PROBLEMS OF PEASANT SETTLERS OF MALABAR

Author(s): P. T. Sebastian
Source: Proceedings of the Indian History Congress , 1986, Vol. 47, VOLUME I (1986), pp.
671-679
Published by: Indian History Congress

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/44141618

JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide
range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and
facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at
https://about.jstor.org/terms

Indian History Congress is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to
Proceedings of the Indian History Congress

This content downloaded from

139.5.47.74 on Sat, 24 Aug 2024 05:33:07 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
 PROBLEMS OF PEASANT SETTLERS OF MALABAR

P. T. Sebastian (Calicut)

Î.1 Migration from developed to undeveloped areas has been a

phenomenon from time immemorial. The importance of migration in
developing countries cannot be overestimated. It is a major factor in
•economic development and manpower planning. It has acquired special
significance in the context of commercialisation of agriculture, develop-
ment of the economy of the settled area, increase of population etc.
Similarly the impact of migration on the social and cultural life of the
people of particular places also deserves much consideration.1 In the
following study an attempt is made to document and analyse the hard-
ships faced by the farming population who migrated from Travancore
to Malabar during 1 930-' 80.

1.2 The story of the early migration of peasants to Malabar is an

inspiring saga of human endeavour. Many were the hardships that the
early settlers had to face. Malaria, Cholera and other infectious diseases,
attack of wild animals exploitation by the Jenmis and rich immigrants,
heavy taxation and eviction threats were prominent ?mong these hard-
ships.

1.3 The term 'Malabar' refers to the Northern part of the State of
modern Kerala. The region is now formed by the six northern districts
of the state-Kasargode, Cannanore, Wynad, Calicut, Malappuram and
Palghat. Malabar was joined with the former native states of Travan-
core and Cochin to form the State of Kerala. Prior to indebendence,
Malabar formed part of British India and subsequently of Madras State.
It was to this 'foreign' land that people from Travancore migrated in an
unprecedented scale since 1928.2 Migration to Malabar turned out to
be a mass movement of tremendous magnitude- a movement of half a
million people. That this great change in political distfibution of
population took place without any design or organisation or leadership
makes it unique in the annals of migration. A number of families left

This content downloaded from

139.5.47.74 on Sat, 24 Aug 2024 05:33:07 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
 672

their parental villages in Travancore for reasons of their own and settled
in the mountainous expanses of Malabar. The majority of these settlers
were small farmers, who went to make Malabar their permanent abode.

1.4 Many of the migrants had to start from the scratch. Famine and
diseases wiped out hundreds of lives. The hospital records at Tellicherry
and Manantody bear testimony to the number of deaths. Orphanages at
Marrynunku in Calicut, Kolayad, Peravoor and other areas were filled
with the children of Travancorean migrants. In these circumstances
many returned to Travancore, and several others became agricultural
labourers.3 It is indeed a distressing tale to hear the conditions ot the
children of the settlers. In this life and death struggle many of the
migrants lost their life.4

1.5 In may 1926 Aimanam Ouseph with his 10 member family migrat-
ed from Palai in Travancore and reached Kuttiyadi and settled at
Moonnamkunnu. Like their brethren, they took shelter beneath treess.
Later on they built a hut and Ettumadam with bomboo an Ettumadam is
a small shed built on the top of a big tree in order to escape from the
attack of wild animals). They cleared the forest and started cultivation
of paddy and vegetables. But owing to the constant attacks of wild
animals like elephants and wild pig agriculture was a strenous task. In
addition to this members of his family died one after another as victims
of Malarial fever and natural calamities. At last Ouseph with his two
sons returned to Travancore with empty hand.5

1.6 A brief look at some of the migrant familes of Malabar will be

meaningful. From 1943-44 onwards farmers from Travancore began to
migrate to Vythiri near Sultan's Battery for cultivation. Almost all
them fell victim to poverty, famine, malarial and anemic diseases. Under
diffirent conditions they became agricultural labourers and worked in
Chundal Estate, Vythiri.6

1.7 The settlers lived a poor life and their dwellings were not properly
planned and constructed and they lived infact in the most unhygenic
conditions. In thatched inconvenient huts they were infact exposed to
severe cold; They slept in Marukü 7 without even woolen clothes.
Exposure to such a rough life-style severely affected their life. Besides
these settlers consumed very meagre food. They took tapioca and tea
often without milk twice a day. After the war both beef and fish

