilles were parted in anger”
(Richards 33).
iii) The hero is a quasi-divine figure. His position is of national and cosmic
importance. Iliad, for example, is the son of Thetis, a sea nymph. Although he
is a mortal, his strength and valour surpasses the ordinary human standards. In
Book XVIII, when Achilles re-appears in the battlefield and snarls at his
adversaries, the Trojan warriors are scared. He is also a man of scruples. This
becomes evident when he turns down Agamemnon’s bribe of wealth and
woman and sticks to his code of self-respect.
iv) The scope of the setting is vast, often expanded across the universe. The action
of Paradise Lost takes place in heaven, on earth, in hell, and in the space
between heaven and hell. In Book XXI of the Iliad Achilles throws the dead
bodies of the Trojans in the river Scamander. When the river is clogged, the
river god is annoyed and he drags Achilles downstream.
v) Superhuman deeds, battles, catalogue of the warriors occupy an important place
in both the primary and the secondary epics. In Book II, you can find two long
lists of the Greek and the Trojan warriors.
vi) Gods and goddesses take part in human action. In the Iliad, the gods and the
goddesses not only participate in the conflict between the two groups but also
behave like the mortals. In Book I, Thetis persuades Zeus to give victory to
the Trojans till Agamemnon realises the fact that he should not have humiliated
Achilles.When Achilles is about to kill Aeneas, Poseidon, the sea god, comes
and saves him. They quarrel among themselves like petty human beings when
their plans are thwarted. Often they interfere in the drama of human action to
either protect the honour of their followers or to render justice. In Book XXIV
Apollo protects the corpse of Hector from the dogs. In the same book, Zeus
states that Hector’s body should be returned to Priam in lieu of big ransom.
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vii) The grand style of epic involves an elevated language which abounds in
extensive allusions, epithets and epic similes. The epic simile is also known as
Homeric simile. An elaborate definition of epic similes is given below:
Epic Similes are formal, sustained similes in which the secondary subject, or
vehicle, is elaborated far beyond its specific points of close parallel to the primary
subject, or tenor, to which it is compared. This figure was imitated from Homer by
Virgil, Milton and other writers of literary epics, who employed it to enhance the
ceremonial quality and wide-ranging reference of the narrative style. (Abrams 79)
Now that you have read the characteristics of epic poetry you will be able to
identify these in the first book of the Iliad. You should note down the epic conventions
in Book I and think how these contribute to the thematic aspects of this primary epic.
Although heroic adventures and battle scenes are ample in the Iliad, these are but one of
the many devices to highlight the major themes and the character traits about which you
will study in the next Unit.
2.5.5 Summing Up
In this Unit you have been sensitised to the geo-political locations of the Greece and
Troy and what forging an alliance meant at that time. Asia Minor figures as a focal
point in the context of reading the Iliad. By now you also have some idea about the
factors that played an important role in Paris’ abduction of Helen, which led to the war
between the Trojans and the Homeric Greek world. The story line of the Iliad and the
turning points in must have been clear to you by now. You will be able to identify the
epic conventions while reading Book I of the epic which is in your syllabus. Now that
you have a clear idea of the points mentioned above, you will be able to appreciate the
prescribed section of the epic.
2. What impression do you form about the gods and goddesses mentioned in the
Iliad? Cite examples from the Iliad.
3. Critically analyse the narrative of the Iliad as an epic.
4. Identify the epic features in the Iliad.
5. What is an Invocation? Write a note on Homer’s Invocation in Iliad.
Middle-length Questions:
1. Illustrate the factors that led to the Trojan War. Mention in this connection the
mythical narrative that are available to us.
2. Why do we call the Iliad a primary epic?
3. What led to the conflict between Agamemnon and Achilles?
4. Who wore Achilles armour? What happened to him?
5. Do you consider Achilles a hero? Give reasons for your answer.
Short Questions:
1. What is the origin of the word ‘Iliad’?
2. Who was Helen married to?
3. Who dropped a golden apple with the inscription ‘For the Fairest’ on the
banquet hall during the ceremony of marriage between Thetis and Peleus?
4. What request did Chryses make to Agamemnon?
5. Who was Calchas?
6. Who killed Petroklas?
7. On which river did Achilles throw the dead bodies of his enemies?
8. What do you mean by ‘in medias res’?
9. In which book of the Iliad did Achilles appear in the battlefield?
Edwards, Mark W. Homer: Poet of the Iliad. Baltimore: The John Hopkins University
Press, 1987.
Howatson, M.C. and Ian Chilvers, eds. Oxford Concise Companion to Classical
Literature. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993.
Jenkyns, Richard. “Homer.” Classical Literature: An Epic Journey from Homer to
Virgil and Beyond. New York: Basic Books, 2016. 1-22.
Richards, I.A. The Iliad of Homer. New York: Norton, 1950.
NOTES
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2.6.0 Introduction
The Iliad, we all know, is about the Trojan War. But if you have read the earlier
units properly, you will realise that this epic deals with only a small part of the War.
It narrates the incidents of the tenth year of the siege of Troy. The epic is mainly about
Achilles and his quarrel with Agamemnon which results in miseries for the Greeks.
Book I which is prescribed in your syllabus narrates the background of the quarrel and
sets the action of the entire epic. This unit will deal only with Book I. It will help you
get acquainted with the main incidents that happen here, the main characters that
appear and the way they behave. It will also analyse some themes of Book I, and will
explore the significant stylistic aspects of the Book. By the end of this unit, you will
be able to—
critically interpret the first book of the Iliad prescribed in your syllabus;
understand the form, structure and the epic conventions employed in the text;
understand the nature of political formations and alliances in the ancient Greece
interpret the behaviour patterns of the heroic characters of the epic.
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Thus did he pray, and Apollo heard his prayer. He came down furious from the
summits of Olympus, with his bow and his quiver upon his shoulder, and the arrows
rattled on his back with the rage that trembled within him. He sat himself down away
from the ships with a face as dark as night, and his silver bow rang death as he shot
his arrow in the midst of them. Firs the smote their mules and their hounds, but
presently he aimed his shafts at the people themselves, and all day long the pyres of the
dead were burning.
For nine whole days he shot his arrows among the people, but upon the tenth day
Achilles called them in assembly—moved thereto by Juno, who saw the Achaeans in
their death-throes and had compassion upon them. Then, when they were got together,
he rose and spoke among them.
“Son of Atreus,” said he, “I deem that we should now turn roving home if we would
escape destruction, for we are being cut down by war and pestilence at once. Let us ask
some priest or prophet, or some reader of dreams (for dreams, too, are of Jove) who can
tell us why Phoebus Apollo is so angry, and say whether it is for some vow that we have
broken, or hecatomb that we have not offered, and whether he will accept the savour
of lambs and goats without blemish, so as to take away the plague from us.”
With these words he sat down, and Calchas son of Thestor, wisest of augurs, who
knew things past present and to come, rose to speak. He it was who had guided the
Achaeans with their fleet to Ilius, through the prophesyings with which Phoebus Apollo
had inspired him. With all sincerity and goodwill he addressed them thus:—
“Achilles, loved of heaven, you bid me tell you about the anger of King Apollo, I will
therefore do so; but consider first and swear that you will stand by me heartily in word
and deed, for I know that I shall offend one who rules the Argives with might, to whom
all the Achaeans are in subjection. A plain man cannot stand against the anger of a king,
who if he swallow his displeasure now, will yet nurse revenge till he has wreaked it.
Consider, therefore, whether or no you will protect me.”
And Achilles answered, “Fear not, but speak as it is borne in upon you from heaven,
for by Apollo, Calchas, to whom you pray, and whose oracles you reveal to us, not a
Danaan at our ships shall lay his hand upon you, while I yet live to look upon the face
of the earth—no, not though you name Agamemnon himself, who is by far the foremost
of the Achaeans.”
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Thereon the seer spoke boldly. “The god,” he said, “is angry neither about vow nor
hecatomb, but for his priest’s sake, whom Agamemnon has dishonoured, in that he
would not free his daughter nor take a ransom for her; therefore has he sent these evils
upon us, and will yet send others. He will not deliver the Danaans from this pestilence
till Agamemnon has restored the girl without fee or ransom to her father, and has sent
a holy hecatomb to Chryse. Thus we may perhaps appease him.”
With these words he sat down, and Agamemnon rose in anger. His heart was black
with rage, and his eyes flashed fire as he scowled on Calchas and said, “Seer of evil,
you never yet prophesied smooth things concerning me, but have ever loved to foretell
that which was evil. You have brought me neither comfort nor performance; and now
you come seeing among Danaans, and saying that Apollo has plagued us because I
would not take a ransom for this girl, the daughter of Chryses. I have set my heart on
keeping her in my own house, for I love her better even than my own wife
Clytemnestra, whose peer she is alike in form and feature, in understanding and
accomplishments. Still I will give her up if I must, for I would have the people live, not
die; but you must find me a prize instead, or I alone among the Argives shall be without
one. This is not well; for you behold, all of you, that my prize is to go elsewhither.”
And Achilles answered, “Most noble son of Atreus, covetous beyond all mankind,
how shall the Achaeans find you another prize? We have no common store from which
to take one. Those we took from the cities have been awarded; we cannot disallow the
awards that have been made already. Give this girl, therefore, to the god, and if ever
Jove grants us to sack the city of Troy we will requite you three and fourfold.”
Then Agamemnon said, “Achilles, valiant though you be, you shall not thus outwit
me. You shall not overreach and you shall not persuade me. Are you to keep your own
prize, while I sit tamely under my loss and give up the girl at your bidding? Let the
Achaeans find me a prize in fair exchange to my liking, or I will come and take your
own, or that of Ajax or of Ulysses; and he to whomsoever I may come shall rue my
coming. But of this we will take thought hereafter; for the present, let us draw a ship
into the sea, and find a crew for her expressly; let us put a hecatomb on board, and let
us send Chryseis also; further, let some chief man among us be in command, either
Ajax, or Idomeneus, or yourself, son of Peleus, mighty warrior that you are, that we
may offer sacrifice and appease the anger of the god.”
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Achilles scowled at him and answered, “You are steeped in insolence and lust of
gain. With what heart can any of the Achaeans do your bidding, either on foray or in
open fighting? I came not warring here for any ill the Trojans had done me. I have no
quarrel with them. They have not raided my cattle nor my horses, nor cut down my
harvests on the rich plains of Phthia; for between me and them there is a great space,
both mountain and sounding sea. We have followed you, Sir Insolence! for your
pleasure, not ours—to gain satisfaction from the Trojans for your shameless self and for
Menelaus. You forget this, and threaten to rob me of the prize for which I have toiled,
and which the sons of the Achaeans have given me. Never when the Achaeans sack any
rich city of the Trojans do I receive so good a prize as you do, though it is my hands
that do the better part of the fighting. When the sharing comes, your share is far the
largest, and I, forsooth, must go back to my ships, take what I can get and be thankful,
when my labour of fighting is done. Now, therefore, I shall go back to Phthia; it will
be much better for me to return home with my ships, for I will not stay here dishonoured
to gather gold and substance for you.”
And Agamemnon answered, “Fly if you will, I shall make you no prayers to stay
you. I have others here who will do me honour, and above all Jove, the lord of counsel.
There is no king here so hateful to me as you are, for you are ever quarrelsome and ill-
affected. What though you be brave? Was it not heaven that made you so? Go home,
then, with your ships and comrades to lord it over the Myrmidons. I care neither for you
nor for your anger; and thus will I do: since Phoebus Apollo is taking Chryseis from me,
I shall send her with my ship and my followers, but I shall come to your tent and take
your own prize Briseis, that you may learn how much stronger I am than you are, and
that another may fear to set himself up as equal or comparable with me.”
The son of Peleus was furious, and his heart within his shaggy breast was divided
whether to draw his sword, push the others aside, and kill the son of Atreus, or to
restrain himself and check his anger. While he was thus in two minds, and was drawing
his mighty sword from its scabbard, Minerva came down from heaven (for Juno had
sent her in the love she bore to them both), and seized the son of Peleus by his yellow
hair, visible to him alone, for of the others no man could see her. Achilles turned in
amaze, and by the fire that flashed from her eyes at once knew that she was Minerva.
“Why are you here,” said he, “daughter of aegis-bearing Jove? To see the pride of
Agamemnon, son of Atreus? Let me tell you—and it shall surely be—he shall pay for
this insolence with his life.”
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And Minerva said, “I come from heaven, if you will hear me, to bid you stay your
anger. Juno has sent me, who cares for both of you alike. Cease, then, this brawling, and
do not draw your sword; rail at him if you will, and your railing will not be vain, for
I tell you—and it shall surely be—that you shall hereafter receive gifts three times as
splendid by reason of this present insult. Hold, therefore, and obey.”
“Goddess,” answered Achilles, “however angry a man may be, he must do as you
two command him. This will be best, for the gods ever hear the prayers of him who has
obeyed them.”
He stayed his hand on the silver hilt of his sword, and thrust it back into the
scabbard as Minerva bade him. Then she went back to Olympus among the other gods,
and to the house of aegis-bearing Jove.
But the son of Peleus again began railing at the son of Atreus, for he was still in
a rage. “Wine-bibber,” he cried, “with the face of a dog and the heart of a hind, you
never dare to go out with the host in fight, nor yet with our chosen men in ambuscade.
You shun this as you do death itself. You had rather go round and rob his prizes from
any man who contradicts you. You devour your people, for you are king over a feeble
folk; otherwise, son of Atreus, henceforward you would insult no man. Therefore I say,
and swear it with a great oath—nay, by this my sceptre which shalt sprout neither leaf
nor shoot, nor bud anew from the day on which it left its parent stem upon the
mountains—for the axe stripped it of leaf and bark, and now the sons of the Achaeans
bear it as judges and guardians of the decrees of heaven—so surely and solemnly do I
swear that hereafter they shall look fondly for Achilles and shall not find him. In the day
of your distress, when your men fall dying by the murderous hand of Hector, you shall
not know how to help them, and shall rend your heart with rage for the hour when you
offered insult to the bravest of the Achaeans.”
With this the son of Peleus dashed his gold-bestudded sceptre on the ground and
took his seat, while the son of Atreus was beginning fiercely from his place upon the
other side. Then uprose smooth-tongued Nestor, the facile speaker of the Pylians, and
the words fell from his lips sweeter than honey. Two generations of men born and bred
in Pylos had passed away under his rule, and he was now reigning over the third. With
all sincerity and goodwill, therefore, he addressed them thus:—
“Of a truth,” he said, “a great sorrow has befallen the Achaean land. Surely Priam
with his sons would rejoice, and the Trojans be glad at heart if they could hear this
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quarrel between you two, who are so excellent in fight and counsel. I am older than
either of you; therefore be guided by me. Moreover I have been the familiar friend of
men even greater than you are, and they did not disregard my counsels. Never again can
I behold such men as Pirithous and Dryas shepherd of his people, or as Caeneus,
Exadius, godlike Polyphemus, and Theseus son of Aegeus, peer of the immortals. These
were the mightiest men ever born upon this earth: mightiest were they, and when they
fought the fiercest tribes of mountain savages they utterly overthrew them. I came from
distant Pylos, and went about among them, for they would have me come, and I fought
as it was in me to do. Not a man now living could withstand them, but they heard my
words, and were persuaded by them. So be it also with yourselves, for this is the more
excellent way. Therefore, Agamemnon, though you be strong, take not this girl away,
for the sons of the Achaeans have already given her to Achilles; and you, Achilles,
strive not further with the king, for no man who by the grace of Jove wields a sceptre
has like honour with Agamemnon. You are strong, and have a goddess for your mother;
but Agamemnon is stronger than you, for he has more people under him. Son of Atreus,
check your anger, I implore you; end this quarrel with Achilles, who in the day of battle
is a tower of strength to the Achaeans.”
And Agamemnon answered, “Sir, all that you have said is true, but this fellow must
needs become our lord and master: he must be lord of all, king of all, and captain of
all, and this shall hardly be. Granted that the gods have made him a great warrior, have
they also given him the right to speak with railing?”
Achilles interrupted him. “I should be a mean coward,” he cried, “were I to give in
to you in all things. Order other people about, not me, for I shall obey no longer.
Furthermore I say—and lay my saying to your heart—I shall fight neither you nor any
man about this girl, for those that take were those also that gave. But of all else that is
at my ship you shall carry away nothing by force. Try, that others may see; if you do,
my spear shall be reddened with your blood.”
When they had quarrelled thus angrily, they rose, and broke up the assembly at the
ships of the Achaeans. The son of Peleus went back to his tents and ships with the son
of Menoetius and his company, while Agamemnon drew a vessel into the water and
chose a crew of twenty oarsmen. He escorted Chryseis on board and sent moreover a
hecatomb for the god. And Ulysses went as captain.
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These, then, went on board and sailed their ways over the sea. But the son of Atreus
bade the people purify themselves; so they purified themselves and cast their filth into
the sea. Then they offered hecatombs of bulls and goats without blemish on the sea-
shore, and the smoke with the savour of their sacrifice rose curling up towards heaven.
Thus did they busy themselves throughout the host. But Agamemnon did not forget
the threat that he had made Achilles, and called his trusty messengers and squires
Talthybius and Eurybates. “Go,” said he, “to the tent of Achilles, son of Peleus; take
Briseis by the hand and bring her hither; if he will not give her I shall come with others
and take her—which will press him harder.”
He charged them straightly further and dismissed them, whereon they went their
way sorrowfully by the seaside, till they came to the tents and ships of the Myrmidons.
They found Achilles sitting by his tent and his ships, and ill-pleased he was when he
beheld them. They stood fearfully and reverently before him, and never a word did they
speak, but he knew them and said, “Welcome, heralds, messengers of gods and men;
draw near; my quarrel is not with you but with Agamemnon who has sent you for the
girl Briseis. Therefore, Patroclus, bring her and give her to them, but let them be
witnesses by the blessed gods, by mortal men, and by the fierceness of Agamemnon’s
anger, that if ever again there be need of me to save the people from ruin, they shall
seek and they shall not find. Agamemnon is mad with rage and knows not how to look
before and after that the Achaeans may fight by their ships in safety.”
Patroclus did as his dear comrade had bidden him. He brought Briseis from the tent
and gave her over to the heralds, who took her with them to the ships of the Achaeans—
and the woman was loth to go. Then Achilles went all alone by the side of the hoar sea,
weeping and looking out upon the boundless waste of waters. He raised his hands in
prayer to his immortal mother, “Mother,” he cried, “you bore me doomed to live but for
a little season; surely Jove, who thunders from Olympus, might have made that little
glorious. It is not so. Agamemnon, son of Atreus, has done me dishonour, and has
robbed me of my prize by force.”
As he spoke he wept aloud, and his mother heard him where she was sitting in the
depths of the sea hard by the old man her father. Forthwith she rose as it were a grey
mist out of the waves, sat down before him as he stood weeping, caressed him with her
hand, and said, “My son, why are you weeping? What is it that grieves you? Keep it
not from me, but tell me, that we may know it together.”
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Achilles drew a deep sigh and said, “You know it; why tell you what you know well
already? We went to Thebe the strong city of Eetion, sacked it, and brought hither the
spoil. The sons of the Achaeans shared it duly among themselves, and chose lovely
Chryseis as the meed of Agamemnon; but Chryses, priest of Apollo, came to the ships
of the Achaeans to free his daughter, and brought with him a great ransom: moreover
he bore in his hand the sceptre of Apollo, wreathed with a suppliant’s wreath, and he
besought the Achaeans, but most of all the two sons of Atreus who were their chiefs.
“On this the rest of the Achaeans with one voice were for respecting the priest and
taking the ransom that he offered; but not so Agamemnon, who spoke fiercely to him
and sent him roughly away. So he went back in anger, and Apollo, who loved him
dearly, heard his prayer. Then the god sent a deadly dart upon the Argives, and the
people died thick on one another, for the arrows went everywhither among the wide host
of the Achaeans. At last a seer in the fulness of his knowledge declared to us the oracles
of Apollo, and I was myself first to say that we should appease him. Whereon the son
of Atreus rose in anger, and threatened that which he has since done. The Achaeans are
now taking the girl in a ship to Chryse, and sending gifts of sacrifice to the god; but
the heralds have just taken from my tent the daughter of Briseus, whom the Achaeans
had awarded to myself.
“Help your brave son, therefore, if you are able. Go to Olympus, and if you have
ever done him service in word or deed, implore the aid of Jove. Ofttimes in my father’s
house have I heard you glory in that you alone of the immortals saved the son of Saturn
from ruin, when the others, with Juno, Neptune, and Pallas Minerva would have put him
in bonds. It was you, goddess, who delivered him by calling to Olympus the hundred-
handed monster whom gods call Briareus, but men Aegaeon, for he is stronger even
than his father; when therefore he took his seat all-glorious beside the son of Saturn, the
other gods were afraid, and did not bind him. Go, then, to him, remind him of all this,
clasp his knees, and bid him give succour to the Trojans. Let the Achaeans be hemmed
in at the sterns of their ships, and perish on the sea-shore, that they may reap what joy
they may of their king, and that Agamemnon may rue his blindness in offering insult
to the foremost of the Achaeans.”
Thetis wept and answered, “My son, woe is me that I should have borne or suckled
you. Would indeed that you had lived your span free from all sorrow at your ships, for
it is all too brief; alas, that you should be at once short of life and long of sorrow above
your peers: woe, therefore, was the hour in which I bore you; nevertheless I will go to
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the snowy heights of Olympus, and tell this tale to Jove, if he will hear our prayer:
meanwhile stay where you are with your ships, nurse your anger against the Achaeans,
and hold aloof from fight. For Jove went yesterday to Oceanus, to a feast among the
Ethiopians, and the other gods went with him. He will return to Olympus twelve days
hence; I will then go to his mansion paved with bronze and will beseech him; nor do
I doubt that I shall be able to persuade him.”
On this she left him, still furious at the loss of her that had been taken from him.
Meanwhile Ulysses reached Chryse with the hecatomb. When they had come inside the
harbour they furled the sails and laid them in the ship’s hold; they slackened the
forestays, lowered the mast into its place, and rowed the ship to the place where they
would have her lie; there they cast out their mooring-stones and made fast the hawsers.
They then got out upon the sea-shore and landed the hecatomb for Apollo; Chryseis also
left the ship, and Ulysses led her to the altar to deliver her into the hands of her father.
“Chryses,” said he, “King Agamemnon has sent me to bring you back your child, and
to offer sacrifice to Apollo on behalf of the Danaans, that we may propitiate the god,
who has now brought sorrow upon the Argives.”
So saying he gave the girl over to her father, who received her gladly, and they
ranged the holy hecatomb all orderly round the altar of the god. They washed their
hands and took up the barley-meal to sprinkle over the victims, while Chryses lifted up
his hands and prayed aloud on their behalf. “Hear me,” he cried, “O god of the silver
bow, that protectest Chryse and holy Cilla, and rulest Tenedos with thy might. Even as
thou didst hear me aforetime when I prayed, and didst press hardly upon the Achaeans,
so hear me yet again, and stay this fearful pestilence from the Danaans.”
Thus did he pray, and Apollo heard his prayer. When they had done praying and
sprinkling the barley-meal, they drew back the heads of the victims and killed and
flayed them. They cut out the thigh-bones, wrapped them round in two layers of fat, set
some pieces of raw meat on the top of them, and then Chryses laid them on the wood
fire and poured wine over them, while the young men stood near him with five-pronged
spits in their hands. When the thigh-bones were burned and they had tasted the inward
meats, they cut the rest up small, put the pieces upon the spits, roasted them till they
were done, and drew them off: then, when they had finished their work and the feast
was ready, they ate it, and every man had his full share, so that all were satisfied. As
soon as they had had enough to eat and drink, pages filled the mixing-bowl with wine
and water and handed it round, after giving every man his drink-offering.
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Thus all day long the young men worshipped the god with song, hymning him and
chaunting the joyous paean, and the god took pleasure in their voices; but when the sun
went down, and it came on dark, they laid themselves down to sleep by the stern cables
of the ship, and when the child of morning, rosy-fingered Dawn, appeared they again
set sail for the host of the Achaeans. Apollo sent them a fair wind, so they raised their
mast and hoisted their white sails aloft. As the sail bellied with the wind the ship flew
through the deep blue water, and the foam hissed against her bows as she sped onward.
When they reached the wide-stretching host of the Achaeans, they drew the vessel
ashore, high and dry upon the sands, set her strong props beneath her, and went their
ways to their own tents and ships.
But Achilles abode at his ships and nursed his anger. He went not to the honourable
assembly, and sallied not forth to fight, but gnawed at his own heart, pining for battle
and the war-cry.
Now after twelve days the immortal gods came back in a body to Olympus, and
Jove led the way. Thetis was not unmindful of the charge her son had laid upon her, so
she rose from under the sea and went through great heaven with early morning to
Olympus, where she found the mighty son of Saturn sitting all alone upon its topmost
ridges. She sat herself down before him, and with her left hand seized his knees, while
with her right she caught him under the chin, and besought him, saying :—
“Father Jove, if I ever did you service in word or deed among the immortals, hear
my prayer, and do honour to my son, whose life is to be cut short so early. King
Agamemnon has dishonoured him by taking his prize and keeping her. Honour him then
yourself, Olympian lord of counsel, and grant victory to the Trojans, till the Achaeans
give my son his due and load him with riches in requital.”
Jove sat for a while silent, and without a word, but Thetis still kept firm hold of his
knees, and besought him a second time. “Incline your head,” said she, “and promise me
surely, or else deny me—for you have nothing to fear—that I may learn how greatly
you disdain me.”
At this Jove was much troubled and answered, “I shall have trouble if you set me
quarrelling with Juno, for she will provoke me with her taunting speeches; even now
she is always railing at me before the other gods and accusing me of giving aid to the
Trojans. Go back now, lest she should find out. I will consider the matter, and will bring
it about as you wish. See, I incline my head that you may believe me. This is the most
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solemn promise that I can give to any god. I never recall my word, or deceive, or fail
to do what I say, when I have nodded my head.”
As he spoke the son of Saturn bowed his dark brows, and the ambrosial locks
swayed on his immortal head, till vast Olympus reeled.
When the pair had thus laid their plans, they parted—Jove to his house, while the
goddess quitted the splendour of Olympus, and plunged into the depths of the sea. The
gods rose from their seats, before the coming of their sire. Not one of them dared to
remain sitting, but all stood up as he came among them. There, then, he took his seat.
But Juno, when she saw him, knew that he and the old merman’s daughter, silver-footed
Thetis, had been hatching mischief, so she at once began to upbraid him. “Trickster,”
she cried, “which of the gods have you been taking into your counsels now? You are
always settling matters in secret behind my back, and have never yet told me, if you
could help it, one word of your intentions.”
