Chapter 3 The Hofstede Dimensions

In 1980, the Dutch management researcher Geert Hofstede first published the
results of his study of more than 100,000 employees of the multinational IBM
in 40 countries (Hofstede, 1980, 1983, 1984, 1991, 1997, 2001). Hofstede was
attempting to locate value dimensions across which cultures vary. His
dimensions have been used frequently to describe cultures.

Hofstede identified four dimensions that he labeled individualism-

collectivism, masculinity- femininity, power distance, and uncertainty
avoidance. His individualism-collectivism dimension describes cultures from
loosely structured to tightly integrated. The masculinity-femininity dimension
describes how a culture's dominant values are assertive or nurturing. Power
distance refers to the distribution of influence within a culture. And uncertainty
avoidance reflects a culture's tolerance of ambiguity and acceptance of risk.

Hofstede and Bond (1984; also see Chinese Culture Connection, 1987)
identified a fifth dimension, a Confucian work dynamism, also labeled long-
term orientation versus short-term orientation to life. The Confucian work
dynamism dimension describes cultures that range from short-term values with
respect for tradition and reciprocity in social relations to long-term values with
persistence and ordering relationships by status.

In the 2010 edition of Cultures and Organizations: Software of the Mind,

Hofstede, Hofstede, and Minkov added a sixth dimension: indulgence versus
self-restraint.

When reading this chapter, and particularly when reading the rank-ordered lists
of countries for each dimension, you might think of exceptions: individuals
from a culture who do not act as might be implied by these lists. These lists
reflect an overall average; no one person should be expected to fit that average
exactly. Indeed, to expect so would be stereotyping.

Individualism Versus Collectivism

First is individualism versus collectivism. This dimension refers to how
people define themselves and their relationships with others. In an individualist

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culture, the interest of the individual prevails over the interests of the group.
Ties between individuals are loose. People look after themselves and their
immediate families. Masakazu (1994) defines modern individualism as “a
view of humanity that justifies inner beliefs and unilateral self-assertion, as
well as competition based on these” (p. 127). In a collectivist culture, the
interest of the group prevails over the interest of the individual. People are
integrated into strong, cohesive in-groups that continue throughout a lifetime
to protect in exchange for unquestioning loyalty (Hofstede, 1997). One
difference is reflected in who is taken into account when you set goals. In
individualist cultures, goals are set with minimal consideration given to groups
other than perhaps your immediate family. In collectivist cultures, other groups
are taken into account in a major way when goals are set. Individualist cultures
are loosely integrated; collectivist cultures are tightly integrated.

In individualist cultures such as the United States, for example, when meeting
a new person, you want to know what that person does. You tend to define
people by what they have done, their accomplishments, what kind of car they
drive, or where they live. Individualist cultures are more remote and distant
(see Table 6.1).

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Cultures characterized by collectivism emphasize relationships among people
to a greater degree. Collectivist cultures stress interdependent activities and
suppressing individual aims for the group's welfare. Often, it is difficult for
individuals from highly individualist cultures to understand collectivist values.
This example may help: A student from Colombia may study in the United
States and earn a PhD, teach at a distinguished university, and publish
important books, but when he returns to visit Colombia, people to whom he is
introduced will want to know to whom he is related. Colombians want to know
who his family is because that places him in society much more so than any of
his accomplishments in the United States.

In the United States, few family names—perhaps only Rockefeller, Kennedy,

DuPont, and Bush— carry such defining meaning. You are not socially defined
by your family name but by your individual accomplishments. A generation or
two ago, people were introduced by family name, and a new acquaintance then
asked permission to use one's given name. The asking and giving of permission
was an important stage in the development of a friendship. Today's
introduction by one's given name makes no reference to one's family.
Individualism is so strong in the United States that you might even have
difficulty appreciating how people might feel content in a collectivist culture.
Contentment comes from knowing your place and from knowing you have a
place.

In the workplace, in individualist cultures, the employer-employee relationship

tends to be established by contract, and hiring and promotion decisions are
based on skills and rules; in collectivist cultures, the employer-employee
relationship is perceived in moral terms, like a family link, and hiring and
promotion decisions take the employee's in-group into account. Hofstede's data
revealed several associations with this dimension:

Wealth. There is a strong relationship between a nation's wealth and

individualism.
Geography. Countries with moderate and cold climates tend to show more
individualism.
Birth Rates. Countries with higher birth rates tend to be collectivist.
History. Confucian countries are collectivist. Migrants from Europe who
populated North America, Australia, and New Zealand tended to be
sufficiently individualist to leave their native countries.

