2023 2024 Social Psychology M1
2023 2024 Social Psychology M1
Module 1
Introduction
SOCPSY
SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY
Date Initiated
Date of Completion
SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY
Module 1: INTRODUCING SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY
“People love to say, nobody is above the law, which is one of the most dangerous delusions of the
social psyche. It is a lie fed to the meek citizens of a nation to keep them obedient to the state, even in
the face of corruption. Every human is above the law, until the law that governs the society is made
incorruptible or at least close to incorruptible.”
MODULE DURATION:
I. 2 weeks
CONSULTATION HOURS:
If you have any clarifications or queries, you may reach me at my:
Gmail: menaalondra.rpm@gmail.com or message me at my messenger account:
Facebook: Alondra Ara Smmc
I’ll make a concerted effort to entertain your questions within 24 hours. Provide only one
account for regular basis.
LEARNING OBJECTIVES:
At the end of the module, you will be able to:
• define social psychology and explain what it does.
• identify and describe the central concepts behind social psychology.
• distinguish the ways that values penetrate the work of social psychologists.
• assess how social psychology’s theories provide new insight into the human condition.
• examine the methods that make social psychology a science.
COURSE MATERIALS:
• Textbook/ E-book: “Social Psychology (12th Edition) by Myers and Twenge
• Module
There once was a man whose second wife was a vain and selfish woman. This woman’s
two daughters were similarly vain and selfish. The man’s own daughter, however, was
meek and unselfish. This daughter, learned only on that she should do as she was told,
accept ill treatment and insults, and avoid doing anything to upstage her stepsisters and
their mother.
But then, thanks to her fairy godmother, she was able to escape her situation for an
evening and attend a grand ball, where she attracted the attention of a handsome prince.
When the love-struck prince later encountered her back in her degrading home, he failed
to recognize her.
Implausible? The story demand that we accept the power of situation. In the presence of
her oppressive stepmother, the man’s daughter was humble and unattractive. At the ball,
the daughter felt more beautiful—and walked and talked and smiled as if she were. In one
situation, she cowered. In the other, she charmed.
The French philosopher-novelist Jean-Paul Sartre (1946) would have had no problem
accepting the “Cinderella” premise. We humans are “first of all beings in a situation,” he
wrote. “We cannot be distinguished from our situations, for they form us and decide
our possibilities.”
These questions focus on how people view and affect one another. And that is what social
psychology is all about. Social psychologists study attitudes and beliefs, conformity and
independence, love and hate.
There is an objective reality out there, but we always view it through the lens of our belief and
values.
We are all intuitive scientists. We explain behavior, usually with enough speed and accuracy to suit our
daily needs. When someone’s behavior is consistent and distinctive, we attribute that behavior to his or
her personality.
EXAMPLE:
If you observe someone who makes repeated snide comments, you may infer that this person has
a nasty disposition, and then you might try to avoid the person.
Your beliefs about yourself also matter. Your answers influence your emotions and
actions. How we construe the world, and ourselves, matters.
EXAMPLE:
As we cruise through life, mostly on automatic pilot, we intuitively judge the likelihood of things by
how easily various instances come to mind. We carry readily available mental images of plane crashes.
Thus, most people fear flying more than driving, and many will drive great distances to avoid risking
the skies.
Even our intuitions about ourselves often err. We intuitively trust our memories more than we
should. We misread our own minds; in experiments, we deny being affected by things that do
influence us. We mispredict our own feelings---how bad we’ll feel a year from now if we lose our job
or our romance breaks up, and how good we’ll feel a year from now on, or even a week from now, if
we win our state’s lottery. And we often mispredict our own future. When selecting clothes, people
approaching middle age will still buy comfy (“I anticipate shedding a few pounds”); rarely does
anyone say, more realistically, “I’d better buy a relatively loose fit; people my age tend to put on
pounds.”
Our social intuitions, then, are noteworthy for both their powers and their dangers. By identifying our
intuition’s gift and drawbacks, social psychology aim to fortify our thinking.
Personal dispositions also affect behavior. Facing the same situation, different people may react
differently.