“Juno,” replied the sire of gods and men, “you must not expect to be informed of
all my counsels. You are my wife, but you would find it hard to understand them. When
it is proper for you to hear, there is no one, god or man, who will be told sooner, but
when I mean to keep a matter to myself, you must not pry nor ask questions.”
“Dread son of Saturn,” answered Juno, “what are you talking about? I? Pry and ask
questions? Never. I let you have your own way in everything. Still, I have a strong
misgiving that the old merman’s daughter Thetis has been talking you over, for she was
with you and had hold of your knees this self-same morning. I believe, therefore, that
you have been promising her to give glory to Achilles, and to kill much people at the
ships of the Achaeans.”
“Wife,” said Jove, “I can do nothing but you suspect me and find it out. You will
take nothing by it, for I shall only dislike you the more, and it will go harder with you.
Granted that it is as you say; I mean to have it so; sit down and hold your tongue as
I bid you for if I once begin to lay my hands about you, though all heaven were on your
side it would profit you nothing.”
On this Juno was frightened, so she curbed her stubborn will and sat down in
silence. But the heavenly beings were disquieted throughout the house of Jove, till the
cunning workman Vulcan began to try and pacify his mother Juno. “It will be
intolerable,” said he, “if you two fall to wrangling and setting heaven in an uproar about
a pack of mortals. If such ill counsels are to prevail, we shall have no pleasure at our
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banquet. Let me then advise my mother—and she must herself know that it will be
better—to make friends with my dear father Jove, lest he again scold her and disturb
our feast. If the Olympian Thunderer wants to hurl us all from our seats, he can do so,
for he is far the strongest, so give him fair words, and he will then soon be in a good
humour with us.”
As he spoke, he took a double cup of nectar, and placed it in his mother’s hand.
“Cheer up, my dear mother,” said he, “and make the best of it. I love you dearly, and
should be very sorry to see you get a thrashing; however grieved I might be, I could not
help, for there is no standing against Jove. Once before when I was trying to help you,
he caught me by the foot and flung me from the heavenly threshold. All day long from
morn till eve, was I falling, till at sunset I came to ground in the island of Lemnos, and
there I lay, with very little life left in me, till the Sintians came and tended me.”
Juno smiled at this, and as she smiled she took the cup from her son’s hands. Then
Vulcan drew sweet nectar from the mixing-bowl, and served it round among the gods,
going from left to right; and the blessed gods laughed out a loud applause as they saw
him bustling about the heavenly mansion.
Thus through the livelong day to the going down of the sun they feasted, and every
one had his full share, so that all were satisfied. Apollo struck his lyre, and the Muses
lifted up their sweet voices, calling and answering one another. But when the sun’s
glorious light had faded, they went home to bed, each in his own abode, which lame
Vulcan with his consummate skill had fashioned for them. So Jove, the Olympian Lord
of Thunder, hied him to the bed in which he always slept; and when he had got on to
it he went to sleep, with Juno of the golden throne by his side.
[The above text is taken from the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Iliad, by Homer;
Translator: Samuel Butler. https://www.gutenberg.org/files/2199/2199-h/2199-h.htm]
as a ‘prize’ by the Achaeans (the Greeks in the text are called ‘Achaeans,’‘Danaans’ and
‘Argives’). She was ultimately allotted to the hero Agamemnon, a celebrated king well
respected for his valour. In the beginning of Book I we see her father arriving at the
camp of the Achaeans to request Agamemnon to free his daughter in exchange of a huge
ransom. He has the sceptre of Apollo as a mark of his identity. He invokes the name
of Apollo in whose reverence his daughter should be released. Agamemnon refuses to
pay heed to his request. Moreover, he insults him by saying, “Your sceptre of the god
and your wreath shall profit you nothing. I will not free her. She shall grow old in my
house at Argos far from her own home, busying herself with her loom and visiting my
couch.” Both afraid and insulted, Chryses goes to ‘the shore of the sounding sea’ and
prays to Apollo for taking revenge on the ‘Danaans.’ Apollo gets angry with
Agamemnon and sends pestilence to the Greek camp, first affecting ‘their mules and
their hounds,’ and then the men. The death toll continues to mount, and seeing no end to
it, Achilles calls a meeting of the chiefs on the tenth day to consider the ways of solving
the problem. The help of ‘some priest or prophet, or some reader of dreams’ is sought
for explaining the reason of Apollo’s anger. Calchas, the ‘son of Thestor, wisest of
augurs,’ is summoned. But he is afraid to make the revelation as it will invite
Agamemnon’s wrath. Achilles promises to protect the seer from Agamemnon’s anger.
After Achilles’s assurance, Calchas reveals that Apollo is angry because Agamemnon
has insulted his priest Chryses and refused to free his daughter. He also informs them
that Apollo will not “deliver the Danaans from this pestilence till Agamemnon has
restored the girl without fee or ransom to her father, and has sent a holy hecatomb to
Chryse.” At this revelation, Agamemnon gets angry and chides Achilles for making the
demand. He threatens him by saying, “Are you to keep your own prize, while I sit
tamely under my loss and give up the girl at your bidding? Let the Achaeans find me a
prize in fair exchange to my liking, or I will come and take your own, or that of Ajax or
of Ulysses; and he to whomsoever I may come shall rue my coming.” They enter into
heated arguments. Ultimately, Agamemnon agrees to free Chryseis and propitiate the
god. Agamemnon then sends his men to fetch Briseis, Achilles’ girl. Despite being
angry and feeling humiliated, Achilles agrees to hand over the girl to Agamemnon’s
men. Achilles withdraws himself and all his men from the ongoing war against Troy.
Then he prays to Thetis, his immortal mother, and implores her to seek the help of Zeus
to avenge the insult and humiliation he has undergone: “Let the Achaeans be hemmed in
at the sterns of their ships, and perish on the sea-shore, that they may reap what joy they
may of their
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king, and that Agamemnon may rue his blindness in offering insult to the foremost of
the Achaeans.” Thetis then moves to Zeus and informs him of Agamemnon’s misdeed
and her son’s dishonour, and requested Him to “grant victory to the Trojans, till the
Achaeans give my son his due and load him with riches in requital.” Zeus agrees, rather
reluctantly, to do so.
Quick Recap Activity:
1. How many books does the Iliad have?
2. What is the basic theme of Book I of the Iliad?
3. Go through the prose translation of Book I of the epic given above and prepare
a list of supernatural characters you come across.
4. There are some internet sources which catalogue the names of characters of the
entire epic. Prepare your own list of these characters under three heads: Greeks,
Trojans, and Divinities.
5. You have read about the Iliad’s structure and content in the earlier unit. Try to
write a note on the importance of Book I.
Achilles burns with anger for a substantial period of time and participates in the war
only when his friend Patroklos is killed by Hector. This testifies to his sense of loyalty
to his dear friend. Despite being gifted with such noble feelings, he is helpless in
controlling his anger. “Anger,” it has been said, “has clouded a high intelligence, and
Achilleus acts uncertainly” (Lattimore 48). He is acutely sensitive to his sense of
honour. He feels that his honour is violated by Agamemnon who publicly humiliates
him and takes away from him his woman.
In Book I Achilles appears as a person of virtues, one who stands for ethical issues.
He has kindness, respect and love. “He is a man of culture and intelligence; he knows
how to respect heralds, how to entertain estranged friends. He presides over the games
with extraordinary courtesy and tact. He is not only a great fighter but a great
gentleman” (Lattimore 48). He is moved by Chryses’s appeal to Agamemnon and other
Greek kings for the release of his daughter. He is also affected when Briseis is taken
away from him. This act in itself constitutes a violation of his honour; he remains
steadfast in his love and affection for his woman who was obtained through coercive
means. He seems to have no lust for riches as he effortlessly refuses Agamemnon’s gifts
as well as the latter’s proposal to return Briseis who supposedly remains untouched
(Book IX). It has thus justly been said, “Not cash, land, sex or half-hearted apology
moves Akhilleus to don armour, but the death of his dearest friend and companion
Patroklos (16-17)” (15).
As pointed out by Richmond Lattimore, in Book XXIV “Apollo, outraged at the
treatment of his friend Hector, practically describes Achilleus as a brute and a
barbarian”
(48) and feels that Achilles is not really so. Lattimore argues that “if he [Achilles] lacks
the chivalry of Roland, Lancelot, or Beowulf, that is because theirs is a chivalry
coloured with Christian humility which has no certain place in the gallery of Homeric
virtues” (Lattimore 48).In the ultimate analysis one has to largely agree with
Lattimore’s observation that that Achilles is a real man of flesh and blood, “mortal and
fallible, but noble enough to make his own tragedy a great one” (48).
Agamemnon:
In contrast to Achilles, Agamemnon appears to be arrogant, given to irrational
temper and violence. He leads the loose confederate of Greek kings and leaders against
Troy. Paris of Troy, it may be mentioned, had earlier abducted Helen,with her consent,
taking advantage of her husband King Menelaus’s hospitality. This act which amounts
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to a violation of ethical norms launched ‘thousand’ Greek ships for the purpose of
taking revenge against Troy. Agamemnon, Menelaus’s brother, leads this fleet of ships
and is at present camping near Troy in the tenth year of the war for mounting the final
assault.
Book I of the Iliad is mainly about Agamemnon’s quarrel with Achilles. Both the
characters have mutual respect for each other’s valour. Yet they get entangled in
unnecessary verbal duels that will have far-reaching consequences on the Trojan war.
From this perspective, it appears that both of them lack tactical understanding and
foresightedness, particularly Agamemnon on whom rests the responsibility of leading
the entire team.
As we have already seen, Agamemnon is arrogant and highly conscious of his own
status. Blinded by self-pride and arrogance, he acts in a way that divides his team. The
process begins from the very beginning of Book I when Chryses, the priest of Apollo
in Chryse, appears at his door with an appeal to free his daughter Chryseis who was
taken captive and allotted to Agamemnon earlier. Although many of the leaders are
positively disposed towards Chryses who offers a huge ransom, Agamemnon gets angry
with the priest. Despite the fact that the priest carries the sceptre of Apollo, Agamemnon
insults him, and in the process dishonours Apollo as well. This hurts the priest and
enrages Apollo who sends pestilence to his camp. His attitude to women in general and
captive girls in particular is simply disgusting. He asserts his patriarchal authority, male
ego and a general sense of superiority when he reprimands Chryses by saying, “Your
sceptre of the god and your wreath shall profit you nothing. I will not free her. She shall
grow old in my house at Argos far from her own home, busying herself with her loom
and visiting my couch” (emphasis added). This is pure sadism; the emphasised part of
his retort in particular shows him in poor light. In the above quotation he specifies two
basic duties for women: doing domestic chores and satisfying male pleasure. Both his
injured pride and his lust for power which is intimately associated with the desire to
have control over women as objects of desire come out openly when he demands, and
subsequently sends his men to fetch, Briseis, Achilles’s woman. His demand that the
loss of his woman should be compensated by his co-warrior’s woman is irrational and
shows that he has no respect for his co-warriors;this creates a rift in his own camp. This
turns a friend into an enemy. This ‘intimate enemy’ in his own camp will be a source
of constant irritation for him.
D.J. Snider makes an interesting parallelism between this incident and the abduction
of Helen. He observes that “[t]he cause of Achilles is, therefore, at bottom, the cause
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of Helen; he, the first of Greek men, striving to restore the first of Greek women, is
injured in his honor by a wanton act of authority; the wrong done by the Trojans to the
woman now finds its parallel in the wrong done by the Greeks to the man” (189). This
“special form of the wrong, the taking of Briseis”, is in fact a parallel to “the taking of
Helen; the Greek commander is thus seen to commit the very offence for which he and
his Greek armament are seeking to punish the Trojans” (189).He argues that “the Greek
cause… is now at war with itself, which is just the ground of this internal strife; the
Captain makes all the Greeks sharers to a degree in the wrong which they have come
to avenge” (189),
So from both the practical and ethical points of view, the Greeks find themselves
in a difficult situation. It is Agamemnon who is mainly responsible for causing harm to
the Greek cause. His actions are responsible for the cause of pestilence in the Greek
camp, for Thetis getting angry and Zeus promising to take steps, for the withdrawal of
Achilles from the war for a considerable period of time, and similar other factors.
Quick Recap Activity:
1. Write a short note on the nature of political formations of the time. Read the
text first to gather information about this, and only then start writing.
2. Give your opinion about Achilles’s parentage. What is so striking about it?
3. Why does Achilles withdraw from the war?
4. Do you really consider Achilles as brutish and unemotional? Come to your
conclusion only after reading Book I.
5. Trace some traits in Agamemnon’s character that may appear to be unethical.
6. How many women characters do you find in Book I. Analyse the role they play
in Book I.
powerful than mortals, but like mortals susceptible to all human emotions and appetites,
therefore capable of being teased, flattered, enraged, seduced, chastise (Lattimore 54).
The qualities that we find in the works after the spread of Christianity are not much
found in the Iliad.
Theme of Anger:
The Iliad is basically based on the element of anger that fuels rivalries. It is
manifested in the behaviour of human beings, but even the gods and goddesses are not
immune from it. In Book I, Apollo sends pestilence in anger to Agamemnon’s camp
which causes immense damage to the Greek cause. Thetis too is seen angry at her son
Ulysses’s humiliation by Agamemnon and lodges complaint to Zeus. But more
spectacular is the anger of both Agamemnon and Achilles. This emotional element
brings out the worst in the character of Agamemnon. Similarly, Achilles’s vulnerability
to anger brings out his unstable nature. Go back to our analysis of these two major
characters as well as consult the relevant sections of the text, and you will be able to
cull many examples.
Style:
We need to remember that the Iliad was meant for recitation and hence followed the
pattern of oral transmissions. Since it was meant to narrate chronicles of a great war and
sing of the deeds of great warriors, it maintained a lofty style. Its conventions included
invocation to the Muse, elaborate description of genealogies, patterns of comparisons,
use of similes, both simple and complex, and ekphrases (extended descriptions of
objects). The elaborate description of Achilles’s new shield, for example, is an example
of ekphrasis. The metre employed is dactylic hexameter.One also comes across a pattern
of repetitions of motives and comparisons.
Activities for Learners:
1. Consult relevant print and internet sources and write a critical note on the identity
of the Muses.
2. Read the relevant portion of the text and add some points that will help you write
an analytical answer on the invocation to the Muse in the Iliad.
3. Besides anger, do you find the presence of any other strong emotions in Book I
of the Iliad?
4. Read any poetic translation of the Iliad Book I and try to collect appropriate
examples of various stylistic traits of the epic.
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2.6.5 Summing up
In this unit we have introduced Book I of the Iliad which sets the tone for the rest
of the epic. It locates the source of the rivalry between the two great heroes—
Agamemnon and Achilles. It offers us a picture of nature of the political formations that
the kings and princes entered into. If you can properly examine the tone and tenor of
this book, you will be in a better position to evaluate the entire epic. You also have
some idea about the role of divine characters who behave like mortal human characters
and cause and abet rivalries and wars. Moreover, we are now in a better position to
examine the structure and form of the epic and how they contain the content of the
work.
Short Questions:
1. What does Calchas reveal in the meeting?
2. How does Agamemnon react to Calchas’ revelation?
3. Why was Achilles angry?
4. What do you know about Achilles’ parentage?
5. Who sends pestilence to Agamemnon’s camp and why?
NOTES
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Module-3
Sophocles: Oedipus, the King
Unit 7 Poetics: Aristotelian Concept of Tragedy
Structure
3.7.0 Introduction
3.7.1 Aristotle—A Bio-brief
3.7.2 Introduction to Poetics
3.7.3 The Concept of Mimesis (Imitation)
3.7.4 Definition and Constituents of Tragedy
3.7.5 Plot and Character
3.7.6 Dramatic Unity
3.7.7 Simple & Complex Plot—Peripeteia, Anagnorisis
3.7.8 Tragic Hero (incl. hamartia & hubris)
3.7.9 Role of Chorus
3.7.10 Catharsis
3.7.11 Summing Up
3.7.12 Comprehension Exercises
3.7.13 Suggested Reading
3.7.0 Introduction
To talk of Greek Tragedy is to perforce talk of its understanding with the aid of
Aristotle’s Poetics, a treatise that remains our primary window of approaching classical
drama. The World History Encyclopedia introduces Aristotle as “a Greek philosopher
who pioneered systematic, scientific examination in literally every area of human
knowledge and was known, in his time, as ‘the man who knew everything’ and later
simply as ‘The Philosopher’, needing no further qualification as his fame was so
widespread”. In this Unit, our purpose will be to acquaint you with the essentials of his
understanding of classical Tragedy that in turn will enable you to comprehend
Sophocles’ play Oedipus the King in its right perspective.While the expanse and
purpose of Poetics goes much beyond the parameters of the discussion we will take up
here, it will still initiate you on the lines of critical understanding that are necessary to
place the Sophoclean play in perspective. By the end of this Unit, you will be equipped
not just with the acumen required to get along with Sophocles, you should, with help
from your
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1. The ‘Organon’ being a set of writings that deals with philosophical and
scientific investigations.
2. Theoretical works that deal with the broad spectrum of biology, cosmology,
physics and even metaphysics.
3. The so-called practical works like Nicomachean Ethics and Politics, their aspect
of practicality deriving from investigations into human nature as seen through
the levels of the individual, the family and society.
4. Works like Rhetoric and Poetics that examine human productivity as evidenced
in art, and its salutary impact on life at large. (Catalogue sourced from
www.history.com)
By common scholarly consent, the most important of Aristotle’s treatises thus
include Physics, Metaphysics, Nicomachean Ethics, Politics, De Anima (On the Soul)
and Poetics. If this vast range of studies incorporated in a single man surprises you, then
you need to understand that Aristotle’s was not a compartmentalised or fragmented
approach to learning, he was rather pervaded by a natural curiosity about everything that
concerned the human situation in its largest possible expanse. We must credit him for
trying to make this vast horizontal learning comprehensible and meaningful by
interpreting it all through the lens of a broad philosophical understanding. It is
equally interesting to note that none of these were penned as written treatises for
publication, rather it was all delivered as lectures at the Lyceum that were taken down
by his illustrious students like Theophrastus who have been instrumental in its
dissemination. As an interesting trivia, Aristotle is said to have had this habit of moving
back and forth as he lectured, and this has earned the Lyceum the name ‘Peripatetic
School’, from the Greek word peripatetikos, which would mean walking around.
poetic truth, why poetry cannot be relegated simply to the domain of an imitative art as
opposed to other more useful arts, and to that effect what is it about poetry that gives
it superiority over disciplines like history or even philosophy. This makes the Poetics
a very demanding critical text but one that is immensely rewarding in terms of being
one of the earliest theoretical deliberations of dramatic theory through a philosophic
perception of literature and aesthetics.You might be wondering why we talk so much on
poetry while we are statedly to discuss Tragedy as an art form. It needs to be made clear
in this context that in classical literary aesthetics, the term poetry is used more
comprehensively than we understand it now, since verse was by and large the medium
of composition. So when we use the term poetry in the context of Aristotle’s
deliberations, please understand that tragedy too is a form of poetic utterance.
Aristotle’s Poetics runs into 26 chapters, and while all of those do not need to figure
in our present discussion, let us nonetheless have an overview of the content of each.
This will enable you to understand the logical manner in which the treatise is thought
out. The sections in bold demarcate specific portions that are important for you at
this point of time:
Chapter-wise Content Outline of Aristotle’s Poetics (Sourced from www.the-
philosophy.com). Based on The Poetics of Aristotle, ed. S. H. Butcher, 3rdEdn., 1902.
Chapter Outline of Content Comment/Significance
No.
1 Defining the purpose Medium, Object, Manner/Mode of imitation &
of poetry as imitation inherent distinction from Plato’s understanding
2 Purpose of imitation in Formulating thereby the basic difference
balanced representation between Tragedy and Comedy; placing them
of humanity with regard to other arts
3 Methods of imitation— Persists with the various modes of artistic
Telling and Showing imitation; logically moving towards a
definition of Tragedy
4 Poetry as literary Classifications into Tragedy and Comedy,
product—based on the gradual evolution of forms
imitation, and reflective
of human propensity
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As stated above, while the highlighted sections of The Poetics form the core of your
curricular understanding for this Course, it is important that you have a comprehensive
view of the ideas that Aristotle deals with in all the 26 chapters.
is important to remember that for all the different branches of knowledge that Aristotle
pursued, he was broadly a philosopher and commentator on life in general; so we need
to understand his conception of poetry in its relation to life at large.
In Chapter 4 of Poetics, Aristotle rightly points out that the instinct for imitation is
ingrained in human beings since childhood; in fact he goes on to say that we learn our
first lessons through the instinctive habit of imitation. In his understanding therefore,
imitation is not a compartmentalised act of life applicable only to poetic pursuits, but
one of the verities of life itself. In that sense, Tragedy by virtue of being basically an
imitation, is not to be understood simply as an extraneous or artificial poetic pursuit; it
is the representation of life itself, albeit idealized. While we will deliberate on this at
length, it might be pointed out here that this holistic understanding of the concept of
imitation is the corner-stone of the difference of opinions between Plato and Aristotle
with regard to the nature of imitation and poetic truth thereof, though both scholars
recognised it as a vital component of art and aesthetics.
The Platonic view of Imitation:
In Plato’s metaphysical understanding, the material world appears temporal and
mutable, hence devoid of any autonomous value but for the extent to which permanent
and immutable ideas are manifest in the material world in the form of representations
of the transcendental. By inference, poetry, which exists in a tangible form in the
material world, is only worthwhile in that it represents transcendental ideas but can
never become truth in itself. This is best explained by his analogy of the bed, itself a
metaphor from Socrates, in Book 10 of The Republic. We can understand this in the
following stages:
Stage 1 — The idea of a bed (the original), which exists only in nature, for a Platonic
idea typically exists prior to and independent of the natural. It is the
original reality.
Stage 2 — The bed that the carpenter makes, by virtue of his art being useful art, is
then a copy of the original bed, hence it becomes once removed from (the
idea) reality.
Stage 3 — The bed described by the poet or the painter (whose art is necessarily
imitative) is then an imitation of the carpenter’s bed, hence twice removed
from reality.
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We need to understand the short and the long of why Plato says or believes so, in
order to understand why and how Aristotle’s understanding differs from his teacher’s.
There are two things to grasp in this regard:
1. As stated earlier, Plato conceives of the material world as inherently only a
channel for realizing his idea of the metaphysical, and hence devoid of any
autonomous value. The metaphysical in this case is the original reality/ idea,
which exists above and beyond the useful and imitative arts into which Plato
classifies all human activity.
2. In a more topical sense, we must remember that Plato’s texts are not inherently
on the subject of art and aesthetics as Aristotle’s Poetics is. While The Republic
chiefly concerns evolving Greek polity in terms of how the ideal republic
should be constituted, Ion (which also has references to imitation) is a debate
over whether a poet’s performance is a result of skills or divine possession.
With Plato therefore, the task of unraveling truths befalls not on the poet, whose
medium is chiefly rhetoric; but on the philosopher who by the superiority of his
discipline, is able to thrash out the original/ metaphysical reality from mere imitations.
Poetry thus becomes a copy of a copy, and poets stand to be banished from the ideal
republic since they can only mislead citizens with their flowery lies!
The Aristotelian understanding of Imitation:
In striking contrast to Plato and even his teacher Socrates, Aristotle was an
empiricist. This is to say that he was not just a reductive materialist, for he thought of
the body as “the matter”, and also perceived the psyche as “the form of each living
animal” (Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy). As the first of the moderns, he could not
therefore have subscribed to the Platonic view of material existence as simply valueless
in itself; so he recognised imitation not as mere copying but as a representation of the
ideal that is crystallized in human consciousness. In his perception, human beings are
essentially mimetic, hence the urge to create works of art that reflect and represent
reality forms the core of his theory of imitation and thereby of the Poetics.
If we revive the analogy of the bed to understand Aristotle’s concept of imitation,
he would say that the poet, instead of copying from the carpenter, actually perfects the
idea of the bed into an ideal representation. For him however, medium, object and the
manner of imitation are of paramount importance. He does away with any distinction
between useful and imitative arts, and states that epic poetry, tragedy, comedy,
dithyrambic
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poetry, the music of a flute or lyre—are all modes of imitation. For Aristotle, imitation
is not just visual or auditory similarity, the medium rather is a mimetic representation
of the emotions one feels while going through the experience. This is his way of
connecting mind with matter. Significantly, while Plato found greater likeness between
poetry and painting, Aristotle saw greater resemblance between poetry and music,
though the objective and manner of imitation is different in each form of art. The key
distinction he institutes with Plato in respect of imitation is that in Aristotle’s view,
imitation involves the faculty of creative imagination, so that the end result is by no
means a mere copy of the original; rather a crystallization of its essence. This gives to
art the dimension of universality, whether of a philosophical approach to life or in terms
of its appeal to the emotions. Logically therefore, the purpose of imitative art is
pleasure, though this means a mix of edification and gratification. The idea of
verisimilitude or likeness is central to Aristotle’s concept of imitation. In the case of
Tragedy in particular, it is the similarity of the protagonist’s fortunes, seen from a
distance, that gives spectators the tragic feel. You would at this stage definitely wonder
that when there are troubles enough in life, why should one need to witness a tragic
spectacle to imbibe a feeling of suffering. It is here that we require a profound
understanding, for Aristotle makes imitation or mimesis a key factor behind drawing
lessons from Tragedy, which in the ultimate analysis, produces a therapeutic effect. We
will come to more of this in subsequent sections. In fact, the full understanding of
imitation can emerge only when we place it in the context of Aristotle’s definition of
Tragedy.
The highlighted portions of this definition denote the key terms that we will subse-
quently discuss. Immediately following the definition, he further goes on to clarify :
By ‘language embellished’, I mean language into which rhythm, ‘harmony’, and
song enter. By ‘the several kinds in separate parts’, I mean, that some parts are
rendered through the medium of verse alone, others again with the aid of song.
If we break down the definition into its key points, the following are what merit
specific attention:
Tragedy is an imitation of an action. This is to be understood in the light of
the discussion on imitation that has preceded. Since imitation in Aristotle means
artistic recreation, its use in defining Tragedy is to be understood as idealized
representation. This does not mean anything unworldly, or improbable; but only
such turn of events as can have a causal connection between them. By saying
so, Aristotle is stressing not just on the importance of the plot and structure, but
also on the philosophical intent of Tragedy/ Poetry, which is quite at variance
and logically so, from Plato.
Both the action and its imitation in Tragedy are serious, complete, and of a
certain magnitude (justifiable length). Clearly the emphasis here is on what
kind of action can constitute the crux of Tragedy, on the concept of organic
unity, and on the realistic length to which the action must unfold so as to
accommodate all the movements of the plot.
The use of language in Tragedy is such that it is embellished (added/
decorated) with aesthetically pleasing devices. As a set of constituents, there
are certain aspects that are therefore additional to the primary constituents. We
will discuss them in the following sub-section.