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Another interesting association with inheritance practices was developed by
Knighton (1999). Those cultures that have rules for equal partition of parental
property among all offspring tend to be collectivist; those that have rules
permitting unequal partition and those that have historically allowed parents to
have full freedom in deciding who will inherit tend to be individualist.

Individualism and collectivism have been associated with direct and indirect
styles of communication —that is, the extent to which speakers reveal
intentions through explicit verbal communication. In the direct style,
associated with individualism, the wants, needs, and desires of the speaker are
embodied in the spoken message. In the indirect style, associated with
collectivism, the wants, needs, and goals of the speaker are not obvious in the
spoken message. Rojjanaprapayon (1997), for example, demonstrated specific
communication strategies in Thai communication: Thais do not use specific
names when they express negative feelings. Thais tend to use words and
phrases expressing probability, such as maybe, probably, sometimes, likely,
and I would say so, but I am not sure. Thais

do not show their feelings if doing so would make the other person feel bad.
And Thais also use indirect nonverbal communication by having less eye
contact, or avoiding it altogether, and keeping greater personal distance.

Masculinity Versus Femininity

The second dimension across which cultures vary is masculinity versus
femininity. Hofstede (1980) found that women's social role varied less from
culture to culture than men's. He labeled as masculine cultures those that strive
for maximal distinction between what women and men are expected to do.
Cultures that place high values on masculine traits stress assertiveness,
competition, and material success. Those labeled as feminine cultures are those
that permit more overlapping social roles for the sexes. Cultures that place high
value on feminine traits stress quality of life, interpersonal relationships, and
concern for the weak. Table 6.2 shows examples of both types.

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It is important to understand that these traits apply to both women and men;
that is, both women and men learn to be ambitious and competitive in
masculine cultures, and both women and men learn to be modest in feminine
cultures. From his study of Thais in the United States, Rojjanaprapayon (1997)
notes that masculinity in all cultures is not the same as Hofstede's Western
concept of masculinity as assertiveness, aggressiveness, and goal orientation.
Thais can be very aggressive and goal-oriented in some situations but are
expected to be attentive, supportive, and yielding. Rojjanaprapayon suggests
labeling this dimension more appropriately as affection.

In the workplace, in masculine cultures, managers are expected to be decisive

and assertive; in feminine cultures, managers use intuition and strive for
consensus. Solidarity and quality of life are stressed. Hofstede's data revealed
two associations with this dimension:

1. Geography. Feminine cultures are somewhat more likely in colder climates.

2. Birth Rates. In feminine cultures, the woman has a stronger say in the
number of children. In

masculine cultures, the man determines family size.

Power Distance
The third dimension is power distance, or the way the culture deals with
inequalities. Hofstede (1997) defines power distance as “the extent to which
less powerful members of institutions and organizations within a country
expect and accept that power is distributed unequally” (p. 28). Table 6.3 shows
countries' rankings on this dimension. Hofstede believes that power distance is
learned early in families. In cultures with high power distance, children are
expected to be obedient toward parents versus being treated more or less as
equals. In these cultures, people are expected to display respect for those of
higher status. For example, in countries such as Burma (Myanmar), Cambodia,
Laos, and Thailand, people are expected to display respect for monks by
greeting and taking leave of monks with ritualistic greetings, removing hats in
the presence of a monk, dressing modestly, seating monks at a higher level,
and using a vocabulary that shows respect.

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Power distance also refers to the extent to which power, prestige, and wealth
are distributed within a culture. Cultures with high power distance have power
and influence concentrated in the hands of a few rather than distributed
throughout the population. These countries tend to be more authoritarian and
may communicate in a way to limit interaction and reinforce the differences
between people.

One indicator of power distance is economic inequality. National comparisons

of income inequality have been studied using the Gini coefficient scale that
ranges from 0 (everyone in the country has the same income) to 1.00 (one
person in the country has all the income). Data from selected countries are
shown in Figure 6.1.

Source: Based on data from Organisation for Economic Co-operation and

Development. (2016b). OECD Income Distribution Database (IDD): Gini,
poverty, income, methods and concepts. Retrieved from
http://www.oecd.org/els/soc/income-distribution-database.htm.