As but one perspective on human existence, psychological science does not answer life’s ultimate
questions: what is the meaning of human life? What should be our purpose? What is our
ultimate destiny?
But social psychology does gives us a method for asking and answering some exceedingly interesting
and important questions.
Social Psychology is all about life---your life: your beliefs, your attitudes, your relationships.
TWO GENERAL WAYS THAT VALUES ENTER PSYCHOLOGY: THE OBVIOUS AND THE SUBTLE.
Values differ not only across time but also across cultures.
In Europe, people take pride in their nationalities.
The Scots are more self-consciously distinct from the English, and the Austrians from the Germans,
than are similarly adjacent Michiganders from Ohionians. Consequently, Europe has given us a
Values also influence the types of people who are attracted to various disciplines.
At a university, do the students majoring in the humanities, the arts, the natural sciences, and the
social sciences differ noticeably from one another?
Do social psychology and sociology attract people who are, for example, relatively eager to challenge
tradition, people more inclined to shape the future than preserve the past?
Finally, values obviously enter the picture as the object of social psychological analysis. Social
psychologists investigate how values form, why they change, and how they influence attitudes and
actions. None of that, however, tells us which values are “right.”
In our daily lives, too, we view the world through the lens of our preconceptions.
“Science does not simply describe and explain nature; it is part of the interplay between
nature and us; it describes nature as exposed to our method of questioning”.
Because scholars in any given area often share a common viewpoint and come from the same
culture, their assumptions may go unchallenged. What we take for granted—the shared beliefs that
some European social psychologists call our social representations---are often our most important
yet most unexamined convictions.
DEFINITION:
CULTURE
The enduring behaviors, ideas, attitudes, and traditions shared by a large group of people and
transmitted from one generation to the next.
SOCIAL REPRESENTATION
A society’s widely held ideas and values, including assumptions and cultural ideologies. Our social
representations help us make sense of our world.
During the 1980s feminists and Marxist exposed some of social psychology’s unexamined
assumptions. Feminist critics called attention to subtle biases.
EXAMPLE:
The political conservatism of some scientists who favored a biological interpretation of gender
differences in social behavior.
PROFESSIONAL ADVICE
Psychological advice also reflects the advice giver’s personal values. When mental health
professionals advise us how to get along with our spouse, or our co-workers, when child-rearing
experts tell us how to handle our children and when some psychologists advocate living free of
concern for others’ expectations, they are expressing their personal values.
FORMING CONCEPTS
Hidden values even seep into psychology’s research-based concepts.
EXAMPLE:
Pretend you have taken the personality test and the psychologist, after scoring your answers,
announces: “You scored high in self-esteem. You are low in anxiety. And you have exceptional ego
strength.” Now, another psychologist gives you a similar test, which asks some of the same
questions. Afterward, the psychologist informs you that you seem defensive, for you scored high in
“repressive coping.” “How could this be?” you wonder. “. The other psychologist said such nice things
about me.” It could be because all these labels describe the same set of responses (a tendency to say
nice things about oneself and not to acknowledge problems.)
Shall we call it high self-esteem or defensiveness? The label reflects judgment.
LABELING. Value judgments, then, are often hidden within our social psychological language---but
that is also true of everyday language.
• Whether we label a quiet child as “bashful” or “cautious” as “holding back” or “an observer,”
conveys judgment.
• Whether we call information “propaganda” or “education” depends on our opinion,
• Whether we call public assistance “welfare” or “aid to the needy” reflects our political views.
• When “they” exalt their country and people, it is nationalism; when “we” do it, it is patriotism.
• “Brainwashing” is social influence we do not approve of.
• “Perversions” are sex acts we do not practice.
One problem with common sense is that we invoke it after we know the facts. Events are far more
“obvious” and predictable in hindsight than beforehand. Experiments reveal that when people learn the
outcome of an experiment, that outcome suddenly seems unsurprising---much less surprising than it is
to people who are simply told about the experimental procedure and the possible outcomes. After more
than 800 investigations of this tendency to retrofit our prior expectations, hindsight bias has become
one of psychology’s best-established phenomena.
HINDSIGHT BIAS- The tendency to exaggerate after learning an outcome, one’s ability to have
foreseen how something turned out. Also known as the I-knew-it-all-along phenomenon.