Such devices are spread out in different parts of the play. A tragic play can
therefore be divided into several parts that together constitute the whole.
Action is of prime importance in Tragedy, so even language is used to
explain action, not just narration (as in Epic). So it is mimetic in the sense that
the tragic action shows rather than tells, unlike the epic mode which is diegetic
in that there is often an invisible or all-knowing narrator who probes into the
minds of characters from a distance.
The purpose of Tragedy is to bring out fears that are latent in members of the
audience, and by purging the excess of fear, to effect a tranquil state of mind.
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paraphernalia like scenes of torture, use of dress and colour, stage setting and
the like.
Of the six constituents, the relationship between Plot and Character has traditionally
produced the most confusion in understanding, so let us address this first before moving
on to other things in greater detail.
characters by themselves; their moral bent impels them to act in a particular manner.
Clearly, he does not subscribe to the modern critics who hold the view that character
lies in apriori thought, or that action must stand in relation to certain mental states.
Since Aristotle realizes character through action, he can well subordinate its individual
entity to the plot, the latter being an all-pervasive whole.
So when you read that Aristotle says that the plot is the first principle—the soul of
Tragedy, and that character holds the second place, you should not be confused or
misled by the plethora of arguments that exist in this regard.
a specific number of Acts or Scenes for a play, Aristotle in fact says that it is not the
business of artistic theory to mention any limit of length. All the same, there is
something far more important that he prescribes in this regard: “… the proper
magnitude is comprised within such limits, that the sequence of events, according to the
laws of probability or necessity, will admit of a change from bad fortune to good, or
from good fortune to bad.” (Trans. Butcher 33)
Once again, we need to highlight that imitation for Aristotle is not mere copying,
but imaginative recreation; and imagination is not something that can just run wild, it
is strictly governed by the farthest philosophical expanse of causal connection. You can
also see for yourselves how, in defining the plot, he actually fuses vital ingredients of
the understanding of character, which as the prime agent of the plot, is responsible for
it’s unraveling.
Our understanding of the twin concepts of necessity and probability will further
reveal why Aristotle gives precedence to plot over character. Having broached these
concepts in Chapter 7, he clarifies in Chapter 8 that unity of plot does not mean unity
of the hero, for there can be multifarious incidents in the life of a person that do not
and cannot necessarily form the subject of a single Tragedy. It is therefore the function
of the plot to select events from the life of a person who is to be the protagonist of a
particular play, and the rationale behind such selection is governed by incidents that
have between them a necessary and a probable connection. You can understand this by
the fact that Sophocles has as many as 3 plays in the Oedipus cycle, each of them
dealing with different aspects of the life of Oedipus. Imagine a situation where all these
episodes were put into a single play and if that were to be your syllabus! So necessity
and probability are important factors in deciding not just the length of a play but also
the dramatic or organic unity between its several parts. In this context we can also
understand why in Aristotle’s understanding, poetry is superior to history; while the
latter gives an account of what has happened, the former deals with what may happen.
Once again, this ‘may’ includes only those parts of the action that can be strung together
by the principles of necessity and probability, that we may cumulatively call causal
connection. It is this basic understanding that lies beyond Aristotle’s claim of poetry
being the highest form of philosophy, a discipline where logical connection is the
buzzword. To put it simply, while poetry deals with universal truths, the staple of
history is only the particular. This connects us to the classical understanding of the
poet as
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maker, not just a maker of verses but of plausible plots. To that extent, even history can
be the subject of poetry (as we often find in Shakespeare’s History Plays), but it is the
task of the poet to choose only those events of history for a single plot that can be
woven together by a causal connection. It is only when tragic action can be strung
together in a cause-effect relationship that it gives rise to the cathartic impact which is
the desired end of Tragedy.
Since character is secondary to plot, we must first take note of the what kinds of
situations Aristotle advises playwright (Chapter 13) to refrain from in conceiving their
tragic protagonists:
A good man must not be seen passing from happiness to misery, for such a
situation would be rather odious and it would inspire neither pity nor fear.
A bad man must not be seen passing from misery to happiness, that would by
no stretch of imagination lead to a tragic situation.
An extremely bad man should not be seen falling from happiness to misery.
Such a spectacle might arouse human feelings/responses, but that would
definitely not be pity or fear, which is the objective of Tragedy.
What then should the tragic hero be like? Or how can we conceptualize the tragic
hero on Aristotelian terms? In the same Chapter, he gives the following prescriptions:
An intermediate kind of a personage
A man not pre-eminently virtuous and just, or, a paragon of virtue
His/her misfortune will come about not because of any vice or depravity, but
by some error of judgement that leads to hamartia (Tragic Flaw). Hamartia
is explained as an error or a miscalculation that may arise from ignorance of
material facts, haste, voluntary but not deliberate action and such situations.
(Notice that you can apply all of these to the case of Oedipus)
In classical tragedy more often than not, hubris (pride) has a role in
accentuating hamartia. Think for yourself how hubris acts to amplify the
working of hamartia in Oedipus.
Based on the above formulations, Aristotle’s 4 point prescription of the qualities of an
ideal tragic character can be summarized in a tabular form so that it becomes easy to
comprehend:
Quality Significance
Goodness Humphry House sees this is not to be seen merely as having
moral implications, but as possessing virtues like courage,
temperance, liberality, magnificence, gentleness,
truthfulness, friendliness and even wit. Cumulatively, one
gathers that Aristotle implies worthiness as a human
being, and the
possessor of good intentions.
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Quality Significance
Appropriateness A character should conform to expectations that are
normally made of her/his age, class, position in society,
vocation. This is because a character is simultaneously an
individual and a type, hence expectations should not be
belied. There is in this also the implication of the mimetic
presentation of a character corresponding to source material
in myth/history/
legend.
Likeness/Verisimilitude The character must spring out of the mould of common life,
he should be identifiable with the audience in the sense of
being one like ourselves and yet better than the average run
of humanity so that his fortunes can affect those of the
community. It is necessary for the audience to be able to
strike a resemblance with the protagonist’s motivations and
actions, so that the cathartic emotions of pity and fear may
be affected.
Consistency Unless there is some motivation to the contrary, a character
is expected to show uniformity of behavioural patterns
throughout the tragic spectacle. Aristotle even goes to the
extent of indicating that if waywardness in the sense of
inconsistency is the mark of a character, then such
inconsistency should be a consistent pattern all along. In
other words, a logical coherence should be discernible
between thought and its manifestation in action.
could have as many as 50 people till Aeschylus’ plays reduced it to 12, and with
Sophocles we again find about 15 people enacting the chorus. Of this important aspect
of Greek tragedy, Aristotle does not say much in Poetics, but like much else, the little
that he says in Chapter 18 carries importance. In Aristotle’s view, the chorus should be
considered as one of the actors, obviously not in terms of its numbers but as a
significant presence within the action. He prescribes the choral presence as an integral
part of the whole and as co-sharer in the action, preferring in this the model of
Sophocles over that of Euripides. As a close observer of Greek drama festivals which
in fact forms the basis of Poetics, Aristotle would surely have noted that the chorus in
plays by Euripides seemed to exhibit less of a collective character compared to those
in plays by Sophocles. This view has been held by later critics as well, H. D. F. Kitto
in fact going so far as to say that the chorus in Medea is a total failure on account of
its irrelevance. In Aristotle’s understanding therefore, the role of the chorus is not
confined to singing interludes, that would as well make the same set of people replicable
in any play for that matter, whatever the context and content.
Activity for the learner: With help from your counselor, write an essay on
the role of the chorus in Oedipus the King.
3.7.10 Catharsis
We now come to the final topic of this Unit, which is about the purpose of Tragedy.
Apart from the idea of mimesis, little else in the Poetics has given rise to as much hair-
splitting debate as the concept of catharsis as the supposed outcome of watching a
tragic play. Such debate stems in a large way from the fact that Aristotle himself made
a bare mention of it, most translators apart from Ingram Bywater have not even used the
word, preferring the more intelligible term ‘purgation’. Purgation is definitely a medical
metaphor, implying letting out of excess body fluids that cause disquiet; but when the
letting out concerns the emotional-mental states of pity and fear (mentioned repeatedly
by Aristotle), then it is definitely not the physical sense of draining out that he must
have meant in the context of defining Tragedy in Chapter 6.
For the present, we will not go into how the definition has evolved over a very long
period of time with different scholars, but try to understand it simply as an intended
therapeutic effect of Tragedy. Rather than purgation, the widely accepted idea is that of
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purification—the soothing out of our stresses in real life by witnessing a tragic spectacle
that allows us to rise above personal constraints and feel a sense of empathy for
humanity at large, embodied in the figure of the tragic protagonist.
Now, how does that work?
We can make sense of this if we perceive the sense of catharsis not in isolation but
in the light of the discussion that has preceded.The crux of that discussion has hinged
on the seminal idea of imitation of action, on the primacy of the plot that is constructed
without straining credibility in any way, and on the protagonist as agent of the plot and
thereby the audience’s point of contact with the execution of the plot. The qualities of
the tragic hero outlined in this context are also very important in perspective. The
quality of verisimilitude or life-likeness means that as audiences, we look upon a tragic
hero as a lot like us, her/his difference with us only being in the scale of grandeur. But
in terms of human propensities, we find ample similarities being reflected, the
difference being only that of degree and not of kind. Like a tragic protagonist, most of
us are middling kind of personalities, neither all good nor outright bad; what
distinguishes a tragic protagonist is the parameter of class—one’s stature and fortunes
should be such that the rise/ fall can affect a community at large, as with Oedipus.
Similarly, the development of the plot of tragedy is so ordained by Aristotle as to
ensure that events in the life of the protagonist are realistically strung, giving the feeling
that such a fate could befall as well. Finally, the aesthetic distance that Aristotle keeps
between the audience and the tragic character ensures that we are always watching
her/his fate from a distance – the stage gives an illusion of safety. We call it illusion
because in principle, what befalls the tragic hero could come upon us as well, for he is
so like us. So we feel pity for one like us, and fear for ourselves—‘there’ - is this sense
of barely escaped suffering - the feeling on the part of the spectator that “there might I
be but for the grace of God”. These twin emotions of pity for the protagonist (his
fortunes being much more tragic than he merits) and fear for one like ourselves are the
intended effects of Tragedy, the witnessing of which leaves us more sobered in life. It is
in this intended therapeutic impact of Tragedy that we must place our understanding
of catharsis.
As you proceed with your study of drama along the BDP course, you will notice
how Aristotle’s prescriptions in Poetics, though a solid beginning, have much evolved
through the Elizabethan stage and into modern drama across the world. To Aristotle
therefore, we owe our first understanding of drama, but we must remember that for all
his modernity, his theory is also set against a particular milieu. As readers of drama it
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3.7.11 Summing Up
Poetics as one of the earliest theorizations on classical drama
Imitation as the soul of poetry/art; the differences between Plato and Aristotle
The constituent elements of Tragedy
Plot as having prime importance in drama, even character as secondary to it
Dramatic Unity ensures coherence and philosophical approach
Simple and Complex Plots
Qualities of the tragic hero—the role of hamartia and hubris
Catharsis as the desired end of Tragedy
2. Why is spectacle given the least importance among the constituent elements of
Tragedy?
3. State and briefly explain the qualities that according to Aristotle are necessary
in a tragic hero.
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3.8.0 Introduction
In this Unit we will try to know the story of Oedipus as part of Greek folklore and
mythology, and try to figure out how it still resonates in our mindscape. This Unit will
give you an overview of the origin and development of the story of Oedipus in Greek
myth along with
the relevance of Oedipus myth in Greek society and drama
how the myth has influenced psychoanalytical studies
the resonance of the myth in world drama and across media
whether the myth still holds currency in our time.
and perhaps the name Europa also suggests that the continent Europe was named after
her, as some scholars argue.
Image: The Rape of Europa, painted by the famous French painter Jean-Baptiste
Marie Pierre (1714-1789) (Source: Internet)
Image: Rape of Europa by the Dutch painter Rembrandt (1606-1669) (Source: Internet)
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The sorrows of Cadmus arose mainly from the misfortunes of his children and
successors. He had a son, Polydorus (or Polydoros), and four daughters. Due to the
troubles of their family, toward the end of their life, Cadmus and Harmonia had to leave
Thebes to live in exile in Illyria, a wild region adjoining the Adriatic in the north-west.
The kingdom was left in charge of Polydorus. Polydorus was the father of Labdacus (or
Labdakos), the eponymous founder of the Theban dynasty of the Labdacids, which
includes Oedipus and his warring sons Polyneices (Polyneikes) and Eteocles (Eteokles)
among its members. Soon Labdacus assumed power in his own right, but he died
prematurely probably because he tried to oppose Dionysus. His son Laius (or Laios)
was only a year old at the time of his death, and power in Thebes passed to Lykos, the
brother of Nykteus, who either ruled on Laius’ behalf as regent or took advantage of the
situation to seize power for himself. Lykos presided over the city for many years until
he was killed (or driven out) by his great-nephews Zethos and Amphion, who
established themselves as joint kings. They forced Laius to depart into exile, and he
subsequently took refuge at the court of Pelops in the western Peloponnese. He finally
secured his rightful throne after the death of the usurpers; and there begins the story of
his son Oedipus, that you learn in the tragedy.
The Birth and Life of Oedipus
Oedipus’ father Laius was not a pure heart, and he invited a family curse through
his action. While he was a guest of Pelops, he took charge of teaching the art of chariot-
driving to a young illegitimate son of Pelops named Chrysippos. While teaching him,
Laius conceived a passion for him and carried him off with the intention of seduction.
Chrysippos repulsed him and killed himself with his sword out of shame. Some writers
opine that Pelops cursed the entire family of Laius on hearing of the fate of his son
which explains the subsequent misfortunes of the family. The Sphinx was said to have
been sent against Thebes by the marriage-goddess Hera to punish the Thebans for not
punishing Laius for his immoral action. Laius married Jocasta (or Iokaste), who
belonged to a branch of the Theban royal family as a daughter of Menoeceus (or
Menoikeus) and sister of Creon (or Kreon). Jocasta initially failed to produce any
children, and Laius consulted the Delphic oracle, which warned him to abandon any
thought of fathering a child since he would be killed by his son if he should have one.
Laius kept out of his wife’s bed for a time, but one night he had intercourse with her
while he was drunk, and thus he caused her to conceive the fateful son.
Soon after the child was born, Laius handed him over to a shepherd to be killed,
but before that he thrust a spike through his feet to ensure that he would not be
recovered and reared. Thus, the baby got his name of Oedipus (or Oidipous in Greek)
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kingdom and the hand of the former queen to anyone who could rid the city of this
monster. By now Oedipus arrived at Thebes and provided the correct answer to the
riddle of the Sphinx. The riddle goes like this:
There is a being on earth that is four-footed, two-footed and three-footed, yet has a
single voice; and of all beings that move on the ground or through the air or sea, it alone
changes its form; and when it moves with the support of the most feet, then is the speed
of its limbs at the weakest.
Image: The eponymous vessel of the Oedipus Painter, showing Oedipus and the
Sphinx; reproduced by an Etruscan ceramic painter in c. 470 BC. (Source: Internet)
Oedipus inferred that the riddle refers to man, who crawls on all fours as an infant,
walks upright on two legs when grown up, and employs a stick as a third foot in old
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age. When he solved the riddle, the Sphinx took her own life by hurling herself from
the Theban acropolis or from a cliff outside the city, or else surrendered herself to
Oedipus to be killed. Oedipus then claimed Jocasta, the wife of the late king, along with
the kingdom as his reward for ridding Thebes of the Sphinx. He lived with her for a
long period, fathering two daughters by her, Antigone and Ismene, and two quarrelsome
sons, Polyneices and Eteocles; but when the truth about his birth and his father’s death
finally came to be revealed, Jocasta hanged herself, and Oedipus blinded himself and
then abdicated the throne to depart into exile. The tragic fate of his children continues
the myth, but we will end here as of now. If you want to know more of this story, you
may consult the anthologies of Greek and Roman myths.
Societal and Cultural Implications of the Myth
It is a fact that Oedipus myth can be distinctly connected to the Greek society and
culture. Indeed, there are multiple universal themes in the myth that can be related to
any society. We have to remember that any great literature has its contextual
importance, and since the myth has inspired and affected the writing of Sophocles and
his contemporaries so much, it must have had deep-seated interest in its sociocultural
milieu. Material and spiritual—both spheres in contemporary Greece had a strong
connection with the myth. A few issues that are vitally important for any individual and
state, can be related to the myth: (1) the idea of statesmanship that relates to governance
and democracy, (2) regicide that connects to law and judiciary, (3) parricide and incest
that connects to ethics and morality, (4) parent-child relationship connects to life and
living in any society both in micro and macro levels. Let us elaborate on these and we
will understand how this myth was utterly important in classical Greece.
Around the time Sophocles wrote Oedipus the King, Greece had already seen a
democratic turn in the country. The first big step towards establishing democracy in
Athens was taken by Solon, who was elected as its ruler in 594 BC and made several
reforms. He cancelled all debts and the state celebrated at a festival called the “Casting
off of Burdens”. He reduced the power of the nobles, and granted political rights to all
citizens. He revoked the laws set down by Draco (a previous ruler, after whom the term
‘Draconian’ derives) who had decreed the death penalty for almost every offence. The
king, thus, was supposed to listen to his subjects and give importance to everyone.
Oedipus violates this while he insults Creon and Tiresias. Now we know that Oedipus
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came to Thebes when the country was captured by the Sphinx, and he rightfully became
the king of the state after solving the riddle, as was declared king. As a king he was
righteous and affectionate towards his subjects. When the state fell into further trouble,
he took it as his responsibility to handle the situation in his own way. The oracle of
Delphi and the soothsayer Tiresias have significant roles in this. The situation takes us
to the classical times in Greece that was governed by a statesman who had priests
representing their faith at the royal court. These representatives of divinity were
sometimes more powerful than the statesman. Pre-Christian Greece believed in multiple
gods and goddesses and each had his or her temple. The priests were supposed to have
all the knowledge that would be available to men. So, when we come across Tiresias,
we need to admit his knowledge as a seer who sees the past, present and future. Tiresias
exists from or even before Heracles or Hercules who was the first human hero of
Greece. It is difficult for us to understand the gravity of Oedipus’ sin when he insults
Tiresias, but we have to remember that the Greeks believed in Apollo’s ultimate power.
His ability to see and plan the future for humanity was their main point of contact with
the mortal world. As the Olympian religion evolved, in major cities of Greece several
temples and shrines were erected for the worship of individual gods, and Apollo was
one of the most important gods. Delphi, Delos, Samos and Olympia became the most
important sacred shrines in Greece, and Delphi was founded by Apollo. For the Greeks,
the oracle was the word of Apollo which they would consult on every affair like
whether to start a war or make peace or building cities, as we see in Oedipus.
It is important to know that myths are of different categories: some are Ritual
Myths that serve survival purposes for different nations, some are Myths of Creation
that depict the creation of the universe, some are Explanatory Myths through which
primitive men tried to explain different phenomena, some are Symbolic Myths that
depict stories of gods, demi-gods or heroes, and form part of the culture of different
nations and tribes. Any myth basically explains the ways of life of a particular society,
and the Oedipus myth is a symbolic myth that gives us the subtleties of ancient Greek
society that had a city-centred kingdom, and each city had its own deity and temple.
This particular deity and the priest had enormous power and so the king was to abide
by the supremacy of the god or goddess, and the particular priest chosen by the deity
thereby had limitless powers. Tiresias’ behaviour towards Oedipus is thus explained.
The Dionysiac festivals were arranged for entertainment, but these were also occasions
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when through the mythical representations man would once again come to terms with
his own existence. Greek myths were full of important learning for all ages. Some such
topics that were influential in the Greek society are present in the Oedipus myth.
What does the Oedipus Myth convey
The myth suggests that man should not be proud. Oedipus’ hubris or extreme pride
is one flaw in his character that was supposed to be highlighted through the play. Pride
and arrogance ultimately lead to destruction, this idea comes as a moral lesson for the
audience. Although Oedipus truly knew what the truth was, he couldn’t get his mind to
see it. He was so proud that he thought nothing could stop him. Not only did he
disrespect other powerful people, but he also disrespected the gods. There is an
entanglement of pride and fate in the events. Oedipus tried to escape his fate by running
away and killing the man who told him about the curse. While letting his pride and
power get in the way, he fulfills the prophecy. If Oedipus didn’t believe that he was
invincible, he could have been more careful with his decisions. The gods punished
Oedipus for his disrespect and baffling pride. King Laius is one of the first characters
to try to escape his fate, and committed the crime of abandoning and trying to kill his
own child. Infanticide, patricide, and regicide run as significant issues in the myth. This
brings in the concern for propriety and common sense. Had he not married the widow
queen, tragedy of this stature would not have happened. But in all this, Sophocles also
subtly includes the workings of Fate, of which you have read in other forms in Anglo
Saxon literature. Remember that both Anglo Saxon and Greek literature are basically
from a pre-Christian time.
Another important issue is Jocasta’s helplessness. During that time life, social
status, and politics relied heavily on the males in Greece. Though not overtly
masochistic, Oedipus did claim and enjoy the widow queen, and she did not have a say
in the whole male business. Her brother gives her to Oedipus as a reward for his heroic
deed.The daughters are equally helpless and leave Thebes with their blind father,
ultimately living the life of spinsters.
Infanticide, though not a strong point in the dramatization of the Oedipus myth in
Sophocles’ tragic play, was a major issue in ancient Greek society. Sacrificing children
to the deities is a well-researched anthropological fact. In mythical reconstruction it is
found in different manifestations–prehistoric tales, folk tales, legends and myths of
different origin, and Greek myth was not an exception.
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John Dryden and Nathaniel Lee produced Oedipus: A Tragedy in England in 1679
and it was a huge success in England of the Restoration. Their sources for the play are
Sophocles, Seneca and Corneille, as they retained sub-plot of Adrastus, Eurydice and
Creon, in which love and politics play a very crucial role. In their version all the
characters die.The tragic climax is reached with the death of Eurydice, who is stabbed
by Creon. After Creon has stabbed Eurydice, a massacre occurs. Creon and Adrastus
kill each other; then Jocasta slays herself and her children and, finally, Oedipus throws
himself from the palace walls.
Theatre the myth also found prominence, as we have already learned. Mendl Elkins’ The
Sorrow of Oedipus in 1935 is an effort to create his thoroughly Jewish Oedipal tragedy.
Conversely, Oedipus’ daughter Antigone has greatly instigated the Latin American
imagination. Logically the conflict between law and order and individual rights has been
one of the main issues of both its colonial past and its troubled history since
independence, and the theatre artists tried to give meanings to their struggles through
the oblique gaze of the myth. It is a real pity that some of these productions remained
unknown because they were not translated into English or French. For example,
Antigone encréole (1953) by Felix Morisseau-Leroy from Haiti is a significant work
based on the myth.
There have been many Oedipus plays in Bangla. Sambhu Mitra’s Raja Oedipus is
a famous example in which the theatre stalwart himself played the lead role.
Bahubachan theatre produced Oedipus in 1982 and recently in 2013 Drishtipat staged
Raja Himadri in Bangladesh based on the myth. You can tune in to Mitra’s audio
play on this link:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ILlnfadICJ8
Image: Oedipus and the Sphinxby Gustave Moreau (1826-1898, source: internet)
3.8.8 Summing Up
Even though the classical world of Greece with its archaic faith and practices does
not exist anymore, the myth and folklore produced there always help interpret human
societies. The Oedipus myth has been universalised and still holds currency for us. It
has given birth to numerous works of art, and continues to inspire us in many ways.
Oedipus perhaps represents Everyman with libidinal and aggressive desires toward
parents or taking up acquired guilt from parents that has special appeal in the field of
psychoanalysis. Moreover, the themes like parricide, democracy, sense of responsibility
have universal appeal.
3.9.0. Introduction
This unit aims to throw light on the age-old interest related to Sophocles’ most
celebrated work, Oedipus the King. The play has been considered to be the most perfect
example of Greek tragedy by Aristotle. In the previous units, you have already been
enlightened on the background related to Greek tragedy and its features as stated by
Aristotle. So it will be easier for you to understand the play, Oedipus the King, in that
context. Here, we will try to highlight the background issues related to the legend of
Oedipus. Further, we will try to analyse the following:
The play as a perfection of classical tragedy.
The use of the divine machinery and its importance in the plot.
The question of sin and redemption related to the action of Oedipus.
The caught-in-between situation of Oedipus in the context of state and kingship.
Certain other issues will also be explored as we continue with the discussion.
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in achieving the climax and then the denouement. It is styled on detective fiction, the
‘who done it’ theory working behind the whole play. Sophocles is in his best in keeping
the element of suspense intact and in loosening of the knot by and by. The
complications have been finely worked out and the end is quite shocking and disastrous,
keeping intact the true tragic intensity.
of diction, which means the expressive use of words. In this play, it is the diction
through which the action of the play is mainly carried out.
Another important aspect related to a tragedy, according to Aristotle, is the unity of
time, place and action. Though Aristotle does not specifically mention these terms the
way neo-classical theorists do, the discussion on Dramatic/ Organic Unity in Module 3
Unit 7 will tell you that the Aristotelian principle of mimesis/imitation as credible
representation actually harps upon these unities. The well–knit plot of Oedipus the King
keeps the above in mind and the whole action is set in Thebes, mainly in the royal
palace, the action takes place within twenty four hours and it is related to the search of
the murderer of Laius, the polluter of the land. The whole play is structured in such a
way that we get a comprehensive idea about the entire tragic action.
was a curse to him because of his abduction and rape of Pelop’s son Chrisippus. This
is disastrous and Laius tries to flee from the prophecy by ordering to kill his son
Oedipus, just after he is born. The Divinity is already at work with the birth of the son
and will bring about the ultimate calamity.
One thing to be noted, before we proceed with the discussion is that, in every
classical tragedy, it is shown that the Divine will always prevails. It is the ultimate force
which brings about the downfall. This play is not an exception, but Sophocles, to some
extent, has stressed the importance of human will in the divine scheme of things. This
assertion of the human will aggravates the conflict in the play, but ultimately the human
serves to be a petty creature in the hands of God. Laius tries to assert his free will by
ordering to kill his newborn son, but the boy is saved by the grace of God, because the
prophecy has to be fulfilled. When Oedipus grows up he decides to visit the temple of
Apollo to know his future. He comes to know of it, but that leaves him shocked and
terrified. He tries to flee from his own destiny, but to no avail. Apollo’s dictum has to
be proved right and Oedipus will have to commit the sins prophesied to him.
Now, our present play in discussion, opens with the situation that the city of Thebes
is suffering from pollution, the plague. The plague is considered to be sent by the Gods
because the land is polluted by the death of Laius and the presence of his slayer in it.