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Uncertainty Avoidance
Hofstede's (1980) fourth dimension is uncertainty avoidance, the extent to
which people in a culture feel threatened by uncertain or unknown situations.
Hofstede explains that this feeling is expressed through nervous stress and a
need for predictability or a need for written and unwritten rules (Hofstede,
1997). In these cultures, such situations are avoided by maintaining strict codes
of behavior and a belief in absolute truths. Cultures strong in uncertainty
avoidance are active, aggressive, emotional, compulsive, security seeking, and
intolerant. Cultures weak in uncertainty avoidance are contemplative, less
aggressive, unemotional, relaxed, accepting of personal risks, and relatively
tolerant (see Table 6.5).

Students from cultures with high uncertainty avoidance expect their teachers
to be experts who have all the answers. And in the workplace, there is an inner
need to work hard and a need for rules, precision, and punctuality. Students
from cultures with low uncertainty avoidance accept teachers who admit to not
knowing all the answers. And in the workplace, employees work hard only
when needed, there are no more rules than are necessary, and precision and
punctuality have to be learned. Hofstede notes two interesting associations
with uncertainty avoidance:

1. Religion. Orthodox and Roman Catholic Christian cultures (except the

Philippines and Ireland) score high. Judaic and Muslim cultures tend to
score in the middle. Protestant Christian cultures score low. Eastern
religion cultures score medium to very low (except Japan).

2. History. Cultures with a Romance language and history of Roman

codified laws score high on uncertainty avoidance. Cultures with
Chinese-speaking populations and Confucian tradition tend to score
lower.

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Long-Term Versus Short-Term Orientation
In 1987, the Chinese Culture Connection, composed of Michael H. Bond and
others, extended Hofstede's work to include a new dimension they labeled
Confucian work dynamism, now more commonly called long-term
orientation versus short-term orientation to life. This dimension includes
such values as thrift, persistence, having a sense of shame, and ordering
relationships. Confucian work dynamism refers to dedicated, motivated,
responsible, and educated individuals with a sense of commitment and
organizational identity and loyalty.

Countries high in Confucian work dynamism are Hong Kong, Taiwan, Japan,
South Korea, and Singapore—popularly referred to as the Five Economic
Dragons. Long-term orientation encourages thrift, savings, perseverance
toward results, and a willingness to subordinate oneself for a purpose. Short-
term orientation is consistent with spending to keep up with social pressure,
less savings, preference for quick results, and a concern with face (see Table
6.6).

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Indulgence Versus Self-Restraint
Another new dimension is indulgence versus restraint. “Indulgence... [is] a
tendency to allow relatively free gratification of basic and natural human
desires related to enjoying life and having fun.... [R]estraint, reflects a
conviction that such gratification needs to be curbed and regulated by strict
social norms” (Hofstede et al., 2010, p. 281). This dimension, as it is new, does
not as of yet have sufficient data accumulated to be as significant in
conclusions as the other dimensions. Indulgence scores are highest in Latin
America, parts of Africa, the Anglo world and Nordic Europe; restraint is
mostly found in East Asia, Eastern Europe, and the Muslim world. Table 6.7
shows the countries highest in indulgence and highest in restraint.

In indulgent cultures, there tends to be a higher percentage of very happy

people, greater importance placed on leisure and having friends, more
extroverted personalities, and lower death rate from cardiovascular diseases.
In private life, there is more satisfying family life, more involvement in sports,
and loosely prescribed gender roles. Indulgent cultures encourage enjoying life
and having fun.

In restrained cultures, there tends to be a lower percentage of very happy

people, a perception of helplessness, cynicism, more neurotic personalities,
more pessimism, and higher death rates from cardiovascular diseases. Private
life is characterized by family life being less satisfying, less involvement in
sports, more strictly prescribed gender roles, and priority given to maintaining
order in the nation. Restrained cultures tend to enforce strict norms regulating
gratification of human desires.

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Case Study: Japan as a Homogeneous Culture

From Hofstede's (1983) research, Japan is placed about in the middle between
individualism and collectivism. Yet Japan is popularly stereotyped as a group-
oriented culture. In 1986, Prime Minister Yasuhiro Nakasone described Japan
as being a “homogeneous” country—a widely held view in Japanese society at
large. In this case study, look for ways that homogeneity may be a way to better
understand Japan. In the discussions of Japan's geography and history,
population and economy, and cultural patterns, identify specific ways that
homogeneity affects communication.

