Why Polysemy Supports Radical Contextualism. HAL
Why Polysemy Supports Radical Contextualism. HAL
François Recanati
François Recanati
Collège de France
In G. Bella and P. Bouquet (eds.), Context 2019, Berlin: Springer, 2019, pp. 1-7
I take the debate between Literalism and Contextualism to bear on the relation between
meaning and content. Literalism holds that they are the same thing. It accepts what I call the
basic equation:
Because it accepts the basic equation, Literalism takes the meaning of the sentence-type
‘Elephants have wings’ to be the proposition that elephants have wings. The meaning of sub-
sentential constituents is taken to be their contribution to the meaning/content of the
sentences in which they occur, i.e. objects, properties, relations etc. or modes of
presentation thereof.
Indexicals
Indexicals are not sufficient to arbitrate the debate between Literalism and Contextualism,
however. They are not sufficient because Literalists acknowledge that indexicals constitute
an exception to the Basic Equation. In the case of indexicals, meaning ≠ content. Literalists
accept that. Still, they maintain the basic equation as the default, while Contextualists reject
the basic equation, even construed as the default.
From Literalism to Methodological Contextualism
Contextualism
Methodological Substantial
Moderate Radical
In its substantial forms, Contextualism considers that indexicals are not an ‘exception’:
context-sensitivity generalizes to all expressions (whether indexical or not). All expressions
are such that the content they contribute depends upon the context, in contrast to the
(invariant) linguistic meaning of the expression.
There are two forms of Contextualism that count as substantial by my characterization. One
is moderate, the other radical. Each appeals to a particular phenomenon. Moderate
Contextualism appeals to the phenomenon of modulation, while Radical Contextualism to
the phenomenon of polysemy.
Moderate Contextualism
The meaning of an indexical is gappy and calls for a contextual process of saturation (e.g. an
assignment of values to free variables in logical form). That process is mandatory: without
saturation, no content can be assigned to an indexical expression. According to Moderate
1
The expression ‘basic set’ comes from Cappelen and Lepore 2005.
2
On Methodological Contextualism, see Recanati 1994 and 2004:00.
contextualism, however, there is another contextual process that takes place on the way
from meaning to content: modulation.
Radical Contextualism
What makes moderate contextualism moderate is the fact that, in contrast to saturation,
modulation is optional: it may or may not take place. Whether or not it takes place depends
upon the context, so the possibility of ‘zero-modulation’ (Recanati 2010) is compatible with
the generalization of context-sensitivity characteristic of substantial contextualism.
Cases of zero-modulation correspond to literal language use. In such cases, the basic
equation still holds: meaning = content. According to radical contextualism, however,
meaning is never identical to content. Lexical meaning is constitutively unable to figure as a
constituent of content ; it does not have the proper format for that (‘wrong format view’).
This is where polysemy comes into the picture.
Polysemy as ambiguity
As soon as an expression comes into public use, it becomes polysemous – the more frequent
its use, the more polysemous it is. The senses of a polysemous expression result from
pragmatic modulation (one sense is a modulation of another) but these modulations have
become conventionalized and the senses of a polysemous expression are stored in the
memory of language users.
Since the senses of a polysemous expression are conventionalized (in contrast to novel
instances of modulation), it is tempting to construe polysemous expressions as straightfor-
wardly ambiguous (Fig. 2).
Expression
meaning1 meaning2
content1 content2
Two homonymous expressions (e.g. ‘bank’ and ‘bank’) are different expressions, with the
same phonological realization but distinct meanings. A polysemous expression is supposed
to be something else. A polysemous expression admittedly carries distinct senses, but these
senses are felt as related : they form a family of senses. So instead of two different
expressions with the same shape but distinct meanings (homonymy), what we seem to have
is a single expression, i.e. a semantic as well as a phonological unit (polysemy): The
expression has a single meaning which (depending on one’s theory) either accounts for, or
supervenes on, the diversity of its conventional uses. If we don’t allow polysemous
expressions such an inherent meaning, distinct from the various senses they contribute in
context, we are bound to deny that there is a difference between polysemy and homonymy.
In other words : either polysemy does not exist (as a phenomenon distinct from homonymy),
or, if it exists, it cannot be accounted for along the lines of the ambiguity model.
I call the alternative model we need the ‘context-sensitivity model’ because it posits a single
meaning to which there correspond different contents in different contexts (as in the case of
indexicals).