We should note here, that Sophocles in hinting at the moral pollution too, over here, the
Greek term for it being miasma. A plague as punishment for bloodshed of the king and
the kindred is quite usual-Sophocles indicates that only the Gods can cure what the
Gods have sent. So Creon, the brother-in-law of Oedipus, is sent to Delphi to find out
the solution for this plague. The message with which Creon returns, that to punish and
remove the polluter from the land, leaves Oedipus mystified. But nevertheless, we know
that it is an act of the Gods, an assertion of their rights and of their inviolable laws.
The polluter and the slayer is found out and the play ultimately ends, showing us
that the prophecy of Apollo was long fulfilled and the curse was worked upon. The
drama focuses on the humbling of a great and prosperous man by the Gods. The
humbling is not deserved, so to say, but the Gods have to display their power and since
they display it, man must draw his lesson. This is kept till the end of the play when the
Chorus point to the fall of Oedipus. The Chorus feel pity and horror that takes place in
the life of Oedipus, but even they accept that Apollo is the real power behind all the
happenings.
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He is the king, the representative of God on earth, and thereby he should take the
responsibility and save his kingdom. It is his first and foremost duty and he should
perform it. This opening scene depicts Oedipus in the height of his prosperity, renowned
and venerated. The priest addresses him as the ‘noblest of men.’
Oedipus understands and feels the importance of the situation. He knows that he is
the father-figure and addresses his subjects as ‘pitiful children.’ He also states that his
soul groans for the whole city and he cannot sleep trying to find out the remedy. He is
the head of the state and thereby is entrusted to solve the problem. But he hardly knows
that he being the king, is himself responsible for the trouble of his land.
The future of the state is at stake, so is the kingship. A state suffering for unknown
reasons, a pestilence-stricken country where the countrymen have become the
scapegoats. The king is in power but he is helpless, he is in utter darkness, an
incapacitated being and at a loss. But as a responsible being he does not stop. He
continues with the search to find out the polluter, the murderer and is finally successful.
The punishment which he had earlier pronounced on the guilty is finally implemented
on him. The land is saved, the people are safe and the next king to be crowned is
Creon.
3.9.8 Summing Up
The previous units have helped us to form initial ideas regarding the popular
tragedy. Building upon that, in this Unit you have learned to what effect Sophocles uses
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the myth of Oedipus to give it a perfect dramatic structure and to accommodate within
it a wide range of issues. This will be furthered in the next units. The ideas will be
developed and an overall idea will be formed. In these units, the features of classical
tragedy have been hinted upon and primary information related to the play has been
imparted.
3.10.0 Introduction
This unit aims to enhance your understanding of the text of the play Oedipus the
King. Apart from the information related to the background of the story of Oedipus,
there will be discussions related to the important features of the play like plot, character,
important scenes, the importance of choral ode, and the structure involving the
technique of ‘medias res’, which is very important a concept for your understanding of
classical conventions,. The concluding movement of the play is also very interesting
where the conflict is ultimately resolved. The learning outcomes of this Unit will be
fulfilled only when you supplement it with your reading of the text. Once you have done
that, this Unit will provide the vital linkages between the other Units of this Module.
tragic hero, whose life history embodied the universal human predicament of ignorance.
Oedipus was born into the royal family of Thebes and his parents were Laius and
Jocasta. Laius had come to know from an oracle that he would meet his death at the
hands of his son and this son would also marry his own mother. In order to get rid of
the terrible outcome, Laius ordered a shepherd to throw Oedipus into the jungle
presumably to be eaten away by animals. The ankles of Oedipus were pierced and
nailed so that he would not be able to crawl away. He was therefore a foundling, and it
is held that this forced upon injury to the child was the origin of his name, which means
‘swollen’ or ‘twisted’ foot. The kind shepherd would not abandon the child and so
handed him to another shepherd. This shepherd, in turn, brought the child to Polybus,
the king of Corinth, who being childless was glad to raise the boy as his own. When
Oedipus grew up he decided to travel the world, but before that to consult the oracle
at Delphi. You have learnt about the importance of Delphi in the previous Unit. The
oracle told him about the shocking future, that he was destined to kill his father and
marry his mother. Utterly horrified, he left Delphi and decided never to return to
Corinth.
Oedipus started travelling here and there. Unknown to Oedipus, his real father Laius
was also travelling in the neighbourhood of Delphi. At a place where the three roads
met, Oedipus confronted the chariot of Laius. The escorts of Laius ordered Oedipus to
move out of the way. A quarrel arose among them and Oedipus being haughty by nature
killed Laius, hardly knowing that he was killing his own father. He then continued on
his way. You have to relate this irritable nature of Oedipus to his hubris, of which we
have discussed in the Unit on Aristotle’s Poetics.
Afterwards he arrived at Thebes, which was at that time being terrorised by the
Sphinx, a monster, who asked puzzling questions. Those who tried and failed to solve
the riddle were turned to stones. To Oedipus, the riddle posed no problem. He was quick
enough to reply, and on hearing it, the Sphinx left Thebes forever. As an interesting
exercise you can do a comparative study between Oedipus and Beowulf insofar as the
trajectories of their lives and their mission of liberating people from superhuman
monsters are concerned. You will in course of that realize how much more complicated
classical literature actually is, though at base much of the heroic codes may appear
similar. It is this sense of the tragic components of life that makes Greek Tragedy so
much more superior and abiding in nature.
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To return to the story, the citizens of Thebes were overjoyed with the success of
Oedipus and looked upon him as the saviour. They made him their kind and as was the
custom he had to marry the existing queen, Jocasta. So, unknowingly both the sins were
committed by Oedipus as foretold by the oracle. For many years Oedipus lived in
perfect happiness and harmony. He proved to be a wise and benevolent ruler and Jocasta
bore him two sons, Etiocles and Polyneices and two daughters, Antigone and Ismene.
This is the background story related to the great figure of Oedipus. It is important to
realize these past incidents in order to analyse the play properly.
Climax
Complication Reversal
actio Falling action
n
Risin
g
Inciting incident Resolution
Exposition Denouement
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queen Jocasta. This play opens with a crisis. After a long reign of peace and happiness,
Oedipus confronts a great problem. A plague has come over Thebes, due to which crops
are dying, animals are barren, children are falling sick and unborn babies are withering
in the wombs of their mothers. This is actually due to the violation of the moral code
or the principle of miasma that we have discussed in the earlier Unit. The moral
pollution has spread all over the city, as the king who is on the throne is himself
polluted, albeit without his knowing it as yet. So this is how larger fate and individual
destiny combines in classical tragedy; and in the case of Oedipus, the fact that he is the
ruler of the land only compounds problems for his subjects. The citizens appeal to him
for help and Creon is sent to Delphi to find out a solution. Creon returns with the
message that the pollution will be lifted only when the killer of Laius will be brought
to justice. Oedipus takes on the responsibility and as a first step thinks of consulting the
blind prophet Teiresias. The prophet is brought to the court but he is reluctant to reveal
the identity of the killer. Oedipus gets angry and accuses Teiresias of being associated
with the murder. Eventually he says that Oedipus himself is the sinner and the polluter.
Enraged at this, Oedipus banishes Teiresias. He leaves, stating that Oedipus is blinded
by his pride and therefore fails to see the truth. After this Oedipus suspects that Creon
had been plotting to take over the throne by killing Laius. Jocasta tries to pacify
Oedipus and says that it is an impossibility as Laius was killed as a place where the
three roads meet suddenly. Oedipus remembers his chance encounter with the old man
and suspects that Laius might have been his victim. As he waits for confirmation to
come from one of the members of the escorts of Laius who returned to Thebes, a
messenger arrives from Corinth with the reassuring news that Polybus has died a natural
death. Oedipus, not yet suspecting the full extent of his crime, is thankful that he seems
to have evaded at least a part of the oracle.
The well-meaning messenger, anxious to put the mind of Oedipus to rest, assures
him that Polybus and Merope were not his real parents. The messenger had received
Oedipus when a baby, from one of Laius’ shepherds on Mount Cithaeron and had given
him to Polybus. Even now Oedipus fails to make the proper connection, and while the
terrified Jocasta tries in vain to persuade him to stop his investigation, he persists in his
efforts to get to the bottom of the mystery and demands that Laius’ shepherd be brought
before him. Thankfully, according to the will of the destiny, the shepherd is still alive,
and when he finally arrives the full horror of the situation is at least brought home to
Oedipus. Once again, dear learner, you are to go back to your study of Aristotle and
understand for yourselves, how the element of ‘reversal’ works out in the plot of this
play.
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Jocasta could not wait for the denouement to unfold, she had already gone into the
palace and had taken away her life. After the horrible discovery and enlightenment,
when Oedipus comes to Jocasta, he finds that she has hanged herself to death. Tearing
the golden brooches from her dress, he plunges them again and again into his eyes until
he is completely blinded. This is where our present play under discussion and the first
part of the Sophoclean trilogy ends.
The play is not divided into acts and scenes as a conventional tragedy does.
Sophocles has intended to keep the play as a whole with the tragic scheme of things at
proper work. Now let us try to re-look at the play from Freytag’s analysis. The five-part
division of a play consists of:
i. Introduction or Exposition: Where the place and time of action is stated.
ii. The Rising Action: It is believed to begin when the events of the play are
ultimately set in motion.
iii. Climax: It is considered to be the highest point of actions of the play.
iv. The Falling Action: It charters the result of the climax.
v. The Resolution or Denouement: It is also termed as closing action where all the
loose ends of the play are tied.
Let us now mark these points in relation to the play Oedipus, the King. The play
opens in Athens and states that the country is suffering from a devastating plague. So
the problem is exposed before us. Then comes the rising action, where the plot is set
in motion and Creon is sent to oracle at Delphi. Oedipus consults Teiresias, the
messenger from Corinth brings the news of the death of Polybus and finally the
shepherd reveals the past to Oedipus. The climax reaches fast after this revelation as
Oedipus comes to understand that he is the murderer and the polluter of the land, his
native land. The falling action deals with the suicide of Jocasta and self-blinding of
Oedipus. The resolution comes with the realisation of Oedipus and his desire to go for
exile and with the hope that normal life will return to Athens.
Finally we can say that the play, in a way, is structured as a prologue and, along
with that, five episodes, which of course we talked of above. Each of these episodes is
introduced by a choral ode. Every incident in the play is part of a tightly constructed
cause and effect chain. These incidents are assembled together as an investigation of the
past, and the play is thus truly considered to be a marvel of plot structure.
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and the shepherd piece together the whole story of Oedipus enabling him to recognize
his true identity, to gain the essential knowledge that he has so long lacked. The
peripeteia and anagnorisis directly cause the catastrophe, ‘the reversal of fortune’ for
Oedipus and lead to the emotional scenes of ‘suffering.’ In a sense, each of the actions
of Oedipus can be considered to be a reversal of intention, and each gives him a little
more knowledge of the dreadful truth which leads him to his terrible downfall.
Oedipus and make him understand that Creon cannot be guilty of committing such an
offence. Jocasta emerges as a practical-minded, clear-headed woman and also a
responsible queen. But following the technique of medias res, we need to understand
that she is a much more enduring figure in the tale than what we can surmise from her
stage presence.
That she is extremely practical is proved by the point that she does not have any
trust on the oracles and their prophecy. She wants Oedipus too to understand this and
not to be baffled by the prophecies. By way of evidence, she cites the prophecy that her
own child would kill his father and marry her. She tries and had tried hard to change
the fate in defiance of prophecy, but ultimately fulfils it, even though unwittingly. When
she comes to understand that Oedipus is heading towards ruinous discovery, she
beseeches him to cease from the quest, but to no avail. She finally comes to understand
that the horrible sin of incest has been committed by her. The prophecy has been
fulfilled and she has wedded her own son and given birth to sinful children. It is a
shame too much for her to bear. So she ultimately takes recourse to suicide to end her
life with honour rather than live in disgrace for the rest of her life.
If we closely analyse the character of Jocasta, we find her to be as tragic as
Oedipus, and in a way her actions (committed unknowingly of course) lead to her
downfall. Along with that she is a victim of fate too. Like Oedipus, she is guilty of
hubris, as she attempts to defy the gods. She even insults the gods by dismissing their
prophets as unreliable. When Oedipus comes to meet the Corinthian, she mocks the
oracles. She urges Oedipus not to entertain fears of any kind, and that is the philosophy
of life for her.
The end which Jocasta meets is appropriate from a tragic perspective, and this end
contributes to the effect of catharsis which the play produces in full measure. The
suicide scene is kept offstage as Sophocles did not want to present the horrid incidents
before the spectators. But Sophocles is successful in portraying the essential femininity
in her and raising her to the level of tragic dignity.
existence. He then runs offstage, finds that Jocasta has hanged herself, and taking the
brooches from her robe, gouges out his eyes. With the knowledge gained, with the truth
revealed he inflicts self-punishment of blinding himself.
The Greek word ‘oida’ means ‘to know’ and literally it means ‘to have seen.’ To see
is to know. Teiresias, who was physically blind, could actually see and understand, but
Oedipus who had sight and knowledge actually did not know. When he finally comes
to know, he could not bear to see through it all, and blinded himself. Aristotle remarks
that Oedipus falls from a great height because it was fated and in that sense his fall was
fore-doomed; but because of his refusal to know himself, he falls further into blindness
and exile.
This act of self-blinding is related to the theme of the play, the theme of sight and
blindness. The literal act of blinding ultimately makes the metaphorical blindness
explicit that Oedipus has displayed throughout the play and indeed throughout his whole
life. He has always to remain blinded by his pride and ignorance. His blinding
symbolically represents his previous decision to overlook the vital message delivered by
Teiresias and to ignore the truth. So before leaving Teiresias prophesies to Oedipus:
‘A beggar, not a rich man, blind who now has eyes,
Hesitatingly tapping his staff through a foreign land,
He will be exposed as brother and father
To his own children, son and husband
To the woman who bore him, sharer of the marriage bed
With the father he murdered.’ (Lines 455-460)
Thus due to his hubris, Oedipus was blind to all of the warning signs. The
punishment thus he gives to himself is quite justified and to see Oedipus in such an
appalling state. With blood pouring down his face brings about pity and fear in the
Activity for the Learner:
With help from your counselor, make a comparison between this play and
Shakespeare’s Macbeth on the theme of sight and blindness.
The play ultimately ends with reference to the daughters of Oedipus. Before he sets
out for exile, he wants to meet his daughters, who are unfortunately his sisters too, for
the last time, and he requests Creon that he should look after them. Oedipus laments for
the doomed future of Antigone and Ismene as he knows that society is going to look
upon them as outcasts and no one will marry them. They will have to suffer because of
the sins committed by their parents. Oedipus appears to be very emotional in this scene
and his fatherly love and concern know no bounds. Oedipus ruefully says:
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play. The first song takes place immediately after Oedipus has declared his resolution
to trace the murderer of Laius. It also intensifies the sorrowful condition prevailing in
the city. The second song is introduced in the play, just after Oedipus himself is accused
as the polluter by Teiresias. The chorus, of course, is not prepared to believe the
allegation against Oedipus and instead urges the murderer to be found out. The third
song is a meditation upon the nature of Oedipus. The chorus indirectly speaks of the
possible fall through pride. The fourth ode comes up at a point when Oedipus is baffled
with his identity. The final choric song is a comment on the fall of Oedipus and is a
reflection upon short-lived happiness of human beings. We will discuss the importance
of the chorus and how their odes make a remarkable commentary in detail in the next
unit.
3.10.8 Summing Up
In this unit we have had a detailed understanding of the text. The idea related to plot
and structure has been enhanced. Certain important and significant scenes and moments
in the play have been highlighted for better understanding of the text. The interpretation
of the text opens up various issues for elaborate and never-ending discussions.
NOTES
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3.11.0 Introduction
By now you have become familiar with many aspects of the play, Oedipus the King.
This final unit of the play hopes to highlight some more points related to the text. The
play has continued to be of extreme interest for both the readers and the researchers and
so the discourse is still on. The unit aims at the following:
To get a clear and brief idea related to the way Sophocles wants to present his
characters.
To develop a better understanding of the character of Oedipus.
To judge the significance and role of the children of Oedipus in the whole scheme.
To discuss the importance of Chorus in the plot, apart from the structural discussion
that we had in the previous unit.
To try to understand the concept of fate in Greek tragedy in general and in particular
in this play.
Finally, to have an overall idea about the major themes that emerge from the play
and to have a look at the critical reception of the play.
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You will notice that in this Unit we will be going back and forth with much that
you have already known by now, the purpose being to place your understanding of the
text in the light of theoretical perspectives, keeping Aristotle in mind.
central figure Oedipus, Sophocles wants to show that the character, though, honourable
and heroic, is also flawed but courageous and honest enough to find out and admit his
faults. He truly regrets the sins committed, at the end of the play.
The secondary characters in the play are also drawn minutely.The characters
function as dictated by the legend. Sophocles portrays Jocasta, as a practical-minded
woman and a queen and also as a loving and caring wife in the conventional sense. She
is shown to possess courage and ability to handle repulsive situations. But ultimately
she cannot stand up to the vagaries of fate and commits suicide. Creon, the brother in
law of Oedipus is also drawn as a respectable person, who appears to be a sensible and
reasonable man. At the end of the play he becomes the king of Thebes; he could be
cruel towards Oedipus, but instead, he shows compassion towards Oedipus and also
promises to shoulder the responsibility of the daughters of Oedipus. The other important
and significant character, in the context of the play, is Teiresias. He is the one to point
out to Oedipus that the latter has committed some crime that is yet unknown to
him.Though the presence of Teiresias is brief on stage, as a representative of Apollo, he
remains the most powerful character in the play. The Chorus also plays a very important
and significant role in placing their observations at various critical points in the play.
They pray, sing and frequently talk to the protagonist. The Messengers also have a
crucial role to play in the plot movement. They largely form the instruments of
revelation for Oedipus.
In all his plays, Sophocles tried to portray his characters as pious, heroic, and even
if they have flaws, they are impeccable. The characters are integrated to the plot of the
play and together help to bring about the final outcome.
The hero would thus recognize (anagnorisis) or discover his flaws through events and
situation.
Oedipus is definitely a man of action and courage and these are markedly Athenian
characteristics. The courage of an Athenian would rise to its greatest heights when the
situation seemed to be most desperate and this is what we find Oedipus to do, as the
play opens. In the play, Oedipus performs multiple roles, like he himself is the
investigator, prosecuter and judge of a murder. In all these aspects he represents the
social and intellectual progress that had resulted in the establishment of Athenian
democracy and its courts of law. The heroic achievement of Oedipus is the discovery
of the truth, and that discovery is the most thorough –going and dreadful catastrophe the
stage has ever presented. The hero who in his vigour and courage and intelligence
stands as a representative of all that is creative in man ultimately discovers a truth that is
so dreadful.
Venerated as the equal of a God, uncontested master of justice, holding in his hands
the health of the whole city–such, placed above other men, is the character of Oedipus,
the wise. So he asserts boldly as the play begins:
I, Oedipus, whose fame is known to all. (Line 8)
The priest implores Oedipus to save their pestilence stricken country as he had
saved the country previously by solving the riddle of the Sphinx. He is hailed as the first
of man, who with his intelligence and wisdom can save all. To quote the
priests:
Come, noblest of men, rescue our city.
Come-act-because the whole country calls you its hero since you first saved us.
(Lines 45 to 47)
Oedipus takes up the course of action from here and the rest of the play deals with
the process of discovery. The noble king, doing his best to save his people. At the end
of the play, this image of Oedipus is reversed. From a pious one, he becomes
abominable, concentrating in himself all the impurity of the world. The divine king
becomes a contaminated one whom it is necessary to expel like a scapegoat
(pharmakos), so that the city may be saved.
Divine king and scapegoat, such are the two faces of Oedipus, which constitute him
as a riddle, by uniting two figures in him, the one the inverse of the other. Sophocles
attributes a general significance to this inversion in the nature of Oedipus. The hero
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proves to be the model of the human condition. But Sophocles did not have to invent
the polarity between the king and the scapegoat. It was inscribed in the religious
practice and in the social thought of the Greeks. If the king is the master of fecundity,
and it dries up, it is because his power as sovereign is in some way reversed, his justice
has become crime, his virtue contaminated, and the best has become the worst.
The process of discovery, intensely exciting and painful as it is, arouses horror and
even dismay. Oedipus is not legally or morally guilty of murder or of incest since he
acted in ignorance. But he is something no less horrible; he is a polluted being, a man
to be shunned. Had Oedipus for instance, been more conscious and more aware of the
forces at work upon him, he must surely have said that he was not really to be blamed
for having co-habited with his mother, since neither he, nor anyone else knew she was
his mother, or to have killed his father, in ignorance.
At last, Oedipus chooses to blind himself because he could not bear to see the faces
of his children and his fellow citizens. But his action has, in the context of this play,
an impressive element of dramatic irony or natural justice, whichever way one sees it.
who, proud of his far-seeing intelligence, taunted Teiresias with his blindness now
realizes that all his life long, he has himself been blind to the dreadful realities of his
identity and action.
Oedipus’s downfall is caused by his ignorance about his identity; he is not evil, or
proud, or weak.If he really wanted to avoid the oracle, leaving Corinth was a mistake
on his part, and killing an unknown old man was a graver mistake and marrying an older
queen was a disaster. Trying to reveal the truth, cursing the murderer of Laius, sending
for the Corinthian shepherd–each of the actions that he pursued so vigorously and for
such good reasons, ultimately lead to his doom. Oedipus is not morally guilty but he is
radically ignorant and Sophocles does not present him as a unique case but rather as a
paradigm of the human condition.
Helpless and blind he requests Creon to take care of the girls. He is really worried about
them and his fatherly love is bestowed on them. He says all I can do is weep for you
both and can’t bear to contemplate, the bitterness of the rest of your lives and all your
will suffer as the lands of men. (Line 1486-1488)
The play ends with the concern of Oedipus for his daughters and there is no mention
of his two sons. Sophocles doesn’t ponder over the father-daughter or father-son
relationship in this particular play as that is not his subject. Rather here and moreover
he would highlight the aspects in the next two plays of the trilogy, mainly Antigone and
Oedipus at the colonies.
In the above-mentioned plays Oedipus reveals his inner self, and expresses
detestation for his sons and care for his daughters. Antigone is seen to serve all his
eyes, as well as his guide and nurse. Both the daughters, Antigone and Ismene,
sacrificed their life’s expectations to help their father in exile. That their culture
expected of them, daughters must be dutiful and obedient. But thesedaughters went far
beyond these expectations and according to Sophocles, acted as if in their protection of
their father they replaced the two sons of Oedipus Polynices and Etocles, failed to carry
out. Oedipus showed the intensity of love for his daughters against anger and hatred for
his sons. Sophocles shows that Oedipus thus acted favorably towards his daughters, how
loved and cared for him, and cursed his sons, who rejected him.
Thus it can be stated that one of the most important functions of the Chorus is to
disclose the truth, in its wildest and most mysterious extent, the theatre of human life,
which the play, and indeed the whole festival of Dionysus assumed.
Oedipus. The events that occurred before the play begins failed. Oedipus still had free
will and he could have expressed it, in the right way, but then he sails from a great
height as Aristotle says. That is self-understanding and self-realization. Oedipus is the
man of knowledge, the wise person. During the play we come to know that he answered
the riddle of sphinx. In a scene the answer to that was not only a “man” but Oedipus
himself. The riddle of the sphinx resonates with the famous maxim, “know yourself
know you are man”. This idea that is inherent in the riddle of the sphinx is the idea of
a man’s self-knowledge. Sophocles has actually tried to portray in this tragedy the
theme of self-knowledge and therefore the plot of the play is directed in that
manner
Sight versus blindness:
This is another theme that runs through the play; that of sight versus blindness or
rather sight and knowledge. The Greek word for “to know” is oida; literally this word
means “to have seen”. To see is actually to know. Teiresias, the prophet, who was blind
could not see but understand. Oedipus the man of knowledge could see but didn’t know
and understand. When he finally knew he could not see so he blinded himself. Teiresias
repeatedly tried to drive home the point to Oedipus. Besides the above mentioned major
thematic issues there are others like pride or hubris. Oedipus suffers from great pride
due to his knowledge and thereby he’s not ready to actually see. The concept of fate also
looms large in the play, which ultimately cures the free will of Oedipus which he has
experienced right from the beginning. Apart from that these are prophecies, at the very
root of the play which both Oedipus and Jokasta have tried in a way to avoid, but
ultimately and unknowingly succumbing to them. But all these elements are inter-
related in such a way that they ultimately work forward the final disaster.
Oedipus from pursuing the search, he does not listen to her. All through the play he
expresses his own free will and ultimately confronts his disasters. At that point of
discovery, the self-inflicted punishment is also his own will. Sophocles could have
decided to make the play a story of fate, as Aeschylus perhaps did; but he chose not to
do so. Thus the play doesn’t present the triumph of the idea of predestination.
Sophocles’ dramatic framework upholds the principle of individual responsibility. Thus,
the tragic vision of Sophocles appears to be more human than that of Aeschylus.
reversal of fortune and some fatal nemesis which waits upon pride and boastfulness was
of all ideals the one most deeply impressed upon the mind of antiquity. Hence the
popularity upon the stage of those thrilling spectators, in which confidence and
presumption were seen advancing blindfold to destruction and the bitterness of the loom
was intensified by the unconscious utterances of the victim.
When we come to Sophocles, we find that it is not merely in occasional scenes and
episodes that he introduces instances of self-deception and unconscious irony. He makes
it the ruling motive of the dramas, as in Oedipus the King. The irony of destiny is here
exhibited with vehement force. In the opening scene, Oedipus is depicted in the height
of prosperity, renowned and venerated and the priest addresses him as the ‘wisest’ of
men, as we have already referred to in the previous discussions. Oedipus is considered
to be an expert in dealing with the chances in life and with the visitations of heaven.
To the audience who know that within a few short hours the wrath of heaven will crush
and shatter him, the pathetic meaning of these words is indescribable. From this first
seen until the final catastrophe the speeches of Oedipus are all full of the same tragic
allusiveness. He can scarcely open his lips unconsciously on his own approaching fate.
In the play there is always a fear of sudden reversal of fortune. When Oedipus shows
a casual innocence and distinctive pride to find out his own identity, Jocasta tries to
distract him from his own destruction. But Oedipus creates an ironical situation which
chiefly arises out of his intellectual inadequacy. He therefore proudly makes his
decision to carry out the search without being conscious of the sense of irony latent in
the whole situation. Perhaps the most tragic passage of all is in which, while cursing the
murderer of Laius, he pronounces his own doom: “I pray that whoever did this, even if
he has, alone or with murderous accomplices, escaped, may his life always be
wretched. And I pray that he should be one of my household- and I know it, and then let
me suffer every punishment I call down on others” (L. 246-251). In Oedipus the King,
irony is not only a means and mode of communicating the thematic messages; it is
rather the theme of the play itself. The central thematic irony of the play is related to
Oedipus’s quest for knowledge and truth. Oedipus in his conversation with Teiresias
calls him blind old man. But Oedipus proves himself to be the most blind in his belief
and actions. The dramatic irony implicit in the statement that Oedipus hurls at Teiresias,
finally culminates in Oedipus himself becoming blind at the end of the play.