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Geography and History
Japan is an archipelago formed by four large islands and more than 3,000 small
islands covering 377,915 square kilometers, roughly the size of California.
Much of the land surface is hilly or mountainous, leaving only 12% arable land.
Hence, Japan imports a large amount of its food and relies heavily on the ocean.
Seafood is a staple in the Japanese diet, and Japan is the world's leading
producer of fish. As an island nation, Japan will never be fully self-sufficient.
It has virtually no energy natural resources. It must export in order to import
materials it needs to survive.

Japan's origins are not clear. It is thought that Chinese culture as it passed
through Korea was seminal. Japan is known as the Land of the Rising Sun, as
is symbolized on its flag. Founded early in the Christian era, Japan has a
parliamentary government with a constitutional monarchy. According to
legend, all Japanese are genealogically related to the emperor at some distant
point. In pre–World War II Japan, the emperor was worshiped as a living god.
Hirohito was the emperor from 1926 until his death in 1989. Tradition dictated
that a full year of mourning pass, followed by a full season to plant and harvest
a crop of sacred rice, before his son Akihito could be formally enthroned as a
symbolic constitutional monarch in 1990.

Japanese worldview is consistent with that of an isolated island. There is no

differentiation: People from the United States, Europe, and other parts of Asia
are foreigners. The world is divided into Japan and others: gaikoku, or outside
nation, and gaijin, or outside person.

Population and Economy

Japan is one of the most homogeneous countries in the world: More than 98%
of its population is

Japanese; Koreans, Chinese, and native Ainu constitute most of the remaining
2%. In 1997, Japan's parliament, or diet, voted to replace a century-old law that
forced the Ainu to assimilate. The Ainu were recognized by the United Nations
as a native people in 1992 and the Japanese diet called for their recognition as
an indigenous people in 2008, but the Ainu still face discrimination in Japan.

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The population of Japan is approximately 127 million, equivalent to about 40%
of the U.S. population, and inhabits only 4% of the U.S. land area, which
translates to a population density of about 348 people per square kilometer; in
the United States, the comparable density is 35. Japan is divided into 47
administrative units, or prefectures. More than 93% of Japan's population lives
in urban areas, with approximately 45% of the population living in the two
major metropolitan areas of Tokyo (the largest city in the world by total urban
area population) and Osaka-Kobe. More than 25% of Japanese are over 65,
compared to approximately 15% in the United States.

Because it is an island country and hence borders on no other countries, Japan

was little affected by foreign influence until 1853. Japan's isolation means that
its history is its own. Everyone shares the same ideas and, lacking outside
influences, has no reason to doubt them. In addition, as a small, densely
populated country, its ideas and information are easily shared. Even the
tradition of rice growing contributes to a society based on minimizing conflict
and enhanced cooperation, which, like the rice, are necessary for survival.

After Commodore Perry's arrival with battleships in 1853, Japan transformed

itself from a feudal country into an industrialized nation by adapting Western
technology. Later, from the mid-1920s to the mid-1930s, urban Japanese
experienced U.S. fashions, movies, and music. The postwar constitution
drafted by Allied occupation authorities and approved by the Japanese
parliament made Japan a constitutional monarchy. The new constitution also
renounced war and allowed military only for self- defense. Following World
War II, Japan again adopted more Western culture.

Even after a decade of poor economic performance, Japan remains the world's
third largest economy, with several world-class companies that are
technological leaders and household names. Japan is a major foreign investor
and a major foreign aid donor. Japanese life and language are Westernized.
U.S. popular culture reaches Japan more quickly than it reaches some parts of
the United States. English loan words in the Japanese language grow at a fast
rate, and the Japan's Westernization has been criticized by some Asian
countries.

In 2013 only 1% of its gross national product was spent on defense. (In the
same period, the United States spent 4.4%.) By 2004, Japan was paying more

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than 70% of the cost of U.S. military bases in Japan. In response to criticism
for not providing troops in the 1991 Gulf War, Japan approved providing
troops for the United Nations peacekeeping operations in noncombat roles in
East Timor, Cambodia, Afghanistan, and later Iraq. In 2015, over public
opposition, the legislature interpreted the constitution to allow the military to
operate overseas to participate with allies for collective self- defense.

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