This content downloaded from

139.5.47.74 on Sat, 24 Aug 2024 05:33:07 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
 673

became very costly. Ia the hills dried fish of low quality alone was
avalilable, and that too only the rich could afford. None could afford
to buy sufficient quantity of rice as the price of rice was very high. All
these amounted to an unbalanced dietary system which in fact paved
the way for the spread of infectious diseases.9

1.8 The biggest colony of the Travancoreans is Kolathuvayal in Cali-

cut district (near Perambra). In 1942 around 900 people wepe buried in
Kolathuvayal Parish Church-graveyard. The figures in the death regis-
ter of St. George Roman Catholic Church, Kolathuvayal are as
follows :

1943 - 8210
1944 - 83
1945 _ 67
1946 _ 59
1947 _ 58
1948 _ 36
1949 - 39
1950 _ 40

1.9 Many people in 1943-'44 did not bring

church instead they buried them in their ow
gence and inconvenience.11 Actually the num
higher than those registered in the death reg
churche» in Malabar. In certain cases, where relatives also were
malarial patients, they buried the body by pouring some oil and covered
the body with dried leaves. For instance in Kodanchery and Kolathu-
vayal this same method was followed in the inital stage of migration to
these areas.18 The dead bodies of 15 person at Erumbakam and 5 at
Kattiyat were buried in the forest itself because there were no Christian
churches in these areas at that time.13

1.10 Malaria alone wiped out a significali portion of the early popula-
tion. For instance, the church at Kulathur which had 700 families
on its rolls had registered 900 funerals in one years.14 Of the 30 families
that had settled in Nadavayal 29 were completely wiped off within a few
years. These were not exceptional cases.15 Death by Malaria and
other diseases ia the High lands of Malabar was naturally grater than at

This content downloaded from

139.5.47.74 on Sat, 24 Aug 2024 05:33:07 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
 674

the foot of the hills. The total Travancorean immigrants who had
arrived between 1942-'44 ranged between 12,000 and 15,000. From the
available church records it is clear that the average death rate of that
time was 117 for 10.0 people in an year. The total number of deaths
out of the settled population of 12,000 amounted to 2808.10 But at that
time the normal death rate of Syrian Christians in Travancore was 12
per 1000. Again the average Indian death rate at that time was 25/1000
There for the total number of deaths among these settlers should not
have been less then 600 in the 2 yeaFs. The number of excess deaths
over the normal was therefore, not less than 2,000 for the years 1943
and 1944. Many of them who survived returned to Travancore, with
tarnished helth and broken dreams. About 50 percent and above lost
their vigour and courage.'7

1.11 Malaria and malnutrition had severe aftermaths. One of the

important consequences of Malaria was the increase in the number of
anemic patients. The want of animal protein in the diet increased
anemia as well as nervous diseases. The peripheral neuritis became a
common disease among the poor people.18 Excessive consumption of
tapioca, on which many of the migrants had to sustain themselves,
caused a lot of digestive troubles. Scarcity of food in its turn made
them prey to malarial attacks. The following extracts establish the
relation between scarcity of food and malarial epidemic :

"S. R. Christophers, in his investigations of the epidemology of

malaria in the Punjab studied the relation between famine and the
diseases. He noted that of twelve great epidemics of malaria which
devastated the Punjab in the later half of the nineteenth century have
followed seasons of famine or acute scarcity. Taking the price of food
stuffs as an index of scarcity, he found a high correlation between scar-
city and mortality from fever; the epidemics of 1870, 1872, 1878, 1879,
1881, 1887, 1890, 1892, 1900 and 1908 ail occurred during periods of
high prices."19

1.12 Though land was available at low price, the migrants had to pay
large amounts in the from of commissions to the land agents or brokers.
The majority of the migrated farmers obtained land measuring five to
ten acres on lease for twelve years. On several occasions they found
themselves cheated by the agents, both natives and Travancoreans.