Although Oedipus, along with the other characters of the play does not know what
is actually going to happen in the course of the play, the audience does. It is due to the
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ability of Sophocles to use dramatic irony throughout the play, that the audience knows
everything that is going to happen, before it actually takes place. It is thus the
emergence of the idea of reasons which helps us to enjoy the play on an aesthetic level.
When everything is played out on the stage, we come to realize that whatever happens
on stage is not life itself, but life well imitated. As a result the final tragic impression of
Oedipus the King is one of aesthetic enjoyment.
setting his own conditions for existence. Jean-Pierre Vernant sees the play in terms of
the historical role of tyrants in Greece with their excessive behaviour. Plato attributed
incest to tyrants as part of their lawless conduct, a change that fits Oedipus in a way.
Vernant also sees Oedipus in the role of pharmakos, or scapegoat, who was driven out
of the city of Thebes, after all ills and evils of the city had been placed on him. At the
end of the play, Oedipus is willing to be the sacrificial victim, by whose punishment and
exile the city can be saved from its pollution of blood guilt. Charles Seagull views
Oedipus as a hero of inner visions and personal suffering, whose force of personality
and integrity enabled him to confront his suffering and fate with utmost courage, after
a struggle for self-knowledge. According to Seagull, this was how Sophocles created the
form of “the tragic hero” which became a paradigm in western literature.
3.11.9 Summing Up
Thus we have seen that the play unfolds before us the various tragic aspects not
only in the life of Oedipus, but in general to all of humanity at large. It also states that
the tragic incidents are not merely caused due to the divine will at work, in the form of
fate, but also because of the human will and responsibility. What happens to Oedipus is
surely a cause to mourn, but he is a victim of fate right from the beginning and though
he tries to exercise his own independent will, unknowingly falls prey in the hands of
fate. There is something sinister at work, which cannot be denied at any cost. But that
does not make the play be wholly pessimistic. Sophocles has always celebrated the
courage and tenacity of human beings and thus Oedipus is not an exception to this. In
this unit we have tried to look at the major issues related to the play and also the
character of Oedipus. It is aimed at making the play an informative and interesting read.
Mid.-length questions:
1. How does the motif of sight and blindness contribute to the dramatic action of
the play?
2. Comment on the use of irony in the play.
3. How does Sophocles raise the levels of tension and suspense in the play?
Short answer type questions:
1. Point out some of the critical approaches to the play.
2. What role do the children play in the life of Oedipus?
3. Write in brief the art of characterization of Sophocles.
Module-4
Ovid: Selections from Metamorphoses,
‘Diana and Actaeon’ (Book 3)
Unit 12 Roman History, Literature and Culture
Structure
4.12.0 Introduction
4.12.1 Roman History
4.12.2 Roman Literature and Culture
4.12.3 Summing Up
4.12.4 Comprehension Exercises
4.12.0 Introduction
Following the Modules on Greek literature and culture, this section introduces to
you a brief political and social history of Rome from the beginnings to the modern age.
This is followed by a discussion on the culture and literature of the nation which is
famous for its characteristics of a great civilization. The objectives envisaged in this
Unit broadly are:
To get a fair idea of the development of Rome from an ancient city of legends under
Monarchy to a modern Republic
To know and appreciate the culture and literature of this civilization
To identify a pattern in the development of its literature and culture
To comprehend the impact of political conditions on the production of the
Literature of a particular period
as well as their culture. Romans were the descendents of one such Indo- European tribe
to have settled in Italy towards the close of the second millennium BCE. One of the
Indo- European tribes were the Latins (Romans) who inhabited the fertile and well
watered Latium region.The most prominent Non- Indo- European tribe of the Italian
Peninsula was that of the Etruscans who dominated the northwestern and central parts
of Italy.
The Etruscans were among the early (Late Bronze Age) inhabitants of the Italian
Peninsula and had a profound influence on the Romans since they were settled in the
most fertile tracts of land and witnessed a period of rapid economic growth. Between
800 and 700 BCE the Etruscans occupied most of central Italy and brought the Latium
region (including Rome) under their direct influence.
Rome was founded in 753 BC, based on Latin Etruscan and Greek legends and
by the descendents of Aeneas, Romulus and Remus. Initially the Roman government
was monarchy wherein the king combined the functions of political and civil
Government but was above all the commander-in-chief. As per the tradition, Rome,
since its foundation until 510 BCE was ruled by seven kings of Latin, Sabine and
Etruscan origins. Romulus became the first king of Rome when he killed his brother
Remus. There were five more subsequent kings before 510 BC, when the sixth king,
Tarquinius Superbus, also known as Tarquin the Proud, was so hated by the people of
Rome that a revolt, led by Lucius Junius Brutus, overthrew him, and formed a
government with representatives elected by the people. Rome vowed to never be ruled
by a king again.
The decline of Monarchy in Rome was followed by a Republican form of
government that lasted more than five centuries (510 BC to 27 BC), and this period of
time is called the Republican Age.In a republic, the supreme political power rests with
the body of citizens and is exercised by the appointed officers who are in some way
responsible to the citizens. The body politic of the Roman republic was closely linked
with the Roman social structure. In a restricted sense it can be said that the hierarchical
Roman family, led by the paterfamilias (patriarchal head of the family) also shaped the
early Roman state by fostering obedience to authority. There was therefore, no
conceptual distinction between ‘society’ and ‘politics’. Historian Livy argues that the
Roman state from its very beginning was rigidly divided into two classes or ‘order’-the
Patrician (rich aristocracy) and the Plebian (poor common masses). An oligarchical
form of Government was set up under which the major policy decisions were taken by a
select few.
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In 387 BC, Rome was sacked by the Gauls and the entire city was destroyed,
including all historical records, making history much less reliable before that year than
after it. The part of the Republican Age from 350 BC to about 100 BC was the period
of Rome’s greatest expansion, when it grew through conquest from its city walls, to the
entire Italian peninsula, to Northern Africa and Spain, to Greece, Turkey, Syria, and
Egypt. From then until the fall of the Roman Empire the Mediterranean Sea was called
the Internal Sea since all the land surrounding it was part of Rome. During the last 100
years of the Republic, individual leaders gained more power and lost respect for the
Republic until a critical mass of power, popularity and loyalty of the military was
achieved by Julius Caesar, who named himself “Dictator for Life” and was shortly
thereafter assassinated by senators who correctly feared this would destroy the republic.
But they didn’t think through what would happen after his assassination, and the power
vacuum led to Civil War which was eventually won by Julius Caesar’s
successor, Augustus.
Augustus’ reign started in 27 BC and ushered in the age of the emperors, or the
Imperial Age, from then until 476 AD. The emperors before about 180 AD were in
general, good, and Rome saw its greatest territorial extent during the reign of Trajan,
98- 117 AD. The city was a collection of monuments and government buildings of
marble. Slave labour was abundant. Times were good for 60 more years. The decline
after 180 AD was gradual, as Rome had more and more trouble defending it’s too-large
borders and less and less trouble accepting selfish leadership. Repairs were attempted,
including splitting the empire in 395 AD into an eastern half with Constantinople as it’s
capital and a western half led in Rome. Due to the wealth of the east and the lack of
borders with the northern barbarians, the east survived. But the west was unable to
defend itself, and Rome itself was sacked by the Visigoths in 410 AD and by the
Vandals in 455 AD. The last western emperor, Romulus Augustus, was forced out of
power in 476 AD, marking the most popular date cited as the end of the Western Roman
Empire. The Goths put the final nail in the city’s coffin when they destroyed the
aqueducts and cut off the water supply to Rome in 537 AD, ushering its final shrinkage
from a peak population of about a million people to 30,000 in 550 AD. The Eastern
Roman Empire (also called the Byzantine Empire) lasted until 1453 AD.
Western Europe was plunged into the Dark Ages for 1000 years by the fall of Rome
to the barbarians. When it finally emerged around 1500 AD, Rome was the center of the
Catholic Church.
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Rome was made the capital of the reunified Italy under King Victor Emmanuel II
during the late 1800s, and modernized under Mussolini during the 1930s. It survived
World War II to become the successful city it is today.
reincarnation of Homer, only fragments of his works have survived. Rodgers notes that
he demonstrated how Latin poetry had achieved greatness while still emulating Greek
forms. His Annals was a history of Rome from the mythical Trojan hero Aeneas through
his own day. Unfortunately, he died in poverty.
Golden Age of Roman Poetry:
As foretold by Ennius, Latin literature would soon truly come into its own. The
Golden Age of Roman poetry (c. 70 BCE-14 CE) produced such memorable writers as
Virgil, Horace, Catullus, Propertius, Tibullus, and Ovid. According to Rodgers, Virgil,
Horace, and the exiled Ovid created a classical style of writing, comparable to many of
the great Greek authors.
One of these distinguished poets was Publius Vergilius Maro or Virgil (70-19
BCE). Unlike many of the poets who followed him, Virgil provided his audience with a
more romanticized picture of Rome. Hailing from Cisalpine Gaul and a family of
modest farmers, many of Virgil’s themes demonstrate his love of the rural life. His
Eclogues, written around 37 BCE, spoke of the loves and lives of shepherds, while his
Georgics, written around 29 BCE, praised Roman country life: plowing, growing trees,
tending cattle, and even keeping bees. However, his most memorable work is the
Aeneid, an epic telling of the journeys of Aeneas after the fall of Troy through the
founding of Rome by Romulus and Remus to the age of Augustus.
Quintus Horatius Flaccus, more commonly known as Horace (65 BCE-8 BCE), was
the son of a freedman. In keeping with his Epicurean philosophy, Horace’s poems
demonstrated a joy for life and a love of nature. Among his many works are Satires,
which was a criticism of the vice that was rampant in Rome, Epodes, inspired by the
Greek author Archilochus, and Odes, a celebration of life in Rome during the age of
Augustus.
This new age under the reign of Augustus also produced many young poets who
reacted differently to the changes in Roman politics and society. The leader of these
emerging poets, Gaius Valerius Catullus (84 BCE-54 BCE) is considered one of the
greatest of all Roman lyric poets. Avoiding any personal involvement in politics, he
looked to his neighbors to the east, such Greek authors as Sappho and Callimachus, for
inspiration. According to historian Rodgers, his poetry mingled both passion and
urbanity with an awareness of life’s impermanence and he “raised colloquial Latin to
new heights” (386).
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Probably the most famous or infamous poet of the era is Publius Ovidius Naro or
Ovid (42 BCE-18 CE). After Ovid, Roman poetry would take a brief hiatus. Rodgers
wrote that with Ovid Latin poetry had finally attained an “elegance and lyricism” to
rival that of any Greek. To Ovid love was the only “game worth playing.” However,
you will know more about him later.
Silver Age of Roman Poetry:
Two famous Roman poets linked to what has been called the Silver Age of Roman
poetry are Marcus Annaeus Lucanus, better known as Lucan (39-65 CE), and Publius
Papinius Statius (45-96 CE).
Roman Prose:
While there was an abundance of poets in Rome, there were also many outstanding
writers of prose. The city was alive with orators who took to the stage in the Roman
Forum to voice their views to the masses. It was a platform as well for lawyers who
wished to plead for their clients. One of the more memorable was Marcus Tullius Cicero
(106-43 BCE), not only a brilliant statesman and author but also an orator who, besides
his 911 letters, wrote on subjects ranging from art to education. He wrote political
essays such as De re publica (On the State) and De legibus (On the Laws) as well as
five books in Latin on ancient philosophy—De finibus bonorum et malorum. His
Epistulaead familiares (Letters to family and friends) act as vivid historical and cultural
documents of the period and give an insight into the inner workings of late Republic.
Lucius Annaeus Seneca (4 BCE-65 CE) was a student of Stoic philosophy and tutor to
Emperor Nero. Not only an essayist, he wrote nine plays based on such Greek legends
as Oedipus, Heracles, and Medea. He also authored 124 essays on subjects ranging from
vegetarianism to the humane treatment of slaves. After being implicated in the Piso
conspiracy, he was forced to commit suicide by Nero.
Pliny the Elder (23-79 CE) or Gaius Plinius Secundus was a Roman administrator
who wrote on the Germanic wars and whose Natural History (Naturalis Historia)
contained information on the known universe as well as tracts on animals, trees, and
plants, all in 37 volumes. Volume-III, for example, describes the geography of Italy and
the topography of Rome:
There were also a number of Roman novelists: Petronius, Apuleius, Martial, and
Juvenal. However, Decius Junius Juvenalis or Juvenal (c. 60-c. 130 CE) is considered
the greatest of the Roman satirists.
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4.12.3 Summing Up
As we see, although Roman Literature borrowed heavily from the Greeks, they were
able to shake the shackles and create a vibrant literature of their own; poetry, prose, and
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history. The Roman authors influenced countless others in the decades and centuries
that followed—Dante, Shakespeare, Milton, and many more. One cannot enter either a
library or bookstore without seeing Roman poetry and prose on the bookshelves; Cicero,
Tacitus, Suetonius, as well as Virgil and Horace. Western literature owes a debt of
gratitude to the Romans for what they have given the world.
4.13.0 Introduction
This unit gives a brief introduction to the major types and forms of Roman poetry.
This section is followed by a brief sketch of the life and works of the poet concerned:
Publius Ovidius Naso. Our objectives in this Unit are:
Comprehending the major forms and types of Roman poetry
Understanding the reasons why certain kind of poetry was written during a
particular age
Acquainting ourselves with the period during which Ovid wrote, and the
circumstances of his life
Knowing the major works of the poet
People may have forgotten the “strong epic” for which Virgil’s friend Varius is
renowned, but Virgil’s Aeneid was certainly something new. Virgil did not work on
recent history. Rather he worked on Naevius’ version of Aeneas pilgrimage from Troy
to found Rome. The poem is representative of the moderation of Roman culture by
Italian touch during the Augustan age. There was a revival of interest in ancient customs
and religious observances, which Virgil could appropriately indulge. The verse
throughout is superbly varied, musical, and filled with rhetoric.
With his Hecale, Callimachus had inaugurated the short, carefully composed
hexameter narrative (called epyllion by modern scholars) to replace grand epic.
The Hecale had started a convention of interpolating an independent story.Catullus
inserted the story of Ariadne on Naxos into that of the marriage of Peleus and Thetis.
This poem is marked for its lyrical beauty. However, the story of Aristaeus at the
end of Virgil’s Georgics, with that of Orpheus and Eurydice inset, shows the best of the
style of epyllion.
Ovid’s Metamorphoses is a collection of some 50 epyllia with shorter episodes, one
of which is taken on your syllabus. He created a convincing imaginative world with a
magical logic of its own. His continuous poem, beginning with the description of the
creation of the world to the deification of Julius Caesar, is baroque in its conception.
Executed in swift, clear hexameters, its frequent irony and humour are striking.
Thereafter, many epics were written. Statius’ Thebaid and incoherent Achilleid
and Valerius’ Argonautica are seldom read now. Lucan’s unfinished Pharsalia has a
more interesting subject, namely the struggle between Caesar and Pompey, whom he
favours. He left out the gods. His brilliant rhetoric comes close to making the poem a
success, but it is too strained and monotonous.
Didactic poetry:
Didactic poetry is one which embraces a number of poetic works (usually in
hexameters). They aim to instruct the reader in a particular subject matter, be it science,
philosophy, hunting, farming, love or some other art or craft. Strictly speaking, this
form of poetry was not considered as a separate genre.
Ennius essayed on the nature of didactic poetry in his Epicharmus, a work on the
nature of the physical universe. Lucretius’ De rerum natura is an account of
Epicurus’ atomic theory of matter, its aim being to free men from superstition and the
fear of death. It combines an appeal to the morality of the readers, has an intellectual
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force, and an exact observation of the physical world, which makes it one of the best
examples of classical literature.
This poem profoundly affected Virgil, but his poetic response came only after about
seventeen years. The Georgics, though deeply influenced by Lucretius, were not truly
didactic. Although Virgil was country-bred, he wrote for literary readers like himself,
selecting whatever would contribute picturesque detail to his impressionistic picture of
rural life. The Georgics portrayed the recently united land of Italy and taught that the
idle Golden age of the fourth Eclogue was an illusion. Yet it does create, “the glory of
the divine countryside.” The compensation is the infinite variety of civilized life.
Georgics had a political intention. It encouraged revival of an agriculture devastated in
wars, of the old Italian virtues, and of the idea of Rome’s extending its works over Italy
and civilizing the world.
Ovid’s Ars amatoria was comedy or satire in the burlesque guise of didactic, an
amusing commentary on the psychology of love. The Fasti was didactic in popularizing
the new calendar; but its object was clearly to entertain.
Satire:
In literature, Satire is an artistic form in which human follies, vices or other
shortcomings are held up to censure with the help of ridicule, burlesque, irony, parody
caricature or other means. They are sometimes intended to bring about social reforms.
In ancient Rome, Satura meant a medley. The word was applied to variety
performances introduced, according to Livy, by the Etruscans (the earliest line of
monarchy in Rome). Literary satire begins with Ennius, but it was Lucilius who
established the genre. After experimenting, he decided on hexameters, thus making
them its recognized vehicle. A tendency to break into dialogue may be an expression of
the remaining dramatic element in nonliterary satura. Lucilius used this medium for
self-expression, fearlessly criticizing public as well as private conduct. “Menippean”
satire, which descended from the Greek model of Menippus of Gadara and mingled
prose and verse, was introduced to Rome by Varro.
In the hands of Horace, satire improved as an art. Lucilius had been an uncouth
versifier. Satires I, 1-3 are essays in the Lucilian manner. But Horace’s nature was to
laugh, and not to attack aggressively, and his incidental mockeries were either
insignificant or dead. He came to appreciate that the real point about Lucilius was not
his aggressiveness but his self-revelation. This encouraged him to talk about
himself.
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In Satires II he developed in parts the satire of moral diatribe which looks forward to
Juvenal. His successor Persius blended Lucilius, Horace, diatribe, and mimed them into
pungent sermons in verse. The great iconoclast was Juvenal, who fixed the idea of satire
for generations to come. Gone was the personal approach of Lucilius and Horace. His
anger may at times seem artificial, but his epigrammatic power and brilliant eye for
detail make him a great poet.
The younger Seneca’s Apocolosyntosis was a blend of prose and verse, but its
ruthless skit on the deification of the emperor Claudius was Lucilian satire.
The Satryicon of Petronius is modeled after the Menippean. It contains varied
digressions (shorter anecdotes outside the main structure) and occasional verse;
essentially, however, it comes under fiction.
The fables of Phaedrus who was freed from slavery in the reign of emperor
Augustus, may be classified as Lucilian satires. These beast fables include
contemporary allusions. Phaedrus is the Roman Aesop.
Iambic, lyric and epigram:
Lyrics are usually short, personal poems. Iambs are units of rhythm and epigrams
are rhetorical devices.
The short poems of Cattulus were called by himself nugae (“trifles”). They have
different moods and intentions. He uses the iambic metre normally associated with
invective not only for his abuse of Caesar and Pompey but also for displaying his tender
emotions while homecoming to Sirmio. Catullus alone used the hendecasyllable (a line
of eleven syllables), the metre of skits and lampoons, as a medium for love poetry.
In his Epodes, Horace used iambic verse to express devotion to Maecenas and for
brutal invective in the manner of the Greek poet Archilochus. However, it was Horace
who attempted to create literature, rather than using the vehicle to vent their feelings.
In the Odes, he adapted other Greek metres and claimed immortality for introducing
early Greek lyric to Latin. These Odes rarely show the passion now associated with
lyric. They are rather marked by elegance, dignity, and studied perfection.
Martial, another poet followed Catullus for his metres and his often for his wit. He
is the one who modeled the epigram for posterity by making it characteristically
pointed.
Elegy:
An elegy is a short poem of mourning or lamentation. It is a form of Lyric.
The elegiac couplet of hexameter and pentameter (verse line of five feet) was taken
over by Catullus, who broke with tradition by filling elegy with personal emotion. One
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of his most intense poems in this metre, about Lesbia, extends to 26 lines. His long
poem about the love of Laodameia for Protesilaus is often used as a model for others.
These two poems make him the inventor of the “subjective” love elegy dealing with the
poet’s own passion. Gallus, whose work is lost, established the genre; Tibullus
and Propertius were known for their mastery of technique.
Propertius’ follows Catullus in his first book. It is inspired by his passion for
Cynthia. Much less is known about the involvement of Tibullus. Later, Propertius grew
more interested in manipulating literary conventions. These two poets established the
convention of the “soft poet,”. They were courageous only in the campaigns of love,
which were immortalized through them and the Muses. Propertius was at first resistant
to Augustan ideals. He glorified his slavery by associating it with love and naughtiness
(nequitia). He later, became acclimatised to Maecenas’ circle.
Tibullus, a lover of peace, country life, and old religious customs, had grace and
quiet humour was far more charming than Tibullus. He often wrote ironically, blending
language and associative sequence with passion and sublime imagination.
Ovid’s aim was not to preach and rectify but to entertain. In the Amores he is outrageous
and amusing, his Corinna being probably a fiction. Elegy became his characteristic
medium. He used the couplet of his predecessors with dexterity. It was characterized
by parallelism, regular flow and ebb, and clear wit
village of Tomi on the Black Sea. Ovid describes the cause as, “a poem and a mistake”.
There was probably a political aspect to the affair. Ovid attempted on numerous
occasions to find his way back into the good graces of Augustus, writing poems to the
emperor and other influential friends. The poems, which were far less polished and
elegant than his previous works, had little effect on Augustus, and Ovid remained in
exile until his death in AD 17.
4.13.4 Summing Up
Classical Roman poetry, as we see, thus exhibited the major types and forms. Not
only were many of the genres established, they were perfected too. Leaving apart the
exceptions, Latin poetry served as a model for the later world. We also observe that
though Ovid was born in a relatively peaceful and calm nation freed of the wars, his life
underwent a lot of turmoil. Yet the poet was ambitious and did not lose his objective
of entertaining the masses. His poetry however displayed the same and characteristic
finesse of his predecessors in terms of manner and technique.
NOTES
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4.14.0 Introduction
The unit describes the personal and political conditions under which Ovid wrote the
mock-epic, Metamorphoses. You have been prescribed only a section of this work in
your syllabus. This is to be found in Book III of Metamorphoses (“Diana and
Actaeon”). Further, the unit also explains the importance of this long poem in the entire
Roman Literature. The issues embedded in the section prescribed for you are also
discussed. At the end of this Unit, this is where you should be able to find yourself:
Know when, why and how was Metamorphoses written
Comprehend the significance of the work in the entire Roman culture and literature
Become familiar with the text of “Diana and Acteaon”(Book III) prescribed in your
syllabus
Understand and appreciate the literary merit of the poem
Comprehend the major issues foregrounded by the poet in the section recommended
for you.
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Roman history with deification of Julius Caesar and his adopted son Augustus. Ovid’s
preferences are clear in Book fifteen where there is a contrasting depiction of the
personal power and self aggrandising religious policies of Augustus with the religious
solidarity displayed by the Senate and the people of the Republic when they import the
god Aesculapius from Greece to save the whole state from plague.
Although he committed no real crime, Ovid got somehow involved in a scandal that
touched the royal family, when he was almost about to finish the Metamorphoses. An
outraged Augustus banished him into an informal exile apparently by citing the flippant
attitude of the poet in Ars Amatoria that disrespected Augustus’s efforts to elevate the
morals of an increasingly degenerate Roman public.
iconoclasm of the content, the wit and the irony of the poem. Just like the poet had
written in the last lines of the poem, Metamorphoses actually leaves the reader engaged
and mersmerised:
The people shall read and recite my words.
Throughout all ages,
If poets have vision to prophesy truth, I shall live in my fame.
The significance of the poem lies in the fact that, no European poet, author or
playwright could ignore the myths treated in the poem. Ovid leaves his fingerprints
everywhere, from ‘Pyramus and Thisbe’ or ‘Diana and Actaeon’ in Shakespeare or the
Adonis of Spenser’s Fairie Queene to Tales from Ovid of Ted Hughes. It is pertinent to
quote Alan H.F. Griffin here, who says,
“The quantity of Ovid’s poetry, of course, cannot made an excuse for lack of quality,
but no indulgence need begged and no allowances made for his masterpiece, the
Metamor- phoses.” (2)
Written in 15 books and finished around 8th AD, in the genre of a mock-epic or anti
epic, Metamorphoses contains 250 myths spanning from creation to the deification of
Julius Caesar. As written earlier, the books are written in Dactylic Hexameter like Iliad
and Odyssey.
Just like Metamorphoses itself influences virtually all of European authors, it is in
turn influenced by various other works and traditions. In this regard, Karl Galinsky
comments,
Ovid’s relation to the Hellenistic poets was similar to the attitude of the Hellenistic
poets themselves to their predecessors: he demonstrated that he had read their versions
... but that he could still treat the myths in his own way. (2)
It is said that Ovid’s decision to make myths the subject of his poetry was got from
the Alexandrian Poetry. However, the moral implications of the former tradition, was
manipulated to depict a playful mode.The model for a collection of metamorphosis
myths derived from a pre-existing genre of metamorphosis poetry in the Hellenistic
tradition, of which the earliest known example is Boio(s)’ Ornithogonia—a now-
fragmentary poem collecting myths about the metamorphoses of humans into birds.
This apart the, Heteroioumena by Nicander of Colophon is clearly an influence on the
poem—21 of the stories from this work were treated in the Metamorphoses.