Error in judging the future’s foreseeability and in remembering our past combine.
OTHER EXAMPLES:
1. If a social psychologist reports that separation intensifies romantic attraction, John Q. Public
responds “You get paid for this? Everybody knows that ‘absence makes the heart grow
fonder.’”
Should it turn out that separation weakens attraction, John will say “My grandmother could
have told you, out of sight, out of mind.”
2. Karl Teigen (1986) must have had a few chuckles when he asked his students to evaluate actual
proverbs and their opposites.
When given the proverb “Fear is stronger than love,” most rated it as true. But so did students
who were given its revered form, “Love is stronger than fear.”
3. Likewise, the genuine proverb “He that is fallen cannot help him who is down” was rated
highly; but so too was “He that is fallen can help him who is down.”
“Wise men make proverbs and fool repeat them” (authentic) and its made-up counterpart,
“Fools make proverbs and wise men repeat them.”
We blame not only others, but also ourselves for “stupid mistakes” ---perhaps for not having handled a
person or a situation better. Looking back, we see how we should have handled it. “I should have known
how busy I would be at the semester’s end and started that paper earlier.” I should have realized sooner
that he was a jerk.” But sometimes we are too hard on ourselves. We forget that what is obvious to us
now was not nearly so obvious at the time.
The point is not that common sense is predictably wrong. Rather, common sense usually is right-
--after the fact. We therefore easily deceive ourselves into thinking that we know and knew more than
what we do and did. And that is precisely why we need science to help us sift reality from illusion and
genuine predictions from easy hindsight.
Social psychologists organize their ideas and findings into theories. A good theory will distill an
array of facts into a much shorter list of predictive principles. We can use those predictions to
confirm or modify the theory, to generate new research, and to suggest practical application.
Most social psychological research is either correlational or experimental. Correlational
studies sometimes conducted with systematic survey methods, discern the relationship
between variables (amount of education-amount of income). Knowing two things are
naturally related is valuable information, but it is not a reliable indicator of what is causing what-
--or whether a third variable is involved.
In an experimental research design, the variables of interest are called the independent variables and
the dependent variables. The independent variable refers to the situation that is created by the
experimenter through the experimental manipulations, and the dependent variable refers to the
variable that is measured after the manipulations have occurred. In an experimental research design,
the research hypothesis is that the manipulated independent variable (or variables) causes changes in
the measured dependent variable (or variables). We can diagram the prediction like this, using an
arrow that points in one direction to demonstrate the expected direction of causality:
Consider an experiment conducted by Anderson and Dill (2000), which was designed to directly test
the hypothesis that viewing violent video games would cause increased aggressive behavior. In this
research, male and female undergraduates from Iowa State University were given a chance to play
either a violent video game (Wolfenstein 3D) or a nonviolent video game (Myst). During the
experimental session, the participants played the video game that they had been given for 15 minutes.
Then, after the play, they participated in a competitive task with another student in which they had a
chance to deliver blasts of white noise through the earphones of their opponent. The operational
definition of the dependent variable (aggressive behavior) was the level and duration of noise
delivered to the opponent. The design and the results of the experiment are shown in the figure below:
Figure 1.14 An Experimental Research Design (After Anderson & Dill, 2000). Two advantages of the
experimental research design are (a) an assurance that the independent variable (also known as the
Thorndike noticed that when evaluating other people tall and attractive people were automatically
assumed to be more intelligent and ‘better’ than others.
Hollywood stars demonstrate the halo effect perfectly.
Because they are often attractive and likeable, we naturally assume they are also intelligent, friendly,
display good judgement and so on.
That is, until we come across (sometimes plentiful) evidence to the contrary.
In the same way politicians use the ‘halo effect’ to their advantage by trying to appear warm and
friendly, while saying little of any substance.
People tend to believe their policies are good because the person appears good.
2. COGNITIVE DISSONANCE
As part of your course, you agree to take part
in an experiment on ‘measures of
performance’. You are told the experiment
will take two hours. As you are required to
act as an experimental subject for a certain
number of hours in a year – this will be two
more of them out of the way.