Expression
meaning
sense1 sense2…
For Ruhl (1989), polysemous words possess a highly abstract (and underspecified) meaning
which they carry in all their occurrences and which is responsible for the various senses they
contextually express. Because the underspecified meaning lies below the level of
consciousness, what intuitions reveal (and dictionaries record) are the expressed senses.
These senses depend on context (both linguistic and extralinguistic) , while ‘a word’s
semantics should concern what it contributes in all contexts’ (Ruhl 1989 : 87). The task of the
theorist is to discover lexical meaning by extracting from the data some abstract, unitary
schema which all the uses fit.
I see two problems with this approach. First, it’s not clear how it handles metonymies (which
Ruhl hardly mentions). Second, even though polysemous expressions are conventionally
associated with determinate senses which they regularly convey, these senses are not an
aspect of the linguistic meaning of the expression, in Ruhl’s framework. (The linguistic
meaning is more abstract than these senses.) This is similar to the idea, floated in the
seventies, that there are ‘conventions of use’ that are not ‘meaning conventions’ : e.g. the
convention that ‘Can you pass the salt ?’ is a request that should be complied with rather
than a question that should be answered.3 But this construal of ‘meaning’ is overly narrow.
As Langacker emphasizes, our goal as meaning theorists should be ‘to properly characterize
a speaker’s knowledge of linguistic convention’. Now,
Expression
3
See Searle 1975 and especially Morgan 1978.
4
“A strict reductionist approach would seek maximum economy by positing a single
structure to represent the meaning of a lexical category. However, if our goal is to properly
characterize a speaker’s knowledge of linguistic convention, any such account is unworkable.
From neither the category prototype alone, nor from an all-subsuming superschema (should
there be one), is it possible to predict the exact array of extended or specialised values
conventionally associated with a lexeme (out af all those values that are cognitively
plausible). A speaker must learn specifically, for instance, that run is predicated of people,
animals, engines, water, hosiery, noses, and candidates for political office ; the conventions
of English might well be different. Equally deficient is the atomistic approach of treating the
individual senses as distinct and unrelated lexical items. The claim of massive homonymy
implied by such an analysis is simply unwarranted — it is not by accident, but rather by
virtue of intuitively evident relationships, that the meanings are symbolized by the same
form. A network representation provides all the necessary information : an inventory of
senses describing the expression’s conventional range of usage ; the relationships these
senses bear to one another ; schemas expressing the generalizations supported by a given
range of values ; and specifications of distance and cognitive salience.” (Langacker 1991 :
268)
As can be seen by comparing Figure 4 with Figures 2 and 3, the network model blends
features from the ambiguity model and the context-sensitivity model.
In language use, senses multiply and diversify through modulation operations, which are
optional in the sense of context-driven. Think of the first time the word 'swallow' was used
to refer to what an ATM sometimes does with credit cards. The sense of 'swallow' was then
creatively extended so as to exploit the similarity between the ATM situation and ordinary
swallowing-situations. What was extended (the input to modulation) was the standard sense
of 'swallow' as it applies to living organisms with a digestive system. The output of
modulation was the (broadened) sense in which an ATM can be said to swallow a credit
card. As a result of conventionalization, the extended sense has become part of the network
of senses which makes up the lexical meaning of 'swallow', but the modulation relation
between the extended sense and the prototypical sense is still alive in the consciousness of
the language users. So we must distinguish between three things:
(i) the lexical meaning of ‘swallow’, which has the wrong format for being a
constituent of content (it is or comprises a network of senses);
(ii) the standard/literal/prototypical sense of ‘swallow’ (with respect to living
organisms), which was the input to modulation in the ATM example; and
(iii) the extended sense relevant to ATMs, which was, and is still perceived as, the
output of modulation.
We must distinguish the relation between the lexical meaning of ‘swallow’ and the extended
sense the word takes in ATM-situations, namely a special case of conversion into sense, from
the relation between that extended sense and the standard, prototypical sense of ‘swallow’,
namely modulation. That distinction tends to be neglected because it is often (wrongly)
assumed that the lexical meaning of ‘swallow’ is its standard/prototypical sense. But the
distinction between modulation and conversion into sense is important because conversion
into sense is mandatory, while modulation is optional. This makes conversion into sense
similar to saturation (and polysemy similar to indexicality). Still, conversion into sense
concerns all expressions (to the extent that, to a greater or lesser degree, all expressions are
polysemous). This makes it similar to modulation (which may affect any expression), while
saturation only concerns indexical expressions.
In terms of these two features — mandatoriness and universality — we can characterize the
three contextual processes that map meaning to content:
Mandatory Universal
Saturation + -
Modulation - +
Conversion into sense + +
References