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In spite of its apparently unbroken chronology, scholar Brooks Otis has identified
four divisions in the narrative:
Book I–Book II (end, line 875): The Divine Comedy
Book III–Book VI, 400: The Avenging Gods
Book VI, 401–Book XI (end, line 795): The Pathos of Love
Book XII–Book XV (end, line 879): Rome and the Deified Ruler (83)
The structure of the 15 books can be summarized in the following manner:
Book 1 The Creation; The Ages of Mankind; The Flood [Lycaon]; Deucalion and
Pyrrha; Apollo and Daphne; lo [Syrinx]; Phaethon
Book 2 Phaethon (eont); Cailisto; The Raven and the Crow [Apollo and Coronis];
Ocyrhoe; Mercury and Battus; The Envy of Aglauros; Jupiter and Europa
Book 3 Cadmus; Diana and Actaeon; Semele and the Birth of Bacchus; Tiresias;
Narcissus and Echo; Pentheus and Bacchus [Acoetes]
Book 4 The Daughters of Minyas; Pyramus and Thisbe; The Sun in love; Salmacis and
Herroaphroditus; The Daughters of Minyas Transformed; Athamas and Ino; The
Transformation of Cadmus; Perseus and Andromeda
Book 5 Perseus’ Fight in the Palace of Cepheus; Minerva Meets the Muses on Helicon
fContest with PieridesJ; The Rape of Proserpine [Cyane]; Arethusa; Triptolernus
Book 6 Arachne; Niobe; The lycian Peasants; Marsysas; Pelops; Tereus, Procne, and
Philomela; Boreas and Orithyia
Book 7 Medea and Jason; Medea and Aeson; Medea and Pelias: Her Flight; Theseus;
Minos, Aeacus/the Plague at Aegina, and the Myrmidons; Cephalus and Procris
Book 8 Scylla and Minos, The Minotaur, Daedalus and Icarus; Perdix; Meleager and the
Calydonian Boar [Atalantal; Althaea and Meteager; Achelous and the Nymphs;
Philemon and Baucis; Erysichthon and his Daughter
Book 9 Achelous and Hercules; Hercules, Nessus, and Deiantra; The Death and
Apotheosis of Hercules; The Birth of Hercules; Dryope; lolaus and the Sons of
Calfirhoe; Byblis; tphis and lanthe
Book 10 Orpheus and Eurydice; Cyparissus; Ganymede; Hyacinth; Pygmalion; Myrrha;
Venus and Adonis; Atalanta
Book 11 The Death of Orpheus; Midas; First Foundation and Destruction of Troy;
Peleus and Thetis; Daedalion; The Cattle of Peleus; Ceyx and Alcyone; Aesacus
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Book 12 The Expedition against Troy; Achilles and Cycnus; Caen is; The Battie of the
Lapiths and: Centaurs; Nestor and Hercules; The Death of Achilles
Book 13 Ajax and Ulysses and the Arms of Achilles; The Fall of Troy; Hecuba,
Polyxena, and Polydorus; Memnon; The Pilgrimage of Aeneas; Acis and Galatea;
Scylla and Glaucus
Book 14 Scylla and Glaucus (cont); The Pilgrimage of Aeneas (cont); The Island of
Circe; Picus and Canens; The Triumph and Apotheosis of Aeneas; Pomona and
Vertumnus; Leg-ends of Early Rome; The Apotheosis of Romulus
Book 15 Numa and the Foundation of Crotona; The Doctrines of Pythagoras; The Death
of Numa; Hippolytus; Cipus; Aesculapius; The Apotheosis of Julius Caesar; Epilogue
Ovid subsequently describes how the universe, which first existed in a state of
chaos, was itself shaped by a god into its more ordered form. The “great Creator”
established separate domains for the heavens, air, earth, and waters, shaped the world
into a sphere, and populated it with plants, animals, and, finally, men (Metamorphoses,
1.76).
Ovid next tells of the Four Ages of Mankind: 1) the Golden Age, when all men
were innocent, faithful, and good, needed neither laws.
The work, on the whole, inverts the accepted order, elevating humans and human
passions. Gods and their desires are objects of low humour.
her weapons. Another put out her arms to receive her dress
as she stripped it off. Two more were removing her boots, while
Crocale, more of an expert, gathered the locks that were
billowing over
her mistress’ neck in a knot, though her own stayed floating and free.
Niphele, Hyale, Rhamis, Psecas and Phiale charged
their capacious urns with water and stood all ready to
pour it. And while the virgin goddess was taking her
bath in her usual pool, as fate would have it, Actaeon,
Cadmus’ grandson,
wandered into the glade. His hunting could wait, he thought, 175
as he sauntered aimlessly through the unfamiliar woodland.
Imagine the scene as he entered: the grotto, the splashing
fountains, the group of nymphs in the nude. At once, at the
sight of a man, they struck their bosoms in horror, their
sudden screams re-echoing
through the encircling woods. They clustered around Diana 180
to form a screen with their bodies, but sadly the goddess was
taller; her neck and shoulders were visible over the heads
of her maidens.
Think of the crimson glow on the clouds when struck by
the rays of the setting sun; or think of the rosy-fingered
dawn;
such was the blush on the face of Diana observed quite naked. 185
Although her companion nymphs had formed a barrier round her,
she stood with her front turned sideways and looked at the rash
intruder over her shoulder. She wished that her arrows were
ready to hand,
but used what she could, caught up some water and threw it into
the face of the man. As she splashed his hair with revengeful drops, 190
she spoke the spine-chilling words which warned of impending
disaster: ‘Now you may tell the story of seeing Diana naked –
If story-telling is in your power!’ No more was needed.
The head she had sprinkled sprouted the horns of a lusty stag;
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the neck expanded, the ears were narrowed to pointed tips; 195
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she changed his hands into hooves and his arms into long and
slender forelegs; she covered his frame in a pelt of dappled
buckskin;
last, she injected panic. The son of Autonoe bolted,
surprising himself with his speed as he bounded away from the clearing.
But when he came to a pool and set eyes on his head and antlers, 200
‘Oh, dear god!’ he was going to say; but no words followed.
All the sound he produced was a moan, as the tears
streamed over his strange new face. It was only his feelings
that stayed unchanged. What could he do? Make tracks for
his home in the royal palace?
Or hide in the woodlands? Each was precluded by shame or fear. 205
He wavered in fearful doubt. And then his dogs caught sight
of him. First to sound on the trail were Blackfoot and sharp-
nosed Tracker Tracker of Cretan breed and Blackfoot a
Spartan pointer.
Others came bounding behind them, fast as the gusts of the storm wind:
Ravenous, Mountain-Ranger, Gazelle, his Arcadian deerhounds; 210
Powerful Fawnkiller, Hunter the fierce, and violent
Hurricane; Wingdog, fleetest of foot, and Chaser, the
keenest-scented; savage Sylvan, lately gashed by the
tusks of a wild boar;
Glen who was dropped from a wolf at birth, and the bitch who gathers
the flocks in, Shepherdess; Harpy, flanked by her two young puppies; 215
River, the dog from Sicyon, sides all taut and
contracted; Racer and Gnasher; Spot, with Tigress
and muscular Valour;
Sheen with a snow-white coat and murky Soot with a pitch-
black; Spartan, wiry and tough; then Whirlwind, powerful
pursuer;
Swift, and Wolfcub racing along with her Cypriot brother; 220
Grabber, who sported an ivory patch midway on his ebony
forehead; Sable, and Shag with a coat like a tangled thicket;
two mongrel hounds from a Cretan sire and Laconian dam,
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Rumpus and Whitefang; Yelper, whose howls could damage the eardrums-
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and others too many to mention. Spoiling all for their quarry,
over crag, over cliff, over rocks which appeared to allow no approach,
where access was hard and where there was none, the whole pack
followed. Actaeon fled where so many times he had been the
pursuer.
He fled from the dogs who had served him so faithfully, longing to shout
to them, ‘Stop! It is I, Actaeon, your master. Do you not know me?’
230
But the words would not come. The air was filled with relentless
baying. Blacklock first inserted his teeth to tear at his back;
Beast-killer next; then Mountain-Boy latched on to his shoulder.
These had started out later but stolen a march by taking
a short cut over the ridge. As they pinned their master down, 235
the rest of the pack rushed round and buried their fangs in
his body, until it was covered with crimson wounds. Actaeon
groaned
in a sound that was scarcely human but one no stag
could ever have made, as he filled the familiar hills with his
cries of anguish. Then bending his legs like a cringing
beggar, he gazed all round with his silently pleading eyes,
as if they were outstretched arms. What of his friends? In
ignorant zeal they encouraged the wild pack on with the
usual halloos. They scanned the woods for their leader,
shouting, ‘Actaeon! Actaeon!’, as if he were far away,
though he moved his head in response to his name.
‘Why aren’t you here, 245
you indolent man, to enjoy the sight of this heaven-sent prize?’
If only he’d not been there! But he was. He would dearly
have loved to watch, instead of enduring, his own dogs’ vicious
performance.
Crowding around him, they buried their noses inside his flesh
and mangled to pieces the counterfeit stag who embodied their master.
250
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Only after his life was destroyed in a welter of wounds is
Diana, the goddess of hunting, said to have cooled her
anger.
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and fight; Cadmus founds Thebes; Actaeon sees Diana naked, is changed into a stag,
and ripped apart by his dogs; Juno tricks and kills Semele; birth of Bacchus; Juno and
Jupiter argue about sex, agree to consult Teiresias; how Teiresias became a woman and
then a man again; Juno blinds Teiresias, Jupiter gives him the gift of prophecy;
Narcissus and Echo; Juno punishes Echo; Narcissus rejects Echo; suffering of Echo;
Narcissus falls in love with his own image, pines away, dies, and is changed into a
flower; Pentheus and Bacchus; the story of Acoetes; Bac-chus changes sailors into
dolphins; Pentheus is killed. (Intro)
As students, you will find the above summary useful in order to situate and
understand the Actaeon Diana myth.
The Actaeon myth is narrated in four parts. In the first part, lines 131- 154, Actaeon
returns from hunting. In the second part (lines 154 to 198) readers encounter the secret
Gargaphie valley where Diana and the nymphs are taking a bath and Actaeon,
accidentally enters the spot and sees the nude bodies of the bathing women. He is
transformed into a stag by the curse of Diana. Line 198 to line 231 show Actaeon being
pursued by his own hounds (Third part). Line 232 to line 251 (the fourth part) describe
Actaeon killed by his own dogs.
A first time reader could perhaps be repelled by the sheer irrationality of the
progress of events happening as well as the horror of the macabre act of letting loose
a pack of hounds on an innocent man. One might interrogate the logic of considering
the poet to be an extraordinary one. But the entire Metamorphoses is a veritable
cauldron of shocking and fantastic tales. That has not however deterred critics to detect
in it the characteristics imprinted by a genius. For Alan.H.F. Griffin: Metamorphoses is
a ‘universal poem of human experience’ (14). By human experience, Griffin meant the
gamut of emotions dealt with in the poem. In this sense, Ovid was much more
connected to reality inspite of writing fantastic tales because he sought to expose the
freeplay of a range of human emotions (ironically, exhibited more by Gods) which were
significantly spearheaded by personal motives rather than any political or social
maneuvers.
Going back to the tale of Actaeon,
First part: Lines 131-154
-It begins with a brief introduction to the family of Actaeon who is one of the many
grandsons of Cadmus and Hermione. Cadmus was the founder of Thebes and while the
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narrator describes the long lasting happiness of the Actaeon’s grandparents, he warns
that no man can be called happy ‘until he is dead and his body is laid rest in the grave’
(l137). He inserts into the narrative, the cause of Cadmus’s grief by summarizing in two
lines the fact of Actaeon’s transformation into a stag and his being brutally killed by his
own hounds. The narrative then goes into a flashback and readers are invited to find out
the reasons and retrospect whether a man should be punished ‘for a pure mistake’. Ovid
does not miss this opportunity to mock and emperor Augustus and his whimsicalities as
well as draw a parallel of himself with Actaeon to attract the sympathies of the reader.
It was midday with the sun overhead and Actaeon and his men and animals were tired
after a successful hunting expedition. As the huntsmen were wandering in the woods,
Actaeon ordered them to put away their nets which were soaked with the blood of
animals till the next down. He suggested that they take a ‘break from their hunting’ and
resume their ‘chase’ the next morning.
Second part: Lines 154-198
- As the men and dogs take a break the scene shifts to ‘a secret corner, a cave
surrounded by a woodland’ called Gargaphie. This is the place which was often visited
by the virgin goddess Diana (very similar to the Greek Artemis in temperament) where
the Goddess came for a bathe now and then with her chosen nymphs. Each of the
nymphs had a particular duty. On the very fateful day, when Diana came to take a bath
in the magical pool, one removed the quiver and the bow (Diana was also a huntress)
while others helped her to undress. Two other nymphs removed her boots and Crocale
(Like Betty who was the special assistant of Belinda in the Rape of the Lock) did the
chosen job of ‘(gathering) the locks that were billowing over/her mistress’ neck in a
knot’. The narrator faithfully enlists their names-Nephele, Hyale, Rhamis, Psecas and
Phiale who stood waiting to bathe their mistress.
At this moment, Acteon who was aimlessly wandering through the woods,
accidentally entered the clearing and saw the nude bodies of Diana and her nymphs.
In a flash of a moment the nymphs surrounded their mistress to conceal her nakedness,
but ‘sadly the goddess was taller; her neck and shoulders were visible over the heads of
her maidens.’ Diana blushed in a crimson glow and was for a moment, but quickly
becomes, in the words of John Heath, “ the uncompromising agent, that the
compromised victim.” (55) We must remember that in the earlier Books-1 and 2,
women (nymphs) like Daphne, Io, Syrinx had all become victims of lust, greed and
jealousy, although the perpetrators of
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the crime had been Gods rather than men. Diana had missed the signs of Callisto, one
of her favourites (in Book 2) being raped. So with a human around her, she feels
threatened and in an act of subversion and teaches the (supposedly) voyeur a lesson of
his life, by turning him into a stag.
Third Part: Lines 198 to 231
John heath emphasizes on Actaeon’s ‘oblivion’ or in other words bewilderment, when
he can feel himself transforming into a stag, ‘… last she injected panic. The son of
Autonoe bolted/surprising himself with his speed as he bounded away/from the
clearing.’ Ovid, as a poet in the third part of the tale definitely wanted to emphasize the
injustice meted out to an individual who was in oblivion and the overwhelming
amazement that came over him as he sees himself reflected in a pool. Ovid insists on
Actaeon’s ‘fearful doubt’ and indecisiveness. His profound sadness at being rendered
identity less. Actaeon in an instant becomes outcaste not knowing whether to go to
the palace or to hide in the woods. His victimisation is complete, notwithstanding the
fact that Actaeon could himself be blamed for his predicament. He had provoked divine
wrath by desiring to marry Semele, whom Zeus wants for himself. In Euripides, he
boasts of being a better hunter than Artemis[Diana] (Bacchus.337-341). But as readers,
we do feel a lot of sympathy for him. In this part of the tale Actaeon is chased by his
own dogs, each of a different breed and having a different expertise. Stylistically, this
section is unique for the names and the adjectives used to describe each one of them,
‘powerful Fawnkiller, Hunter the fierce, and violent Hurricane;/ Wingdog, the fleetest
of the foot, and Chaser, the keenest-scented.
Thematically, this part is a subversion of the eternal trope of the hunter and the
hunted: Actaeon (human) and dogs = Hunter/stag = Hunted: Dogs = Hunter/Actaeon
(Stag) = Hunted. It is this shift, or in other words the liminality of identities (in this case
the Hunter and the Hunted) through transformation that becomes the haunting theme of
Metamorphoses.
Fourth Part: Lines 232-252
The last part of the passage is a macabre conclusion of the horrifying tale. Actaeon
is brutally attacked by his own dogs that pin him down and dig their fangs into his flesh.
As he prayed for mercy, understanding and recognition, the picture becomes too bizarre
and incredible a scene. Again Ovid and the translator take their time in mentioning the
flamboyant names of the canines and to take away the horror of the scene,
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There is a certain relish on the part of the poet as he imagines the readers’ intial
shock as Io transforms into a heifer, Daphne into an oak tree, or Syrinx into a reed. It
is mostly women who bear the brunt of Gods and Actaeon’s change is important
because he is one of the men who too face god’s wrath. Few others being Cycnus in
Book 2 who is changed to a swan, Adonis in Book 10, changed into a flower or Atlas in
book 4 who is changed into a rock by Medusa’s head.
There is perhaps a similar disbelief when modern readers encounter Gregor Samsa
transforming into a fly in Kafka’s Metamorphosis. In both Ovid and Kafka who use
transformation as a trope in relatively lighthearted and serious contexts, there are
specific purposes behind their literary acts. This becomes clear when the readers
understand that the change should be a seen as a symbolic one rather than literal. The
issue of transformation becomes a ploy to explore identities and their crises. The
opportunity which arises allows readers to contextualize the relevance and role of not
only the victim but also the perpetrators in changed circumstances. In Felder’s
understanding, throughout the poem Indeed throughout the poem (Ovid’s Metamorphoses),
mortals will be punished precisely for failing to recognize that their capacity for
metamorphosis allows the Olympian gods of legend to appear as unremarkably realistic
figures. (166)
Read in these terms, Diana for the readers becomes a figure capable of displaying
base human emotions like anger, revengefulness, rashness and incapable of showing any
mercy. It is the gods whom Ovid chooses to satirize rather than humans who are
incapable of escaping punishments for their frailties. The case of Actaeon who is the
victim here, also allows us to understand that identities one is proud of might be taken
away from him/her. Actaeon who was once the skilled hunter, the commander and the
active agent is now transformed into the hunted, the commanded and the passive
recipient of aggression. Again, as readers we may interrogate, what constitutes the
identity? The mind within the body? The body only? Or the mind only? Ovid seems
to suggest that it is the body which helps others determine our identity, whereas we
ourselves determine our own identity in terms of our mind and thought processes. The
body, however is an appropriate vehicle to lodge our self (identity). Therefore when
Actaeon’ s body is transformed from a human to an animal one, he cannot express his
human thoughts.
“He fled from the dogs who had served him so faithfully, longing to shout to them,
‘Stop! It is I, Actaeon, your master. Do you not know me?’
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But the words would not come. The air was filled with relentless baying.” (ll 229-
231)
Ovid’s Metamorphoses is abound such dichotomies between mind and body.
In a way Actaeon is also punished for his ambitions, for having desired to marry
Semele, for having boasted of being the best hunter in the world. But these are human
frailties. Ovid precisely challenges the well know idiom, “to err is human, to forgive
divine.” Therefore Diana is incapable of forgiving the braggadocio of the young man
and in order to erase any chances of having a competitor in hunting Diana gets him
killed. This could be a more plausible reason for transforming Actaeon into a stag rather
than teaching a lesson for being a voyeur.
One of the other problems which should bother us is the lack of proportion between
the crime committed and punishment meted out. In case of Actaeon, Ovid himself
writes,
“If you look at the facts, however, you’ll find that chance was the culprit.
No crime was committed. Why punish a man for a pure mistake?” (ll 141-142)
Such disproportionate penalties should egg readers to find out the real motive
behind the execution of it. Precisely Diana’s jealously and earlier premeditated vengeful
thoughts, rather than the immediate mistake of Actaeon when he accidentally sees Diana
bathing nude.
Transformation thus becomes an alibi to challenge and subvert existing dynamics
between the ruler and the ruled. In this case the Gods and the humans, respectively.
2. Gender and Sexuality
Although, in the ancient world, there was not much attention paid to ‘gender’ as a
social construct, there have been instances in the Metamorphoses of myths where girls
were brought up as boys. The story of Iphis, Book 9, is a clear example of how Iphis,
biologically a girl, is brought up as a boy, since her father had ordered that should the
child be a girl, she should be murdered at birth. To prevent the above fate, the girl grew
up secretly as a boy and wanted to marry a girl when of marriageable age. Since there
was no gay pride, or LGBT rights, during the times, this was a dangerous situation. So,
goddess Isis came to her rescue and transformed her to a man (biologically). Many such
aberrations in sexuality were to be found in characters like Narcissus who fell in love
with himself, Myrrha who was sexually attracted to her own father.
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In ‘Diana and Actaeon’ we find another extreme sexual aberration in the figure of
Diana who like her mortal counterparts, Daphne and Callisto vouched celibacy and
resisted sexual advances of men and Gods. In Book 1, Daphne pleaded to her father in
the following words,
“…Darling Father, I want to remain a virgin
for ever. Please let me. Diana’s father allowed her that.” (ll 486-487)
Added to this, for Diana, men were adversaries or at best competitors. Therefore,
Diana was already jealous of Actaeon since he was a comparable hunter. She roamed
freely in the woodlands, carried bow and arrows, wore a short skirt (which irked many)
and boots, so that she could hunt well. This should definitely remind us of the
upbringing of Iphis, mentioned earlier.
For many critics, Ovid had a soft corner for women. In a society which was tough
on women and victimized them for no reasons, saw them as sexual objects and
procreating machines, stories in Metamorphoses seek to expose the brutality and
discrimination meted out to women. In the process expose the irrationality of Gods
(read ‘authority’) Alison Sharrock explains the process in the following words,
While many modern feminists would be unhappy about this chivalric designation,
there is no doubt that the Ovidian corpus provides a particularly rich site for gendered
study. More than any other non-dramatic ancient poetry, male-authored as it
overwhelmingly is, Ovid’s work gives space to a female voice, in however problematic
a manner, and to both male and female voices which reflect explicitly on their own
gendered identity. It is also driven by a troubled relationship with the purveyors of
Roman masculinity – the army, politics, Augustus, epic, and so on. (95)
In this sense, Diana’s treatment of Actaeon, however harsh, is a depiction of her
gendered identity. She is viciously protective of her virginity and therefore cannot judge
the intruder’s entry into the secret spot as an error, rather than an act of deliberate
voyeur. Obviously, she is a goddess and therefore has to act fast in order to prevent the
fate of her mortal counterparts like Callisto, Daphne and Io. So, in Diana and Actaeon
we see an inversion of the normal rationale behind scheme of transformation where the
God is the predator and the mortal is the prey. While in other stories the reason for
transformation is the desire for the opposite sex, in this story the propelling reason is
repulsion for the other one.
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Ovid, as a narrator seems to justify the wrongs done to women by inserting counter
stories once a while. Besides, Actaeon was an ambitious youth who aspired to compete
with the gods. Sexually, he was attracted to Semele, already desired by Zeus, so like
Icarus, his fall was inevitable.
3. Revenge and Jealousy
So far, you have understood, how, Metamorphoses, inspite of being a collection of
fantastic tales is, to borrow the words of Griffin, a ‘universal poem of human
experience’ with a deep rooted connection to contemporary reality. The myth of ‘Diana
and Actaeon’ has a very strong echo of the injustice meted out to Ovid himself by
emperor Augustus. As you know, Ovid was exiled to Tomis because emperor Augustus
wanted to avenge the poet’s involvement in the royal scandal. But in reality, Ovid had
done no such significant crime.
One of the motives of the poet in this anti-epic, was to show how extraordinary
people, whom we often look up to are also capable of frailties and that no being is above
human emotions which can at times occlude their good sense. Thus, protectors become
avengers.
In this case, Diana the god, falls prey to such common emotions which veil her
sense of judgement, her good sense which should have perceived Actaeon’s accidental
entry while she was taking a bath. But rather than trying to understand, forgive and
forget, Diana displays a mercurial temper, takes revenge and turns the poor man into a
stag. Goddesses being unsympathetic angry, vengeful and jealous is an iterative theme
in the Metamorphoses. Goddess Juno, Jupiter’s (Zeus’) wife in particular shows an
abnormal jealousy by punishing and transforming all those women who are lusted after
by her husband. She leaves no stone unturned to harass and torture characters like Io,
Semele, Callisto and others. It is therefore nothing strange that Diana should display the
same tendency to show her authority and control. One such counterpart of Diana is
Artemis to be found in Greek myths who had stopped in her anger, the winds which
would have sailed the ships of the Greek army to Troy.
The other and hidden emotion displayed by Diana is jealousy which grew in her due to
Actaeon’s reputation and claim as a great hunter. The goddess wanted no competitor
and therefore took this opportune moment as an alibi to get her adversary killed.
While Diana displays anger, vengeance and jealousy, Actaeon displays initial shock
and dismay at the transformation, followed by fear,doubt, desperation and pain which
are all common and predictable feelings in the particular context,
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the issues of his own time, which he achieves by making the new Augustan regime the
crowning culmination of world history. Although highly intertextual with the Aeneid,
especially since he re-tells part of the story himself, Ovid nonetheless manages to create
a very different type of work, stylistically and tonally.
Possibly Ovid’s greatest achievement in writing this poem was the manner in which
he seamlessly tied the myths together, imposing a chronological structure which seems
entirely natural, so that when Ovid claims in Book 1, for example, Apollo killed the
Python and crowned himself with oak leaves, since the laurel has not yet come into
existence, and then moves on to tell that particular myth, it is easy to suspend disbelief.
A master of storytelling, each myth moves seamlessly into the next, merging
together through theme, subject matter, and verbal interplay, so that the poem truly
appears to be a carmen perpetuum (unbroken song.) The stories can be linked by
chronology, geographical continuity (as with the Theban tales from the third book
onwards), thematic parallels (eg loves of the gods, their jealousies and revenges)[ we
can place the tale of Diana and Actaeon in this scheme], contrast (stories concerning
piety and impiety placed in proximity), genealogical relations between the characters
and even by similarity of metamorphosis.
At the same time, Ovid does not strive for unity in content and form so much as
a calculated variety. It is the continuity of narrative, not subject matter, which creates
the impression of fluidity. A proof of this lies in the technique of division between the
books of the poem: unlike in Virgil’s Aeneid where each book has its own relative
completeness and independence, the breaks between the books of
the Metamorphoses frequently fall at the liveliest points, in the middle of an episode
(Pan and Syrinx myth is inserted inside the story of Io by pausing it at a critical
juncture). This sharpens the reader’s curiosity and keeps it aroused in the pauses within
the text, allowing no lessening of the narrative tension. Throughout the narrative the
narrator or Ovid remains as an omnipresent being oscillating between ‘telling’ and
‘showing’ which is also true of the Actaeon story. Ovid is detailed and descriptive
allowing the readers to feast their eyes and senses:
“Now picture a valley, dense with pine and tapering cypress,
Called Gargaphie, sacred haunt of the huntress Diana;
there, in a secret corner, a cave surrounded by woodland,
owing nothing to human artifice. Nature had used
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her talent to imitate art: she had moulded the living rock
of porous tufa to form the shape of a rugged arch.
To the right, a babbling spring with a thin translucent rivulet
widening into a pool ringed round by a grassy clearing.” (ll 154-162)
The employment of nature imagery, similes and metaphors (often the credit of the
translator) renders the poem a smooth reading.
But in spite of such smooth reading, at times, Ovid’s objective becomes difficult.
In the words of Andrew Feldherr again,
Should we read metamorphosis through epic eyes, with an even greater awareness
of its essential unbelievability and trivializing effect? Can the epic form even save
the work from itself by transfiguring its fabulous subject matter into a grand
history of the Augustan world, just as Virgil allows metamorphosis a new role in
his poem? Or is the work fundamentally an anti-epic, lending the gravity of the
Homeric and Virgilian form to an antithetical vision of man’s place in the
cosmos? Or, a final alternative, should we simply avoid the question by allowing
the poem to decompose itself into a Hellenistic assemblage of separate tales?