This content downloaded from

139.5.47.74 on Sat, 24 Aug 2024 05:33:07 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
 67-5

Many of them were threatened by other claimants to the land they had
purchased, even after the land had been developed partially.20 An
advanced rent, varying from ten to forty had to be paid for every acre
of land they purchased. In addition an annual rent of rupee two per
acre was paid in most cases. Around peravoor the rent was high, which
went up to ten per year. In the case of paddy fields the cash rent
ranged between twelvs and fifteen. In Wynad, however, no advance
amount was collected on paddy lands.21

1 1.3 Instead of helping the poor peasant settlers majority of the rich
planters who arrived in Malabar for plantation industry disturbed and
exploited them. For instance, at Thiruvambadi the manager of 'Thin-
doorkkandi' estate sold tapioca stems (for cultivation) for two each.
It was a pity that the cost of tapioca stems for cultivating one acre of
land happened to be higher than the price of the cultivated land.22

1.14 A kind of slavery of compulsory service existed in the estate of

Malabar. As stated earlier a substantial number of settlers had to
work in the estates of both Travancorean planters and natives. This
situation in these estates was very bad. Compulsory child labour and
cruelties of estate owners was brought for discussion and criticism in
the Madras legislative assembly.23

1.15 Peasant settlers faced eviction threats from the, Jenmis, edajenmis
etc. At Kottiyur, Pulpally and in so many other places eviction prolem
destroyed the peaceful living of the settlers. The Malabar Private
Forest Act of 1946 adversely affected the peasants and subsequently
they had to face eviction threats.24 At Kottiyur, the land belonged to
Kottiyur Devaswam. The settlers bought the land from the Devoswäm
on Verumpattam basis. Bui later in 1956 the Nair Service Society (an
organisation of Nair community of Kerala) bought the entire land for a
nominal price and then they demanded further money from the peasants
for the continuation of the possession of the land. The settlers jointly
resisted the eviction move and ultimately victory was theirs.25 There
was a similar situation in Pulpally also. The jenmis of Malabar, with
the help of communal elements imposed several hardship on the
migrants.

1.16 There was immense scope for agriculture in Malabar. But it was
hindered by shortage of funds. With the introduction of state-wide

This content downloaded from

139.5.47.74 on Sat, 24 Aug 2024 05:33:07 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
 676

rationing and monopoly procurement of surpluses by the state it became

difficult to get paddy loans during the monsoon period to be returned
at the harvest. Local money lenders made use of this situation by
advancing money to the poor cultivators on the security of gold and
land. For cash loans local money lenders took pronotes for 50 percent
more than the principal sum, to be returned with the interest at local
rates.26 In certain parts of Malabar agitations were organised by politi
cal parties and organisations against this type of cut-throat interest
collected from the poor peasantry. In Wynad it gained militancy and
Naxalite insurgency was organised by A. Varghese.27

1.17 The business community also advanced money on crops like

tapioca and pepper, on condition that for a loan of Rs. 100/- produces
worth Rs. 200/- should be given to them. At Sultan's Battery and
Vayattuparamba, the Mopla traders advanced loans on the pledge of
paddy, ginger, tapioca and cattle. Interest was collected at ths rate
of 24 per cent on loans where cattle were pledged for secnrity.18

1.18 In adition to the above mentioned trials and tribulations the mig-
rant farmers were put to a host of other hardships. Their life was all
the more hazardous as they were frequently attacked by wild animals.
Their attempts to scare away the wild animals were not alwavs success-
ful. They had to risk their lives in their effort to protect their land
and cultivation from the merciless attack of wild boars, elephants and
tigers. There were instances of complete destruction of their cultivation
by wild animals. (During the early 1940s those 150 families settled at
Kannom, Kadanchery and Poolavally had their highly rewarding paddy
cultivation spoilt by the wild animals). Some of them, in thier attempt
to fight the wild beasts, escaped quite narrowly from the brink of death.
Those dreadful life experinces couplcd with the untold miseries caused
by epidemics like malaria, malnutrition and poverty made their life an
unending struggle between life and death. Natural calamities like
draught, heavy rain and flood also had their bearing on their lives.
Illegitimate taxation and exploitation by other social classes further
aggravated their miseries.

This content downloaded from

139.5.47.74 on Sat, 24 Aug 2024 05:33:07 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
 677

NOTES & REFERENCES

1 The phenomenon of migration has been dealt with in its multifarious forms in
Rao M. S. A., Aspects of Sociology of Migration, Sociological Bullettin , Vol. 30
No. 1, March, 1981. Narayana Pillai, G., Factors in out Migration-A Study of
Malayalees, Journal of Kerala Studies , Vol. V, pt. II, June 1978; Sill L. Devid,
(ed.), International Encyclopaedia of Social Sciences , Vol. 11, 1968; Zacharia,
K. C., A Historical Study of Internal Migration in the Indian Sub continent- 1901-
1931 , 1964, New York. Rowe, W. fe. , Caste, Kinship and Association in
Urban India, Urban Anthropology , 1973.
2 Swadeshabhimani Ramakrishna Pillai, a prominent freedom fighter ofTravan*
core, deported from Travancore to Malabar as one. to »foreign' nation,
This brings into open the absence of a feeling of common bond among the
people of Travancore, Cochin and Malabar in the early decades of twentieth
century.