Little do you know; the experiment will
actually become a classic in social
Since this experiment numerous studies of cognitive dissonance have been carried out and the effect is
well-established. Its beauty is that it explains so many of our everyday behaviours.
Here are some examples provided by Morton Hunt in ‘The Story of Psychology:
▪ When trying to join a group, the harder they make the barriers to entry, the more you value
your membership. To resolve the dissonance between the hoops you were forced to jump
through, and the reality of what turns out to be a pretty average club, we convince ourselves
the club is, in fact, fantastic.
▪ People will interpret the same information in radically different ways to support their own
views of the world. When deciding our view on a contentious point, we conveniently forget
what jars with our own theory and remember everything that fits.
▪ People quickly adjust their values to fit their behaviour, even when it is clearly immoral.
Those stealing from their employer will claim that “Everyone does it” so they would be
losing out if they didn’t, or alternatively that “I’m underpaid so I deserve a little extra on the
side.”
The idea was simple: to see how ordinary men, chosen to be the most healthy and ‘normal’ would
respond to a radical change to their normal roles in life.
Half were to become prison guards, the other half their prisoners. In this experiment there were no half-
measures, for it to be effective it had to closely approximate the real experience of prisoners and guards.
These participants in the Stanford prison experiment were in for the ride of their lives.
‘Prisoners’ were ‘arrested’ by a police car with sirens wailing while they were out going about their
everyday business.
Then they were fingerprinted, blindfolded and put in a cell, then stripped naked, searched, deloused,
given a uniform, a number and had a chain placed around one foot.
The other participants were made into guards who wore uniforms and were given clubs.
A prison was mocked up in the basement of a Stanford University building.
And so the Stanford prison experiment began.
All was quiet until the second day when the ‘prisoners’ rebelled against their incarceration.
The guard’s retaliation was swift and brutal.
Guards stripped the prisoners naked, removed the beds from the prison, placed the rebellion’s
ringleader in solitary confinement and began harassing all the ‘prisoners’.
Soon the ‘prisoners’ began behaving with blind obedience towards the prison guards.
After only a few day’s realistic role-playing participants reported it felt as though their old identities
had been erased.
So too had the ‘guards’ taken on their roles – taunting and abusing their prisoners.
Even the lead researcher, Philip Zimbardo, admits he became submerged in his role as the ‘prison
superintendent’.
In fact, Zimbardo believes the most powerful result of the Stanford prison experiment was his own
transformation into a rigid institutional figure, more concerned with his prison’s security than the
welfare of his participants.
Other members of the experimental team became engrossed in their new role.
Craig Haney, like Zimbardo, explained he became completely engaged in the day-to-day crises they were
facing in running the ‘prison’ and forgot about the aim of the Stanford prison experiment.
1. Consider a recent situation from your personal experience in which you took into
consideration the person and the situation as causes of a behavior. Do you think you
might have underestimated the power of the social situation?
2. Consider the potential person and situational variables that might have contributed to
teach of the following events. Do you think the behavior was determined by the person,
by the social situation, or by both? You may want to consider the role of culture in your
responses.
• On March 13, 1964, 28-year-old Kitty Genovese was attacked and killed by a male
attacker within a few yards of her apartment building in New York City. When 38
of Kitty’s neighbors in the apartment building were later interviewed by the police,
they said that they had seen or heard the attack occurring. And yet not one of these
38 people had bothered to intervene, and only one person had called the police, but
that was long after Genovese was dead.
• After Hurricane Katrina hit the southern coast of the United States in 2005,
thousands of people came from across the country, and even from around the
world, to clean up the mess and repair the damage that the storm had caused on
the streets of New Orleans and other Southern towns. Many of these volunteers
had been to New Orleans and some had families there. Yet others came simply
because they had heard about the disaster and wanted to help the people of New
Orleans.
3. For each of the following variables, (a)propose a research hypothesis in which the variable
serves as an independent variable and (b) propose a research hypothesis in which the
variable serves as a dependent variable.
• Helping
• Aggression
• Life satisfaction
Example:
1. Prejudice-
IV- effect of uphold prejudice upon aggression
DV- Showing the subjects a film about black people and measuring its effect on
prejudice.