Since Ovid often positions metamorphoses at the end of episodes, the
transformations within the narrative tend to occur precisely where the structure
of the work as a whole is most up for grabs. In deciding whether each
metamorphosis marks an ending, or merely a transition, readers are continually
confronted with the question of what kind of work they are reading. To get a
sense of what is at stake ideologically in the differing responses (169)
5. Treatment of Myths
Fritz Graf, in his essay “Myth in Ovid” points out to the contradiction inherent in
Ovid’s treatment of myths in the Metamorphoses in the following words:
[…]the deep seriousness of our own concept of what myths are—‘a traditional tale
. . . held to be not a passing enjoyment, but something important, serious, even
sacred’, ‘traditional tales with immediate cultural relevance’—seems to clash
violently with Ovid’s irreverent playfulness, as he most often is perceived. (108)
In late Republican and early Augustan Rome, myth (fabulae) were universally
understood as modes of poetic discourse. There were two ways of narrating events-
‘historia’, ‘historical narratives’ and ‘fabula’, ‘mythical narratives’. There was a third
type, ‘argumentum’ which basically referred to the plot (especially in ‘comedy’).
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‘Historia’ as understood referred to real and factual events, whereas, ‘fabula’ referred to
imaginary or mythical ones. According to Graf, fabula ‘is a text which contains neither
true nor plausible things’ (109).
However, Ovid used the ‘fabula’ but with an objective whish was most suited to the
ends of a ‘historia’.
Ovid’s myths cover an extraordinary range of experience and he displays a
penetrating psychological knowledge of the variety of human motivations and
delusions. It is in the face of this variety and range, readers have regularly tried to
isolate what the unifying theme of metamorphosis might be. But it is hard to do so. It
can be banal or it can be sublime, or anything between the two, humans are capable of.
At times it can be a ‘a savage reduction’ (in the words of Leonard Barkan), as in the
case of Diana and Actaeon, where the Goddess shows an uncanny aggression and
vengeance. On the part of Actaeon, it is the fittest example of ‘abject and desperate
helplessness’, the nadir of a human condition. But whatever it may be Ovid does it with
a purpose as the bard would write for Hamlet, “there’s a method in his madness.” The
main connecting thread in these myths is an interest in identity: what is it that makes a
human, or does transformation into animate and inanimate things take away the essence
of being a human being. The myths are basically collected together and used to answer
these questions, and if not answer, at least make us, the readers ponder over them. For
Ovid, therefore, myths become ‘poetic texts’ for probing into the existential
questions.
Also, if myths are traditional tales with immediate cultural relevance, then mythical
narration explains and, when necessary, legitimates cultural, societal and natural facts in
a given society—cults and rituals, social structures, but also natural phenomena; the
mythical history of a group defines its identity and place in the contemporary world. In
this sense myths also reflect contemporary socio-political practices of the relevant
group. Ovid, in a way used the myths in this sense too—As a mirror to the social
practices of his times.
4.14.7 Summing Up
Even after two thousand years of its composition, Metamorphoses is a pervasive
influence in European Literature and Arts, particularly visual arts. It is a veritable
storehouse of every conceivable myth which one needs to know in order to understand
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and appreciate allusions used by numerous later writers in their texts. It has been
translated and dramatized by many and adapted by some of the modern world’s most
distinguished poets, most notably Ted Hughes (1997). As a work, Metamorphoses has
been different and iconoclastic, compared to what his contemporaries were writing,
particularly in being sensitive towards women and their plight in the contemporary
society. The poem is more real than many other realistic works in its approach to
society, politics and the perspective towards authority.
NOTES
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Module-5
Plautus: Pot of Gold
Unit 15 Society and the Beginnings of Comedy in Rome
Structure
5.15.0 Introduction
5.15.1 Roman Society
5.15.2 The Beginnings of Roman Comedy
5.15.3 Old Latin Comedy: Features
5.15.4 Summing Up
5.15.5 Comprehension Exercises
5.15.0 Introduction
In this introductory Unit to Plautus’ text, Pot of Gold that is on your syllabus, we
will begin with some basic ideas about Roman society in order to understand how the
soil was germane to the flowering of Comedy. In that context, we will further discuss
the beginnings of comedy, and then the style and features of old Latin comedy. With
this understanding of the socio-cultural background, you will be able to proceed on a
study of the text in a more comprehensive manner. While going through this Unit, you
should be careful to mark how certain features of classical comedy have survived in
later practice, and how some of it has been adapted to suit later contexts.
and by peacemaking through marriage. The story of Romulus’ wife Hersilia can be cited
as a mythical representation of this role played by women in ancient Roman society.
The development of Rome continued through such major phases as the Republican
(590-27 BCE) and the Imperial (27 BCE-476 CE in the west, 330-1453 CE in the east).
The political structure of the society involved a powerful patriarchal leader at the top—
called the ‘Consul’ during the Republic, and ‘Emperor’ afterwards. The administration
consisted of the senate, judges, and assemblies, which operated under the Consul or the
Emperor.
There was a major social division between two classes—the aristocratic Patricians,
mainly the landowning gentry; and the working-class Plebeians—involving not only the
poor labourers but farmers, artisans, small traders, craftsmen and even teachers—
basically those who were non-aristocratic. The Roman laws were heavily in favour of
the upper class Patricians – until a power-struggle, called the ‘Conflict of Orders’,
ensued in the period c. 500-287 BCE. The Plebeians made up a large portion of the
army needed by the Patricians to fight against the neighbouring tribes. Notice how the
concept of different social classes, and conflicts between them have characterised
every phase of social existence at all points of time!
In 494 BCE, the working-class Plebeians refused to continue fighting until their
demands were addressed properly. New laws were framed to give the Plebeians some
voice by allowing them to send to the Senate a ‘Tribune’ as their representative. By the
time the Conflict of the Orders was resolved, Roman society was hierarchically divided
into five social classes: (1) Patricians, (2) Equites, (3) Plebeians, (4) Freedmen and (5)
Slaves. Gradually, however, some of the Plebeians gained importance in society and
marital relationships between Patricians—the traditional landed gentry and some
Plebeians who later gained some wealth and position—became possible.
The Equites (the equestrian class, associated with horses or the cavalry) came from
the class of knights who later became associated with trade and commerce. They also
belonged to the upper class but were inferior to the Patricians who made up the Senate.
The freedmen, former slaves who had been able to buy their freedom or set free by
their masters and were recognized as citizens but did not have any representation in
politics. Former slaves could choose any common profession according to their capacity
or serve their former masters as clients.
Slaves belonged the lowest position in society; they had no rights and were
considered to be the property of their owners. Yet, Roman civilization depended
heavily
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on the manual labour of the slaves. Their lives were spent in tremendous hardship and
there was a major protest, by Spartacus and his followers, in 71 BCE. The story of
Spartacus has hence been severally adapted and performed across different media all
over the world, each time exemplifying the spirit of resistance and rising up for rights.
From these distinct divisions into classes, you can have a clear idea of Roman social
organisation, and how strategic that was.
The family was at the base of Roman society where women were, in general, under
the jurisdiction of men—a legally appointed father-figure, a husband, or some male
guardian. However, experienced elderly ladies and mothers were influential in
maintaining the stability of the family. Aristocratic ladies hardly had a public life
outside the household whereas, slave-women, along with their male counterparts, had to
work hard mostly in their owners’ houses. Despite a few worthy examples of learned
women, women, in general, were denied education. Roman citizenship was granted to a
male who belonged to one of the Latian tribes and was above the age of fifteen—
according to his ancestry, landed position, and profession. For a detailed idea about the
Roman society, students may refer to such books as Handbook to Life in Ancient Rome
(1998) by Lesley Adkins and Roy A. Adkins, and The Oxford Companion to Classical
Civilisation (2014) by Simon Hornblower and Anthony Spawforth.
individualism of the Greeks would have been problematic in imperial Rome. As the
Classical scholar W.A. Oldfather observes in his essay on ‘Roman Comedy’,
Perfect solidarity in public action and in private conduct, and hence in thought and
belief, could alone save the imperilled nationality. Out of this spirit grew that
sturdy sense of public duty which governed the whole moral life, a recognition of
the superior claims of social justice, and of the need of uniformity in regulating
the intercourse of men. These qualities, together with the indomitable will of
generations of fighting men, produced the incomparable Roman achievements in
character, administration and jurisprudence. (218)
However, as the politico-social situation of old Rome left little scope for literature
and cultural modes of self-expression, the Romans thus turned to Greek literature and
its liberal spirit for these activities. Thus the adaptation of Greek works in Latin gave
an impetus to the shaping of what we call ‘Roman literature’ of the early period. Soon
the Romans became exposed to the Greek comic theatre, and turned to adapting Greek
comedy into Latin. Of course, there had been a tendency to introduce ‘Roman’ elements
of society, events, and characters, into typical ‘Greek’ plots and settings—elements
which would help the Roman audiences to relate with the plays. For instance, when the
setting of a play was Athens, a Roman playwright would use a ‘Prologue’ which would
set the tone of the play, adding local colour and situations, thereby, acclimatizing
Roman audiences with the different milieu.
Gnaeus Naevius (c. 235-204 BCE) adapted many of Euripedes’ tragedies and
Menander’s Kolax. He also composed historical plays and about thirty comedies are
ascribed to him— the most famous of them was Tarentilla. He was a predecessor to
Plautus, who gave Roman drama a distinguished position. Naevius introduced songs
and a variety of metres. His plays were rich in critical commentaries on Roman social
and political life, which led to his imprisonment in 207 BCE. In many ways, his use
of stock characters, well-knit plots and colourful, colloquial language, his vivid
portrayal of the common people’s lives with intrigues, amusement and romantic
engagements would later be found more vividly in Plautus, who was respectful of the
elder poet. His application of the device of mingling or fusing plots (known as
‘contaminatio’) had been a major influence on two of his most famous successors,
Plautus (254-184 BC) and Terence (185-159BC).
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In the hands of Plautus, the plays of Menander and the other Greek playwrights
were adapted into musical Latin comedies. His stock characters involved—the braggart
soldier, the parasite, the old miser, the identical twins and the resourceful slave - the last
providing a major force behind the comic action. Plautus confined himself to a single
literary species, and brought the Greek masters onto the Roman stage, with a renewed
vigour. Some Critics have, however often charged him later for not trying to produce
a genuine ‘national’ comedy for Rome as all his works had been adaptations of Greek
comedy wrapped with some local flavour.
In this discussion, we should also include, however briefly, the contribution of
Caecilius Statius (c. 220 BC-c. 166/168 CE) who marks an ‘intermediate’ phase in the
development of old Latin Comedy. According to W.A. Oldfather, “Neither so original
as Plautus nor so refined as Terence, he left much to be desired in point of good taste
and of good Latinity. But he followed his originals, principally works of Menander,
more closely in the construction of plots.” (220) His plays were marked by a tendency
towards debate and argument.
With Terence the development of Roman Comedy was believed to be complete. His
plays mark a distinctive aesthetic achievement in language involving an uniformity of
elegant style giving to the plays of Terence, in the opinion of many scholars, a greater
sense of ‘refinement’ than those of Plautus. Terence’s use of the verse-form was more
polished, more stylistic in conception and structure, coupled with a subtlety of humour,
avoiding the farcical and the ‘lowly comical’. But this element of sophistication
perhaps rendered his plays less popular to the Plebeian audiences than those of Plautus.
Plautus’s plays, on the other hand, was more vivacious and full of energy. Oldfather,
thus points out that he was essentially nearer to the Greeks than was Terence and,
consequently, he developed the style and structure of what we call ‘closet’ drama.
as komos (revels). The use of masked stock characters and slapstick gags were a
common feature in this farce; plots generally involved domestic affairs, mostly as in
Greek New Comedy—‘boy meets girl, falls in love, but parents object to their union,
finally a loyal and clever slave intervenes and makes the marriage possible’. Thus
Atellan farce could be easily mixed up with the spirit of Greek New Comedy in
adaptations that were called fabulae pallaitae (‘plays in a Greek cloak’). The scripts
were rich in lively action, robust puns and jokes. The reliance on boisterous scenes of
physical comedy was significant as it undermined Roman etiquette in a licensed
manner.
Performed as a popular form of entertainment in ancient Republican and early
Imperial Rome, Attelan farces originally came from an oral tradition, mostly in the
Oscan dialect. Later they became a literary genre and came to be performed in Latin by
the 1st century BC, but only a few fragments have survived. Lucius Pomponius of
Bononia and Novius were among the writers who used the form of Attelan farce in Old
Latin comedies, but their written legacy is almost extinct. The stock characters in these
farces included Maccus, the clown; Bucco (“Fat Cheeks”), the simpleton; Pappus, or the
old fool; Dossennus, perhaps meaning the “Hunchback”; and Manducus, who can be
understood as “the Glutton.” There is no evidence of farces in existence beyond the 1st
century AD, but as a matter of ‘legacy’, we may trace some of the stock characters used
in the 16th-century Italian ‘commedia dell’arte’ from this tradition. These old Roman
farces, with a typical use of mimicry and a reliance on stock characters, got incorporated
into the new strain of Latin comedy which flourished under the Greek influence.
Having a meagre pre-existent tradition to adhere to, Plautus retained some features
of the Atellan farce, and freely adapted Greek comedies, especially Menander’s New
Comedies. Except for the period called the ‘Middle Ages’, Plautus’s comedies hardly
failed to attract audiences when performed; his plays, therefore remained popular
through European history and its cultures of theatre. His works were even quoted and
appreciated by strict and conservative church fathers like Saint Jerome and so on.
The plays had the richness, energy and complexity of Greek plots but were free of
unwanted Hellenisms as they were strongly embedded in the contemporary Roman
context. In temperament, Plautus was nearer to Aristophanes. Avoiding Menander’s
subtle character portrayals, Plautus’s exaggerated depiction of character verged on
caricature. Plautus had an infallible instinct and a perfect sense of comic timing to turn
his art into achieving stage success, for it was dedicated to amuse with compulsive,
extravagant laughter and musicality.
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5.15.4 Summing up
The Romans lived in a society that was patrilineal, strictly following a social
hierarchy.
Their society was basically an administrative and law-abiding body but their
exposure to Greek culture, through the translations of Livius Andronicus, made
them eager to express their talents by adapting Greek plays to Latin.
Naevius, Plautus and Terence were some of the major exponents of the developing
Latin Comedy.
Considering the native form of old Roman farces, one may assume that the use of
stock characters and a tendency towards comic mimicry went well with the spirit
of Greek New Comedy and so these features were more or less retained in Plautine
comedies.
5.16.0 Introduction
This Unit proposes to trace the tradition and the development of Greco-Roman
Comedy from Menander to Terence, so that learners are able to historicise the Plautine
plays in general and the Pot of Gold in particular. It is therefore incumbent that you look
upon this Unit as a continuation from where we left off in the previous one.
profile, and it is not fortuitous that they have been classified as writers of the Mése by
later critics in antiquity”. (69). The term ‘Mése’ literally stands for ‘Middle Street’—the
main road running through Constantinopole was known as the Mése. So the phrase
‘writers of the Middle Street’ suggests that Diphilos and Philemon were more associated
with the mass-audiences, than the aristocrats. Pappaioannaou also points out that
Philemon’s Thensaurus and Emporos provided the models for Plautus’ Trinummus and
Mercator (70). William S. Anderson (1993) mentions that Diphilos was the main source
for Plautus’ Rudens and Casina and his Vidularia and Captivi also includes elements
from the fragments of Diphilos. (45-69) However, Terence’s Adelphoe, once thought to
be inspired fully by Menander, was at least partially indebted to Diphilos’ Companions
in Death. (Petrakis 55)
However, it is historically recognized that Menander’s leading position as the most
notable playwright of New Comedy, remains unchallenged both for his Roman
successors and students of classical literature. Ovid expresses his appreciation for his
writing, Plutarch compares Menander’s skill to that of a skilled craftsman, musician or
painter and Quintillian’s praise of him is reiterated by a 20 th century Classical scholar
like Sidney G. Ashmore (Introduction, The Comedies of Terence, New York : Oxford
University Press, p. 7) Summarising Menander’s achievement C.R. Post, therefore
writes:
Preeminently a Greek, he excels in those very qualities which always lend charm
to the most insignificant literary products of Hallas, which were always less
possible to the heavier Roman mind and the more cumbrous Latin tongue, and
especially, despite the more advanced stylistic art of Terence, to that mind and
that tongue in their as yet inchoate condition of the second century before Christ.
(Quoted in Petrakis, 64)
Considering Menander as the chief exponent of New Comedy, we may take a brief note
of its major features. In ‘The Argument of Comedy’ Northorp Frye argues,
New Comedy unfolds from what may be described as a comic Oedipus situation.
Its main theme is the successful effort of a young man to outwit an opponent and
possess the girl of his choice. The opponent is usually the father. (450)
Therefore, it is basically concerned with a domestic-romantic plot which seeks its final
resolution in marriage and in the ‘triumph’ of the younger over the ‘traditional’ and
sometimes ‘dogmatic’ elderly generation which also tends to harp on a social
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original with a vibrant, populistic approach. Another major difference was in the use of
language, and meter, especially in the inclusion of rhythm and music.
realism, and reduced the long, expository prologues or such conventional devices as the
character’s address to the audience.
He died young, and was not so successful in gaining the favour of the audiences in
his lifetime. History, however, gave him his due, for with Terence, Roman comedy
reached its final stage of development and, after him, it is difficult to find any comic
playwright worthy of mention. The age of Roman comedy survived only a short time
after Terence. His life was short and his works were not many in number but his
language and art of presentation set a standard for “pure Latin” for a long time. Finally,
for classical and neo-classical studies, Terence is now even a part of the curriculum.
5.16.4 Summing up
The plays of Menander, the Greek playwright had been the model mostly sought by
the writers of Roman Comedy. Before the 20th century discovery of some of his
fragments, we could know about his work chiefly from the adaptations of his plays
by his Roman successors.
Plautus and Terence, with different approaches and style, contributed to the
development of Roman comedy. Plautus was more dramatic and physical in his use
of humour, whereas Terence was more refined.
Both writers combined plots from more than one Greek original but Plautus did it
more freely whereas Terence, even while combining elements from two plots,
remained a faithful adapter.
Terence’s language and style have been considered the model for “standard Latin”.
2. What do you know about Terence’s style of combining plots? Explain with
examples.
Short Answer Type:
1. Briefly discuss any two features of Greek New Comedy.
2. Write a short note on the dramatic style of Terence.
NOTES
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5.17.0 Introduction
This Unit will be helpful for students for understanding Plautus and his plays as a
whole. They will be able to gain an understanding of the features of his plays, his use
of stock characters, and gain an insight into the style and technique used in his plays
before engaging in a deeper reading of the prescribed text. The Unit will also help the
learner to place Plautus within the larger frame of Classical Literature.
aristocrats. A closer look will, however, prove that this name was itself a deception. The
very name is a comic artifice on part of the classical dramatist. Thus, a close analysis
will show that the first name (praenomen), that is, Titus; the second (nomen)—Maccius
and the third (cognomen)—Plautus, taken together, as the full name suggests “Titus
belonging to the Flatfoot clan of the Maccus family”. It can be noted in this context that
Maccius refers to the son of “Maccus”, where Maccus was the clown figure of Atellan
farce. Moreover, in Latin Titus was slang for “penis”; thereby revealing that Titus
Maccius Plautus was just a contrived name. It is, therefore quite apparent that the name
of the comic dramatist was itself a joke—a joke in the typical Plautine style—
remarkable for its exaggerated coarseness.
Plautus was not born into the upper class of the Roman society. His close references
to ordinary life, in many of his plays give us ample proof of that. In fact, the name he
uses may have only been a stage name for the playwright might have been trained as
a performer in the genre of Atellan farce. Many fabricated stories have been doing the
rounds since Plautus’s death. There is one which states that he was born about 254 BCE
in Umbria. His early associations with theatre probably began as an actor and he came
to Rome when travelling with a theatre-group. He is said to have fallen out of luck
several times as he had worked in a theatre, saved a little money and lost it subsequently
in a trading venture. After this he returned to Rome in a state of insolvency and had to
work in grain mills. While working in the mill he wrote three of his plays in a row, and
encouraged by their success, went on to write more comedies. These are some of the
available information on Plautus’s life but these are not based on any factual evidence.
These biographical details are conjured from his own comedies. Similar kinds of
fabricated stories have been created about the great Greek dramatist Euripedes.
Twenty one comedies by Plautus are still extant. For his source materials, Plautus
depended on the New Comedy of Menander and other Greek dramatists. He adapted
them freely, often retaining the Greek setting but using references to Roman lifestyle
and local scenario. Sometimes he used to give topical references—such as the
imprisonment of the comic poet Naevius (207 BCE), or incorporated scenes of a Roman
city or marketplace and sometimes even referring to Roman politics or laws. However,
in general he avoided political satire and relied more on the ridiculous follies of human
nature. Most of the stories of his plays came from the life of the lower or middle-class
Roman citizens. As a result of his skilful adaptation of Greek comedies into the new
Roman context, Plautus’s lines serve not only as important examples of Roman theatre
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of what later came to be known as the Classical age, but also as indications of the
linguistic and cultural peculiarities of late third-century and early second-century Rome.
The comedies employ archaic Latin vocabulary full of what might be considered
unusual by later civilizations but, nevertheless developed around Roman culture.
Extensive study and experimentation have been conducted by academics and translators,
regarding the language of the Plautine plays. Despite such scholarly efforts, it is
impossible to properly transfer these into modern languages—as they are a storehouse
of realistic and brilliant colloquial idioms. The plays dramatise the humour that won the
appreciation of Roman audiences. Recurrent rhetorical devices like the pun, quipping,
alliteration, assonance that run through Plautus’s texts are the hallmarks of his comic
technique.
the ideas from two plays by Plautus. The degree of esteem in which Plautus was held
in the Elizabethan age, can be justified by the speech by Polonius, introducing the group
of actors and their talents, refers to Seneca and Plautus, as models for tragedy and
comedy—“Seneca cannot be too heavy, nor Plautus too light” (Hamlet, 2.2). Molière’s
play L’Avare (1668), The Miser (1672) by Sheridan and also by Fielding (1732) were
notably inspired by Aulularia. It is worth noting that the influence of Plautus was not
exhausted even in the age of Hollywood movies. A Funny Thing Happened on the Way
to the Forum, the 1963 musical motion picture can be regarded as a 20 th century
adaptation of Plautus. Those of you who are interested to know more on this can well
google the 20th century musical.
history, sentimental comedy (as in Captivi and Cistellaria) to plays which involved a
mockery of mythological stories (Amphitruo) and plays using coarse humour verging on
the farcical (Asinaria).
The use of rhythmical lines gave a musical quality to Plautus’ plays. He employed
the long, six-or seven-foot line in iambic and trochaic meters, as found in the Greek
originals of his plays. However, Plautus also introduced variations by employing
colloquial dialogue to suit the mood and temperament of the characters and also
included songs. His use of alliteration and the pun made his dialogues racy and
vigorous; he picked up the colloquial idioms used by the common people to achieve the
effect of a fleshly realism.
Therefore, there is a common consensus that Plautine stock characters had an active
life on stage centuries after his death. Let us discuss some notable character types, with
examples:
Pargopolynices, the “braggart soldier” in Miles Gloriosus amuses the audience with
his vain-glorious posturing and tendency towards self-aggarndisement, while
Artotogrus, his parasite or flatterer, keeps on filling him up with newer and ridiculous
claims of glory.
The ‘cunning slave’ or ‘intriguing slave’ was a character type familiar in
Menander’s New Comedies, but the way Plautus used this figure, is more interesting in
its variety. While in Menander the slave was an intelligent comic character and helpful
to his young master, Plautus made him more active in devising ingenious schemes of
action and, sometimes, even controlling the action of the play. The slaves in Plautus
often turn the comic world topsy-turvy by controlling their masters, boasting like
military heroes and becoming the driving force of the plot. The ingenious deal-making
Pseudolous in the eponymous play, is a major example. Sometimes the characters are
very sure of their specific roles: both Strobilus in Auluraria (Pot of Gold) and Chrysalus
in Bacchides have pointed out what a ‘good’ (i.e., clever) slave should be. C. Stace,
however, in his essay on “The Slaves of Plautus”, has categorized Plautine slaves into
‘cunning’, ‘deceived’, ‘ordinary’, and ‘slaves of special interest’. [64-77]
In Greek comedies, the character of the old man is sometimes typified as an ill-
tempered miser, a misanthrope, or a stern father opposing the marriage of his son with
his beloved. The lustful old man or sensex amator is a character improvised by Plautus
upon the mere sensex or ‘stern old father’ which was a staple in Greek New Comedies.
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Thus, the old lech develops a passion for the beautiful heroine and seeks opportunities
to satisfy his desire but ultimately he is outwitted and removed from the path of the
young lovers. Demaenetus in Asinaria, Demipho in Cistellaria, Lysidamus in Casina,
Demipho in Mercator, and Antipho in Stichus— aged men driven by a sort of ‘vulgar’
amorous passion, are recognized as belonging to this type. All these characters share a
similar purpose of winning the young woman but their situations and the procedures
they adopt vary. Despite his repeated use of stock characters, Plautus saves his plots
from monotony by providing different settings and courses of action. Ben Jonson’s
Volpone, the title character in the eponymous play, the ‘miser’ is also a Platuine type,
possessing the traits of the ‘lusty old man’. As you proceed with your course, you will
repeatedly find the influence of Plautus in English comedies from the Elizabethan to the
Modern periods.
The women characters in Plautus are not lacking in variety either, as they are
modelled on the common types also used by other playwrights of Roman comedy.
‘Mulier’ is usually the wife of the sensex, sometimes supportive of her husband,
sometimes dominating and shrewd. Meretrix is the courtesan, often the love-interest of
more than one young men; Ancila is the slave-woman always loyal to her mistress—a
female counterpart of the male servus or ‘slave’, but not as clever or resourceful as the
male. Virgo is the young woman, rarely presented on stage but traditionally viewed as
an epitome of beauty and innocence. If you go back to your study of the development
of English drama towards the end of the Middle Ages, you will find that this trend of
using abstractions to name characters was also prevalent in the Morality Plays.
As for themes, Plautus showed his skill in such essentially comic themes such as
those of mistaken identity and impersonation, that of the twin brothers, the problem of
the generation gap leading to a father-son conflict but, ultimately, giving way to a happy
resolution — themes which remained to entertain the audiences of the European stage
and screen till the middle of the 20th century.
5.17.4 Summing up
Plautus was the most popular comic dramatist of ancient Rome. He adapted freely
from Greek New Comedies, and gave a Roman setting and sensibility to his plays.
He used the colloquial idiom of the common people and excelled in the application
of robust humour, pranks and musical meters.
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5.18.0 Introduction
Having learnt about Roman theatre in general and Plautus in particular in the earlier
Units, here we come to a detailed analysis of the text, The Pot of Gold. This will provide
the students with a detailed summary of the scenes, a close understanding of the
characters and thematic issues, along with the representation of Roman society that is
attempted in this play. While going through this Unit, students are expected to take note
of the close bearings that comedy has on real life, and from that perspective their
understanding of the genre should have a universalist approach about it.
Prologue
Lar Familliaris, Euclio’s household God introduces the context of the play. The pot
of Gold entrusted by Euclio’s grandfather to him was kept secret from Euclio’s father
for his neglect of the God. Euclio’s daughter Phaedria regularly worships the God, much
to his pleasure. Therefore the God has revealed the treasure to Euclio for her dowry. He
also proclaims to generate a process of the wedding of Phaedria, who is made pregnant
by Lyconides, whose uncle Megadorous seeks to marry her. Thus the Deity’s prologue
introduces all the thematic concerns in the play, and also establishes the symbolic and
metaphorical significance of the titular ‘pot of gold’.
Act 1, Scene 1
In the first scene of first act of the play readers visualize the protagonist Euclio,
chasing and beating his old slave Staphyla angrily, because he suspects her of spying
and prying. Staphyla wonders why her master is behaving so strangely. From her
utterance the readers get to know that Euclio does this with her repeatedly in course of
a day. Staphyla describes how Euclio behaves all day: he does not sleep at night, he sits
at the house all through the day. She is also concerned for the young mistress, and
wishes to protect her from any kind of ‘disgrace’. This natural impulse to protect the
lady from the trouble gives a motherly streak to the character of Staphyla who has been
growing old slaving at this household and looking after it.
Scene 2
Euclio is unwilling to go out of his house leaving the house unwatched. He asks
Staphyla to watch over the house. Staphyla is surprised that there is nothing valuable
in the empty house other than cobwebs. Euclio’s gripping insecurity runs through his
instructions to Staphyla: he asks her to bolt the door and let no outsider in. Euclio’s
greatest fear are the neighbours who might knock and enter to fetch day to day
household items like fire, knife, axe, mortar, pestle and so on.
Once outside, Euclio informs the audiences that director of their ward has called
them for doling out a present of two shillings per head. The amount is very little, but
if Euclio skips the visit he will attract undue attention. It will make people think that
he has got a pot of gold at home. To assuage that suspicion he has to leave the house
against his wish. Euclio also reveals his suspicious mind which believes that everyone
has found out the truth about the gold he has got and has a changed response now.
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Act 2, Scene 1
In this scene a conversation takes place between Eunomia and her brother
Megadorus. Eunomia urges Megadorus to marry and give birth to a son, to continue the
family-line. A suitable mature lady who is fit to be his wife can be found. Megadorus
objects to Eunomia’s proposition as a middle aged lady will not be able to give birth
as unproblematically expected. Megadorus rather wishes to marry the young daughter
of his neighbour Euclio. Eunomia accepts the proposition. Megadorus prepares for an
interview with Euclio to this purpose.
Scene 2
Euclio returns home. His visit has been of no use. Neither the director nor anyone
from his ward was present to keep the promise. As a result Euclio did not receive the
promised shillings. He is terribly anxious of having lost his gold which he has left home
unattended. At this point of time Megadorus comes his way. Megadorus’s polite
behaviour raises Euclio’s suspicion. When Megadorus finally reveals that he desires to
marry Euclio’s daughter, Euclio is shocked and refuses such an offer as Megadorus is
tremendously rich and Euclio is awfully, dreadfully poor. For a poor man to try and get
into an association with the rich would be like an ass yoked with a bull. An ass cannot
be in an equal set with the bull, says Euclio. Nevertheless, he finally agrees to let
Megadorous marry his daughter, without any dowry. Megadorus agrees and leaves with
his servant Pythodicus for preparation of the marriage. The marriage is to take place on
that very day itself without delay. Euclio thanks his lot because he thinks it is the secret
knowledge of inheriting the hidden gold that makes Megadorus act so.
Scene 3
Euclio calls Staphyla and tells her that her daughter would be married today. He
asks her to keep the door locked and prepare for the wedding by the time he returns
from the forum. Staphyla’s reaction is one of shock. She exclaims that the decision is
too sudden. Once Euclio exits Staphyla says that this situation ruins it totally. The secret
about the lady’s disgrace can no longer be kept. Meanwhile she has to prepare for the
occasion.
Scene 4
After an hour Pythodicus returns with Cooks—Anthrax and Congrio, and Music
Girls—Phrygia and Eleusium. He is accompanied by a few more attendants, with
provisions from the market. Pythodicus instructs that they have to divide into two parts.
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One part would attend to the house of Megadorus the other to that of Euclio. Humorous
chitchats take place in the process from the very onset of the scene. They observe in all
elaboration the miserly nature of Euclio who is unable to pay for catering of his
daughter’s marriage. They observe that he bawls about his bankruptcy. They joke about
the miserly nature of Euclio. At the end, their discussion unravels that it is normal for
cooks like Anthrax and Congrio to thieve things from the household they work in.
Scene 5
Pythodicus allocates the cooks, the lambs, and the music girls to each household
according to his wisdom. Anthrax is assigned to the household of Megadorus. Congrio
complains and is assuaged. Since the fattest lamb has gone to the household of
Megadorus, the fattest of the music girls, Phrygia is sent to the house of Euclio. Congrio
is sent to the house of Euclio.
Scene 6
Pythodicus calls Staphyla and leaves the cook, music girl and supplies in Euclio’s
house. When she says that there is no firewood for cooking Congrio suggests cooking
with the rafters or timbers. Staphyla is enraged at the suggestion of burning the house
down for cooking. The poverty of the house is reveled through this dialogue and the
unsuitability that comes with such poverty. Staphyla also remarks about the absence of
drink in the supply. Congrio suggests that Euclio might bring it from the forum.
Scenes 7-8
Pythodicus leaves for Megadorus’s house, to supervise things there. In the
meantime, Euclio returns from the Forum with a small package and a few forlorn
flowers. He found everything too costly. Fish, lamb, tunny, pork, veal everything has
become unaffordably expensive. It is all the more expensive because Euclio is terribly
poor. The miser’s psychology is beautifully developed as he gives logic against
unreasonable expenditure in wedding. The principle of economizing is put forward with
an adage equivalent to “Holiday feasting makes everyday fasting”. Euclio decides to cut
down his daughter’s wedding expenses just as much as possible. He finally comes home
with a little frankincense and some wreaths of flowers to honour their Household God,
so that he may bless the daughter’s marriage. At this moment he notices that unknown
people have entered his house. The cook talks about a pot for cooking. Euclio mistakes
it for his pot of gold. He thinks that the pot is found and robbed. He cries for God
Apollo’s help and protection before he is ruined completely.
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Scene 9
This scene opens with Anthrax, the cook employed for wedding preparations at the
Megadorus’s house. He gives instruction to his subordinates with boning and scaling of
fish so that in the meanwhile he can visit Euclio’s house to fetch a bread pan. At
Euclio’s house there is an uproar. Anthrax mistakes this sound of scuffle for cooking
preparation at its height. This makes him return to his own responsibilities instead of
going out. He fears that leaving his work station will create further trouble in his
domain.
Act 3, Scene 1
In continuation of the shouting that is heard from afar in the previous scene,
Congrio and his followers are awfully clubbed and beaten and they wish to run out of
Euclio’s house for their lives. As they tumble out of Euclio’s house they shout out loud
to all the Romans writhing in pain and give a brief idea about their predicament. Euclio
runs after them with a cudgel in his hand. Congrio resents that he has never been in such
a madhouse like this, never been so severely beaten.
Scene 2
Euclio shouts for stopping Congrio and his disciples as he intends to report them
to the police. Congrio has been holding and threatening Euclio with a knife, says the
latter. Euclio complains that they entered his house without his permission. Congrio
explains that he came to cook for the wedding. Euclio objects that it is none of
Congrio’s business whether he consumes his food cooked or raw. A miser’s miserliness
grows to absurd and impractical proportions. Congrio grudges that his two shilling job
here would cause him to pay more as doctor’s bill. Euclio forbids them to enter his
house, and leaves again, to hide the pot of gold.
Scenes 3-4
Euclio now hides his pot of gold under his cloak so that it does not get stolen. He
happily asks the cooks and music girls to cook, work and scurry about the house now.
They can work to their heart’s content as there is no need to watch out for anything
anymore. Congrio says that it is useless to have the promise of a good time now. The
harm has already been done when Euclio clubbed his head till it is all cracks. He also
threatens to present the doctor’s expenses before Euclio, who complains how the evils
of associating himself with a wealthy man like Megadorus are leading him into
insecurity and compromises. He observes that a cock came and started digging the place
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where the gold was hidden. He has no doubt that these are all a ploy of Megadorus to
steal his property.
Scene 5
Megadorus is returning from forum to his home and elaborately talks about the
wisdom of his choice. He says that his friends call it a fine idea and a sensible thing
to do. He says that marrying a poor girl like Phaedria is not only a wise choice but also
effective. Marrying into poor families will also lessen the divide between rich and poor
and the society will be more unified, in Megadorus’s opinion. It is easier to have control
over poor girls whereas the wealthy women pester their husbands’ lives out. Euclio
greatly appreciates this economizing impulse in the speech of Megadorus.
Scene 6
Euclio appreciates Megadorus’ speech and again harps on the idea that he is
extremely poor. Megadorous merely suggests, in an assuring tone, that what he has got
is enough. That causes the miserly Euclio to suspect that Megadorus has got to know
about the pot of gold. Euclio complains that Megadorus has peopled his house with
thieves and that itself is a cause of great worry. At the end of the scene, Euclio is
convinced that Megadorus is upto stealing his pot of gold and makes up his mind to hide
it outside, possible in the shrine of Faith.
Act 4, Scene 1
Strobilus, while waiting for his master, gives a soliloquy. He says that a good
servant should know his master’s inclinations like a book, so that he can read his wishes
in his face and act accordingly. His master Lyconides has learnt that his uncle
Megadorus is about to marry the lady he is in love with. He settles down behind a
sacred altar to keep an eye on things and report everything to Lyconides.
Scenes 2-3
Euclio is unaware of Strobilus’s presence around and enters to secretly keep his pot
of gold. He entrusts to the deity in the shrine of Faith the safety of his pot of Gold. He
plans to go for a bath so that he can sacrifice and not hinder his prospective son-in-law
from marrying his girl the moment he claims her. Strobilus is overjoyed to hear of the
treasure. The moment Euclio leaves he wonders about the prospect of procuring the
treasure. Euclio re-enters the shrine following an ominous sign. As soon as he left, he
heard a raven cawing on his left croaking away. He hurriedly goes back to the shrine.
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Scene 4
A few moment lapses and a scuffle between Euclio and Strobilus is heard on the
street. Euclio beats Strobilus hard and asks him to return whatever of Euclio’s property
he has stolen. Strobilus pretends ignorance. Suddenly Euclio hears Strobilus’s
accomplice carrying out his work inside the shrine and rushes towards the temple.
Scene 5
Strobilus stands up and resolves to give a lesson to Euclio. He is convinced that
Euclio will not keep his gold in this shrine after this event. He hides by Megadorus’s
house and watches over Euclio and his activities. He sees Euclio come out of the shrine
with the pot of gold.
Scene 6
Euclio exclaims that he had a great regard for Faith of all deities but this proved
to be impractical. He feels thankful towards the raven which croaked and warned him
against the danger. He wonders where he can safely hide his wealth and chooses the
grove of Silvanus. He pronounces that he trusts Silvanus more than Faith now.
Strobilus observes him closely. Strobilus plans to climb a tree and locate the place
where Euclio hides the gold. He fears that his master will punish him for leaving the
spot. Notwithstanding the prospect of being thrashed he undertakes the venture. He is
hopeful that it will be faced with cash in hand.
Scene 7
Lyconides enters with his mother Eunomia. He has told her the whole story and
Eunomia finds it a perfectly reasonable request to make Megadorus stop from marrying
a woman who is bearing his nephew’s child. In the middle of the conversation the
labour pangs of Phaedria from her house are heard and that further attests the truth of
Lyconides’s words. While Eunomia proceeds to talk to Megadorus, Lyconides looks for
Strobilus.
Scene 8
Strobilus enters with the pot of gold and gives a speech of joyful victory. He
jubilates on the fact that he is now richer than the most powerful king that ever was.
He narrates how he climbed a tree before Euclio came to the spot and watched where
he hid the pot of gold, and took it after Euckio’s departure. Towards the end of the scene
Strobilus sees that Euclio is coming and hides.
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Scene 9
Euclio runs wildly back and forth, having lost his pot of gold. The happy faces of
the passers by make him suspect the thief to be in them. He prays to God for justice
and asks and wants to know who the thief is. He observes how thieves dress up well
and pretend to be honest men. He guarded the gold carefully denying comfort and
pleasures to himself. Now others are making merry and he is sunk in the despair of loss.
At the end of the scene Lyconides hears Euclio’s howling in front of their house. He
thinks that Euclio has got to know about his daughter’s pregnancy.
Scene 10
Euclio has in mind the lost pot of gold. Lyconides has in mind the wrong he has
done to Euclio’s daughter. Euclio’s complaint and Lyconides’s desire for atonement
lead to a conversation with humorous interest for the readers/ audiences. At the end of
this dialogue comes the understanding that they are talking at cross purposes. Lyconides
confesses that he knows nothing about the pot of gold stolen from the grove of Silvanus.
He on the other hand shocks Euclio by saying that Megadorus has broken the
engagement. Euclio is furious to hear this. He is certain that stealing the pot of gold was
Megadorus’ actual intention. Now that the gold has been successfully appropriated,
Megadorus cancels the ceremony. Lyconides tries to cool him down and admits the
wrong that has been done by him to his daughter. Euclio is traumatised to hear that he
is a grandfather on his daughter’s wedding day as it is the tenth month since the festival
of Ceres, when being drunk and unable to control his passions Lyconides ravaged the
woman he loved, i.e., Euclio’s daughter. At the end of the scene Lyconides wonders
where his servant Strobilus is and leaves Euclio to himself so that he can find out the
truth enquiring with Staphyla- the old nurse who has been maid to Euclio’s daughter.
Act 5, Scene 1
Strobilus triumphantly tells Lyconides what he has found and begs to be set free.
Lyconides asks him to hand over the gold so that it can be restored to Euclio. Strobilus
rejects the proposition. After this point the play is lost, except a few fragments.
Apparently Lyconides, convinces his slave to return it to Euclio, so that he may be given
permission to marry Euclio’s daughter. The end possibly shows that Euclio, with a
change of heart, influenced by his Household God, gives the pot of gold to the young
couple as a wedding present.
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Strobilus does not give up; as if, to teach the miser a ‘lesson’, he finally steals it from
the sacred grove—which is a symbolic admonition to the miser. His lack of trust in
everybody around him (which is a sort of dishonour to social life), even his shifting
faith in gods, is thus punished.
5.18.3 Characterisation
As already discussed, Plautus’ art of characterisation maintains the tradition of stock
characters as found in Greek New comedy, but projects it with a touch of ‘individual
talent’. Stock characters are indeed important, since they provide the audience with the
popular level of comic exuberance, but Plautus’ improvisation also attracts critical
interest. The stern ‘sensex’ of Greek comedies has become a character with many
shades: Euclio in Plautus’ play is one who can be laughed at, but also pitied.
Megadorous follow the type of ‘lusty old man’, but his generosity and sense of dignity
cannot be missed. Lyconides can hardly be called the ‘hero’, considering his act of
violating the modesty of a girl he loves, and remaining silent for a long time, but at the
end he repents and comes with a proper proposal of marriage. Such improvisations
deserve critical attention. Let us look at the characters in some detail :
Euclio
Euclio, the miserly old man is a stock character since the time of Menander, but he
is presented with a Plautine flavour of novelty. He has found a pot of gold which has
been unveiled to him by the household God of his house so that his pious daughter can
have a good marriage and a good dowry for that. He is extremely possessive about the
pot and suspects everyone to be a thief. The portrayal of the psychology of a miser with
all his doubts and insecurities is one of the finest presentations of human mind from the
classical age. He is approached by his rich neighbour Megadorus for the hand of his
daughter. He thinks this to be a ploy to usurp his gold and repeatedly proclaims his
impecunious situation. He nevertheless agrees to the marriage as Megadorus promises
to accept Phaedria without a penny. The preparations begin. The cooks sent to his house
make fun of his peculiar miserly habits. He even beats Congrio, the cook, fearing theft
of his treasure—which reminds one of Menander’s Knemon, also beating a cook, in
Dyscolos. Finally Euclio goes out to the Shrine of Faith to hide his gold, wherefrom
Strobilus steals it. Euclio is ruined and devastated. At this point he has a revelation
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about Lyconides violating his daughter and the child born of the act. The miser’s
breakdown is complete, but he shows a sign of changing his heart, finding that nothing
good has come of his self-obsessed, miserly and insensible nature. The situation is
saved as Megadorus cancels the engagement, Lyconides acquires and replaces his lost
treasure from Strobilus, his own servant and finally Euclio agrees to marry off Phaedria
to Lyconides. This section is however lost and exists only in fragments.
Megadorus
Megadorus is a rich man who lives next door to Euclio. In the play his sister
Eunomia urges him to marry as he has grown old and needs to have a child. Megadorus
refuses to marry a middle aged woman as it is difficult to have a child from a mature
woman and the baby may be born posthumous. He also disapproves of the rich lady’s
baggage, her pretentious self- importance. Megadorus specifically desires to marry his
next door neighbour Euclio’s daughter. However, his specific interest in Phaedria is
unmistakable: he wishes to marry her to satisfy his desire, not out of ‘love’. His age,
in any case, has given him a sense of dignity: so he makes a formal proposal to the girl’s
father, and agrees to marry her without a dowry. So far he is a stock character, a typical
‘lustful old man’, but Plautus brings a touch of originality, showing the positive and
generous side of his nature at the end. When he comes to know about his nephew’s
interest in the same girl, he calls off his own marriage. Megadorus bears all the expense
of the marriage preparations and divides what he buys in the forum into the two
households-bride’s part of the celebration and bridegroom’s part of celebration. He
speaks of the efficacy of marrying a poor lady as it is hassle free and unifies the divided
rich and poor population of the society. On the other hand, his words against rich
women and their extravagance, appears to be misogynistic from a modern feminist point
of view.
Lyconides
Lyconides (the name suggests, ‘wolfling’) has violated Phaedria in the festival of
Ceres. He blames his drunken condition for the wrong, but is unable to mend the
situation during the following ten months, till Phaedria is in labour. On the verge of the
end of this pregnancy Megadorus plans to marry Phaedria on a day’s notice. Now, with
a renewed ‘love’ for Phaedria, Lyconides asks for help from his mother Eunomia. He
explains the whole situation to Euclio and asks for his forgiveness and wishes to marry
his daughter. Lyconides is a flawed character but at the end he shows the honesty to
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admit his deed, and behaves like a mature lover. The lost fragments at the end possibly
contained a happy closure, showing Lyconides restoring the gold to Euclio and finally
marrying Phaedria.
Strobilus
Lyconides’ slave Strobilus can be categorised as a “clever slave”, one of the
significant stock characters in Greco-Roman comedy. While waiting for Lyconides, he
gives a speech on what a good slave should be: clever, conscious of his master’s intent,
quick in action and so on. His soliloquy gives his self-impression, enumerating the ways
in which he has been so resourceful to his master. Strobilus also plays a significant role
in the discovery and theft of the pot of gold, giving a new turn to the development of
the plot. He watches over Euclio, when he comes to hide the pot in a grove, and
appropriates it once he is gone, leading to Euclio’s complete breakdown and change of
mind which comes afterwards. By the intervention of the slave, this incident becomes
instrumental in Lyconides winning Euclio’s favour, when he restores Euclio’s gold, and
gains his permission to marry Phaedria.
Women characters:
Plautus’ treatment of women characters is rather conventional, as far as the Pot
of Gold is concerned. In the patriarchal society of ancient Rome, women were
subject to the rule of their fathers, guardians, or husbands. The condition of
slavewomen was worse. However, only mature and matronly ladies, by virtue
of their social and domestic position, had some motherly authorities. This is
exactly the picture we get through the portrayal of Eumonia, Staphyla and
Phaedria.
Eunomia
Eunomia shifts her role from being a sister to Megadorus to the mother of
Lyconides. In the beginning of the play he urges Megadorus to marry and towards the
end she urges him to cancel the marriage and succeeds. At first, she proclaims her
loyalty and adherence to her brother’s cause. She advises him to marry a mature woman
suitable to his age, but in the end of the conversations agrees with his brother’s decision
to marry a younger lady, Phaedria in specific. Upto this point, she appears to be a mere
homespun woman, bound to agree with whatever a male authority proposes. However,
she shows her matronly qualities when Lyconides tells her everything about Phaedria.
Considering the young woman’s situation and her own son’s happiness, now she takes
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ironical, and dramatic actions like Euclio running wildly in search of the lost gold, or
beating up the cooks, or the slave Strobilus entering triumphantly with the ‘prize’—also
provide a sense of physical humour, with vigour and immediacy.
the reputation of her son, Lyconides. Earlier, she did not object to her brother’s choice
of a young girl who could be his daughter. But now, considering the situation, she no
longer wishes to let her brother marry a girl who is carrying the child of her son. Thus
the question of sexual morality is portrayed through a typical viewpoint of patriarchy,
which, for the modern readers, leaves ample scope of argument.
Personal motivations often clashing with each other adds to the dramatic dynamism
of the play. The threefold concealment of the pot of gold, initially beneath the fireplace
in Euclio’s own house, then in the temple of Fides and finally in the grove of Silvanus,
in fact undermines the miser’s motivation to guard the treasure. Euclio cannot trust his
family Deity, under whose protection the treasure has really been safe. Next he moves
to the temple of Fides, the god who stands for good faith, which, in Roman society, was
looked upon as a bond of social importance, the very spirit of all pledges and contracts
in the community. Again, he is unable to keep faith on Fides, and goes beyond the
boundary of the city—to the wilderness, and nor can the god of the forests (Silvanus)
protect his gold, because he has estranged himself from the society. The role of the
divine authority thus functions in correspondence to the basic theme of the play—the
miser’srealisation of his fault and the futility of his self-absorption. When Lyconides
faces him, Euclio is still obsessed with his loss, and cannot understand that the young
man is actually talking of the wrong he has done to his daughter, and now he is willing
to marry her. Finally, when he comes to know about Lyconides’ motivation, and accepts
his offer, he is assured of being a grandfather—which reflects his humbling and attempt
to reintegrate himself with the society and a new generation.
It is further to be noted that the Plautine plays, especially the Pot of Gold has been
a major influence on the development of what we call ‘Comedy of Humours’ in the 17 th
century. You have read of the post-Shakespearean playwright Ben Jonson. Jonson’s
play Every Man in his Humour famously appropriates the Plautine type of the ‘braggart
soldier’, and his Volpone bears certain thematic resemblances with the Pot of Gold. As
a character, Volpone is a combination of Euclio and Megadorous, his worship of the
gold and his desire for a young girl reminds one of the Plautine themes. However,
Euclio retains the audiences’ sympathy to a certain extent, while Volpone is shrewder
and a cunning old villain, he resembles Megadorous to a degree, in his role as a lusty
old man, but he lacks the generosity and good sense which Megadorous shows at the
end. In the French playwright Molière’s (1622-1673) play The Miser, the titular
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character of the miser is largely modelled on Euclio, though there is an interesting twist:
Harpagon, the miser in Molière is in love with the beloved of his own son. Plautus’
vibrant portrayal of comic characters, with their shortcomings and follies, and
sometimes, also a touch of redeeming sympathy never failed to inspire his European
successors on the English and French stage.
even agrees to Megadorous’ wish to get married to a young girl. However, when her son
reveals his love for Euclio’s daughter, she understands the situation and takes the
responsibility to persuade Megadorous to change his mind. Phaedria is not presented on
stage—she remains the innocent girl, who is ravished by her own lover, and waits
painfully for anything that may be imposed upon her, without having a voice at all The
position. When Euclio ultimately agrees to Megadorous’ proposal, he never feels like
asking the daughter about it—she is a ‘property’ to her father, just like the pot of gold.
The parallel between the woman as a ‘treasure’ and the pot (which may be taken as a
symbol of the womb) containing gold is reinforced, when Euclio loses the gold, panics
for it, and come to know about the violation of his daughter’s virginity, from a repentant
Lyconides. The condition of slave-women in Rome was even worse: Staphyla bears all
kinds of torments at the hand of her master, yet has to remain faithful and concerned
for the household, as well as for the fate of her young mistress, showing a helpless yet
genuine female solidarity.
Both structurally and thematically, the theft of the miser’s gold, and the violation of
the chastity of his daughter present a parallel situation. The theft exposes the miserly
social outcaste’s lack of self-sufficiency. Now made wiser by his loss, towards the end,
Euclio finally agrees to make a ‘deal’ with the thief—at least to recover the wealth
partially. He no longer wishes to keep it hidden, but wishes it back, to use it as dowry
for his daughter’s marriage, which points towards his conformity with the social norms
of his time. On the other hand, Lyconides, who has ravished Phaedria, becomes
conscious of his wrong-doing only when he fears a loss of his ‘woman’—finding that
his own uncle is willing to marry the girl he has ravished. His change of mind and
confessing gesture as a repentant lover, who is willing to marry the girl he has raped,
also acts as a redeeming factor towards a positive end and social reintegration.
in terms of gold—a concern that brings out the commodification of women in ancient
Roman culture, and in many other cultures—a tradition which survived afterwards as
well. A virgin woman is to be ‘guarded’ by her parents before her marriage, and the pot
of gold is also to be preserved with care. However, the contrast between the woman and
the gold is also evident in a metaphorical level: a woman, however subjugated to male
guardians or husbands, is ‘productive’, since she continues the family-line through
procreation. Gold is an abstract embodiment of wealth and power, which, unless used,
remains unproductive. The miserly Euclio jealously guards the pot of gold against all
living creatures around—which leads to his social estrangement and lack of faith in
everybody. Such is his obsession with the pot that he suspects the cook, who wants a
larger ‘pot’ for cooking, and decides to hide it elsewhere. Finally, when it is stolen from
the grove of Sylvanus, Euclio behaves like a madman, and when Lyconides comes to
confess to him that he has violated the modesty of his daughter, he considers it to be
a confession of the theft. The double-meaning conversation, notwithstanding its obvious
comic overtones, once again captures the notion of a symbolic analogy between a
woman’s womb and the pot of gold. At the end of the play, which is lost but as far as
the indications (given in the prologue) can tell us, the pot of gold is restored to Euclio
and he, humbled by his miseries, uses it as dowry for his daughter’s wedding. Thus the
pot of gold transforms into a means of enabling social integration and a remedy of the
violation of a woman’s honour, offering a comic yet socially significant resolution to all
the key issues in the play.
5.18.8 Summing up
Thematically and structurally, The Pot of Gold brings together two major concerns
in the Roman society: marriage and wealth.
The play shows Plautus’ skill in his treatment of the stock characters, with a touch
of originality.
The essential comic situation rendered in the play is not without glimpses of social
reality.
Plautus’ use of humour ranges from the farcical to the ironic, but it is without an
overtly didactic tone.
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