3 Letter (Malaysiani) from the organiser of the Vayathur Colony to K. G.

Sivaswamy, in Sivswamy, K. G. and others, The Exodus from Travancore to
Malabar Jungte ' 1945, Coimbatore, Appendix-I, Also Interview with Rev,
James Nasarat, Pappinsseri, dated, 10-3-1985.
4 The statements of the children of Travancore settlers are maintained by different
orphanages in Malabar by the Latin Church, about why and how they came to
the orphanages. The Marikunnu, Peravoor and Kolayad orphanges may be
cited as examples. The suffering of these people comes out vividly from these
settlements.

5 Thomas Puthaparambil, swapnabhumiyil (Malayalam), 1978, pp. 13-19, Also

see George Kuttakkayam, Marudonkara-Vikasanathiate Pathayil Aranoottandu
(Malayalam), in Marudonkara St. Mary's High School Rajatha Jubilee Smara-
nika, 1982, Marudonkavu, pp, 1-x.
6 Interview with Fr. James Nasarat, Pappinisseri, dated 17-3-1985. Similar
situations can be seen at settler areas like Thiruvanbadi, Thamarasseri, Baiai
and other places.
7 Maruku is a cot like furniture made out of bamboo and wild ropes used for
sleeping.
8 Ibid. , and interview with Varkey Thirumala, Kodancheey, dated 3-9-1986.
9 Sivaswamy, K. G. op, cit, p. 15. also see Mathrubhumt, (Daily in Malayalam),
from August-September, 1943, Calicut. The Mathrubhumi reports of that time
covered the picture of poverty and famine in Malabar very vividly. For ins-
tance in Chirakkal Taluk certain schools were shut down because of the continu-
ous absence of students owing to the scarcity of proper food and clothing, see
Mathrubhumi , August 15, 1943. There was another news that a postman in
in Kottayam Taluk of Malabar fell unconscious on road, while on duty. For
the last five days he hadn't taken any rice food.

This content downloaded from

139.5.47.74 on Sat, 24 Aug 2024 05:33:07 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
 678

10 For the funeral before 1943 please see the funeral register of Badagara church,
(this parish was detached only in 1943),
11 A note In the death register written by the paris priest Fr. Thomas Ayatha of
Kulathuvaval church in 1943- Also see Thomas Panthaparambil, p. 107, and
Malayala M anor ama (Daily in Malayalam) of July 3, 1983.
12 Iutervicw with Devasia Alias Kochu Vadakkayil and Varkey Thirumala, Kodan-
chary, dated 4-9-1986 and 3-9-1986 respectively. Also interview with Chacko
Pallitha/.ha Marudonkara, dated 15-6-1986.

13 Sri Sauryar Mathan with his family consisted of nineteen members settled at
Thiruvambadi. All except 3 died of Malaria. The remaining * persons sold
their land to N C. Koyakutty Haji and returned to Travancore. Pallikkathazha
family from Anikkid with 74 members imigrated a*d settled at Kuthiyadi. Al-
most all died of malarial fever except a few. In 1934 Puthenveetil Joseph settled
at Kulathuvayal. Within a few years his wife and daughter-in-law died. He
buried them under a tree aad returned to Travancore with his only son. There
were the full instances of how fearful was the hardships faced by the settlers in
Malabar. For further details see Varghese, O. M. Olickel, Vazkakulam On*
Charithraveekshanam, 1985 Muvattupuzha, pp, 307-11. Thomas Panhaparambil,
oq.cU. pp9 98-108. Kaduthandiya Katha in Malayala Manorama (Malayalam
Daity). July 3, 1986 Also see Kannerinte Thazhvarayile Rakthasakshikal, in
Thiruvambadi Sacred Heart High School Silver Jubilee Souvenir (Malayalam)
1980, Thiruvambadi, p. xi.
14 Pazhaparambil, op . eit., pp. 98-107. and 127-132.

15 Report on Irrity. in Souvenir of Sacredotal Stiver Jubilee of Rev . Sebastian Vello-

ppilly , Bishop of Teilicherry, 1970, Tellicherry, pp. 253-974. Also see Gopalan
A. K. Ente Jeevithakadha (Malayalam), 1985, Trivandrum, pp, 31-39.
16 Sivaswami, K, G. and others, op. cit., p. 10
17 Ibid., pp. 10-11.
1? In the last two decades there has been a growing awarness of what might be
called the "biological" aspect of history. It is now recognised that disease and
diet are valid historical subjects and worthy of study. See Andrew B. Appleby,
"Diseases, Diet and History", Journal of Inter diciplinary History , Vol. VIII,
no. 4, Spring 1978, pp. 725-735.

19 Fam ne euquiry Commission Report , 1945, p. 121 also Sivaswamy, K. G. and

others, op. cit„ pp. 16-17. Amartya Sen, in his Poverty and Famines 1984, New
Delhi, 1984) examined the causes of starvation in general and of famines in
particular.

20 N. C. Peter, Nadil Kunnel and brothers migrated to Peravopor in 1939. In

violation of the earlier agrement by them with one Thampuran of Kottayan of
Royal family, the later was not ready to give land to them even though he
received the advaace amount for 100 Acres forest land. See Thomas Panhapar-
ambil, op. cit. y pp. 44-48. At Thiruvambadi in 1944 Vettickel Varkey bought

This content downloaded from

139.5.47.74 on Sat, 24 Aug 2024 05:33:07 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
 679

land from one Edajenmi, Kunhammad Haji worth Rs. 37.50 per acre. When he
tried to clear the forest fer cultivation another settler Sauryar Mathan interfered
and tried to stop him from doing so. It was true that the edajenmi had already
sold the particular land to Sauryar Mathen. This is one example of the way in
which peasant settlers in Malabar were cheated by intermediaries and Jenmis in
land transactions, See M. J. Michael, Kudiyettam Thiruvambadiyil, in Thiru-
vambadi, S. H. H. S. Silver Jubilee Souvenir, (Mai.) 1980, Thiruvambadi, p.
appendix. X.
21 Sivswamy, K. G. and others, op . cit., pp. 16-17.

22 Michael, M. J., Souvenir , Thiruvambadi, op, cit. p. Appendix-X. At Kodan-

cherya rich planter from Travancore Scaria Kainadi didn't allow the settlers to
construct a road to Kodanchery through his estate, instead he collected tolls
from settlers for usiiag his private road in the estate.

23 In repl ' to the question of V. Raghavayya, Sri K. Madhavamenon stated in

the Madras assembly that owing to the hard work and compulsory labour in
Kalleri Estate in Puthuppadi Mattathil Ouseph killed his son Yohannan in order
to save him from the cruelties of the estate supervisors and kankanis. See
Mathrubhumi (Malayalam) daily, March 22, 1949, p. 4
24 Varghese, O. M. op. cit., p 312.
25 Gopalan, A. K., Ente Jervithakadha (Mai.) 1985, Tra vandrům, pp. 246-30J. Also
interview with Fr. Joseph Vadakkan, Trichur, dated 19-3-1984.
Several eviction cases were reported from various settlement areas of
Malabar. Land transactions were made without proper legal proceedure. This
led to eviction threats. Agitations were organised against eviction by popular
leaders like A. K. Gopalan and Fr. Joseph Vadakkan and others.
26 Sivaswamy, K. G. op. cit., p. 14, and also interview with Rev. Joseph Tafferael,
dated 7-4-1985.

27 Jenmis of higher castes in Wynad exploited both migrant cultivators and tribais.
Peasants and tribais led by A. Varghese revolted against this injustice. Later it
assumed a degree of militancy under the banner of the Naxalite movement in
Wynad. The leader of the rebellion Mr. A. Varghese was a migrant peasant
from Vazhakulam, near Thodupusha and he was brutally killed by the police in
Thirunelli forest, in Wynad. For furfher details see O. M. Varghese op . cit , p.
311-12

28 Interview with Devassia Alias Kochu, Vadakkayil, dated 4-9-1986, 1. Jockin,

Trichamparam, dated 17-3-1985. and Fr. James Nasrat, Pappinisseri, dated
17-3-1985. Also see Sivaswamy, K. G. and others op. cit., n. 14.

This content downloaded from

139.5.47.74 on Sat, 24 Aug 2024 05:33:07 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms