Clinical Psychology - Carr, Alan
Clinical Psychology - Carr, Alan
3 Eating disorders 73
● Learning objectives 73
● Introduction 73
● Case study of anorexia nervosa 75
● Epidemiology, course and outcome 79
● Clinical features 80
● Aetiological theories 82
● Biological theories 83
● Psychoanalytic theories 84
● Cognitive-behavioural theories 85
● Systemic theories 87
● Assessment 90
● Intervention 91
● Controversies 92
● Summary 92
● Questions 94
● Further reading 94
● Websites 94
4 Drug misuse 95
● Learning objectives 95
● Introduction 95
● A case of harmful polydrug use 96
● A case of early drug experimentation 98
● Comparison of cases 99
● Classification, epidemiology, risk factors and
protective factors 99
● Clinical features 101
● Theories 105
● Intrapsychic deficit theories 110
● Cognitive-behavioural theories 112
● Systemic theories 114
● Integrative theories 117
● Assessment 119
● Treatment 120
● Controversies 121
● Summary 122
● Questions 124
● Further reading 124
● Websites 124
● Controversies 162
● Summary 163
● Questions 165
● Further reading 165
● Websites 166
6 Depression 167
● Learning objectives 167
● Introduction 167
● Case example of major depression 169
● Clinical features 172
● Classification 176
● Epidemiology, course and risk factors 177
● Aetiological theories 179
● Temperament, traits, cognitive biases, coping
Glossary 330
References 342
Index 387
adopting this style, there is a risk that readers may get the impression
that there is considerable consensus within the field about most key
issues and that most empirical findings are unquestionably reliable
and valid. To guard against this risk, in Chapters 2–8, a section on
important controversies about the clinical problems considered in each
chapter are included. Each chapter opens with learning objectives and
concludes with a summary and recommendations for further reading.
An attempt has been made throughout the text to take account of
two widely used classification systems for psychological problems: the
fifth chapter of the World Health Organization’s (1992) International
Classification of Diseases – Tenth Edition (ICD-10) and the American
Psychiatric Association’s (2000) Diagnostic and Statistical Manual
of Mental Disorders – Fourth Edition Text revision (DSM-IV-TR). In
DSM-IV-TR and ICD-10 there are slight differences in terminology and
diagnostic criteria. There are, in addition, differences in the way disorders
are clustered and subclassified. Also, in routine clinical practice and in
the scientific literature, in some instances the terminology used differs
from that in ICD-10 and DSM-IV-TR. Care has been taken throughout
the text to employ those terms that have widest usage in the clinical
field and to clarify terminological ambiguity, where appropriate, without
inundating the reader with multiple terms and criteria for each condition.
Chapter 9 deals with models that inform clinical psychology research
and practice. The biological, psychodynamic, cognitive-behavioural and
family systems models are considered in detail with reference to their
assumptions, their contributions to our understanding and treatment of
psychological problems, and their limitations. Other perspectives are
also mentioned, including humanistic–client-centred tradition, personal
construct psychology and the positive psychology. This chapter provides
an opportunity to reconsider the material in the body of the text from a
critical standpoint and to question the limits of the knowledge claims
made throughout the text. I was tempted to place this chapter after
Chapter 2, but my undergraduate students at UCD have told me that
reviewing models of practice is a more productive learning experience
after topics contained in the main body of the text have been covered.
In the final chapter, evidence for the effectiveness of psychological
interventions is summarized. Evidence-based practice is now embraced
by clinical psychologists around the world. This chapter underlines the
importance of evidence-based practice within clinical psychology, and
the centrality of a scientific perspective to ethical practice.
Because this text was written with brevity as a central feature,
inevitably it is not comprehensive in its coverage. Many important topics
often covered in larger introductory clinical psychology texts have not
been addressed in this book and these deserve mention, if only to alert
you to their existence and importance. They include: intellectual disability;
language delay; specific learning disabilities; pervasive developmental
disorders; psychological problems of old age, particularly dementia;
psychological problems secondary to medical conditions such as
heart disease or epilepsy; neuropsychological problems; somatoform
disorders such as conversion hysteria; dissociative disorders such
Introduction
This chapter will give an overview of the profession and discipline of
clinical psychology. There will be a description of clinical psychology
training. The selection procedures used by clinical psychology training
programmes in the UK and Ireland will be discussed, and there will be
guidance on how to get a place on a clinical psychology programme. A
brief account will be given of clinical psychology training in the US and
elsewhere. The factors that distinguish clinical psychology from other
types of applied psychology and other mental health professions will be
discussed. The chapter will close with a consideration of the pros and
cons of clinical psychology as a career.
The profession
The profession of clinical psychology involves using clinical judgement
to apply knowledge from the scientific discipline of clinical psychology in
clinical practice with clients and patients. Clinical practice refers
to the assessment, treatment and prevention of psychological prob-
lems in a range of populations. For example, assessing a boy who is
failing in school and defiant with parents and teachers; helping a woman
with depression regulate her mood more effectively; or helping the
family of a person whose psychotic symptoms have been reduced
through using medication to develop a supportive style to prevent
relapse.
Clinical judgement is developed through supervised clinical practice
while undertaking professional training, and during post-qualification
clinical experience. Psychologists who have worked with a wide variety
of cases over an extended time period have a broader experiential base
on which to draw when making clinical decisions than their less experi-
enced colleagues. Scientific knowledge about clinical psychology is
developed through initial academic training, ongoing continuing profes-
sional development (CPD) and research. Throughout their careers clin-
ical psychologists keep up to date with recent developments through
CPD and must show evidence of this periodically to retain practising
certificates.
TABLE 1.1
Main elements of clinical psychologists’ roles
• Direct work with clients, patients, service users
• Indirect work
• Administration and management
• Research
• Continuing professional development
Direct work
With direct work, clinical psychologists meet with clients, patients or
service users, and in some instances with their families. In these meet-
ings they assess psychological problems and provide psychological
interventions. Assessments may include interviews, psychological test-
ing and observation. For most cases, psychologists interview clients
(and in some instances members of their families) to find out about the
history of the presenting problem, previous attempts to resolve the
problem, the person’s personal and family history and any other rele-
vant details. In some cases psychologists administer tests to assess
patient’s intelligence, memory, personality, psychopathology, family
relationships and other aspects of their functioning. The main benefit of
psychological tests is that they measure constructs in a reliable and
valid way, and yield scores that can be interpreted within the context of
population norms. For example if a person returns an IQ score of 100,
the norms indicate that this person is more intelligent than 50% of
people of the same age within the normal population. With regard to
intervention, the media typically associate individual psychotherapy
with the practice of clinical psychology. However, clinical psychologists
use many other interventions such as parent training to equip parents
with skills to manage their children’s problems, training in meditation to
help people regulate depressed mood or impulsivity, and family psycho-
education to help families provide a supportive environment for family
members with psychosis. Psychological interventions may be offered
to individuals, groups with similar sorts of problems, couples and
families. Increasingly clinical psychologists are supplementing direct
Indirect work
With regard to indirect work, psychologists provide training, clinical
supervision and consultation to colleagues in psychology, psychother-
apy, social work, child care, medicine, nursing and other disciplines to
empower them to provide services to patients. This is referred to as
indirect work because psychologists influence patients indirectly through
the actions of their colleagues. In the area of training, clinical psycholo-
gists may offer lectures or skills building programmes on particular top-
ics relevant to specific groups, for example teaching foster parents
about the psychology of attachment. In the area of clinical supervision,
most senior psychologists in public health services provide placements
of supervised clinical practice to clinical psychologists in training to help
them develop the technical and self-reflective skills to practise profes-
sionally. Technical skills refer to those procedures used to evaluate and
treat clients. Self-reflective skills refer to the capacity to monitor accu-
rately the interactions between oneself, clients and colleagues, and the
impact of these interactions on oneself. With regard to consultation,
clinical psychologists may advise others how best to manage clients
with specific problems. For example, in an intellectual disability service
where a client engages in repeated challenging behaviour (such as
aggression or self-harm), a clinical psychologist may advise staff in the
service how to manage this on the basis of a thorough functional analy-
sis. This type of assessment is used to establish the function of the
challenging behaviour (for example, communicating to staff that they
are stressed or bored) by carefully observing, recording and analysing
the antecedents and consequences of the challenging behaviour.
Research
Clinical psychologists conduct a range of different types of research.
They conduct literature searches to find out about recent developments
in assessment and treatment, so that their practice with clients is
informed by up-to-date research findings. Periodically they conduct
service-based research projects to answer specific questions such as
‘What are the profiles and outcomes of referrals over a one-year period?’
or ‘What are the main reasons clients give for dropping out of therapy?’
Large specialist psychology services within university-affiliated agen-
cies may have broad ongoing research programmes on specific themes
such as eating disorders, drug abuse or attention deficit hyperactivity
disorder (ADHD). Postgraduates on clinical psychology training pro-
grammes may conduct their doctoral research theses within these
research programmes. In services without such research programmes,
but which provide placements of supervised clinical practice, psycholo-
gists in clinical training may initiate smaller research projects to address
questions of concern to the service, themselves and their university-
based academic supervisors.
Work settings
Clinical psychologists work in a wide variety of settings including pri-
mary care, community mental health teams, general and specialist adult
and paediatric hospitals, disability services, services for older adults,
TABLE 1.2
Populations, problems and work settings
Populations Children
Adolescents
Adults
Older adults
Problems Mental health problems
Adjustment of physical health problems
Intellectual disability
Physical disability
Adjustment to major life transitions
Work settings Primary care
Community mental health teams
Hospitals
Disability services
Older adult services
Family services (e.g. fostering, adoption)
Specialist services (e.g. addiction, chronic pain)
prisons, fostering and adoption services and hospices. They also work
in a wide variety of specialist services for people with specific difficulties
such as addiction, eating disorders, aggression, sexual offending,
chronic pain and head injury. Most clinical psychologists in the UK and
Ireland work mainly within the public health service, although some
work in private practice. The following statements are first-hand
accounts of a typical day’s work of psychologists working in a number
of different settings.
The child and adolescent mental health curriculum for the UCD clinical
psychology programme is contained in the Handbook of Child and
Adolescent Clinical Psychology (Carr, 2006a).
The adult mental health curriculum for the UCD clinical psychology
programme is contained in Handbook of Adult Clinical Psychology (Carr
& McNulty, 2006).
Older adults
Fintan works for a specialist older adult service attached to a large
general hospital. Here is how he described a day at this service.
The older adult mental health curriculum for the UCD clinical psychology
programme is contained in Handbook of the Clinical Psychology of
Ageing (Woods & Clare, 2008).
First thing on Friday our team met to review referrals which had
come in on Thursday afternoon (mainly from the neurological wards).
I got two cases. One was a 63-year-old woman who had had a
stroke. I had to do a preliminary assessment of her neuropsychological
functioning to get a baseline. The second case was a man in his late
20s who had been in a road traffic accident and had a closed head
injury. I plan to do periodic follow-up assessments of both of these
cases to monitor their recovery. It took all day to do these two
assessments, score tests, phone relatives and get their views, write
up reports and discuss them with the relevant neurologists. I’ll be
following up both of them next week and meeting with the families
and patients to talk about how to manage things after discharge.
times a year. This has reduced significantly in the past few years.
The main issue on Thursday was helping the couple handle the
husband’s sudden dip in mood without hospitalization. The next
clients were a couple who are working on addressing trauma-related
issues. The woman is a courageous survivor of long-term child
sexual abuse, who is using couples therapy to find ways to expand
her constricted lifestyle and deal with trauma-related flashbacks. The
last family I saw on Thursday night included a 9-year-old girl who has
difficulty controlling her temper. This leads to major problems at
home and in school. This little girl was a neglected and abused
Vietnamese orphan when her parents adopted her 7 years ago. She
has always had significant behaviour problems, and I have been
working long-term with this family to help them address these.
The family therapy curriculum for the UCD clinical psychology pro-
gramme is contained in Family Therapy: Concepts, Process and Prac-
tice (Carr, 2006b).
Academic coursework
Academic coursework covers theory, research and practice-related
material essential for developing competencies required to practise as a
TABLE 1.3
Components of professional clinical psychology training programmes
Research Doctoral thesis on major research project
Small-scale service-based research project
Coursework or research design, methods and statistics
Academic course Children and adolescents
work Adults and older adults
Intellectual disability
Assessment and intervention competencies
Clinical Range of populations (child, adult, older adult, disability,
placements specialties)
Range of competencies (assessment, intervention, training)
Quality control (placement contract and monitoring)
Regular supervision (observe and be observed)
Placement contracts
At the outset of each clinical placement, contracts are formed between
postgraduates and clinical supervisors specifying the overall placement
goals. These goals refer to competencies to be developed, the kinds of
assessment and treatment procedures to be learned, the types of cases
to be seen and other types of professional skills to be developed. These
placement contracts are based on the minimum experience requirements
listed in the course logbook, the learning opportunities available on the
placement, the unique skills of clinical supervisors, and the unique
clinical interests of postgraduates. Over the course of placements,
postgraduates and supervisors work together to ensure that these goals
are reached.
Research requirements
On UK and Irish programmes, clinical psychologists are trained to be
competent in research as well as clinical practice. All clinical psychology
programmes provide training in research design, methods and statistics,
and require postgraduates to complete small-scale service-based
research and a major doctoral research thesis. On the UCD clinical psy-
chology programme, postgraduates have regular research seminars
over the 3 years of the programme and complete small quantitative and
qualitative service-based research projects, in addition to a major doc-
toral research project. A day a week over the 3 years of the programme
is set aside for research, as well as 2 weeks’ study leave per year.
Assessment
A range of procedures is used for assessment on doctoral programmes
in clinical psychology. Academic coursework may be assessed by
exams or continuing assessment assignments such as essays or
clinical case studies. Placements are assessed by end-of-placement
competency ratings. Research competence is usually assessed by the
submission and oral defence of a doctoral thesis with an internal and
external examiner at the end of the programme.
TABLE 1.4
Building your profile for admission to clinical psychology training
Academic and Honours undergraduate degree in psychology
research Postgraduate degree in area relevant to clinical psychology
competence Short courses relevant to clinical psychology
Other qualifications relevant to clinical psychology
Experience doing clinical research
Theses, publications and presentations
Clinical Relevant clinical experience
competence Basic clinical skills
Academic qualifications
Academic suitability for doctoral programmes in clinical psychology is
assessed by taking account of performance in high school and on
undergraduate degree programmes; completion of postgraduate
degrees in psychology, short courses relevant to clinical psychology,
and other non-psychological qualifications; and research achievements
and publications.
Undergraduate degree
While a 2.1 honours degree is the minimum academic requirement for
entry to a clinical psychology programme, many successful candidates
exceed this minimum standard. Some have first class honours under-
graduate degrees. Many have master’s degrees. Some have PhDs. In
planning your strategy, provided it does not tax your personal resources
too much and leave little time and energy for relevant clinical experi-
ence, it’s a reasonable strategy to aim for a first class honours under-
graduate degree. However, if things do not go well for you in your
undergraduate programme and you get a 2.2, this does not prevent you
from entering the profession. Some clinical psychology programmes will
accept applications from candidates with a 2.2 honours degree or higher
diploma in psychology provided they also have a master’s or PhD
degree.
Master’s programmes
There are a number of types of master’s degree in psychology that
enhance chances of gaining a place on a clinical psychology pro-
gramme. These include master’s by research on a clinical topic, mas-
ter’s in applied psychology (with a clinical emphasis), master’s in
neuropsychology or neuroscience, master’s in developmental psychol-
ogy, master’s in health psychology, master’s in counselling psychology,
master’s in psychotherapy or counselling and master’s in applied
behaviour analysis. All master’s programmes that include advanced
research and statistics coursework and a minor or major thesis con-
ducted on a clinical topic enhance your profile because they give you
advanced research skills and may give you clinical interviewing skills if
you collect interview data from people with psychological problems for
your thesis.
Master’s programmes in applied psychology (that include course-
work on psychopathology and related topics), neuropsychology or
neuroscience, health psychology, disability, and developmental psy-
chology are a useful preparation for clinical psychology because they
provide a grounding in academic areas relevant to the practice of clini-
cal psychology. Insofar as neuropsychology programmes include skills
training in administering and interpreting psychological tests, they are
an academic route to acquiring relevant clinical experience. Master’s
programmes in psychotherapy, counselling and applied behaviour
analysis may also help you acquire relevant clinical experience and basic
clinical skills if they include placements of supervised clinical practice.
PhDs
PhDs in psychology can enhance chances of admission to a clinical
psychology programme, especially if the research is conducted on a
clinical topic, involves interviewing or assessing people with psycho-
logical problems, and if the work is conducted within a health service
setting. All of these factors make the process of conducting a PhD a
relevant clinical experience. At UCD my colleagues and I have super-
vised PhD candidates who did their theses in psycho-oncology, the psy-
chology of sex-offenders, neuropsychology and the psychology of
eating disorders. All obtained places on clinical psychology programmes
on the grounds that their PhD research provided them with both rele-
vant clinical experience and research skills. If you want to undertake a
PhD as a stepping stone to getting onto a clinical psychology training
programme, make sure at the outset that your research project will
involve significant contact with people with psychological problems, and
be conducted within a public health service context, or a context that
has much in common with the public health service. PhDs conducted in
university laboratories with non-clinical participants or animals are not a
useful preparation for clinical psychology training.
Short courses
Diploma and certificate courses, CPD short courses and workshops
and attendance at psychology conferences that facilitate the develop-
ment of clinical skills for understanding, assessing and treating psycho-
logical problems are taken into account by many selection panels in
judging academic suitability for clinical psychology programmes. If you
want to enhance your chances of getting a place on a clinical psychol-
ogy programme, consider taking a diploma or certificate course in basic
assessment or counselling skills and regularly attend CPD short courses
and conferences to develop your clinical skills. Such courses are adver-
tised in the BPsS magazine, The Psychologist, and the PsSI magazine,
The Irish Psychologist.
Non-psychology qualifications
For mature students who have come to psychology (possibly through
the higher diploma in psychology route) after a career in nursing,
counselling, social work, occupational therapy, speech and language
therapy or teaching, some selection panels will take account of your
prior qualifications in assessing your suitability for clinical psychology
training. In filling out your application form, be sure to include these prior
relevant qualifications and to state the academic and clinical skills you
acquired from them relevant to engaging in clinical psychology training.
Research competence
One aspect of academic suitability for a clinical psychology programme
is research competence. In rating research competence, selection
panels take account of research and statistics skills; participation in
clinical research projects; publication of research presentations, reports
and articles; and relevant qualifications such as diplomas or certificates
in specific research methods, statistics or data analysis. Research
competence may be assessed by taking account of the highest research
thesis completed (e.g. undergraduate thesis, master’s thesis or PhD),
involvement in other research projects (e.g. conducting clinical audits or
working as a research assistant on a big project), and the number of
conference presentations, research reports and academic publications.
To enhance your chances of being rated well for research competence,
present the results of your undergraduate and postgraduate theses,
and any other research projects in which you have been involved at
academic conferences, and publish them as reports or academic journal
articles. List these presentations and publications in your application
form chronologically in the style used in BPsS, PsSI or American
Psychological Association (APA) journals.
Application forms
Begin the application process well in advance of application deadlines.
This will give you time to refine your application, obtain supporting
documents and invite referees to write your references. The clearing
house deadline, which is posted on the clearing house website, is
usually at the end of November or in early December. For Irish courses,
deadlines are posted on college websites, but they are usually in the
winter months (December–February). Relevant web addresses are
given at the end of this chapter. Download application forms and write
answers to questions in the application form in a Word document. Read
and edit your answers until you have produced your best draft. Ask a
recent successful applicant to a clinical psychology course for feedback
on this draft, and use their comments to refine your application. Then
submit your final ‘polished version’ through the electronic application
process or in hardcopy, as directed in the application guidelines.
When completing application forms give concise accurate informa-
tion about your secondary school exam results, university degree
results, other relevant qualifications, publications and details of relevant
clinical and research experience jobs. For master’s degrees give the
type of master’s degree (by thesis only, applied psychology, health
psychology, etc.) and your mark (e.g. 70%). This is important to include
if the degree was awarded on a pass/fail basis, since some selection
panels will take high marks on a master’s degree into account in judging
suitability. If the master’s degree included a placement of supervised
clinical practice, note this on the form (e.g. MSc, Counselling Psychology,
65%, containing a 100 hour placement of supervised clinical practice).
When listing theses, reports, presentations and publications, use the
format in BPsS, PsSI or APA academic journals. For relevant clinical or
research experiences, give the name of the job, the employer, and the
main duties, the dates of employment, the number of hours per week,
and whether the job was voluntary or paid. Keep these descriptions
concise.
Most application forms include a section where there is an opportunity
to indicate other relevant life experiences such as world travel or past
career (for mature applicants); to reflect on the clinical and personal
skills you have acquired from graduate degrees, relevant clinical and
research experiences and other life experiences; and to make a
personal statement about your own evaluation of your suitability for
clinical psychology training. There are usually word limits for these
sections, so it is useful to draft, edit and redraft these statements a few
times until you get them right. One way to go about this is to list the skills
you have developed, and for each skill state how your qualifications and
experiences have helped you develop it. Another approach to state the
skills that each of your main qualifications or experiences helped you
develop. In writing a personal statement it is important to show why you
consider that your skills and personal qualities make you ready to train
as a clinical psychologist in the public health services. To write a credible
statement of this type, it is important to convey that you know about the
roles clinical psychologists fulfil within the UK National Health Service
(NHS) or the Irish Health Service Executive (HSE).
Supporting documents
When planning your application strategy, leave lots of time to obtain
supporting documents that must accompany your application. If your
primary degree is from a non-UK university and you apply to UK courses
through the clearing house, you will be required to submit a letter from
the BPS indicating that your degree confers graduate basis for
membership. If you are applying to Irish universities you may be asked
to submit university transcripts for your primary degree, so you will need
to request these from your alma mater.
Arranging references
The clearing house and most clinical psychology courses require one
academic reference and one reference from a clinical psychologist or
clinical manager who supervised your relevant clinical experience. Invite
referees who know you fairly well; are familiar with your work and so can
accurately comment on your skills, personal qualities and suitability for
clinical psychology training; and are willing to write a reference by the
deadline date. As a courtesy, when inviting referees to write you a refer-
ence, send them an up-to-date copy of your CV. Unless there are no
other options, do not invite colleagues to be referees if they have close
personal connections to you (e.g. family members or business partners).
Short listing
Clinical psychology courses establish selection panels to shortlist
applicants for interview. These panels typically include a group of staff
with a range of academic and clinical expertise. Panels read and rate
large numbers of application forms during the short-listing process;
make collective judgements about the suitability of candidates for
clinical psychology training; and select the most suitable for interview.
While applying for clinical psychology training is stressful for applicants,
short listing is very demanding for selection panel members, and this is
worth keeping in mind when writing your application. The easier you
make it for selection panel members to read and rate your application,
the better. Our experience at UCD last year gives an idea of how
demanding short listing is. Each member of our panel read and rated
over 160 applications. This took a number of days. They rated responses
to all questions on application forms using objective criteria, and then
summarized these into an overall score reflecting academic and clinical
suitability. In an all-day panel meeting, ratings of panel members were
aggregated, rank ordered, and approximately 40 applicants were
selected and invited to interviews.
Some courses are experimenting with using writing assignments to
assist with the short-listing process. For example, the UK Lancaster
course has published a report on its use of written assignments in short
listing and shown that these assignments predict academic performance
on clinical psychology programmes (Hemmings & Simpson, 2008).
Lancaster’s written task was adapted from one designed by the
University of Surrey, and applicants were invited to complete the task
on a computer. The task involved reading five abstracts, synthesising
them into a 250-word summary that answered a specific question,
answering a number of short statistical and methodological questions
about the studies described in the abstracts, and completing the
assignment within an hour. Applicants’ answers were rated for writing
skills, critical thinking skills and methodology skills. If you apply for
courses with these types of short-listing tasks, it may be useful to speak
to successful applicants about them and practise similar sorts of task
before completing the actual short-listing task.
Interviews
There is considerable variability in the types of interview and assessment
exercise used on the 35+ clinical psychology programmes in the UK
and Ireland (Hemmings & Simpson, 2008; O’Shea & Byrne, 2011b;
Phillips et al., 2001; Roth & Leiper, 1995). Find out the format and
duration of the interview and assessment exercises that will be used on
the courses for which you are shortlisted from their websites, and also
from previous successful applicants. All courses have selection
interviews in which candidates are asked about material relevant to
their academic and clinical suitability. In some courses there are
separate academic and clinical interviews, while in others both areas
are covered in one interview.
In preparing for these interviews, it is useful to list the main points
you want to make, and then illustrate each of these points with examples
from your academic career and relevant clinical experience. The kinds
of point that it is useful to make are that you know how to do research
(and can illustrate this by describing one of your research projects), that
you have basic clinical skills (and can illustrate these by describing
some clinical work you have done), and that you can work on a team
(and can illustrate this by describing some of your team work). It is also
useful to be able to show that you know about the roles of clinical
psychologists within the public health service and about recent relevant
policy documents. You can find these on the NHS or HSE websites,
which are listed at the end of the chapter.
It may also be worth mentioning that you have interests and hobbies
that allow you to maintain a degree of work–leisure balance in your life,
and that if you are offered a place on a course you intend to continue
these interests and hobbies to help you manage stress.
Most candidates find it helpful to rehearse their interviews with
previously successful applicants. When rehearsing for interviews, aim
to make your points and illustrate them with relevant examples in a
succinct way. It is also useful to prepare an opening statement that
gives your interviewers an overview of your career to date, and a closing
statement that summarizes the key points you made in your interview.
In doing this preparation and rehearsal, do not assume that your
interviewers will remember all of the detail in your application form. Most
interviewers on selection panels are on ‘information overload’ having
read 150+ applications during short listing and then interviewed a
number of candidates. It becomes difficult for panel members to
remember ‘who did what’. Your task is to make your points and illustrate
them with examples from your experience in a clear, engaging and
memorable way.
Selection interviews are stressful. Stress reduces our capacity to
focus on the concerns of others. It narrows our attention so that we tend
to focus on our own well-being, our own survival in the face of threat,
and our primary ‘emotional concerns’. In selection interviews common
emotional concerns are ‘I hope I’m doing OK here’, ‘I really want a place
on the programme’, ‘I’ll be disappointed if I don’t get on’, ‘I hope I’m not
itself you will be more likely to show the panel that you have the profile
and potential to be a good clinical psychology trainee.
When you attend a selection interview, listen carefully to the
questions you are asked. Answer these specific questions, and then
expand your answers to include relevant points that you have prepared
prior to the interview. You will probably be asked about the clinical and
research experiences and skills you have developed, and you will have
prepared points you want to make in these areas, so building them into
your answers will not be too challenging. You may also be asked
hypothetical ‘problem solving’ or ‘competency testing’ questions during
the interview, for which you are unlikely to have a prepared answer. In
these questions the panel may ask you how you would manage a
specific clinical or research problem. Listen to these questions very
carefully. Reflect for a moment or two, and then give your answer in a
step-by-step manner, so the panel can hear how you reason, make
decisions and solve problems. Panels ask these sorts of question
because they are interested in how you think and make judgements, not
because they want to see if you can come up with the right answer.
Towards the end of the interview, you may be asked if there is
anything you would like to add or ask. The most useful thing to do at this
point is to mentally go down your checklist of prepared points you
wanted to make in the interview, make any points you have not already
made, and briefly summarize how you think your qualifications and
relevant experiences have given you the basic academic, research and
clinical skills required to undertake professional training in clinical
psychology.
Some courses include various individual and group assessment
exercises and psychological tests (Hemmings & Simpson, 2008;
O’Shea & Byrne, 2011b; Phillips et al., 2001; Roth & Leiper, 1995). For
example, to assess capacity for teamwork, some course selection
panels invite groups of applicants to work as teams and solve specific
problems. To assess basic clinical skills, some courses observe
candidates conducting role-play interviews. To assess academic writing
skills, some panels ask applicants to read an article and write an
abstract, or to write an essay. To assess critical thinking skills, some
courses ask applicants to read academic material and then answer a
series of questions. To assess clinical judgement, some courses invite
candidates to read case vignettes and answer questions about them.
For the assessment of oral presentation skills, candidates may be
invited to make a preliminary presentation of their career to date and
indicate how this has prepared them for clinical psychology training.
Personality and aptitude tests are used by some courses, usually to
identify candidates with positive traits and rule out candidates with traits
that would make them unsuitable for clinical psychology training. It’s
useful to get formal information on selection procedures from the
courses for which you are applying and also to talk to previously
successful applicants about their experiences of engaging in these
procedures so that you will have a clear idea about what to expect.
Practising writing abstracts, essays, giving presentations, interviewing
Reapplying
Only 20–30% of candidates get places on clinical psychology courses,
and a proportion of these are people who have been unsuccessful in
previous years. O’Shea and Byrne (2011) in an Irish study of the 10
year period 2000–2009 found that the average successful applicant had
previously made about three unsuccessful applications, and the range
was 0–22! If you are not offered a place in a course, this does not
necessarily mean that you will be judged to be unsuitable if you reapply.
Rather, failure to be selected one year means that you were not as
suitable as the candidates selected in that particular year. Enhance
your portfolio of qualifications and relevant clinical and research
experiences over the next year, and reapply. As your portfolio expands
it becomes more likely that your application will be ranked highly
enough, in comparison with other applicants, to be selected.
Training abroad
Apart from the UK and Ireland, there are well-developed doctoral clinical
psychology training programmes in other English speaking countries
including the US, Canada, South Africa and Australia. These may be of
interest to you if decide to train abroad. If you return to the UK or Ireland
to work as a psychologist you will be required to submit your clinical
Choosing courses
When deciding which courses to apply to, or which offers to accept if
you are lucky enough to be offered places on more than one course, it’s
useful to base your decisions on your own clinical, academic and
research criteria.
Select courses that provide training with a research or clinical empha-
sis that suits you. Some courses are strongly clinically oriented. Others
are strongly research-oriented. Still others take a balanced approach,
with equal emphasis on clinical and research competence.
Choose a course that trains postgraduates in a clinical approach that
fits with your preferences. Some courses train postgraduates mainly in
cognitive behaviour therapy. Others adopt psychodynamic, systemic or
humanistic approaches (which are described in Chapter 9), while others
encourage the use of multiple models. For example, at UCD we train
postgraduates to adopt a systemic approach when working with
children, adolescents and people with intellectual disabilities. In the field
Controversies
The history of clinical psychology in the UK, Ireland, the US, continental
Europe, Australia and New Zealand is marked by controversy over the
appropriate model for training clinical psychologists, the level to which
they should be trained, and the roles they should adopt when qualified
(Benjamin, 2005; Cheshire & Pilgrim, 2004; Hall & Llewelyn, 2006; Lunt,
2008; Pachana et al., 2008; Sammons et al., 2003). There has been
controversy over whether the research-oriented scientist-practitioner,
the practice-oriented practitioner-scholar, or the experientially oriented
reflective-practitioner should be the core model for training. Currently
the weight of opinion in the UK, Ireland and the US leans towards the
scientist-practitioner model as the dominant approach. There has been
controversy over whether registered clinical psychologists should be
trained to the diploma or master’s level, or to the doctorate level.
Currently in the UK, Ireland and the US, doctoral level training has
become the norm. However, in the UK and Ireland this is a relatively
recent development, and in continental Europe and the antipodes
master’s and diploma level training models are prevalent.
Positive features
There are many pluses to clinical psychology as a career. In the UK and
Ireland, the public health service sponsors candidates with primary
degrees in psychology on doctoral programmes to train as clinical
psychologists, paying them a salary at the trainee clinical psychologist
Summary
Clinical psychology is both a health care profession and a
health-related scientific discipline.
The clinical psychologist’s role has been conceptualized as
that of a scientist-practitioner and a practitioner-scholar.
Clinical psychologists’ jobs typically involve direct work with cli-
ents, indirect work, administration or management, research,
and continuing professional development. Clinical psycholo-
gists provide services to a wide range of people with diverse
difficulties in an array of different work settings.
In the UK and Ireland professional clinical psychology train-
ing programmes are 3 year doctorates run by partnerships
involving universities and public health service units. These
programmes include course work, clinical placements and
research. In the UK and Ireland there are about 35 clinical psy-
chology programmes. Between 2005 and 2010 about 20–30%
of applicants got places on these courses. Minimum entry
requirements for clinical psychology training in the UK and
Ireland are a 2.1 honours degree in psychology and about
a year’s relevant clinical experience. Because entry to pro-
grammes is very competitive, successful applicants typically
exceed these minimum requirements.
Questions
● What is clinical psychology?
● How are clinical psychologists trained?
● If you wished to train as a clinical psychologist, what steps would
you like to take to increase your chances of getting a place on a
professional training programme in clinical psychology?
● How does clinical psychology differ from other applied specialties,
such as educational, counseling, health and forensic psychology,
and from other professions such as psychiatry or psychotherapy?
● What are the advantages and disadvantages of choosing clinical
psychology as a career?
● What is the most important thing you have learned from studying
this chapter?
FURTHER READING
● Beinart, H., Kennedy, P. & Llewelyn, S. (2009). Clinical psychology in
practice. London: British Psychological Society–Blackwell.
● Bennett, P. (2011). Abnormal and clinical psychology: An introductory
textbook (third edition). Maidenhead: Open University Press.
● Davey, G. (2008). Clinical psychology. London: Hodder Education
● Knight, A. (2002). How to become a clinical psychologist: Getting a foot
in the door. London: Routledge.
WEBSITES
Sites for relevant experience and general information
● Assistant Psychologists Ireland Google group:
ap_ireland@googlegroups.com
● Psyclick website:
www.psyclick.org.uk/
Introduction
A wide variety of psychological problems may occur in childhood. These
include problems that compromise children’s capacities to learn and
communicate such as intellectual disability, language delay, specific
school work. He also had difficulties getting along with other children.
They disliked him because he disrupted their games. He rarely waited
for his turn and did not obey the rules. At home he was consistently
disobedient and, according to his father, ran ‘like a motorboat’ from the
time he got up until bedtime. He often climbed on furniture and routinely
shouted rather than talked.
Family history
Timmy came from a well functioning family. His parents had a very
stable and satisfying marriage and ran a successful business together.
Their daughter, Amanda, was a well-adjusted and academically able
8-year-old. The parents were careful not to favour the daughter over her
brother or to unduly punish Timmy for his constant disruption of his
sister’s activities. However, there was a growing tension between each
of the parents and Timmy. While they were undoubtedly committed to
him, they were also continually suppressing their growing irritation with
his frenetic activity, disobedience, shouting and school problems. Within
the wider family there were few resources that the parents could draw
on to help them cope with Timmy. The grandparents, aunts and uncles
lived abroad and so could not provide regular support for the parents.
Furthermore, they were bewildered by Timmy’s condition, found it very
unpleasant and had gradually reduced their contact with Timmy’s
nuclear family since his birth.
Developmental history
There were a number of noteworthy features in Timmy’s developmental
history. He had suffered anoxia at birth and febrile convulsions in
infancy. He had also had episodes of projectile vomiting. His high
activity level and demandingness had been present from birth. He
displayed a difficult temperament, showing little regularity in feeding or
sleeping; intense negative emotions to new stimuli; and was slow to
soothe following intense display of negative emotion.
Formulation
Timmy was a 6-year-old boy with home- and school-based problems of
hyperactivity, impulsivity and distractibility of sufficient severity to
warrant a diagnosis of attention deficit hyperactivity disorder. The
problems were longstanding, and there was no discrete factor that
precipitated his condition. However, his entry into the school system
precipitated the referral. Possible predisposing factors included anoxia
Treatment
Treatment in this case involved both psychosocial and pharmacological
intervention. The psychosocial intervention included parent and teacher
education about ADHD, behavioural parent training, self-instructional
training for the child, a classroom-based behavioural programme and
provision of periodic relief care/holidays with specially trained foster
parents. Timmy was also given stimulant therapy, specifically a twice-
daily dose of methylphenidate (Ritalin). These interventions led to a
significant improvement in his disruptive behaviour at home and school,
his academic performance in school, and the quality of his relationships
with his parents, teachers and friends.
Clinical features
ADHD has distinct clinical features in the domains of cognition, affect,
behaviour, physical health and interpersonal adjustment. Timmy, in the
case example, showed all of these. With respect to cognition, short
attention span, distractibility and an inability to foresee the consequences
of action are the main features. There is usually a poor internalization of
the rules of social conduct, and in some instances low self-esteem may
be present. With respect to affect, excitability associated with lack of
impulse control is the dominant emotional state. This may be coupled
with depressed mood associated with low self-esteem in some cases.
With ADHD, the cardinal behavioural features are the high rate of
activity, common comorbid aggressive antisocial behaviour, excessive
risk-taking and poor school performance associated with inattention.
With respect to physical health in ADHD, in some instances food
allergies may be present. Injuries or medical complications associated
with antisocial behaviour such as fighting and drug abuse may also
occur. Relationship difficulties with parents, teachers and peers are the
principal interpersonal adjustment problems.
Difficulties with turn-taking in games due to impulsivity make children
with ADHD poor playmates. The failure of children with ADHD to inter-
nalize rules of social conduct at home and to meet parental expectations
for appropriate social and academic behaviour leads to conflictual
parent–child relationships. In school, youngsters with ADHD pose class-
room management problems for teachers and these children invariably
have problems in benefiting from routine teaching and instructional
methods. For these reasons, their relationships with teachers tend to be
conflictual.
Currently the World Health Organization’s (1992) International
Classification of Diseases (ICD-10) criteria for hyperkinetic disorder,
which are widely used in Europe, are stricter than those for ADHD in the
American Psychiatric Association’s (2000) Diagnostic and Statistical
Manual (DSM-IV-TR), which are widely used in North America. Both
sets of criteria are given in Table 2.1. The ICD criteria stipulate that the
actual symptoms of inattention, hyperactivity and impulsivity must be
present in two or more settings such as home and school for a positive
diagnosis to be made. In contrast, the more lenient DSM criteria specify
that only impairment in functioning arising from the symptoms, rather
than the actual symptoms or inattention, hyperactivity and impulsivity,
must be present in two or more settings for a positive diagnosis.
Epidemiology
In a review of 15 international epidemiological studies, Costello et al.
(2004) found that the prevalence of ADHD ranged from 0.3% to 11.3%,
with a median prevalence rate of 2.7%. The variability in rates may be
due to the stringency of the diagnostic criteria applied and the demo-
graphic characteristics of the populations studied. Using stringent ICD-
10 hyperkinetic disorder criteria demanding cross-situational stability of
TABLE 2.1
Diagnostic criteria for attention and hyperactivity syndromes in DSM-IV-TR and ICD-10
DSM-IV-TR: Attention deficit hyperactivity disorder ICD-10: Hyperkinetic disorder
A. Either 1 or 2 The cardinal features are impaired
1. Six or more of the following symptoms of inattention have attention and overactivity. Both are
persisted for at least 6 months to a degree that is maladaptive necessary for the diagnosis and
and inconsistent with developmental level. should be evident in more than one
situation (e.g. home or school).
Inattention
a. Often fails to give close attention to details or makes careless Impaired attention is manifested by
mistakes in schoolwork, work or other activities prematurely breaking off from tasks
b. Often has difficulty sustaining attention in tasks or play activities and leaving activities unfinished. The
c. Often does not seem to listen when spoken to directly children change frequently from one
d. Often does not follow through on instructions and fails to finish activity to another, seemingly losing
schoolwork, chores or work duties interest in one task because they
e. Often has difficulty organizing tasks and activities become diverted to another. These
f. Often avoids or dislikes tasks that require sustained mental effort deficits in persistence and attention
g. Often loses things necessary for tasks or activities should be diagnosed only if they are
h. Is often easily distracted by extraneous stimuli excessive for the child’s age and IQ.
i. Is often forgetful in daily activities Overactivity implies excessive
restlessness, especially in situations
2. Six or more of the following symptoms of hyperactivity– requiring relative calm. It may,
impulsivity have persisted for at least 6 months to a degree that depending on the situation, involve
is maladaptive and inconsistent with developmental level. the child running and jumping
Hyperactivity around, getting up from a seat when
a. Often fidgets with hands or feet or squirms in seat he or she was supposed to remain
b. Often leaves seat in classroom or in other situations in which seated, excessive talkativeness and
remaining seated is expected noisiness, or fidgeting and wriggling.
c. Often runs about or climbs excessively in situations in which it is The standard for judgement should
inappropriate be that the activity is excessive in the
d. Often has difficulty playing or engaging in leisure activities context of what is expected in the
quietly situation and by comparison with
e. Is often on the go or acts as if driven by a motor other children of the same age and
f. Often talks excessively IQ. This behavioural feature is most
evident in structured, organized
Impulsivity
situations that require a high degree
g. Often blurts out answer before questions have been completed
of behavioural self-control.
h. Often has difficulty awaiting turn
i. Often interrupts or intrudes on others The characteristic behaviour
problems should be of early onset
B. Some of these symptoms were present before the age of (before the age of 6 years) and long
7 years duration.
Associated features include
C. Some impairment from the symptoms is present in two or more disinhibition in social relationships,
settings (e.g. home and school) recklessness in situations involving
some danger, impulsive flouting of
D. Clinically significant impairment in social, academic or social rules, learning disorders, and
occupational functioning motor clumsiness.
Note: Adapted from DSM-IV-TR (APA, 2000) and ICD-10 (WHO, 1992).
Etiological theories
Biological, cognitive-behavioural and family systems theories have
been developed to explain the aetiology of ADHD.
Biological theories
Biological theories that focus on the role of genetic factors, structural
brain abnormalities, neurotransmitter dysregulation, dietary factors and
hypo-arousal have guided much research on the aetiology of ADHD.
Genetics
The genetic hypothesis proposes that ADHD symptomatology or a pre-
disposition to hyperactivity is inherited by children who develop the con-
dition. In support of this hypothesis, twin, adoption and family studies all
show that rates of ADHD are higher in the biological relatives of children
with ADHD than of those without the disorder (Taylor, 2008; Thapar &
Scourfield, 2002; Thapar & Stergiakouli, 2008). Twin studies show that
ADHD is 80% heritable, making it one of the most heritable psychologi-
cal disorders. Twenty percent of the variance in ADHD symptomatology
may be accounted for by environmental factors. The nature and extent
of the contribution made by genetic and environmental factors varies
Organic deficits
Early work on ADHD was premised on the hypothesis that the syndrome
reflected an organic deficit: probably some form of minimal brain
damage (Strauss & Lehtinen, 1947). In support of this hypothesis, a
number of factors that might be associated with brain damage or
dysfunction during the prenatal or perinatal periods and in early
childhood have been found to be more prevalent among youngsters
with ADHD than normal controls. These include prenatal difficulties;
maternal stress during pregnancy; maternal nicotine, alcohol, cocaine
and anticonvulsant use during pregnancy; low foetal heart rate during
delivery; small head circumference at birth; low birth weight; minor
physical abnormalities; a high rate of diseases of infancy; lead poisoning
and early neurological insult or severe head injury (Barkley, 2005;
Taylor, 2008; Taylor & Rogers, 2005). It is important to point out that
these factors which may be associated with, or contribute to, the
development of an organic deficit are not unique to ADHD and also
occur in youngsters with other disorders. Therefore they probably
interact with other factors in contributing to the development of ADHD.
Neuroimaging studies have shown that ADHD is associated with a
range of structural and functional neuroanatomical abnormalities (Shaw,
2010). The best established of these is lobar volume loss of around
3–4%, and abnormalities of the frontostriatal circuitry which underpins
executive function (Makris et al., 2009). The frontostriatal circuitry of
children with ADHD is less efficient than that of normal children and this
may account for their executive function deficits, such as difficulties with
planning and following through on tasks (mentioned below under
psychological theories).
Neuroimaging studies have also found abnormalities in the cerebel-
lum, which may underpin deficits in temporal information processing
such as learning ‘what to expect when’, and in the parietal lobes, which
may affect the capacity to attend to one stimulus without being dis-
Neurotransmitter dysregulation
In 1937 Charles Bradley reported that Benzedrine – a stimulant – had a
calming effect on the behaviour of hyperactive children. Subsequent
research showed that methylphenidate, which is also a stimulant, and
atomoxetine, a non-stimulant selective noradrenalin reuptake inhibitor,
had similar affects (Taylor, 2008). Neurotransmitter dysregulation
hypotheses have been proposed to explain the effects of these drugs
on ADHD. These hypotheses attribute the symptoms of ADHD to abnor-
malities in neurotransmitter functioning at the synapses affected by
medications that ameliorate the symptomatology of ADHD. Results of
research in this field have converged on the view that a dysregulation of
the dopaminergic system in the ventral tegmental areas of the brain and
noradrenergic and adrenergic systems in the locus coeruleus may be
present in ADHD (Solanto, 1998). Dexamphetamine and methylpheni-
date appear to improve functioning in people with ADHD by increasing
extracellular dopamine, while atomoxetine has beneficial effects by
increasing extracellular noradrenaline levels (Pliszka, 2007).
Controlled trials show that approximately 70% of children with ADHD
respond to these medications (Hinshaw et al., 2007). Medicated children
with ADHD show a reduction in symptomatology and an improvement in
both academic and social functioning, although positive effects dissipate
when medication ceases, if psychological interventions to improve
symptom control have not been provided concurrently with medication.
One of the most remarkable findings of the Multimodal Treatment study
of ADHD (MTA) – the largest ever long-term controlled trial of stimulant
medication for ADHD, involving over 500 cases – is that stimulant
medication ceased to have a therapeutic effect after 3 years (Swanson
& Volkow, 2009). It also led to a reduction in height gain of about 2 cm,
and a reduction in weight gain of about 2 kg. Furthermore, it did not
prevent adolescent substance misuse as expected. The MTA trial
showed that tolerance to medication used to treat ADHD occurs and
this medication has negative side-effects. These findings underline the
importance of using medication to reduce ADHD symptoms to
manageable levels for a time-limited period, while children and their
parents engage in psychological interventions to develop skills to
manage symptoms through psychological means.
Diet
The dietary hypothesis attributes the symptoms of ADHD to children’s
reaction to certain features of their daily diet. Originally Feingold (1975)
argued that artificial food additives such as colourants accounted for a
substantial proportion of ADHD symptomatology. However, controlled
trials of additive-free diets did not support his position. Egger et al.
(1985) refined Feingold’s original allergy theory and argued that particu-
lar children with ADHD may have unique allergy profiles and if their diet
is modified so as to exclude the precise substances to which they are
allergic, then their activity and attention problems may improve.
Carefully controlled dietary studies have supported Egger’s theory,
showing that children with ADHD and food allergies can benefit from
placement on a ‘few foods’ diet (Jacobson & Schardt, 1999; Stevenson,
2010). Results of controlled trials show that removal of food colours
from the diet can have beneficial effects on the behaviour of children
with and without ADHD, but evidence for the value of omega-3 supple-
mentation in reducing hyperactivity is inconsistent (Stevenson, 2010).
Hypo-arousal
The hypo-arousal hypothesis explains hyperactivity and inattention as a
failure to be sufficiently aroused by signal stimuli to attend to them and
regulate activity levels. Psychophysiological studies in which arousal is
assessed by electroencephalograph (EEG), skin conductance and heart
rate recordings indicate that ADHD children show reduced psycho-
physiological responsiveness to novel stimuli with signal value (Rowe
et al., 2005). The use of vivid stimuli in academic settings and highly
salient and immediate reinforcers is implicated by the hypo-arousal
hypothesis. Reward systems and operant programmes conforming to
these specifications have been found to have significant short-term
effects (Hinshaw et al., 2007). EEG neurofeedback to increase cortical
arousal has been shown in preliminary trials to improve ADHD symp-
toms (Sherlin et al., 2010).
Cognitive-behavioural approaches
A number of theories that highlight the importance of deficits in specific
cognitive or behavioural processes as the central factor underlying
ADHD symptomatology have been proposed. Four of these will be
mentioned below. All attempt to show how the overall syndrome of
inattention, overactivity and impulsivity may be accounted for by a
single underlying core deficit, be it one of the three core symptoms of
ADHD or some other cognitive or behavioural process.
Inattention
The attentional deficit hypothesis proposes that problems with sustain-
ing attention on a single task and screening out other distracting stimuli
is the core difficulty that underpins the other symptoms of impulsivity
and overactivity in ADHD (e.g. Douglas, 1983). That is, youngsters with
ADHD at the outset of a task requiring attention will perform at a level
equivalent to normal children but, over time, will show more errors that
are directly attributable to the inability to sustain attention. This problem
with sustaining attention leads them to change the focus of their atten-
tion frequently and is manifested at a behavioural level as excessive
impulsivity and overactivity. On certain laboratory tasks children with
ADHD show a gradual deterioration in sustained attention, as predicted
Hyperactivity
The hyperactivity hypothesis argues that a problem with inhibiting motor
activity is the core deficit that underpins the ADHD syndrome and can
account for inattention and impulsivity (e.g. Schachar, 1991). There is a
large body of evidence which shows that hyperactivity is unique as a
symptom to children with ADHD compared to children with other
psychological problems, and that hyperactivity as a construct correlates
with many academic indices of attentional problems (Barkley, 2003).
Impulsivity
The impulsivity hypothesis proposes that a core problem in inhibiting
cognitive and behavioural responses to specific stimuli leads to poor
performance on tasks apparently requiring good attentional abilities and
also to tasks requiring careful regulation of behaviour. Thus the central
problem in ADHD, according to this hypothesis, is with cognitive and
behavioural impulsivity (e.g., Nigg, 2001). According to this theory, with
academic tasks requiring high levels of sustained attention, children
with ADHD have problems using systematic cognitive problem-solving
strategies because they are cognitively impulsive. Also, in both aca-
demic and social situations, children with ADHD engage in careless
work practices in school and engage in socially inappropriate behaviour
with peers, parents and teachers because they are behaviourally impul-
sive. There is some evidence to show that while children with ADHD
may know and understand problem-solving skills and social skills, they
fail to use them appropriately in academic and social situations (Barkley,
2003).
Executive function
Russell Barkley (2003, 2005) argues that the symptoms of ADHD
(impulsivity, overactivity and inattention) reflect a central deficit in the
core executive function of behavioural inhibition that is neurodevelop-
mental (rather than social) in origin. Children with deficits in behavioural
inhibition cannot delay gratification, so as to reap better rewards later.
This core deficit in behavioural inhibition is associated with, and rein-
forced by, secondary deficits in four other executive functions: (1) non-
verbal working memory, (2) verbal working memory (or internalization of
speech), (3) self-regulation of affect, arousal and motivation, and (4)
verbal and behavioural creativity and fluency (or internalization of play).
With poor verbal and non-verbal working memory, ADHD children can-
not hold a picture of events in the mind, or obey a set of self-directed
instructions so as to delay gratification or sustain planned sequences of
goal-directed behaviour. With poor self-regulation of affect, arousal and
motivation, ADHD children have difficulty in preventing strong emotional
Systemic theory
Family systems theories have focused largely on the role of the family
system or the wider social context in the aetiology and maintenance of
ADHD. Parental psychological problems such as depression, aggression
or alcohol and substance misuse; exposure to severe marital discord or
domestic violence; extreme abuse and neglect in infancy; and coercive
parent–child interactions in childhood and adolescence have all been
found to have associations with ADHD (Deault, 2010; Johnston & Mash,
2001; Taylor, 2008). With respect to the wider social system, the follow-
ing factors have been found to be associated with ADHD: institutional
upbringing, low socio-economic status, peer relationship problems, and
relationship problems with school staff (Barclay, 2005; Taylor, 2008).
A problem with much of the research on psychosocial factors in the
aetiology and maintenance of ADHD is the fact that in many cases
comorbid conduct disorders are present and the risk factors that are
identified, which bear a close resemblance to those identified for
conduct disorders, may primarily be associated with the aetiology of
conduct problems rather than ADHD. A second difficulty is untangling
the causal chain, establishing which family and relationship difficulties
Assessment
Assessment and treatment of ADHD is usually carried out by multidisci-
plinary teams which include clinical psychologists, and colleagues from
other disciplines such as psychiatry or paediatrics. Children with ADHD
require assessment of their behaviour, abilities, and family and school
situations. The revised Conners’ Rating Scales (CRS-R, Conners,
1997) are widely used to assess ADHD behaviour. Conners’ parent,
teacher and self-report rating scales each contain almost 100 items and
yield a range of scores on scales that assess aspects of ADHD and
related difficulties. Computer scoring systems are available and norma-
tive data are used to interpret scores. To establish a DSM-IV-TR or
ICD-10 diagnosis, a structured interview for parents and children may
be administered, such as the attention and activity module of the
Development and Well-Being Assessment (DAWBA, Goodman et al.,
2000). Abilities may be assessed with intelligence tests such as the
Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children (WISC-IV, Wechsler, 2004a)
for school-aged children and the Wechsler Preschool and Primary
Scale of Intelligence (WPPSI-III, 2004b) for preschoolers. These tests
yield full-scale IQs as well as scores for specific abilities that throw light
on cognitive strengths and weaknesses.
Attainments may be assessed with tests such as the Wechsler
Individual Achievement Test (WIAT-II, Wechsler, 2005), which assess
reading, numerical and language attainments. Family and school
situations may be assessed by conducting interviews with parents and
school teachers about the young person’s behaviour in these contexts.
Assessment information is integrated into a formulation that is used for
treatment planning as illustrated in the case study that opened the
chapter. This should link predisposing, precipitating and maintaining
factors to the child’s presenting problems and specify protective factors
that may be drawn on during treatment. A general clinical formulation
model for ADHD is given in Figure 2.2.
Treatment
There is a growing consensus within the field that single factor theories
are unlikely to be able to explain the complex and heterogeneous
population of youngsters who qualify for a diagnosis of ADHD (Barkley,
2005). It is probable that a variety of biological and psychosocial factors
interact in complex ways to give rise to the syndrome and that problems
with a number of psychological processes particularly those involved in
regulating both cognitive and motor responses underpin symptomatology.
The symptomatology is probably partially maintained and exacerbated by
problematic relationships within the family, the peer group and the school.
In view of this integrative formulation, it is not surprising that multi-
modal treatment packages that include behavioural parent training, self-
instructional and social skills training and school-based contingency
management combined with stimulant therapy have been found to be
most effective. International best practice guidelines recommend that
multimodal programmes involving stimulant medication and behaviour-
ally oriented family, school and individual psychological interventions
should be offered to children with ADHD (American Academy of Child
and Adolescent Psychiatry, 2007a; American Academy of Paediatrics,
2001; Consensus Development Panel, 2000; Kutcher et al., 2004,
NICE, 2008a).
TABLE 2.2
Diagnostic criteria for oppositional defiant disorder and conduct disorder in DSM-IV-TR and ICD-10
DSM-IV-TR ICD-10
Oppositional defiant disorder
A. A pattern of negativistic, hostile and defiant behaviour The essential feature of this disorder is a
lasting at least 6 months, during which four or more of pattern of persistently negativistic, hostile,
the following are present: defiant, provocative and disruptive behaviour
1. Often loses temper which is clearly outside the normal range of
2. Often argues with adults behaviour for a child of the same age in the
3. Often actively defies or refuses to comply with adults’ same sociocultural context and which does
requests or rules not include the more serious violations of the
4. Often deliberately annoys people rights of others associated with conduct
5. Often blames others for his or her mistakes or disorder.
misbehaviour
6. Is often touchy or easily annoyed by others Children with this disorder tend frequently and
7. Is often angry or resentful actively to defy adult requests or rules and
8. Is often spiteful or vindictive deliberately to annoy other people. Usually
they tend to be angry, resentful, and easily
B. The disturbance in behaviour causes clinically annoyed by other people whom they blame
significant impairment in social, academic or for their own mistakes and difficulties. They
occupational functioning generally have a low frustration tolerance and
readily lose their temper. Typically their
C. The behaviours do not occur exclusively during the defiance has a provocative quality, so that
course of a psychotic or a mood disorder they initiate confrontations and generally
exhibit excessive levels of rudeness,
D. Criteria are not met for conduct disorder or antisocial uncooperativeness and resistance to
personality disorder. authority.
DSM-IV-TR ICD-10
Destruction of property
8. Has deliberately engaged in firesetting Examples of the behaviours on which the
9. Has deliberately destroyed others’ property diagnosis is based include the following:
excessive levels of fighting or bullying; cruelty
Deceitfulness or theft
to animals or other people; severe
10. Has broken into someone’s house, building or car
destructiveness to property; firesetting;
11. Often lies to obtain goods or favours or avoid
stealing; repeated lying; truancy from school
obligations
and running away from home; unusually
12. Has stolen items without confronting the victim
frequent and severe temper tantrums; defiant
Serious violation of rules provocative behaviour; and persistent and
13. Often stays out late at night despite parental severe disobedience. Any one of these
prohibitions (before 13 years of age) categories, if marked, is sufficient for the
14. Has run away from home overnight at least twice while diagnosis, but isolated dissocial acts are not.
living in parental home or once without returning for a
lengthy period Exclusion criteria include serious underlying
15. Is often truant from school before the age of 13 conditions such as schizophrenia,
hyperkinetic disorder or depression.
B. The disturbance in behaviour causes clinically
significant impairment in social, academic or The diagnosis is not made unless the duration
occupational functioning. of the behaviour is 6 months or longer.
Note: Adapted from DSM-IV-TR (APA, 2000) and ICD-10 (WHO, 1992).
Family history
Bill was one of five boys who lived with his mother, Rita, at the time of
the referral. The family lived in relatively chaotic circumstances. Prior to
Paul’s imprisonment, the children’s defiance and rule-breaking, particu-
larly Bill’s, was kept in check by their fear of physical punishment from
their father. Since his imprisonment, there were few house rules and
these were implemented inconsistently by Rita, so all of the children
had conduct problems but Bill’s were by far the worst.
Developmental history
From Bill’s developmental history, it was clear that he was a child with a
difficult temperament who did not develop sleeping and feeding routines
easily and responded intensely and negatively to new situations. His
language development had been delayed and he showed academic
difficulties since his first years in school. On the positive side, Bill had a
strong sense of family loyalty to his brothers and parents and did not
want to see the family split up.
Psychometric assessment
From the Child Behaviour Checklists (CBCLs) completed by Rita, it was
clear that Bill and his three brothers had clinically significant conduct
problems and Bill’s were by far the most extreme. A similar pattern
emerged from behaviour checklists completed by the boys’ teachers. A
psychometric evaluation of Bill’s abilities and attainments showed that
he was of normal intelligence, but his attainments in reading, spelling
and arithmetic fell below the 10th percentile. From his subtest profile on
the psychometric instruments, it was concluded that the discrepancy
between his attainment and abilities was accounted for by a specific
learning disability – dyslexia.
School report
The headmaster at the school that Bill and his brothers attended
confirmed that Bill had academic, conduct and attainment problems, but
was committed to educating the boys and managing their conduct and
attendance problems in a constructive way. The headmaster had a
reputation (of which he was very proud) for being particularly skilled in
managing children with behaviour problems.
Formulation
Bill was an 11-year-old boy with a persistent and broad pattern of con-
duct problems both within and outside the home, consistent with a diag-
nosis of conduct disorder. Bill’s conduct problems had an insidious
onset, beginning with wilfulness in early childhood and escalating as he
developed. Thus there was no discrete precipitating factor to account
for the onset of Bill’s conduct disorder. However, the father’s imprison-
ment 6 months prior the referral led to an intensification of Bill’s conduct
problems and precipitated the referral. Factors that predisposed Bill to
develop conduct problems included a difficult temperament, a develop-
mental language delay, dyslexia, exposure to paternal criminality,
maternal depression and a disorganized family environment. The con-
duct problems were maintained at the time of the referral by engage-
ment in coercive patterns of interaction with his mother and teachers;
regular absences from school; rejection of Bill by peers at school; and
isolation of his family by the extended family and the community.
Protective factors in the case included the mother’s wish to retain cus-
tody of the children rather than have them taken into foster care; Bill and
his siblings’ sense of family loyalty; and the school’s commitment to
retaining and dealing with Bill and his brothers rather than expelling
them for truancy and misconduct. This formulation is diagrammed in
Figure 2.3.
Treatment
The treatment plan in this case involved a multisystemic intervention
programme. The mother was trained in behavioural parenting skills. A
series of meetings between the teacher, the mother and the social
worker were convened to develop and implement a plan for regular
school attendance. Occasional relief foster care was arranged for Bill
and John (the second eldest) to reduce the stress on Rita. Social skills
training was provided for Bill to help him deal with peer relationship
problems.
There was some improvement in Bill’s conduct problems, school
attendance and academic performance. However, Bill continued to
have residual conduct and academic problems throughout his adoles-
cence. Coercive cycles of interaction between Bill and Rita, and family
isolation and lack of support continued to be major factors maintaining
Bill’s difficulties. Rita required periodic crisis intervention and social
work support throughout Bill’s teenage years. Periodically, with social
work assistance, Bill was placed for brief periods in voluntary care at
Rita’s request.
Clinical features
From Table 2.2 it may be seen that a distinction is made between oppo-
sitional defiant disorder and conduct disorder, with the former reflecting
a less pervasive disturbance than the latter. In a proportion of cases
oppositional defiant disorder is a developmental precursor of conduct
disorder (Moffitt & Scott, 2008; Scott, 2009). The main behavioural fea-
Epidemiology
In a review of 12 international epidemiological studies, Costello et al.
(2004) found that the prevalence of conduct disorder ranged from 1.1%
to 10.6%, with a median prevalence rate of 3.7%. The range for opposi-
tional defiant disorder was 1.3–7.4% and the median prevalence rate
also 3.7%. The variability in rates may be due to the diagnostic criteria
applied (DSM or ICD) and the demographic characteristics of the popu-
lations studied. Using ICD criteria, a prevalence rate of 5.3% was
obtained in a UK national epidemiological study (Meltzer et al., 2000).
The prevalence of conduct disorder varies with gender and age, and the
occurrence of comorbid conditions is common (Carr, 2006a). Conduct
disorder is more prevalent in boys than in girls, with male/female ratios
varying from 2:1 to 4:1. It is also more prevalent in adolescents than in
children. The comorbidity rate for conduct disorder and ADHD in com-
munity populations is 23%. The comorbidity rates for conduct disorder
and emotional disorders in community populations are 17% for major
depression and 15% for anxiety disorders.
Etiological theories
Biological, psychodynamic, cognitive-behavioural and social systems
theories have been proposed to explain the development of conduct
problems and to inform their treatment. Since the distinction between
oppositional defiant disorder and conduct disorder is a relatively recent
development, most theories in this area have been developed with
specific reference to conduct disorder but have obvious implications for
oppositional defiant disorder, which is a developmental precursor of
conduct disorder in many cases.
Biological theories
Biological theories have focused on the roles of genetic factors,
neurobiological deficits, neurotransmitter dysregulation, neuroendocrine
factors, arousal levels, temperament and neuropsychological deficits in
the aetiology of conduct problems.
Genetics
There are many lines of research that focus on genetic and constitutional
aspects of children with conduct disorder, and these are guided by the
hypothesis that biological factors underpin antisocial behaviour. The
predominance of males among youngsters with conduct disorders and
the finding from a review of over 100 twin and adoption studies that
antisocial behaviour is about 50% heritable point to a role for genetically
transmitted constitutional factors in the aetiology of conduct disorders
(Moffitt, 2005).
Current neuroscientific studies of conduct disorder aim to link specific
genes with specific structural and functional brain abnormalities. At
present a number of genes are being investigated. One of the most
Neurobiological deficits
Neurobiological theories propose that antisocial, immoral and aggres-
sive behaviour, typical of people with life-course-persistent disruptive
behaviour disorders, is subserved by structural and functional brain
abnormalities. In a wide-ranging review of evidence drawn mainly from
studies of antisocial adults with histories of childhood conduct disorder,
Raine and Yang (2006) concluded that antisocial behaviour is associ-
ated with structural and functional abnormalities of a number of brain
regions including the prefrontal cortex, which subserves executive func-
tion and judgement, and the limbic system (including the amygdala,
hippocampus and cingulate), which subserves learned emotional
responses, particularly fear conditioning. People with antisocial person-
ality disorder and psychopathy (who as children had disruptive behav-
iour disorders) have significantly reduced prefrontal lobe grey matter,
reduced amygdala and hippocampus volume, and reduced activity in
these areas compared with normal people. These abnormalities may be
due to genetic factors or prenatal, perinatal or early childhood adversity
(Moffitt, 2005; Taylor & Rogers, 2005).
Neurotransmitter dysregulation
Neurotransmitter dysregulation hypotheses propose that low levels of
serotonin lead to aggression against others in the case of disruptive
behaviour disorders (or the self in the case of depression) by enhancing
sensitivity to stimuli that elicit aggression and reducing sensitivity to
cues that signal punishment (Spoont, 1992). Studies of adults show that
antisocial behaviour is associated with low levels of serotonin, but in
studies of children the results are more mixed (van Goozen et al., 2007).
However, medications that target serotonin, such as the selective
serotonin reuptake inhibitors, do not modify aggression or antisocial
behaviour in children or adults.
Neuroendocrine hypothesis
The hypothesis that antisocial behaviour is caused by androgens such
as testosterone and dehydroepiandrosterone (DHEA) is premised on
the fact that higher rates of both occur in males, and in animal studies a
strong correlation has been found between aggression and testosterone
levels. Research on adults has established a link between testosterone
and violent crime, but studies of children and adolescents have yielded
mixed results. In contrast, there is some evidence for higher levels of
DHEA in children and adolescents with conduct disorder (van Goozen
et al., 2007).
Hypo-arousal
In the most sophisticated version of the hypo-arousal hypothesis, Van
Goozen et al. (2007, 2008) proposed that people who show marked
aggression and antisocial behaviour do so because their stress res-
ponse systems are underreactive, a neurobiological vulnerability that
may arise from genetic factors or early adversity. This underreactivity
accounts for fearless rule-breaking behaviour and risky sensation-
seeking behaviour typical of young people with conduct disorder. In a
previous version of this hypothesis, Raine (1996) proposed that because
of their fearlessness, children with conduct disorder are insensitive to
the negative consequences of antisocial behaviour, and so have diffi-
culty learning and internalizing societal rules. Zuckerman (2007) argued
that their low arousal levels lead them to become easily bored and they
address this by engaging in risky, sensation-seeking behaviour. The
hypo-arousal hypothesis is supported by a large body of evidence which
shows that antisocial children and adults show low resting heart rate,
skin conductance and cortisol levels, which are indices of hypoactivity
within the autonomic nervous system and the hypothalamic–pituitary–
adrenal (HPA) axis (Van Goozen et al., 2007, 2008).
There is also growing evidence that both genetic factors and adverse
prenatal and early life environments may contribute to the development
of underreactive stress response systems. The heritability of antisocial
behaviour is well established (as noted above), and future research
may indicate a mechanism that links specific genes to the stress
response system. With regard to the prenatal environment, maternal
smoking, drug and alcohol use, psychopathology and poor diet during
pregnancy all compromise normal development of the central nervous
system and may possibly compromise the development of the stress
response system (Huizink et al., 2004). Stressful parenting environments
in the early years associated with parental psychopathology, harsh,
critical parenting, child abuse and neglect and domestic violence may
adversely affect brain development and lead to an adaptive down-
regulating of the stress response system to avoid the negative effects of
chronic hyper-arousal (Dawson et al., 2000; Susman, 2006).
Treatment of conduct disorder based on the hypo-arousal hypoth-
esis involves the use of highly structured and intensive learning situ-
ations to facilitate the internalization of social rules. The positive and
negative reinforcers used must be highly valued and delivered immedi-
ately following responses. All rule infractions must lead to immediate
Temperament
The temperament hypothesis proposes that difficult temperament is a
risk factor for disruptive behaviour disorders. Children with difficult
temperaments, which are predominantly inherited, have difficulty
establishing regular routines for eating, toileting and sleeping; tend to
avoid new situations; and responded to change with intense negative
emotions. Their temperamental style tends to elicit negative reactions
from their parents, teachers and peers, to which they respond with
defiance, aggression and other antisocial behaviour. The temperament
hypothesis has been supported by many studies including Chess and
Thomas’s (1995) original New York longitudinal study (De Pauw &
Mervielde, 2010).
There may appear to be an inconsistency between the hypo-arousal
hypothesis and the temperament hypothesis, with the former proposing
that antisocial behaviour is associated with low arousal and the latter
with difficult temperament, possibly associated with high arousal in new
situations. It may be that low arousal and difficult temperament are
separate routes to antisocial behaviour or to different types of antisocial
behaviour, with low arousal being associated with callous unemotional
psychopathy and difficult temperament associated with aggressive
behaviour. Lorber (2004) found support for this position in a meta-
analysis of studies of heart rate and skin conductance resting levels and
reactivity to various stimuli. All forms of antisocial behaviour were
associated with low resting arousal levels, but individuals with aggressive
conduct problems showed high reactivity, whereas those with callous
unemotional psychopathic traits did not.
Neuropsychological deficits
The neuropsychological deficits hypothesis proposes that deficits in
executive function and verbal reasoning underpin self-regulation diffi-
culties that contribute to conduct problems. Executive function deficits
limit the capacity to plan and follow through on prosocial courses of
action, and so give rise to disruptive behaviour disorders. Children with
verbal reasoning deficits may have difficulty remembering instructions,
developing private speech to facilitate self-control, and using verbal
strategies rather than aggression to resolve conflicts.
Executive function and verbal reasoning deficits may also account for
academic underachievement typical of young people with conduct disor-
ders, and this underachievement may lead to frustration and consequent
aggressive behaviour. This position is supported by a substantial body of
evidence that documents verbal reasoning and executive function defi-
cits in children and teenagers with conduct problems, by studies that
Psychodynamic theories
Classical psychoanalytic theory points to superego deficits and
attachment theory to the role of insecure attachment in the development
of conduct problems.
Psychoanalytic perspectives
Within psychoanalysis it is assumed that societal rules and expecta-
tions are internalized through identification with the parent of the same
gender. This internalization is referred to as the superego. Aichorn
(1935) argued that antisocial behaviour occurs because of impover-
ished superego functioning. The problems with superego functioning
were thought to arise from either overindulgent parenting on one hand
or punitive and neglectful parenting on the other. With overindulgent
parenting, the child internalizes lax standards and so feels no guilt when
breaking rules or behaving immorally. In such cases any apparently
moral behaviour is a manipulative attempt to gratify some desire. With
punitive or neglectful parenting, the child splits the experience of the
parent into the good caring parent and the bad punitive/neglectful par-
ent and internalizes both of these aspects of the parent quite separately
with little integration. In dealing with parents, peers and authority fig-
ures, the child may be guided by either the internalization of the good
parent or the internalization of the bad parent. Typically at any point in
time such youngsters can clearly identify those members of their net-
work who fall into the good and bad categories. They behave morally
towards those for whom they experience a positive transference and
view as good, and immorally to those towards whom they have a nega-
tive transference and view as bad.
Individual psychoanalytic psychotherapy has been used in the
treatment of children and adolescents with conduct problems (e.g.,
Kernberg & Chazan, 1991). However, there are limits to the effectiveness
of psychoanalytically based treatment for those with disruptive behaviour
disorders (Fonagy & Target, 1994; Winkelmann et al., 2005). For
example, in a naturalistic study, Fonagy and Target (1994) found that
children with oppositional defiant disorder responded better than
children with conduct disorder or ADHD.
Attachment
Bowlby (1944) pointed out that children who were separated from their
primary caregivers for extended periods of time during their first months
of life failed to develop secure attachments and so, in later life, did not
have internal working models for secure trusting relationships. He
referred to such children as displaying affectionless psychopathy. Since
moral behaviour is premised on functional internal working models of
how to conduct oneself in trusting relationships, such children behave
immorally.
Later studies of children reared in intact families have established a
link between attachment insecurity and behaviour problems (e.g., Moss
et al., 2006). Treatment according to this position should aim to provide
the child with a secure-attachment relationship or corrective emotional
experience which will lead to the development of appropriate internal
working models. These in turn will provide a basis for moral action.
More secure attachment relationships may be facilitated within families
of young people with disruptive behaviour disorders through parent
training (Forgatch & Patterson, 2010; Webster-Stratton & Reid, 2010),
family therapy (Carr, 2006b), multisystemic therapy (Henggeler &
Schaeffer, 2010) and treatment foster care (Smith & Chamberlain,
2010), all of which are described later in this chapter.
Cognitive-behavioural theories
A range of theories of conduct problems have been developed within
the broad cognitive behavioural tradition. Problems with social
information processing and social skills deficits are the principal factors
highlighted in cognitive theories. Social learning theories highlight the
importance of modelling, and behavioural theories focus on the role of
reinforcement contingencies in the maintenance of conduct problems.
(Dodge, 2011; Dodge & Pettit, 2003). However, these patterns are sub-
served by neural and psychophysiological processes and are acquired
through genetic and environmental processes, especially in negative
interaction with parents, teachers and peers.
Modelling
Bandura and Walters (1959) proposed that aggression, characteristic of
children and adolescents with conduct disorders, is learned through a
process of imitation or modelling. Children subjected to harsh, critical
parenting, neglect or physical abuse, or who witness domestic violence,
become aggressive through a process of imitation. This position is sup-
ported by a large body of evidence, particularly that which points to the
intrafamilial transmission of aggressive behaviour associated with
harsh, inconsistent parenting, child abuse and neglect, and exposure to
domestic violence (Moffitt & Scott, 2008; Taylor & Rogers, 2005).
According to modelling theory, treatment should aim to help parents,
through parent training or family therapy, to model appropriate behav-
iour for their children (Carr, 2006a; Forgatch & Patterson, 2010;
Webster-Stratton & Reid, 2010) or provide alternative models of appro-
priate behaviour in a residential or treatment foster care setting (Smith
& Chamberlain, 2010).
Systems theory
Systems theories highlight the role of family systems and broader social
systems in the aetiology and maintenance of conduct problems.
Sociological perspectives
A variety of sociological theories have posited a causal link between
deviant antisocial behaviour and aspects of the wider socio-cultural
context within which such behaviour occurs. Anomie theory is a
commonly cited exemplar of this body of theories (Cloward & Ohlin,
1960). According to anomie theory, theft and related antisocial
behaviours such as mugging and lying are illegitimate means used by
members of a socially disadvantaged delinquent subculture to achieve
material goals valued by mainstream culture. Anomie is the state of
lawlessness and normlessness that characterizes such subcultures. In
support of this position, there is good evidence for a link between
antisocial behaviour and poverty (Moffitt & Scott, 2008), and that
membership of deviant peer groups can facilitate antisocial behaviour
(Dishion & Dodge, 2005). Treatment premised on this theory must
provide delinquents and their peer groups with legitimate means to
achieve societal goals. Remedial academic programmes, vocational
training programmes, and treatment foster care are the main treatment
approaches implicated by this theory. There is good evidence for the
efficacy of treatment foster care (Smith & Chamberlain, 2010), and
some evidence for the value of academic and vocational programmes
in the rehabilitation of juvenile delinquents (Lipsey, 2009).
Assessment
Assessment and treatment of children with conduct disorders is usually
carried out by multidisciplinary teams which include clinical psychologists
and colleagues from other disciplines such as social work and psychiatry.
Children’s conduct problems require an assessment of their behaviour,
abilities, and family and school situations. The Achenbach System of
Empirically Based Assessment (ASEBA, Achenbach & Rescorla, 2000,
2001) and the Strengths and Difficulties Questionnaire (SDQ, Goodman,
2001) are widely used to assess conduct problems.
ASEBA parent, teacher and self-report rating scales contain over
100 items and yield a total problem score, scores for internalizing and
externalizing behaviour problems, and scores in various problem areas
including conduct problems. There are versions for school-aged children
and preschoolers. Computer scoring systems are available and
normative data are used to interpret scores. SDQ parent, teacher and
self-report rating scales contain only 25 items and yield a total problem
score, as well as scores for various problem areas, including conduct
Intervention
The material covered earlier in this chapter makes it clear that conduct
problems are complex. Personal genetic, neurobiological and psycho-
Figure 2.4 General formulation model for conduct disorder and oppositional defiant disorder
Controversies
There are many controversies in the scientific study, assessment and
treatment of psychological problems in children and adolescents.
Dimensions or categories
With regard to scientific study, there is controversy over whether children’s
abnormal behaviour is best conceptualized in dimensional or categorical
terms. While the DSM and ICD diagnostic systems are clearly based
on a categorical conceptualization of children’s psychological difficulties,
most empirical studies point to the validity of dimensional models. For
example, factor analytic studies consistently show that common childhood
difficulties fall on the two dimensions of internalizing and externalizing
behaviour problems, which are normally distributed within the population
(Achenbach, 2009).
Children with diagnoses of oppositional defiant disorder, conduct dis-
order and ADHD represent a subgroup of cases with extreme external-
izing behaviour problems, while those with anxiety or depressive
disorders have extreme internalizing behaviour problems (Carr, 2006a).
Similarly, children with a diagnosis of intellectual disability fall at the
lower end of the continuum of intelligence, a trait is normally distributed
within the population (Carr et al., 2007). The dimensional approach is
clearly more scientifically valid than a categorical approach, and has the
potential to be less stigmatizing. On the other hand, categorical diag-
noses such as ADHD create a focus for pressure groups whose inter-
ests are served by reifying psychological difficulties as ‘psychiatric
illnesses’.
Summary
A wide variety of psychological problems may occur in child-
hood. This chapter focused on disruptive behaviour disorders,
which include ADHD, oppositional defiant disorder and con-
duct disorder. ADHD is characterized by inattention, hyperac-
tivity and impulsivity. The median prevalence rate for ADHD in
international epidemiological studies is 2.7%. Comorbid devel-
opmental language delays, specific learning difficulties, elimi-
nation disorders, conduct disorders and emotional disorders
are quite common. A poor outcome occurs for about a third of
cases who typically have secondary conduct and academic
problems.
ADHD is a one of the most heritable psychological disor-
ders. Extreme levels of overactivity and executive function
deficits, which are polygenetically determined, probably inter-
act with environmental factors (either intrauterine or psychoso-
cial) to give rise to the clinical syndrome of ADHD. Individuals
with ADHD show structural and functional neuroanatomical
abnormalities of the frontostriatal circuitry, which subserves
executive function, and the cerebellum, which subserves tem-
poral information processing. They also show a dysregulation
of the dopamine and noradrenergic and adrenergic systems.
Adjustment problems shown by youngsters with ADHD are in
part maintained by problematic relationships within the family,
school and peer group. Multimodal treatment includes behav-
ioural parent training, school-based contingency management,
self-regulation skills training, dietary control where food intoler-
ance is present, and stimulant therapy. In addition assessment
and treatment of comorbid problems may be required.
A distinction is made between oppositional defiant disorder
and conduct disorder, with the former reflecting a less perva-
sive disturbance than the latter; the central feature of both is
antisocial behaviour. The median prevalence rate for both
oppositional defiant disorder and conduct disorder in interna-
tional epidemiological studies is 3.7%. Children with conduct
problems are a treatment priority because the outcome for
more than half of these youngsters is very poor in terms of
criminality and psychological adjustment. In the long term the
cost to society of unsuccessfully treated conduct problems is
enormous.
Comorbidity for conduct disorders and both ADHD and emo-
tional problems such as anxiety and depression is very high,
particularly in clinical populations. Three classes of risk factor
increase the probability that conduct problems in childhood or
adolescence will escalate into later life difficulties:
Questions
● What are the main psychological disorders that occur in childhood?
● What are the main clinical features of ADHD, oppositional defiant
disorder and conduct disorder?
● How prevalent are the disruptive behaviour disorders?
● What are the main biological and psychological theories of disruptive
behaviour disorders and the main research findings relevant to
these theories?
● What are the main evidence-based approaches to the assessment
and treatment of disruptive behaviour disorders?
● Do you think it’s useful to conceptualize children’s behaviour
problems as ‘psychiatric illnesses’?
FURTHER READING
Professional
● Carr, A. (2006). Handbook of child and adolescent clinical psychology: A
contextual approach (second edition). London: Routledge.
● Weisz, J. & Kazdin, A. (2010). Evidence-based psychotherapies for chil-
dren and adolescents (second edition). New York: Guilford Press.
Self-help
● Barkley, R. (2000). Taking charge of ADHD: the complete authoritative
guide for parents (revised edition). New York: Guilford.
● Forehand, R. & Long, N. (1996). Parenting the strong-willed child: The
clinically proven five week programme for parents of two to six year olds.
Chicago: Contemporary Books.
● Forgatch, M. & Patterson, G. (1989). Parents and adolescents living to-
gether. Part 1. The basics. Eugene, OR: Castalia.
● Forgatch, M. & Patterson, G. (1989). Parents and adolescents living to-
gether. Part 2. Family problem solving. Eugene, OR: Castalia.
WEBSITES
● AACAP (American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry) prac-
tice parameters for the treatment of ADHD, conduct disorder and oppo-
sitional defiant disorder:
www.aacap.org/cs/root/member_information/practice_information/
practice_parameters/practice_parameters
● Achenbach System of Empirically Based Assessment (ASEBA):
www.aseba.org
● Incredible Years Programme:
www.incredibleyears.com
● NICE (National Institute for Clinical Excellence) guidelines for treating
ADHD:
http://guidance.nice.org.uk/topic/mentalhealthbehavioural
● Parents Plus Programme:
www.parentsplus.ie
● Parent–Child Interaction Therapy:
http://pcit.phhp.ufl.edu
● Strengths and Difficulties Questionnaire (SDQ):
www.sdqinfo.com
Introduction
Anorexia nervosa and bulimia nervosa are the main eating disorders of
concern in clinical psychology. They typically first occur during
adolescence. In both conditions there is an overevaluation of body
shape and weight, with self-worth being judged almost exclusively in
terms of these personal attributes. With anorexia, the primary feature is
the maintenance of a very low body weight, whereas with bulimia the
main feature is a cycle of binge eating and self-induced vomiting or
other extreme weight control measures including dieting, excessive
exercise, and laxative use. Diagnostic criteria for these two eating
disorders are given in Table 3.1.
Eating disorders are of concern because they are dangerous (Klump
et al., 2009; Mitchell & Crow, 2010). In chronic cases they lead to many
TABLE 3.1
Diagnostic criteria for anorexia and bulimia nervosa
DSM-IV-TR ICD-10
Anorexia nervosa
A. Refusal to maintain body weight at or above For a definitive diagnosis the following are required:
a minimally normal weight for age and A. Body weight is maintained at least 15% below that
height (weight loss or failure to gain weight expected (either lost or never achieved) or a
in a growth period leading to body weight Quetelet’s body mass index of 17. 5 or less (BMI =
less than 85% of that expected). weight (kg)/(height (m)2). Prepubertal patients may
B. Intense fear of gaining weight or becoming show failure to make the expected weight gain during
fat even though underweight. the period of growth.
C. Disturbance in the way in which one’s body B. The weight loss is self-induced by the avoidance of
weight or shape is experienced, undue fattening foods, self-induced vomiting, self-induced
influence of body weight or shape on self- purging, excessive exercise, use of appetite
evaluation, or denial of seriousness of the suppressants or diuretics.
current low body weight. C. There is a body image distortion in the form of a specific
D. In postmenarcheal females, amenorrhea psychopathology whereby a dread of fatness persists
(the absence of at least three consecutive as an intrusive, overvalued idea and the patient
menstrual cycles). imposes a low weight threshold on himself or herself.
Specify restricting type or binge eating–purging D. A widespread endocrine disorder involving the
type. hypothalamic–pituitary–gonadal axis is manifest in
women as amenorrhea and in men as a loss of sexual
interest and potency. There may also be elevated
levels of growth hormone, raised cortisol levels,
changes in the peripheral metabolism of the thyroid
hormone and abnormalities of insulin secretion.
E. If the onset is prepubertal, the sequence of pubertal
events is delayed or arrested (growth ceases; in girls
breasts do not develop and there is a primary
amenorrhea; in boys the genitals remain juvenile).
With recovery, puberty is often completed normally but
the menarche is late.
Bulimia nervosa
A. Recurrent episodes of binge eating. An For a definitive diagnosis all of the following are required:
episode of binge eating is characterized by A. There is a persistent preoccupation with eating and an
both of the following: irresistible craving for food; the patient succumbs to
1. Eating in a discrete period of time (e.g. episodes of overeating in which large amounts of food
within a 2 hour period) an amount of food are consumed in short periods of time.
that is definitely larger than most people B. The patient attempts to counteract the fattening effects
would eat during a similar period of time of food by one or more of the following: self-induced
and under similar circumstances. vomiting; purgative abuse; alternating periods of
2. A sense of lack of control over eating starvation; use of drugs such as appetite
during the episode (e.g. a feeling that one suppressants, thyroid preparations or diuretics. When
cannot stop eating or control what or how bulimia occurs in diabetic patients they may choose to
much one is eating). neglect their insulin treatment.
B. Recurrent inappropriate compensatory C. The psychopathology consists of a morbid dread of
behaviour in order to prevent weight gain, fatness and the patient sets herself or himself a
such as self-induced vomiting; misuse of sharply defined weight threshold, well below the
laxatives, diuretics, enemas, or other premorbid weight that constitutes the optimum or
medications; fasting or excessive exercise. healthy weight in the opinion of the physician. There is
C. The binge eating and inappropriate often but not always a history of an earlier episode of
compensatory behaviours both occur, on anorexia nervosa, the interval between the two
average, at least twice a week for 3 months. disorders ranging from a few months to several years.
D. Self-evaluation is unduly influenced by body This earlier episode may have been fully expressed or
shape and weight. may have assumed minor cryptic form with a
E. The disturbance does not occur exclusively moderate loss of weight and/or a transient phase of
during episodes of anorexia nervosa. amenorrhea.
Specify purging or non-purging type.
Note: Adapted from DSM-IV-TR (APA, 2000) and ICD-10 (WHO, 1992).
Presentation
In the intake interview Mar expressed a fear of becoming fat and said
she experienced her hips, buttocks, stomach and thighs to be consider-
ably larger than their actual size. That is, she had a distorted body
image, believing herself to be markedly larger than her actual size. She
continually ruminated about food and the number of calories associated
with each aspect of her diet. Her mood was generally low, and she had
on occasion experienced suicidal thoughts, but had never had frank
suicidal intentions. On the Eating Disorder Inventory (Garner, 2005),
Mar obtained extreme scores on the drive for thinness, body dissatis-
faction, ineffectiveness, perfectionism, and maturity fear subscales.
Mar held a range of rigid beliefs about the importance of controlling her
body shape.
Developmental history
Mar’s personal developmental history was within normal limits. Her
language and cognitive development had been advanced and Mar had
always been in the top 10% of her class in school for academic subjects.
Within the family, she was described by her parents, Roddy and Maggie,
as a model child. Mar had no previous behavioural or emotional
problems. She had good peer relationships and a circle of about four to
six good friends in her neighbourhood. The transition to secondary
school had been uneventful, as had her menarche.
Mar continued to do as well in secondary school as she had in
primary school, but towards the end of her first year she became
despondent about her weight. As a young teenager she was, according
to her mother, ‘well built’. Mar began dieting shortly before her 13th
birthday. She believed that she was not fitting in with her friends, who
by now were going to discos and beginning to take an interest in boys.
Her mother’s view was that she had been hurt by some critical comments
made by girls at her school about her weight.
Roddy and Maggie did not know what to do to stop this fanatical
dieting, so they tried a few different things. Maggie, who loved to cook,
made increasingly sumptuous meals to try to tempt Mar away from her
diet. She took a softly-softly approach, never raising her voice and
never being harsh or punitive. She looked to her mother, Mrs Fox, for
support and gradually felt more and more guilt. She was convinced that
the eating problem was a reflection on some mistake she had made as
a parent, and ruminated about this and the effects on Mar of her conflict
with Seamus. Roddy left the management of Mar’s eating problem to
Maggie, although occasionally he tried to convince Mar to eat. These
conversations usually ended in a heated argument, with Roddy shouting
at Mar and telling her she was breaking her mother’s heart, and then
storming out of the room.
Because Roddy’s attempts to get Mar to eat had been stressful and
unsuccessful, he had gradually stopped trying to encourage Mar to eat.
Mealtimes had become a nightmare, according to Roddy. He said he
now frequently played a round of golf after work and afterwards ate a
bar-meal at the golf club with his brother Mel.
Family history
Mar lived with her mother, Maggie, her father, Roddy, and her younger
brother, Nick, aged 7. Her older sister, Bev, aged 20, had moved out
2 years previously to go to college. Roddy’s brother and three sisters
and Maggie’s two brothers were all married with children, none of whom
had any significant psychological problems or eating disorders. Maggie’s
two brothers tended to deny the reality of Mar’s problem or to say it was
something she would grow out of. Roddy’s brother saw Mar’s behaviour
as defiance that required strict discipline. Roddy’s sisters thought that it
was a personal problem and that she might be depressed about
something.
Formulation
Mar was a 14-year-old girl who presented with anorexia nervosa and a
history of bulimia, the onset of which was precipitated by Mar’s entry into
adolescence, critical comments made by peers about her weight and
increased family stress. This stress was associated with her half-sister’s
move to college, conflict between her mother and her half-sister’s father,
and her younger brother’s entry into primary school. Mar’s personality
profile and weight-related issues predisposed her to developing ano-
rexia. She had a history of being ‘well-built’, was dissatisfied with her
weight and in adolescence had dealt with this initially through dieting and
later through a bulimic pattern of vomiting when she believed she had
overeaten. Her attempts at weight control were excessive because of
her personality profile. She was perfectionistic, but also believed herself
to be ineffective and so strived excessively to achieve her ideal weight.
Mar’s restrictive eating was maintained at an interpersonal level by
the inconsistent way in which her parents managed her refusal to eat a
normal diet and maintain a normal body weight. Mar’s anorexia was
maintained at an intrapsychic level by her distorted body image, maturity
fears and need for control coupled with a sense of being powerless. It
was also maintained by the rigid thinking, obsession with food and
difficulty taking a normal perspective that accompanies the starvation
process. Important protective factors were the parents’ commitment to
engaging in family treatment, the availability of Mar’s supportive peer
group, who wanted her to recover and rejoin them, and Mar’s high
intelligence. This formulation is diagrammed in Figure 3.1.
Treatment
Mar and her family participated in outpatient family therapy for 6 months.
In the first stage Maggie and Roddy took responsibility for refeeding Mar
and helping her attain a normal body weight. Once she attained a body
weight in the normal range, she was encouraged to take control of her
diet and weight. This was monitored by the therapy team on a weekly
basis. Provided Mar did not fall below a BMI of 19, her parents agreed not
to interfere in the self-management of her diet and weight.
In the middle phase of therapy the focus was on helping the family
arrange for Mar to develop age-appropriate routines, pastimes and
responsibilities with increasing autonomy and privacy. Mar rekindled
her relationships with her friends, developed an interest in creative
TABLE 3.2
Risk factors for eating disorders
Risk factors common to anorexia Risk factors unique to Risk factors unique to
and bulimia nervosa anorexia nervosa bulimia nervosa
Female Preterm birth/Birth trauma Childhood obesity
Adolescent Infant feeding and sleep Social phobia in
problems adolescence
Genetic factors High-concern parenting in Parental criticism
early childhood about weight, high
expectations and low
contact in adolescence
Pregnancy complications Obsessionality (OCD, Parental obesity in
OCPD) in adolescence adolescence
Child sexual abuse Perfectionism in Parental depression,
adolescence drug and alcohol abuse
in adolescence
Physical neglect in childhood Weight subculture
(dancer, model, athlete)
Gastrointestinal problems, picky eating and Acculturation
eating conflicts in childhood
Childhood anxiety disorder
Stressful life events in childhood and
adolescence
Weight concerns and dieting in adolescence
Low social support in adolescence
Low self-esteem
Ineffectiveness
Low interoception (difficulty interpreting internal
gastrointestinal and emotional stimuli)
Avoidant coping
Note: Based on C. Jacobi, C. Hayward, M. de Zwaan, H. C. Kraemer, & W. S. Agras (2004). Coming to terms with risk
factors for eating disorders: Application of risk terminology and suggestions for a general taxonomy. Psychological
Bulletin, 130, 19–65.
Clinical features
Historically anorexia nervosa was first described in modern medical
literature by Charles Lasègue in France in 1873 and by Sir William Gull
in the UK in 1874, and it was Gull who first used the term ‘anorexia
nervosa’. Both Lasègue and Gull described anorexia as a condition
characterized by emaciation, an inadequate and unhealthy pattern of
eating, and an excessive concern with the control of body weight and
shape. Attempts at subclassifying eating disorders led to the
establishment of bulimia nervosa as a separate diagnosis from anorexia
in 1979 by Gerard Russell in the UK. In the classification of eating
disorders in both DSM-IV-TR (American Psychiatric Association, 2000)
and ICD-10 (World Health Organization, 1992), this distinction between
anorexia nervosa and bulimia nervosa is a central organizing principle,
with the former being characterized primarily by weight loss and the
latter by a cyclical pattern of bingeing and purging.
The distinction, while descriptively useful, does not take full account
of variations in eating problems seen in clinical practice. Many anorexic
clients present with bulimic symptoms and many bulimic clients develop
anorexia. The DSM contains a category – eating disorders not otherwise
specified – for the many ‘mixed cases’ seen in clinical practice that do
not meet the criteria for either anorexia or bulimia.
Eating disorders are characterized by distinctive clinical features in
the domains of behaviour, perception, cognition, emotion, social
adjustment and physical health (Agras, 2010). At a behavioural level,
restrictive eating is typical of anorexia. Clients report low calorific intake
and eating low-calorie foods over a significant time period. They may
cook for the family but not eat meals they prepare. Clients with anorexia
present as thin or emaciated. They may wear baggy clothes to conceal
the extent of their weight loss.
In contrast, clients with bulimia are typically of normal weight. A cycle
of restrictive eating, bingeing and compensatory behaviours is typical of
bulimia. These compensatory behaviours may include vomiting, using
diuretics and laxatives or excessive exercising. Usually particular types
of situation that are interpreted as threatening or stressful lead to a
negative mood state and precipitate bouts of bingeing. Such situations
include interpersonal conflicts, isolation, and small violations of a strict
diet such as eating a square of chocolate. Bingeing may also arise from
alcohol intoxication.
While bingeing brings immediate relief, it also leads to physical
discomfort and to guilt for not adhering to a strict diet. Purging relieves
both guilt and physical discomfort but may also induce shame and fear
of negative consequences of the binge–purge cycle. Relatives who live
with bulimic clients may describe specific routines they have developed
to conceal their vomiting and excessive exercise, for example running
the shower in the bathroom to mask the sound of them vomiting. In
addition to abnormal eating patterns, clients with eating disorders –
especially bulimia – may display a variety of self-destructive behaviours
including self-injury, suicide attempts and drug abuse. These behaviours
are often construed as self-punishments for not living up to perfectionistic
standards or attempts to escape from conflicts associated with self-
worth and individuation.
With respect to perception, in most clinical cases of eating disorder
there is a distortion of body image. The client perceives the body or
parts of the body such as the stomach, buttocks or thighs to be larger
than they are. People with eating disorders may also have low
interoception; that is, difficulty interpreting internal gastrointestinal and
emotional stimuli. This makes it difficult for them to know when it’s
appropriate to start and stop eating, and how to interpret their feelings
and emotions.
With respect to cognition, there is a preoccupation with food that is a
consequence of dietary restraint. Low self-esteem and low self-efficacy
are also common. Thus, many clients with eating disorders view them-
selves as worthless and powerless, and see achieving a slim body
shape and low body weight through dietary restraint as the route to an
Aetiological theories
Under normal circumstances hunger motivates people to eat until they
have the experience of ‘being full’ and most of the time their weight is
remarkably stable, as if homostatically governed. When people try to
slim through restrained eating, they experience chronic hunger and
negative affect, and become preoccupied with food. In response to
these negative experiences, most people give up dieting and return to
their usual eating habits and normal body weight. People who develop
anorexia, however, redouble their efforts to maintain a pattern of
restrained eating when they experience hunger, negative affect and
intense food preoccupation. In contrast, people who develop bulimia
Biological theories
Hypotheses have been proposed to explain the role of a number of
biological factors in the development and course of eating disorders.
These have focused on genetics, mood dysregulation and starvation-
related processes. Genetic and mood dysregulation hypotheses posit a
role for each of these factors in the aetiology of eating disorders, while
starvation theories are concerned primarily with the way in which the
biological sequelae of self-starvation contribute to the maintenance of
abnormal eating patterns.
Genetics
The genetic hypothesis proposes that a biological predisposition to
eating disorders is genetically transmitted and that individuals with this
predisposition when exposed to certain environmental conditions
develop an eating disorder. Evidence from twin and family studies
shows unequivocally that genetic predisposing factors contribute mod-
erately to the aetiology of eating disorders, and that they are 50–
83% heritable (Klump et al., 2009; Wade, 2010). Positive findings from
candidate gene studies focusing on serotonin, dopamine and other
neurotransmitter systems and on genes involved in body weight regula-
tion have not been substantiated in meta-analyses (Scherag et al.,
2010).
There is some evidence that appetite and satiety dysregulation
renders people vulnerable to the development of eating disorders, and
that this vulnerability may be polygenetically determined (Stice et al.,
1999). Collier and Treasure (2004) propose that genetic factors
contribute to temperamental dispositions that underpin the development
of personality traits associated with eating disorders. These may be
conceptualized as falling along a continuum from restrictive, anorexia-
like disorders to disinhibited, bulimic-like disorders. The predisposing
personality traits of perfectionism, harm avoidance and depression may
place people at risk for developing both restrained, anorexic-like and
disinhibited, bulimic-like eating disorders. Compulsivity and inflexibility
may be the personality traits that place people at specific risk for
developing restricting, anorexia-like disorders. Impulsivity and novelty
seeking may be the personality traits that place people at specific risk
for developing disinhibited, bulimia-like eating disorders. The assumption
in this proposal is that the biological basis for each of these personality
traits is polygenetically determined, and that through interaction with the
environment the traits develop and predispose the person to developing
an eating disorder.
Mood dysregulation
It has been proposed that eating disorders are an expression of an
underlying mood disorder (Vögele & Gibson, 2010). Depression is often
present in the family histories of people with eating disorders, along with
other mood regulation difficulties such as substance abuse and
borderline personality disorder. If anorexia and bulimia are fundamentally
mood disorders, then a plausible hypothesis is that eating disorders
arise from a dysregulation of the serotonergic neurotransmitter system
in those centres of the brain that subserve mood. Considerable evidence
suggests that abnormalities in the serotonergic neurotransmitter system
contribute to dysregulation of mood as well as appetite and impulse
control in eating disorders (Kaye, 2008).
The neurotransmitter dysregulation hypothesis has led to controlled
trials of antidepressants for eating disorders, mainly conducted with
young adults. Both selective serotonin re-uptake inhibitors (SSRIs) and
tricyclic antidepressants (TCAs) have been found to lead to short-term
improvements in bulimia, but have limited impact on anorexia nervosa
(McElroy et al., 2010; Wilson & Fairburn, 2007).
Starvation
The starvation hypothesis proposes that eating disorders follow a chronic
course because they are partly maintained by biological abnormalities
and related alterations in psychological functioning caused by starvation.
Evidence from studies of people with anorexia and bulimia and partici-
pants in starvation laboratory experiments show that the neuroendocrine
abnormalities and changes in gastric functioning that arise from experi-
mentally induced starvation are similar to those observed in patients with
eating disorders (Frichter & Pirke, 1995; Singh, 2002). More pronounced
changes occur in anorexia than in bulimia. Starvation-related neuroendo-
crine changes occur in the hypothalamic–pituitary–gonadal axis, which
governs reproductive functioning. They also occur in the hypothalamic–
pituitary–adrenal axis and the hypothalamic–pituitary–thyroid axis, which
govern mood, appetite, arousal and other vegetative functions.
In addition, there is evidence that starvation leads to delayed gastric
emptying and that this reduces hunger perception. Neuroimaging
studies show that anorexia and bulimia lead to reduced cortical mass,
with some degree of normalization after recovery (Kaye, 2008). One
implication of starvation theories is that a distinction should be made
between re-feeding programmes, which aim to reverse the starvation
process by helping patients regain weight to render them accessible to
psychological interventions, and later therapy in which the maintenance
of normal body weight and eating patterns is the principal goal. This
distinction is central to effective forms of therapy for anorexia.
Psychoanalytic theories
Psychoanalytic explanations of eating disorders focus on the role of
intrapsychic factors in the genesis and maintenance of self-starvation.
Cognitive-behavioural theories
There are a number of cognitive-behaviour therapy (CBT) approaches
to understanding and treating eating disorders (Wilson, 2010). A
particularly well developed model has been proposed by the Oxford
Figure 3.2 Fairburn’s cognitive-behavioural model of eating disorders (adapted from C. Fairburn (2008). Cognitive
behaviour therapy and eating disorders. London: Guilford)
Systemic theories
Systemic theories underline the role of contextual factors in the devel-
opment and treatment of eating disorders. Sociocultural, developmental
and family systems formulations fall into this broad domain.
Sociocultural factors
Sociocultural theories highlight the role of broad cultural factors such as
the idealization of female thinness specific to particular societies, nota-
bly those prevalent in western industrialised nations, in predisposing
individuals to developing eating disorders (Nasser & Katzman, 2003).
Evidence supporting the sociocultural position allows the following con-
clusions to be drawn (Levine & Murnen, 2009; Levine & Smolak, 2010).
Epidemiological studies consistently show that eating disorders exist
internationally but are more prevalent in western societies where food is
plentiful, thinness is valued and dieting is promoted. Eating disorders
are more prevalent among groups under greater social pressure to
achieve the slim aesthetic ideal, such as dancers, models and athletes.
Westernization, modernization and exposure to transnational mass
media advocating the thin ideal are risk factors for eating disorders. The
prevalence of eating disorders is higher in ethnic groups that move from
a culture that does not idealize the thin female form to cultures that do.
Interpersonal therapy
Interpersonal theory was developed by Harry Stack Sullivan (1953),
who proposed that psychological problems are maintained by problem-
atic current life relationships. From this theory interpersonal therapy
(IPT) was developed as an effective treatment for depression. It was
then adapted for bulimia in young adults and shown to be an effective
treatment for this condition (Tanofsky-Kraff & Wilfley, 2010; Wilson &
Fairburn, 2007).
In IPT for bulimia, it is assumed that one or more of four categories
of interpersonal difficulties maintain the condition. These are: (1) grief
following bereavement or other losses, (2) role disputes within important
family or work relationships, (3) role transitions within the family or
workplace, and (4) interpersonal deficits, such as problems in making
and maintaining friendships. Interpersonal therapy alleviates bulimia by
helping clients resolve problems in these areas that maintain their
pattern of bingeing and purging.
IPT for bulimia involves three stages and spans 20 sessions
conducted over a period of 4 to 5 months. In the first stage the client is
engaged in treatment, current interpersonal problems are identified and
a treatment contract is established. In the middle stage the core
interpersonal problem that maintains the eating disorder is addressed.
In the final stage gains made are consolidated and clients are helped to
prepare to continue the work after termination of therapy.
Assessment
Assessment and treatment of eating disorders are usually carried out
by multidisciplinary teams that include professionals from clinical psy-
chology, psychiatry, psychiatric nursing, dietetics and other disciplines.
Assessment covers the client’s physical, nutritional and psychological
state (Anderson & Murray, 2010; Katzman et al., 2010). With teenagers
a family assessment is essential. With adults, interviews with involved
family members are important.
Psychometric instruments that may be useful in the assessment of
clients with eating disorder are the Eating Disorder Examination (EDE,
Fairburn et al., 2008) and the Eating Disorder Inventory (EDI-3, Garner,
2005). The EDE, which is considered the diagnostic gold standard, is a
detailed interview that allows DSM diagnoses of eating disorders to be
made with high reliability. The EDI-3 is a comprehensive self-report psy-
chological assessment instrument for assessing eating pathology and
related psychological traits such as perfectionism and ineffectiveness.
On the basis of the assessment a preliminary formulation may be drawn
up. This should link predisposing, precipitating and maintaining factors
to the abnormal eating pattern and specify protective factors that may
be drawn on during treatment. A general clinical formulation model for
eating disorders is given in Figure 3.3.
Intervention
Intervention for eating disorders is multidisciplinary. It includes
management of the medical complications of eating disorders (Katzman
et al., 2010) coupled with psychological intervention. There is strong
evidence to support the effectiveness of family therapy for young
teenagers with non-chronic anorexia nervosa and CBT for bulimia in
young adults, following the models of these interventions outlined earlier
in the chapter (Hay & Claudino, 2010; le Grange & Rienecke Hoste,
2010; Wilson, 2010). The use of these treatments for these populations
is consistent with best practice guidelines (American Psychiatric
Association, 2006; NICE, 2004a).
In a review of available evidence, Eisler (2005) concluded that after
treatment, between a half and two-thirds of teenagers with anorexia
achieve a healthy weight. At 6 months to 6 year follow-up, 60–90%
have fully recovered and no more than 10–15% are seriously ill. Eisler
also noted that the negligible relapse rate following family therapy is
superior to the moderate outcomes for individually oriented therapies. It
is also far superior to the high relapse rate following inpatient treatment,
which is 25–30% following first admission, and 55–75% for second and
further admissions.
Thompson-Brenner et al. (2003) conducted a meta-analysis
of 26 studies involving 51 treatment conditions, of which 36 were
Controversies
On of the major controversies within the field is between those who
advocate a biomedical conceptualization of eating disorders and the
feminist position (Maine & Bunnell, 2010). The biomedical approach,
with its focus on genetics and neurobiological aspects of eating disor-
ders, sees the individual woman as sick or defective, and its primary
aim is to cure the illness. In contrast, the feminist position construes
eating disorders as a gendered condition, and the relentless and self-
destructive pursuit of the thin ideal as a response to sociocultural pres-
sures generated by a male-dominated society.
Summary
Anorexia nervosa and bulimia nervosa typically occur first
during adolescence, principally among females. About 1–2%
of the adolescent and young adult female population suffer
from eating disorders. The average prevalence rates for
anorexia nervosa and bulimia nervosa among young females
are 0.3–0.5% and 1–4% respectively. In both conditions there
is an overevaluation of body shape and weight.
With anorexia, the primary feature is the maintenance of a
very low body weight; with bulimia a cycle of binge eating and
purging is the distinctive feature. In most clinical cases of eat-
ing disorder there is a distortion of body image, depressed or
irritable mood, and interpersonal adjustment problems. Eating
disorders entail significant health complications.
The outcome for eating disorders is poor for a significant
minority of cases. For anorexia nervosa about half of all cases
have a good outcome, a third have a moderate outcome and a
fifth have a poor outcome. At 20-year follow-up, the mortality
rate is about 6%. For bulimia nervosa about half of all cases
have a good outcome, a quarter have a moderate outcome and
the remaining quarter have a poor outcome.
Biological theories point to the role of genetics, mood dys-
regulation and starvation-related processes in the aetiology
and maintenance of eating disorders. Evidence from twin and
Questions
● What are the main clinical features of anorexia nervosa and bulimia
nervosa?
● How prevalent are eating disorders?
● What are the main biological and psychological theories of eating
disorders and the main research findings relevant to these theories?
● What are the main evidence-based approaches to assessment and
treatment of eating disorders?
● What are your views on the controversy concerning the biomedical
and feminist views of eating disorders?
FURTHER READING
Professional
● Agras, W. (2010). The Oxford handbook of eating disorders. New York:
Oxford University Press.
● Carr, A. (2006). Handbook of child and adolescent clinical psychology
(second edition). London: Routledge (Chapter 17).
● Fairburn, C. (2008). Cognitive behaviour therapy and eating disorders.
London: Guilford.
● Lock, J., Le Grange, D., Agras, W., & Dare, C. (2001). Treatment manual
for anorexia nervosa: A family based approach. New York: Guilford.
Self-help
● Fairburn, C. (1995). Overcoming binge eating. London: Guilford.
● Lock, J. J. & Le Grange, D. (2004). Help your teenager beat an eating
disorder. London: Brunner-Routledge.
WEBSITES
● Academy for Eating Disorders:
www.aedweb.org
● APA (American Psychiatric Association) practice guidelines for treating
eating disorders:
www.guideline.gov/content.aspx?id=9318
● Beat (Beating Eating Disorders):
http://www.b-eat.co.uk
● Eating Disorders Resources:
http://edr.org.uk
● Eating Disorders Treatment:
http://eating-disorder.com
● NICE (National Institute for Clinical Excellence) guidelines for treating
eating disorders:
http://guidance.nice.org.uk/topic/mentalhealthbehavioural
Introduction
Habitual drug misuse in adolescence is of particular concern to clinical
psychologists because it may have a negative long-term effect on the
adolescent and an intergenerational effect on their children (Crome et
al., 2004; Heath et al., 2008; Kaminer & Winters, 2011). For the adoles-
cent, habitual drug misuse may negatively affect mental and physical
health, criminal and educational status, the establishment of auton-
omy from the family of origin and the development long-term intimate
Carl’s grandfather lived with Carl’s parents. Both he and Carl’s father
had a serious drink problem for which they had been unsuccessfully
treated over many years. Carl had four siblings, all of whom had drug
problems. Betty had three siblings, all but one of whom were using
drugs. However, Carl and Betty had the most serious drug problems of
the two families. They were both eldest children.
Formulation
Betty and Carl presented with habitual, harmful drug misuse and depen-
dence. This had evolved gradually out of an earlier pattern of pre-
adolescent experimental drug use, which may be viewed as a
precipitating factor. Both Betty and Carl were predisposed to develop
substance use problems because of their family role models, their aca-
demic difficulties, lack of career opportunities and other conduct prob-
lems. Their drug problems were maintained at a physiological level by
dependence and the related fear of withdrawal.
At a psychosocial level their drug problems were maintained through
involvement in a subculture and lifestyle that revolved around obtain-
ing and using drugs to the exclusion of almost all other activities. The
main protective factor was the couple’s loyalty to each other, and their
wish in the long term to have children. This formulation is diagrammed
in Figure 4.1.
Treatment
The initial treatment plan for Betty and Carl involved detoxification fol-
lowed by either residential treatment in a therapeutic community or out-
patient methadone maintenance. Betty and Carl completed detoxification
and chose to enter the drug-free therapeutic community. However, they
dropped out and relapsed after about 6 weeks. They returned to the
inner-city clinic where they both commenced a methadone maintenance
programme with adjunctive counselling.
Over a period of a couple of years they engaged in a cycle in which
they periodically were detoxified, entered the therapeutic community,
dropped out, relapsed and recommenced methadone maintenance with
adjunctive counselling.
Developmental history
Chas’ developmental history was within normal limits. He was a fine
student in the top stream of his school and had come second in his
class in the Junior Certificate. He was an able sportsman, an avid chess
player and musician. He loved to push himself to the limit in all of his
leisure activities and was clearly a risk taker. He had excellent social
skills and a wide circle of friends including a girlfriend with whom he had
being having a relationship for about 4 months. He had particularly
good relationships with his parents.
Family history
Neither of Chas’ parents smoked or drank alcohol, and both were solici-
tors. They worked long hours, but on a matter of principle would not send
Chas to boarding school (which was common practice among their
peers), believing strongly in the importance of family life. There was a
live-in nanny in their house who cared for Chas and his two younger sis-
ters, Triona, aged 8, and Briony, aged 10. The parents were guilt-ridden
when they brought the family for the intake interview. Both were of the
view that Chas’ drug misuse resulted from a failure to be sufficiently avail-
able for him during his adolescence due to their heavy work schedules.
Formulation
Chas presented with experimental rather than habitual drug use. The
onset was precipitated by availability of cannabis. Chas was predisposed
Treatment
In a series of family therapy sessions involving Chas and his parents,
the risks of abusing various types of drug were discussed. Other rec-
reational channels into which Chas could direct his energy were
explored. As part of this process, Chas and his father arranged a week-
end at an adventure sports centre in Donegal together. The parents
were supported in setting strict limits on drug use while Chas lived in
their house. In later sessions the focus moved to Chas’ career plans.
Comparison of cases
These two cases are very different. The first is a chronic and complex
case of habitual and harmful polydrug use and opiate dependence while
the second involves only recreational or experimental use of cannabis.
They differ along a number of dimensions including the pattern of drug-
using behaviour, the types of drug used, the impact of the drugs used,
the overall personal adjustment of the young people and the presence
of other personal or family-based problems and protective factors.
Clearly drug misuse itself is not always a unidimensional problem. It
may occur as part of a wider pattern of life difficulties. The definition and
classification of drug misuse is therefore a complex challenge.
TABLE 4.1
DSM-IV-TR and ICD-10 diagnostic criteria for drug abuse and dependence
DSM-IV-TR ICD-10
Substance abuse Harmful use
A. A maladaptive pattern of substance use leading A pattern of psychoactive substance abuse that is
to clinically significant impairment or distress as causing harm to health. The damage may be physical
manifested by one or more of the following (as in cases of hepatitis from the self-administration
occurring within a 12-month period: of injected drugs) or mental (e.g. episodes of
1. Recurrent substance abuse resulting in a depressive disorder secondary to heavy consumption
failure to fulfil major obligations at work, of alcohol).
school or home. The fact that pattern of use of a particular substance
2. Recurrent substance abuse in situations in is disapproved of by a culture or may have led to
which it is physically hazardous. socially negative consequences such as arrest or
3. Recurrent substance-related legal problems.
marital arguments is not in itself evidence of harmful
4. Continued substance use despite having use.
persistent or recurrent social or interpersonal
problems caused by or exacerbated by the
effects of the substance.
B. The symptoms have never met the criteria for
substance dependence for this type of
substance.
Substance dependence Dependence syndrome
A maladaptive pattern of substance abuse, leading A cluster of physiological, behavioural and cognitive
to clinically significant impairment or distress, as phenomena in which the use of a substance or a
manifested by three or more of the following class of substances takes on a much higher priority
occurring at any time in the same 12-month than other behaviours that once had greater value.
period: Three or more of the following in a 12-month period:
1. Tolerance defined by either (a) A strong desire or sense of compulsion to take the
(a) a need for markedly increased amounts of substance.
the substance to achieve intoxication (b) Difficulty in controlling substance taking behaviour
(b) markedly diminished effect with continued in terms of onset, termination or levels of use.
use of the same amount of the substance (c) A physiological withdrawal state when substance
2. Withdrawal as manifested by either of the use has ceased or been reduced as evidenced by:
following: the characteristic withdrawal syndrome for the
(a) the characteristic withdrawal syndrome for substance; use of the substance to avoid
the substance withdrawal symptoms.
(b) the same substance is taken to relieve or (c) Evidence of tolerance such that increased doses
avoid withdrawal symptoms of the substance are required in order to achieve
3. The substance is taken in larger amounts over a the effects originally produced by lower doses.
longer period than was intended. (e) Progressive neglect of alternative pleasures or
4. There is a persistent desire or unsuccessful interests because of psychoactive substance use,
efforts to cut down or control substance use. increased amount of time necessary to obtain or
5. A great deal of time is spent in activities take the substance or to recover from its effects.
necessary to obtain the substance, use the (f) Persisting with substance use despite clear
substance or recover from its effects. evidence of overtly harmful consequences such as
6. Important social, occupational or recreational harm to the liver through excessive drinking,
activities are given up or reduced because of depressive mood states consequent to periods of
substance use. heavy substance abuse, or drug-related
7. The substance use is continued despite impairment of cognitive functioning.
knowledge of having a persistent or recurrent
physical or psychological problem that is likely
to have been caused or exacerbated by the
substance.
Specify with or without physiological dependence.
Note: Adapted from DSM-IV-TR (APA, 2000) and ICD-10 (WHO, 1992).
Clinical features
In clinical practice psychologists take account of significant behavioural,
physiological, affective, perceptual, cognitive and interpersonal features
when assessing and treating cases of adolescent drug misuse (Heath
et al., 2008; Kaminer & Winters, 2011; Scheier, 2010). These are sum-
marized in Table 4.3.
Drug misuse is associated with a wide variety of behaviour patterns.
These patterns may be described in terms of the age of onset, the
duration and frequency of drug use, and the range and amount of
substances used. Thus useful distinctions may be made between
adolescents who began using drugs early or later in their development;
between those who have recently begun experimenting with drugs and
those who have a chronic history of drug misuse; between daily users,
weekend users and occasional users; between those that confine their
drug misuse to a limited range of substances such as alcohol and
cannabis and those that use a wide range of substances; and between
those who use a little and those who use a great deal of drugs.
Chronic and extensive daily polydrug misuse with an early onset is
associated with more difficulties than experimental, occasional use of a
limited number of drugs with a recent onset. The former usually entails
TABLE 4.2
Risk factors for adolescent drug use
Domain Risk factor
Community • Availability of drugs
• Laws and norms favourable to drug use
• Media portrayals of drug use
• Transitions and mobility
• High crime rate, low cohesion and community disorganization
• Extreme economic deprivation
Family • Parental drug use
• Favourable parental attitudes to drug use
• Poor parenting skills (lack of rules, consequences and
supervision of children, and severe or inconsistent
punishment)
• Family conflict, child abuse and neglect, domestic violence
School • Academic failure in late primary school
• Lack of commitment to school
Peer group • Involvement with friends who use drugs
Self • Early and persistent antisocial behaviour
• Early onset of drug use
• Favourable attitude to drug use
• Alienation and rebelliousness
• Personality factors (sensation seeking, risk taking, impulsivity
and low harm-avoidance)
TABLE 4.3
Clinical features of drug use
Domain Features
Behaviour Drug-using behaviour
• Age of onset
• Duration and frequency of use
• Range of substances and amount used
• Change in pattern over time
Context of drug-using behaviour
• Solitary or social use
• Locations and times of use
• Modes of administering the drug (oral, nasal or injection)
• Physiological state (when seeking excitement or during withdrawal)
• Affective state (positive or negative)
• Beliefs about ability to control drug use
Negative Intoxication
physiological • Physical problems due to hyper-arousal (e.g. arrhythmias or dehydration)
effects • Physical problems due to hypo-arousal (e.g. stupor)
Following intoxication
• Exhaustion
• Dehydration
• Sleep and appetite disturbance
• Sexual dysfunction
Withdrawal
• Nausea, vomiting, muscle aches and discomfort following opioid use
• Sleep and appetite disturbance following stimulant use
• Seizures following sedative use
Long-term medical complications
• Poisoning and overdose Infections including hepatitis and HIV
• Liver and kidney damage
Negative During intoxication
emotional effects • Fear and anxiety due to unexpected effects of drugs (particularly hallucinogens)
Following intoxication and during withdrawal
• Depressed mood
• Irritability and anger
• Anxiety
Negative During intoxication
perceptual effects • Distressing hallucinations (with hallucinogens and some stimulants)
Following intoxication
• Brief flashbacks or protracted psychotic states (with hallucinogens and some
stimulants)
Negative • Impaired cognitive functioning
cognitive effects • Declining academic performance
Negative effects • Adolescent–parent conflict
on interpersonal • Adolescent–teacher conflict
adjustment • Induction into drug using peer subculture
• Social isolation
• Conflict with juvenile justice system
• Conflict with heath care system
Theories
Some of the more clinically influential explanations for drug misuse will
be presented below. These have been classified into five categories.
Biological theories emphasize the role of genetic and physiological
factors in harmful drug use and the disease-like nature of addiction.
Intrapsychic deficit theories point to the importance of personal
psychological vulnerabilities in the aetiology of drug misuse. Cognitive-
behavioural theories underline the significance of conditioning and
other learning processes in the genesis of drug problems. Systemic
Biological theories
Biological formulations are concerned with the disease-like nature of
drug addiction, the role of genetic and temperamental predisposing
factors in rendering some adolescents vulnerable to drug misuse, and
the centrality of neurobiological process to the maintenance of harmful
drug use and addictive behaviour.
TABLE 4.4
The 12 steps of Narcotics Anonymous
Step Principle
1 We admitted we were powerless over our addiction and that our lives had become unmanageable.
2 We came to believe that a power greater than ourselves could restore us to sanity.
3 We made a decision to turn our will and our lives over to God as we understood Him.
4 We made a searching and moral inventory of ourselves.
5 We admitted to God, to ourselves and to other human beings the exact nature of our wrongs.
6 We were entirely ready to have God remove all these defects of character.
7 We humbly asked Him to remove our shortcomings.
8 We made a list of all persons we had harmed, and became willing to make amends to them all.
9 We made direct amends to such people whenever possible, except when to do so would injure
them or others.
10 We continued to take personal inventory and when we were wrong, promptly admitted it.
11 We sought through prayer and meditation to improve our conscious contact with God as we
understood Him, praying only for knowledge of His will for the power to carry that out.
12 Having had a spiritual awakening as a result of these steps, we tried to carry this message to
addicts, and to practise these principles in all our affairs.
Note: Adapted from Narcotics Anonymous (2008). Narcotics Anonymous (sixth edition).
Chatsworth, CA: Narcotics Anonymous World Services (p. 17).
Genetics
Genetic theories of drug misuse, which propose that vulnerability to
addiction is inherited, are partly supported by the findings of twin, family
and adoption studies (Hasin & Katz, 2010). These show that a predis-
position to drug and alcohol misuse and dependence is moderately
heritable, particularly in males, but that genetic influences on experi-
mentation and recreational drug use are less pronounced. Over half of the
variance in the genetic predisposition to drug, alcohol and nicotine abuse
is shared, and not drug-specific.
However, genetic factors do influence individual differences in sensi-
tivity to, and tolerance for, specific drugs. For example, some males
are genetically predisposed to developing alcohol problems, and the
characteristic that is transmitted may be a low physiological and sub-
jective response to alcohol (Schuckit, 1994).
Temperament
The temperament hypothesis holds that youngsters who develop drug
and alcohol problems do so because they have particular temperamental
characteristics that are partially biologically determined, which predis-
pose them to developing poor self-control. Thus, they are apt to engage
Neurobiological perspectives
Neurobiological theories of drug use propose that two main systems are
central to the development of harmful drug use and dependence
(Hutchison, 2010). The first is the incentive motivation network or
reward system, which includes the mesolymbic dopamine pathway
involving the ventral tegmental area and the nucleus accumbens. The
second is the control network or inhibitory system, which includes areas
of the prefrontal cortex. These are illustrated in Figure 4.2.
The reward system motivates people to seek things essential for
survival such as food, water and sexual mates. This is the system that
is activated when positive reinforcement occurs (described below). The
inhibitory system helps people consider the consequences of impulsively
seeking these sorts of things without regard to possible dangers of
doing so.
When adolescents repeatedly use drugs such as nicotine, alcohol,
cocaine or heroin, the reward system of the brain that is normally
activated to release dopamine by survival-relevant stimuli such as food,
water and sexual mates is ‘hijacked’ into responding as if drugs were
required for survival. With repeated use, drugs and cues associated
with their use take on increasingly greater motivational significance – a
Figure 4.2 The reward system in the human brain. Note: The ventral tegmental area is
connected to both the nucleus accumbens and the prefrontal cortex via the pathways in the
diagram, and dopamine is the principal neurotransmitter involved in the reward system
Addictive personality
The idea that people are predisposed to develop drug problems or
addiction because they have particular personality traits or attributes is
often referred to as the addictive personality hypothesis. This is quite
Learning difficulties
Another intrapsychic deficit that has been suggested to predispose
youngsters to developing drug misuse is learning difficulties. According
to this position, children who have learning difficulties and who experi-
ence academic failure at school do not develop a strong commitment to
achieving academic goals and turn to drug use as an alternative life-
style (Mason, 2010). Interventions that derive from this perspective aim
to provide adolescents with a school curriculum appropriate to their abil-
ity levels and a participative ethos that includes teenagers and their
parents in school activities so as to enhance commitment to academic
goals (Griffin & Botvin, 2010).
Identity formation
Erik Erikson (1950, 1968) argued that the lack of an established identity
during adolescence is a normative intrapsychic deficit and that partici-
pation in a drug-using subculture is one of a wide range of lifestyles that
may be explored during the adolescent’s search for adult identity and
autonomy from parental control. Recent studies have shown that young
people who consolidate their identities in early adulthood engage in less
drug use and other risky behaviours than those who have difficulty with
identity formation (e.g., Arnett, 2005; Schwartz et al., 2010).
Treatment programmes based on this position focus on facilitating
individuation and developing alternatives to drug taking as a route to
autonomy and identity formation. The treatment of chronic drug depend-
ence in drug-free therapeutic communities such as Synanon, Daytop
and Phoenix House in the US is consistent with this theoretical position
(DeLeon, 2000). Therapeutic communities facilitate the development of
drug-free lifestyles and identities by offering a context within which ado-
lescent can engage in structured community living and therapeutic
activities with ex-addicts who have successfully become drug-free.
Research on therapeutic communities has shown that they can be
effective for a proportion of young adult addicts who are motivated to
engage in treatment (DeLeon, 2000; Smith et al., 2006). Therapeutic
communities are probably not an appropriate intervention for young
adolescents.
Cognitive-behavioural theories
Cognitive-behavioural theories focus on the role of classical and
operant conditioning and cognitive processes in the maintenance of
drug misuse.
Operant conditioning
Operant conditioning or instrumental learning theories propose that
drug use is maintained initially by positive reinforcement associated
with the mood-elevating effects of drugs and later, in the case of
dependence-producing substances such as alcohol, cocaine or heroin,
by negative reinforcement, where drug use prevents aversive withdrawal
symptoms (e.g. O’Brien et al., 1992; Schulteis & Koob, 1996). Treatment
programmes based on this formulation include initial detoxification so
Classical conditioning
Wikler (1973) has offered an explanation of relapse following detoxifica-
tion in people who have developed tolerance and dependence using a
classical conditioning framework. According to this position, certain
conditioned stimuli (CSs) or cues in the environments of drug users
elicit withdrawal symptoms and craving (conditioned responses or
CRs), because in the past these cues have been associated with with-
drawal symptoms that are conceptualized as unconditioned stimuli
(UCSs)
In cue exposure treatment, based on this formulation, exposure to
withdrawal and craving eliciting cues (CSs) without engaging in drug
taking leads to extinction of the CRs, particularly cravings. Adolescents
enter situations that elicit craving, observe videotapes or audiotapes of
such situations, or undergo imaginal exposure to such situations and
concurrently use a variety of coping strategies to tolerate their discomfort
and avoid drug-taking.
There is controversy about the effectiveness of cue exposure treat-
ment, and few studies have evaluated it in the treatment of adolescent
drug users (Conklin & Tiffany, 2002; Drummond et al., 1995).
Cognitive-behaviour therapy
Within cognitive-behaviour therapy (CBT) models, drug use is concep-
tualized as a set of learned behaviours and related cognitions (Kaminer
et al., 2011b). Drug-use behaviours, and related urges, cravings, beliefs
and expectations about the risks and benefits of drug use and the
degree to which drug use can be controlled, are assumed to be learned
Systemic theories
Systemic theories of drug misuse propose that family problems and
challenges in the wider social system such as social disadvantage,
deviant peer-group membership and drug availability are central to the
aetiology of drug problems.
Social disadvantage
Social disadvantage theories argue that neighbourhoods character-
ized by poverty, low socio-economic status, high population density
and high crime rates create a context within which drug misuse can
flourish. This is because drugs offer an escape from the multiple
stresses associated with this type of social environment; they are avail-
able in these environments; and they are socially sanctioned within a
crime-oriented subculture (Catalano et al., 2011; Gardner et al., 2010).
Social disadvantage theory entails the view that effective intervention
programmes support families, enhance educational and vocational
opportunities for young people, and strengthen communities. Evidence
from prevention studies supports the effectiveness of parent training
programmes during the prenatal, infancy, childhood and adolescent
stages of the life cycle; school-based and after-school programmes that
enhance social and academic competence; vocational programmes
that create youth employment opportunities linked to ongoing educa-
tion; and community-based programmes that strengthen community
cohesion and reduce alcohol and drug availability to young people
(Catalano et al., 2011).
Availability
Hypotheses about availability suggest that lenient laws or inadequately
enforced laws concerning teenage use of nicotine, alcohol and street
drugs increase the probability of adolescent drug use. This type of the-
ory has few treatment implications but suggests important avenues for
prevention. Prevention programmes, according to this view, should pro-
mote stricter drug-related legislation, and the enforcement of laws
affecting availability of drugs to teenagers. The availability hypotheses
has largely been supported by empirical tests, and prevention pro-
grammes based on it have been moderately effective (Toumbourou et
al., 2007).
Social norms
That social norms may contribute to the development of drug misuse is
a widely held view. There is strong evidence from empirical studies for
a causal link between exposure to favourable media attitudes to nicotine,
alcohol and illicit drug use and drug-using behaviour (Nunez-Smith et
al., 2010). One implication of this position is that the risks of drug use
may be reduced by policies and legislation that prohibit positive media-
based messages about nicotine, alcohol and drug use (Snyder &
Nadorff, 2010).
Integrative theories
Two important integrative theories that draw on concepts from multiple
domains are Prochaska and DiClemente’s transtheoretical stages of
change model (Prochaska et al., 1992) and West’s (2006) synthetic
model of motivation and addiction.
drug use, for example withdrawal symptoms and the acquired drive to
seek drugs to alleviate these, or they may be due to predisposing factors
such as negative affectivity or impulsivity.
West explains drug addiction in terms of his synthetic theory of moti-
vation, which is also referred to as PRIME theory. PRIME is an acronym
for plans, responses, impulses and inhibitory forces (felt as urges),
motives (felt as wants or needs) and evaluative beliefs. According to
PRIME theory, adolescents’ conscious plans and evaluations influence
their drug use through motives, and motives influence drug use through
impulses which are determined in large part by non-conscious pro-
cesses. The motivational system that underpins drug use is influenced
by past experiences through non-conscious processes such as habitu-
ation and sensitization, classical and operant conditioning, and con-
scious processes such as cognitive learning. However, it is also
influenced by stimuli in the immediate internal and external environ-
ment. Therefore, an adolescent’s motivation to use drugs is inherently
unstable and changes from moment to moment.
Treatment based on this model capitalizes on the instability of the
motivational system by bolstering the adolescent’s motivation to
exercise restraint or temporarily suppress the forces driving drug use
and addressing relevant predisposing factors. This may be done by, for
example, modifying relevant emotional or environmental factors such
as negative mood states induced by stressful life events, drug availability,
peer pressure to use drugs, or family disorganization. According to
West‘s model, treatment sessions should be scheduled close together
so that they have a cumulative effect in altering the adolescent’s
feelings, impulses and beliefs that motivate them to use drugs.
West’s formulation integrates a vast body of animal and human
research on the psychology, sociology and neurobiology of addiction,
and offers an alternative to the oversimplified, but intuitively appealing,
stages of change model described earlier. However, it has not yet led to
the development of treatments for adolescent drug use.
Assessment
Assessment of adolescents with drug problems may be conducted
by multidisciplinary teams that include clinical psychologists and medi-
cal staff, and should involve interviews with the adolescent and parents
or carers. Brief questionnaires such as the Personal Experience
Screening Questionnaire (PESQ, Winters, 1991) may be used to screen
for drug use. Comprehensive questionnaires such as the Per-
sonal Experience Inventory (PEI, Winters & Henly, 1989) and compre-
hensive structured interviews such as the Global Appraisal of Individual
Needs (GAIN, Dennis, 1998) may be used for a more thorough assess-
ment of drug use severity and personal, family and school-related
adjustment problems.
Physical examination and regular urinalysis may be included in the
assessment of adolescents with drug problems. Physical examina-
tion facilitates the identification and treatment of drug-related physical
Treatment
Treatment of adolescent drug use should aim to engage the adolescent
and parents or carers in therapy, motivate them to use therapy to
work towards reducing adolescent drug use, and address the young
person’s personal, family- and school-related difficulties. Reviews of
treatment outcome studies show that family-oriented approaches
such as MDFT, FFT, BSFT, MST and A-CRA, and individual ap-
proaches such as CBT, combined with motivational interviewing are
effective interventions for adolescent drug use (Dakof et al., 2011;
Kaminer et al., 2011b; Waldron & Turner, 2008; Williams & Chang,
2000). Literature reviews consistently show that for adolescents living
with their parents, evidence-based family-oriented treatment
programmes are the treatment of choice for drug problems because
they have the best outcome, involve the young person’s family as a
treatment resource, and modify family problems that may be maintaining
adolescent drug use (e.g., Williams & Chang, 2000). Family-based
approaches have been shown to be effective for engaging adolescent
drug users and their networks in therapy, for reducing drug misuse, for
improving associated behaviour problems, for improving overall family
functioning and for preventing relapse.
Where there are significant obstacles to involving families in
treatment, CBT combined with initial motivational interviewing is the
intervention of choice. Motivational interviewing facilitates engagement
in therapy and through CBT young people develop skills to reduce drug
use, communicate, problem-solve and deal with relapses. Where
adolescents have developed physiological dependence, psychological
interventions may be combined with initial detoxification or with long-
term pharmacological interventions such as methadone maintenance
for opioid dependence (Kaminer & Marsch, 2011). For chronic drug
problems with a high risk of relapse, long-term aftercare though regular
attendance at 12-step NA meetings may prevent relapse (Jaffe & Kelly,
2011). This overall approach to treatment of adolescent drug use is
consistent with international best practice guidelines (American
Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry, 2005; Department of
Health 2007; NICE, 2008b).
Controversies
A central controversy in the field of adolescent drug use concerns the
stability over time of the motivation to use drugs. In the stages of change
model, Prochaska and DiClemente argue that motivation to cease drug
use evolves through a series of relatively stable and sequential stages
of change from pre-contemplation through contemplation, planning and
action to maintenance (DiClemente, 2003; Proschaska et al., 1992).
In contrast, Robert West (2006) argues that motivation to cease drug
use is inherently unstable. He has put forward the following arguments
against the stages of change model. The precise boundaries of any of
the stages of change are arbitrarily drawn in research studies; for
example, a person is in the planning stage if their plans apply to the next
30 days. There is no evidence that stages are always stable and that
progression through them is invariably orderly. There is also no evidence
that drug users’ attempts to quit are always guided by conscious,
coherent plans, and much evidence that unconscious processes,
classical and operant conditioning, erratic impulses, and highly specific
environmental cues affect the development and cessation of drug use.
In West’s (2006) synthetic theory of addiction he proposes that abnor-
malities of the motivational system are central to addiction, that the
motivational system is inherently unstable, and that important aspects
Summary
Habitual drug misuse in adolescence is of particular concern to
clinical psychologists because it may have a negative long-
term effect on adolescents and an intergenerational effect on
their children. A conservative estimate is that between 5% and
10% of teenagers under 19 have drug problems serious
enough to require clinical intervention.
A distinction is made between drug dependence and drug
misuse. While drug misuse refers to using drugs in such a way
that the person is harmed, drug dependence refers to those
situations where there is a compulsive pattern of use that may
involve physiological changes that accompany the phenomena
of tolerance and withdrawal. Drug misuse is associated with a
wide variety of behaviour patterns which may be described in
terms of the age of onset, the duration of drug misuse, the
frequency of use, the range of substances used, and the
amount used.
Physiological features of drug misuse may be grouped into
those associated with intoxication, those that follow intoxica-
tion, those associated with withdrawal following the develop-
ment of dependence, and medical complications that arise. At
an affective level, negative mood states typically follow the
euphoria of intoxication for most classes of drugs. At a percep-
tual level, some types of drug, but particularly hallucinogens,
lead to pronounced abnormalities during intoxication and with-
drawal. With respect to cognition, most street drugs lead to
impaired concentration, reasoning and judgement during intox-
ication and withdrawal. Long-term regular drug misuse in many
instances leads to impaired cognitive functioning. Drug misuse
Questions
● What are the principal differences between drug experimentation
and harmful drug use?
● What are the areas that need to be covered when offering a
comprehensive description of the clinical features of an adolescent
with drug problems?
● How prevalent is drug misuse?
● What are the main risk factors for drug misuse?
● What are the main biological, psychological and integrative theories
of drug misuse and the main research findings relevant to these
theories?
● What are the main evidence-based approaches to the assessment
and treatment of drug misuse?
● Are harm-avoidance strategies for addressing drug misuse justified?
● Should parents be included in the treatment of adolescent drug
problems?
FURTHER READING
Professional
● Carr, A. (2006). Handbook of child and adolescent clinical psychology: A
contextual approach (second edition). London: Routledge (Chapter 16).
● Kaminer, Y. & Winters, K. (2011). Clinical manual of adolescent sub-
stance abuse treatment. Arlington, VA: American Psychiatric Publishing.
● Weisz, J. & Kazdin, A. (2010). Evidence-based psychotherapies for chil-
dren and adolescents (second edition). New York: Guilford Press.
WEBSITES
● AACAP (American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry) prac-
tice parameters for the treatment of substance use disorders:
www.aacap.org/cs/root/member_information/practice_information/
practice_parameters/practice_parameters
Learning objectives
After studying this chapter you will be able to:
● distinguish between separation anxiety, phobias,
generalized anxiety disorder, panic disorder,
posttraumatic stress disorder and obsessive compulsive
disorder in terms of their main clinical features
● summarize the epidemiology of anxiety disorders
● list the risk factors for anxiety disorders
● outline the main biological and psychological
theories of anxiety disorders
● name the main evidence-based approaches to
assessment and treatment of anxiety disorders
● give a considered view on the medicalization of fear.
Introduction
While normal fear is adaptive and prevents people from entering threat-
ening situations, with anxiety disorders people develop irrational fears of
situations that do not threaten their survival (Antony & Stein, 2009a).
They also develop non-adaptive behavioural patterns associated with
avoidance of feared situations or experiences. For people with anxiety
disorders, their fears are accompanied by intense physiological arousal
shown by some or all of the following features: accelerated heart rate,
sweating, trembling, sensations of shortness of breath or smothering,
Family history
While there was no serious threat to Barry’s mother’s health, she had a
variety of complaints including rheumatism and epilepsy which compro-
mised her sense of well-being. Her epilepsy was usually well controlled,
but she had experienced a number of grand mal fits in the 6 months
prior to Barry’s referral. Barry was one of four children and all had his-
tories of school refusal. Barry’s three brothers aged 20, 25 and 30 all
lived at home and had few friends or acquaintances. His eldest brother
ran a computer software business from his bedroom. All of the boys had
very close relationships with their mother and distant relationships with
their father. The father, Martin, who was a healthy man, ran a grocery
shop and worked long hours. He left early in the morning and returned
late at night. He was very concerned for Barry’s welfare and believed
that his wife mollycoddled the boy. However, he was reluctant to chal-
lenge her because he did not want to upset her. The parents had a
history of marital discord and over the year prior to the referral had
strongly disagreed about how to handle Barry’s separation anxiety.
Two of Barry’s maternal uncles had psychological adjustment
difficulties and both had been on medication, although details of their
problems were unavailable. These uncles had lived at home with their
mother until her death. They, Barry’s mother and her sister Gina had
very close relationships with their mother, Mary, but distant relationships
with their father. Barry’s mother’s parents had also quarrelled about
how best to manage the children, with Mary being lenient and her
husband being strict. Thus, the pattern of relationships in Barry’s
mother’s family of origin and Barry’s family were very similar.
At school, Barry was very popular, particularly because he generously
shared candy and sweets from his father’s shop with his peers. He had
complained of bullying once or twice and on one occasion said the gym
teacher victimized him.
Psychometric assessment showed that Barry was of high average
intelligence and his attainments in reading, spelling and arithmetic were
consistent with his overall level of ability. His school reports were good
and he was in the top third of his class with respect to ability.
Formulation
Barry presented with separation anxiety disorder and school refusal.
Barry’s anticipation of the transition to secondary school in the autumn
and his awareness of his mother’s worsening health may have precipi-
tated the onset of these problems. Predisposing factors in this case
include a possible genetic vulnerability to anxiety, a multigenerational
history of mother–child over-involvement and the modelling experience
of seeing his three brothers develop separation anxiety and subsequent
school refusal.
The separation anxiety and school refusal were maintained by
parental conflict about the management of these problems, the mother’s
over-concern and the father’s limited involvement in the management of
Barry’s difficulties. They may also have been maintained by the
availability of an active social life within the house involving frequent
contact with his mother, three brothers and friends who regularly visited
him.
Protective factors included Barry’s good premorbid adjustment, the
parents’ commitment to become jointly involved in Barry’s treatment,
the school’s commitment to help Barry overcome his school refusal,
and Barry’s membership of a supportive peer group, whose members
wanted him to overcome his problems. This formulation is diagrammed
in Figure 5.1.
Treatment
Treatment involved a series of family sessions and home–school liaison
meetings of the parents and school staff. Martin, the father, agreed to
drive Barry to school regularly for a month, and the school staff agreed
for a teacher to meet Barry in the car park and bring him into the
classroom, where he was to sit with two peers and work on a special
project for 20 minutes before class started each day. Concurrently,
weekly family sessions were held in which progress was assessed, a
reward system for school attendance was set up, and the transition to
secondary school was discussed.
Arrangements were also made for the mother to attend a series of
consultations for her epilepsy, which became better controlled, and for
Barry to be given some psychoeducation about his mother’s seizure
disorder, its treatment and prognosis. Barry returned to school and
moved to secondary school in the autumn. His recovery, however, was
incomplete and he later relapsed and required further treatment.
Phobias
Phobic anxiety is the intense fear that occurs when one is faced with an
object, event or situation from a clearly defined class of stimuli which is
out of proportion to the danger posed by the stimulus (American
Psychiatric Association, 2000; Blackmore et al., 2009; Hofmann et al.,
2009; World Health Organization, 1992). Exposure to the phobic
stimulus, or anticipation of exposure, may lead to a panic attack in
adults or to excessive crying, tantrums, freezing or clinging in children.
In phobias there is persistent avoidance of phobic stimuli or they are
endured with intense distress, and this interferes significantly with
personal, social or academic functioning.
Specific phobias are subdivided in DSM-IV-TR into those associated
with animals, injury (including injections), features of the natural envi-
ronment (such as heights or thunder) and particular situations (such as
elevators or flying). Specific phobias are distinguished from social pho-
bias and agoraphobia. With social phobia, anxiety is aroused by social
situations such as public speaking or eating in public, where there is the
possibility of scrutiny by others and humiliation or embarrassment as a
result of acting inappropriately. With agoraphobia there is a fear of pub-
lic places, such as standing in a queue or travelling on public transport,
and so these situations are avoided. Agoraphobia often occurs when
panic attacks have spontaneously occurred in public places, and these
places are avoided in case attacks recur. Panic attacks are discussed
in more detail below.
for her to go camping and successfully sleep in a dark tent for three
nights without experiencing undue anxiety.
Presentation
In the intake interview Margie said that she worried about many routine
daily activities and responsibilities. She worried about doing poorly at
school, that she had made mistakes which would later be discovered,
that her friends wouldn’t like her, that her parents would be disappointed
with the way she did her household jobs, that she would be either too
early or too late for the school bus, that there would be no room for her
on the bus and that she would forget her schoolbooks. She worried
about her health and had frequent stomach aches.
She also had wider ranging fears about the safety of her family. She
worried that the house would be struck by lightening, that the river would
break its banks and flood the low lying fens where she lived and her
house would be washed away. She had concerns about the future and
worried that she would fail her exams, be unable to find a satisfactory
job, and would fail to find a marital partner or would marry an unsuitable
person. She reported feeling continually restless and unable to relax.
Family history
Margie was the eldest of four children and the only girl in the family. The
family was very close-knit. Both of the parents showed symptoms of
anxiety in the intake interview and the mother had been treated with
benzodiazepines for anxiety over a number of years. The parents
regularly discussed their worries about their own health and safety and
their own concerns about the uncertainty of the future.
The father, Oliver, worked with an insurance company, and frequently
discussed at the family dinner table accidents and burglaries that had
befallen his clients. Margie regularly participated in these conversations,
being the eldest child. The parents’ chief concern was about Margie’s
tearfulness, which they viewed as unusual. Her worries and fears they
saw as quite legitimate. Margie had a couple of close friends with whom
she played at the weekends, but she spent a lot of time in her parents’
company.
Formulation
Margie presented with a generalized anxiety disorder. No clear-cut pre-
cipitating factor for the condition was apparent. It had gradually evolved
over the course of Margie’s development. However, the referral was
precipitated by episodes of tearfulness at school. Predisposing factors
in this case included a possible genetic vulnerability to anxiety and
exposure to a family culture marked by a concern with safety and an
over-sensitivity to danger. Ongoing involvement in parental conversa-
tions about potential threats to the well-being of family members possi-
bly maintained the condition along with inadvertent reinforcement of
Margie’s tearfulness at school, where crying was responded to with
considerable concern.
Protective factors in this case included good premorbid adjustment,
particularly at school, the parents’ and school’s commitment to resolving
the problem and the availability of peer-group support. This formulation
is diagrammed in Figure 5.2.
Treatment
Treatment in this case involved family work focusing on helping
Margie and her parents reduce the amount of time they spent talking
about danger and threats to their health and safety, and increase
the amount of time they spent engaged in activities and conversa-
tions focusing on Margie’s strengths and capabilities. The parents were
also helped to coach Margie in relaxation skills and mastery-oriented
coping self-statements. Some reduction in anxiety and tearfulness
occurred, and Margie showed some improvement in her adjustment in
school.
Panic disorder
With panic disorder there are recurrent unexpected panic attacks; an
ongoing primary fear of further attacks; and a secondary fear of losing
control, going crazy, having a heart attack or dying (American Psychiatric
Association, 2000; Ballenger, 2009; Hofmann et al., 2009; World Health
Organization, 1992). Panic attacks are experienced as acute episodes
of intense anxiety which reach a peak within 10 minutes. They are char-
acterized by autonomic hyperarousal shown by some of the following:
palpitations, sweating, trembling or shaking, shortness of breath, feel-
ings of choking or smothering, chest pain or discomfort, nausea or
abdominal distress, dizziness, chills or hot flushes, parasthesias,
(numbness or tingling sensations), derealization (feelings of unreality)
and depersonalization (feelings of being detached from oneself).
People with panic disorder come to perceive normal fluctuations in
autonomic arousal as anxiety-provoking, since they believe that such
fluctuations may signal the onset of a panic attack. During a panic attack
there is typically an urge to escape from the situation in which the attack
occurred and to avoid such situations in future. Panic attacks typically
occur in public settings such as in queues or on public transport, and
escaping from these situations usually alleviates acute autonomic
arousal. Thus, secondary agoraphobia often develops whereby the
person fears leaving the safety of the home in case a panic attack
occurs in a public setting.
Family history
Sandra’s parents were divorced. Her father, Des, was a police officer in
London and had separated from her mother, Lynn, when Sandra was 7
years old. Lynn lived near the grandparents, in a rural village about a
3-hour drive from London. Lynn cohabited with Jeff, whom she had met
while hospitalized for depression. She had an extensive history of
psychiatric treatment for anxiety and depression.
Sandra’s mother and grandparents were preoccupied with physical
illness and psychological problems, and regularly discussed threats to
each other’s well-being. They shared a view, based on Lynn’s experi-
ences, that psychological problems ran a chronic course and were
unresponsive to psychological treatments, because they were due to
biological factors.
There were a number of distinctive family relationships in this case.
Sandra had very close relationships with her mother and grandparents.
The mother and grandmother were involved in regular conflicts over the
suitability of Jeff as a partner for Lynn. Sandra’s brother, Paul, who
attended university, visited her occasionally with his friends and she
Formulation
Sandra presented with panic disorder with agoraphobia, initially precipi-
tated by participation in a school examination. The principal predisposing
factors were a genetic vulnerability to anxiety from the mother’s side of
the family and a family culture that focused on illness, fear and danger.
Multiple unsuccessful treatments and the experience of negative rein-
forcement afforded by escaping from threatening situations maintained
the agoraphobic, avoidant behaviour. Other maintaining factors included
the father’s lack of involvement in attempts to help Sandra recover, com-
bined with the grandparents’ and mother’s over-involvement with Sandra.
This maintained Sandra’s anxiety and prevented recovery because it led
to her continued involvement in conversations about illness, fear and
danger, and a pessimistic biomedical view of anxiety.
However, Sandra’s good premorbid adjustment, her positive relation-
ship with her brother who was a good role model for recovery, her two
positive close peer relationships, and a desire for vocational progression
were important protective factors in this case. The family and the school
also were supportive of treatment that might help Sandra sit her exams.
This formulation is diagrammed in Figure 5.3.
Treatment
Treatment in this instance began with family work involving the grand-
parents, the mother and, on a couple of occasions, the father, to reduce
the amount of illness and anxiety-focused conversation to which Sandra
was exposed and to challenge the beliefs that psychological problems
were unresponsive to psychological treatments. This was followed with
in vivo systematic desensitization coupled with a brief trial of clomi-
parmine (Anafranil).
In vivo systematic desensitization involved Sandra being supported
to make increasingly longer outings from her house, while concurrently
using relaxation exercises to help her to manage the anxiety these out-
ings evoked. Sandra could not tolerate the side-effects of clomiparmine,
so the medication was discontinued. It was also arranged for her to sit
exams at school in a private room. Following this, work placements at a
crèche and at an old folks’ home were arranged by the college staff.
While Sandra made a good recovery, she suffered periodic relapses
and re-referred herself for a number of further episodes of treatment
over the following 2 years.
Treatment
Treatment involved Margaret writing down accounts of her dreams and
flashbacks and organizing these into a sequence from the least to the
most threatening. She was also invited to alter the endings to these
scenarios so that she emerged victorious rather than victimized at the
conclusion of each of them. For example, in one scenario, rather than
the aggressor successfully attacking her with the HIV-infected syringe,
she imagined him shrinking to half his size and then she overpowered
him easily.
In therapy sessions, Margaret was imaginally exposed to these
scenarios, beginning with the least threatening and concluding with the
most threatening, until she could vividly imagine each of them without
being overwhelmed with anxiety. During the imaginal exposure ses-
sions, she was helped to enter a state of deep relaxation and then
listened to the account of the scenario that the psychologist read to her.
She coped with the anxiety that listening to these traumatic scenes
evoked by using relaxation and deep breathing exercises in which she
had been coached, and also by concluding each imagined scenario by
emerging victorious rather than victimized. Her symptoms abated over
a 6-month period.
Family history
April was brought up by strict parents with whom she continued to have
close contact. She had trained as a nurse but now was a homemaker
with a caring and successful husband and two healthy children. She
devoted herself fully to the welfare of her children and her husband.
Before the onset of her problems, in every way she described herself as
an exemplary wife and mother.
While on duty as a nurse she pricked her finger with a needle, and
this led to her first thought of HIV infection. Her HIV test was negative,
but she could not accept this and developed the obsessional belief that
she, her children and her husband would get AIDS. The belief became
stronger when her husband changed job, her youngest child went to
play school and she took in a lodger.
Her family and friends responded to her condition in the following
ways. Her husband helped with her cleaning and checking rituals and
reinforced them. Her children did not object to over-protection. Her friends
were very understanding of her lack of physical affection. Her sisters
discussed her fear of AIDS with her regularly in a sympathetic manner.
Formulation
April presented with OCD which was precipitated by her pricking her
finger with a hypodermic needle and recent life stresses including her
husband’s change of jobs, her children starting preschool and taking in
a lodger. She was predisposed to developing OCD by two main factors.
First, she came from a family where control and cleanliness were
valued. Second, because of her nursing training she was highly aware
of the risk of possible infection with the HIV virus.
The OCD was maintained in the following way. She found that her
compulsions to clean, discard food, over-protect the children, and check
the security of the house every night relieved her anxiety, so she repeated
these actions compulsively. Her family and friends reinforced her obses-
sional thoughts and her husband participated in her compulsive behav-
iour by, for example, checking the security of the house at her request.
There were two protective factors in this case deserving mention.
April was very intelligent and able to take on board a formulation of her
problem and understand its relevance to treatment. Her husband was
prepared to be involved and enlist family help in combating the
compulsions. This formulation is diagrammed in Figure 5.4.
Treatment
April was treated with a multimodal programme that included anti-
depressant medication and a spouse-assisted behaviour therapy
programme of exposure and response prevention. She drew up a list of
situations that elicited her obsessions, from the least to the most
anxiety-provoking. She planned to expose herself to these situations in
order of increasing provocativeness and not engage in compulsions
while doing so (with her husband’s support) until her anxiety abated.
For example, she lay in bed, allowed herself to worry about the security
of the house, and prevented herself from returning downstairs to check
that the doors were locked and the fire extinguished, while her husband
talked reassuringly with her, until her anxiety abated. She responded
well to treatment, which was carried out over a 3-month period.
(Continued)
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Book 1.indb 142
TABLE 5.1
(Continued)
Separation anxiety Phobias Generalized Panic disorder Posttraumatic stress Obsessive compulsive
disorder anxiety disorder disorder (PTSD) disorder (OCD)
Affect • Intense fear or • Intense fear or • A continual • During panic attacks • Against a background • The obsessions cause
anger occurs anger is moderately high intense fear occurs of hyper-arousal, anxiety because they
when separation experienced if level of fear is and between attacks a periodic intrusive are experienced as
is anticipated, contact with the experienced – moderate level of fear episodes of intense uncontrollable and
during separation feared object or free-floating of recurrence is fear, horror or anger senseless
or following situation is anxiety experienced like those that
separation anticipated or occurred during the
occurs trauma are
experienced
• In chronic cases the
person may become
emotionally blunted
and unable to
experience tender
emotions
• Depression may
occur
Arousal • Episodes of • Episodes of • Continual hyper- • Episodes of extreme • Episodes of extreme • Ongoing moderate
hyper-arousal hyper-arousal or arousal occurs hyper-arousal occur hyper-arousal occur hyper-arousal occurs
occur with panic attacks with trembling, with palpitations, against a background • Hyper-arousal occurs
recurrent occur when sweating, dry- sweating, trembling, of moderate hyper- when cues elicit
abdominal pain, exposed to the mouth, light- shortness of breath, arousal with obsessions and
142 C L I N I C A L P S Y C H O L O G Y : A N I N T R O D U C T I O N
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Book 1.indb 143
Behaviour • Separation is • The phobic object • As worrying • Secondary • Children may cling to • Motivated by a wish to
avoided or or situation is intensifies, social agoraphobia may parents and refuse to reduce the anxiety
resisted avoided activities become develop where the sleep alone aroused by
• The child refuses • If exposed to the restricted person avoids public • Teenagers and adults obsessional beliefs,
to go to school phobic object or places in case the may use drugs or individuals engage in
• The child refuses situation, crying, panic attacks occur alcohol to block the compulsive rituals
to sleep alone tantrums, away from the safety intrusive thoughts and which they believe will
• If forced to freezing or of home emotions prevent a catastrophe
separate, crying, clinging may • Suicidal attempts may from occurring or
tantrums, occur in children occur undo some potentially
freezing or threatening event that
clinging may has occurred
occur • These rituals are
usually runrealistic or
excessive
Interpersonal • Peer • With specific • Peer relationships • If agoraphobia • Complete social • Members of the
adjustment relationships may phobias, may deteriorate develops secondary to isolation may occur if individual’s family or
deteriorate interpersonal • Occupational or the panic attacks, the trauma was social network may
• Academic problems are academic social isolation may solitary become involved in
performance may confined to performance may occur • Where the trauma helping the person
deteriorate phobic situations deteriorate was shared, the perform compulsive
• Agoraphobia and individual may confine rituals and
social phobia interactions to the inadvertently reinforce
may lead to group that shared the them
social isolation trauma • Social, educational
and occupational
functioning may
become impaired
Note: Features are based on ICD-10 (World Health Organization, 1992) and DSM-IV-TR (American Psychiatric Association, 2000) descriptions of anxiety disorders.
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144 C L I N I C A L P S Y C H O L O G Y : A N I N T R O D U C T I O N
Aetiological theories
Theoretical explanations for anxiety disorders, related research and
interventions have been developed within biological, psychoanalytic,
cognitive-behavioural, and family systems traditions. Vulnerability to
anxiety disorders has also been studied by temperament and trait theo-
rists, and from an experimental psychopathology perspective to identify
information-processing biases associated with anxiety disorders.
Biological theories
Biological theories point to the role of genetic factors and neurobiological
abnormalities in the aetiology of anxiety disorders.
Genetics
The genetic hypothesis proposes that anxiety disorders develop where
a person with an inherited vulnerability to anxiety is exposed to
threatening or stressful environmental stimuli at critical developmental
stages when they are primed or prepared to develop fears. Results of
twin and family studies of anxiety disorders partially support the genetic
hypothesis, with twin studies yielding moderate heritability estimates
ranging from about 25% to 60%, with most in the 30–40% range, for
phobias, panic disorder, and vulnerability to PTSD and OCD (Afifi et al.,
2010; Gelernter & Stein, 2009; Hettema et al., 2001).
There is also support for the proposal that sensitivity to particular
classes of stimuli emerges at particular developmental stages (De Silva
et al., 1977). For example, it was mentioned in the section on epidemiol-
ogy that vulnerability to developing specific phobias and separation
anxiety is highest during childhood, whereas vulnerability to social pho-
bias, panic disorder, generalized anxiety disorder and OCD more
commonly emerges in adolescence.
The genetic hypothesis also entails the view that a dysfunctional bio-
logical factor which underpins the process of regulating stress responses
is genetically transmitted in families where anxiety disorders occur.
Many candidate genes for anxiety disorders have been investigated;
few have been identified; and where significant associations between
candidate genes and anxiety disorders have been found, very few con-
sistent replication studies are available. The search for candidate genes
has focused in large part on those whose products affect neurotransmit-
ters thought to be involved in the aetiology of anxiety disorders. Two
candidate genes – which affect the serotonin and dopamine systems –
deserve mention because consistent support has been found for a link
between them and anxiety disorders.
The short (rather than the long) allele variant of the 5-HTTLPR poly-
morphism, which regulates expression of the serotonin transporter
gene (which is called 5HTT or SLC6A4), is a risk factor for PTSD and
significantly increases the chances of developing PTSD following
trauma (Xie et al., 2009). In response to stress or trauma, people with
the short allele variant of 5-HTTLPR show decreased serotonin re-
uptake, increased amygdala neuronal activity, and increased hypotha-
lamic–pituitary–adrenal (HPA) axis reactivity. The amygdala is a brain
structure within the limbic system (which includes the amygdala, hip-
pocampus, insula and parts of the anterior cingulated cortex) located in
the medial temporal lobes that subserves the processing of emotional
information and memories. The HPA axis is a major part of the neuroen-
docrine system involving the hypothalamus, the pituitary gland located
below the hypothalamus, and the adrenal glands (located on top of the
Neurobiology
The neurobiological hypothesis is that anxiety disorders are charac-
terized by neuroanatomical, neurotransmitter and neuroendocrine
abnormalities. There is considerable support for this hypothesis from
neuroimaging, psychophysiological and pharmacological studies,
although current knowledge of these abnormalities is incomplete (Britton
& Rauch, 2009; Khan et al., 2009; Martin et al., 2009).
However, there is a consensus about certain aspects of the neuro-
biology of anxiety disorders. With the exception of OCD, which has
distinct neurocircuitry mentioned below, anxiety disorders are asso-
ciated with abnormalities in brain structures that subserve processing
information about danger, fear conditioning and fear responses, pri-
marily the limbic system. Within this system, overactivity of the amyg-
dala during exposure to feared stimuli is central to anxiety disorders.
Excessive activity in the limbic system which subserves the experience
of fear and anxiety is normally inhibited by the orbitofrontal cortex, which
subserves impulse control, and the prefrontal cortex, which subserves
executive functions such as planning and decision-making. In anxiety
disorders, communication between the limbic system and the frontal
cortex is impaired and so persistent limbic overactivity occurs when
one is exposed to anxiety-provoking stimuli.
There is evidence for dysregulations of neurotransmitters, notably
GABA (gamma-amino-butyric-acid) and serotonin, which facilitate com-
munication between the limbic system and the frontal cortex – the brain
structures centrally involved in anxiety disorders. The efficiency of
both of these neurotransmitter systems is reduced in anxiety disord-
ers, and increased by anti-anxiety drugs (Dent & Bremner, 2009;
Mathew & Hoffman, 2009; Pollack & Simon, 2009; Stewart et al., 2009;
van Ameringen et al., 2009).
Psychoanalytic theories
In anxiety disorders, according to classical psychoanalytic theory,
defence mechanisms are used to keep unacceptable sexual or aggres-
sive impulses and moral anxiety about their expression from entering
consciousness (Busch et al., 2010). The unacceptable impulses and
related moral anxiety become transformed into neurotic anxiety. In pho-
bias, the unacceptable impulse is repressed and the neurotic anxiety
into which it is transformed is displaced onto a substitute object which
symbolizes the original object about which the unacceptable impulses
were felt. The key defence mechanism is displacement. Thus, when
people say that they are frightened of a particular object or situation, the
psychoanalytic hypothesis is that they are frightened about something
else, but have displaced their fear from the original taboo object or
event onto a more socially acceptable target. In Freud’s original state-
ment of this hypothesis, in the Little Hans case, where the boy had a
horse phobia, he argued that the taboo fear was castration anxiety, and
this fear of the father was displaced onto horses (Freud, 1909a). In
generalized anxiety disorders, the defences break down and the person
becomes overwhelmed with anxiety as the unacceptable impulses con-
tinually intrude into consciousness and seek expression. Anxiety about
taboo objects is displaced onto every available target.
Within psychoanalytic theory it is proposed that the unacceptability of
certain impulses, and habitual ways of defending against these, are
learned early in childhood in relationships with parents. In adulthood
these same defences and habitual ways of interacting with parents tend
to be deployed in relationships with significant people in the person’s
life (including partners, colleagues and therapists), a phenomenon
referred to as transference. From a psychoanalytic perspective, OCD is
explained as the sequelae of toilet training battles (Freud, 1909b).
According to classical psychoanalytic theory, children evolve through
oral, anal and phallic stages of development, with gratification being
principally derived from these differing bodily areas as development
Figure 5.5 Psychodynamic triangles of conflict and person (based on Ezriel, H. (1952). Notes on psychoanalytic group
therapy: II. Interpretation. Research Psychiatry, 15, 119. Menninger, K. (1958). Theory of Psychoanalytic Technique.
London: Imago. Malan, D. (1995). Individual Psychotherapy and the Science of Psychodynamics. London: Arnold.
McCullough-Vaillant, L. (1997). Changing Character: Short-Term Anxiety Regulating Psychotherapy for Restructuring
Defences, Affects and Attachments. New York: Basic Books.)
Cognitive-behavioural theories
Theories developed within the cognitive-behavioural tradition (which
includes both behavioural and cognitive formulations) point to the
importance of conditioning and cognitive learning processes in the
development of anxiety disorders.
Behavioural approaches
Behavioural theories of anxiety disorders, such as Mowrer’s (1939) two-
factor theory, propose that anxiety and associated avoidance of feared
objects, situations or memories are learned though the processes of
classical and operant conditioning. With classical conditioning, it is
Cognitive approaches
According to Aaron T. Beck’s cognitive theory, anxiety disorders occur
when threatening stressful life events reactivate danger-oriented cognitive
schemas. It is proposed that these schemas were formed early in child-
hood through exposure to traumatic or adverse experiences and
parenting practices that sensitized the individual to threat, danger and
personal vulnerability and encouraged avoidant coping (Clark & Beck,
2010a). These threat-oriented schemas contain beliefs, attitudes and
assumptions about threat and vulnerability relevant to personal safety
such as ‘The world is dangerous, so I must continually be on guard’ or
‘My health is ailing so any uncomfortable somatic sensation must reflect
serious ill health’. These threat-oriented schemas also direct the identi-
fication, interpretation and evaluation of experience and underpin anxiety-
maintaining cognitive distortions such as minimizing safety-related
events, maximizing threat-related negative events and catastrophizing
about the future. These schemas dominate the biased, threat-sensitive
way people with anxiety experience themselves in the world.
Anxious people are more likely to attend to threat-oriented rather
than safety-oriented objects, events and situations, and to interpret
ambiguous situations in a threatening rather than a positive way
(McNally & Reese, 2009). On a moment-to-moment basis this tendency
finds expression through the experience of danger-oriented negative
automatic thoughts. For example, a person with panic disorder who
notices their heartbeat and respiration may have the negative automatic
thought ‘These are signs that I’m going to have a panic attack, I must be
going crazy’; or a person with OCD who notices a speck of dirt on their
cutlery may think ‘That dirt contains germs, so if I use the cutlery I may
An integrative perspective
In clinical practice an integrative approach to conceptualizing and
treating anxiety disorders is useful. Distinctions may be made between
predisposing, precipitating, maintaining and protective factors, and
insights and related evidence associated with the various theories
reviewed above may be integrated into this formulation framework.
A range of personal and family factors may predispose people to
develop anxiety disorders. Personal factors include a genetic vulnera-
bility to anxiety, a behaviourally inhibited temperament, a threat-
oriented cognitive bias, attachment insecurity and personality traits
such as neuroticism, introversion, low conscientiousness, anxiety sen-
sitivity, fear of negative evaluation, intolerance of uncertainty, perfec-
tionism, thought–action fusion, and alexithymia. Family factors that may
predispose people to develop anxiety disorders include growing up in a
stressful family with anxious parents who adopt controlling or critical,
unsupportive parenting styles and foster a threat-oriented family cul-
ture, or families characterized by domestic violence and child abuse. All
of these predisposing factors sensitize children to threat, and support
the development of avoidant coping.
The onset of anxiety disorders may be precipitated by trauma, life-
cycle transitions or stressful life events that threaten the individual’s safety
or security. Once anxiety disorders occur they may be maintained by a
range of processes. These include a threat-oriented cognitive style,
hyper-vigilance, and ruminative and avoidant coping strategies and
defence mechanisms. Avoidant coping maintains anxiety through the
process of negative reinforcement (getting relief from avoiding feared situ-
ations), and prevents individuals from testing out danger-oriented beliefs.
Anxiety disorders may also be maintained by interacting with family mem-
bers who support these processes and/or who adopt threat-sensitive
belief systems and avoidant coping styles. Protective factors include per-
sonal attributes and social relationships that support actively coping with
feared stimuli, and challenging danger-saturated belief systems.
Assessment
Through careful clinical interviewing of clients and members of their
families, the symptoms of anxiety, situations in which they occur and
relevant history are obtained. A diagnosis is given in accordance with
the criteria outlined in ICD-10 and DSM-IV-TR. A formulation explaining
the symptoms entailed by the diagnosis may be developed in which the
relevant predisposing, precipitating, maintaining and protective factors
are outlined. A general clinical formulation model for anxiety disorders
is given in Figure 5.6.
The best available structured interview for assessing anxiety
disorders is the Anxiety Disorders Interview Schedule for DSM-IV, for
which both adult and child versions are available (ADIS, Brown et al.,
1994; Silverman & Albano, 1996). A range of standardized self-report
instruments and rating scales may be used to assess specific anxiety
Treatment
The discovery that exposure therapies effectively alleviate anxiety is
one of the most important contributions that psychologists have made
to the treatment of anxiety disorders. Another important discovery is
that briefly exposing patients with anxiety disorders to threatening
stimuli sensitizes them to these stimuli and increases anxiety. Thus,
non-directive permissive approaches to counselling people with anxiety
disorders may actually exacerbate rather than alleviate their anxiety.
Many of us who work clinically with people who suffer from anxiety
come across clients whose anxiety has worsened as a result of
participation in well-intentioned, non-directive counselling.
Current best practice is to take a stepped-care approach to the
treatment of anxiety disorders. For people with mild or non-chronic
anxiety disorders, guided self-help approaches may be taken. Meta-
Controversies
There are many controversies in the scientific study and clinical
treatment of anxiety disorders. The medicalization of fear and courage
is one deserving particular mention (Breggin, 1991). Within ICD-10 and
DSM-IV-TR, anxiety disorders are framed as medical conditions
requiring treatment, and in practice in many instances pharmacological
treatment is favoured because it is more convenient to offer than non-
pharmacological alternatives. An alternative viewpoint is that this way of
conceptualizing fundamental human experiences such as fear and
courage further disempowers people who are already feeling frightened
and powerless. For example, if a person has repeated panic attacks
and develops a constricted lifestyle because they are afraid of having a
panic attack while away from the safety of their home, it may lead them
to believe that they are truly powerless to control their fear if their fear is
defined as an illness requiring pharmacological treatment. A further
aspect of this argument is that for many years addictive pharmacological
treatments, such as diazepam (Valium) or other benzodiazepines, were
routinely prescribed for anxiety disorders.
Those who are critical of the medicalization of experiences such as
fear and courage would argue that if a person can understand that panic
attacks develop from the misinterpretation of bodily sensations and
hyperventilation, then they may use this knowledge and their own cour-
age to take control of their fear. In this way they are empowered to be
courageous rather than disempowered by being defined as ill. Those
who are critical of the medicalization of distress would argue, in the
same vein, that a person given a diagnosis of PTSD and prescribed
medication to manage the recurrent traumatic memories may also
become disempowered. They may develop a belief that they are power-
less to control recurrent traumatic memories of experiences such as
road traffic accidents, assault with a deadly weapon, or involvement in
war or combat. In contrast, if they are helped to understand that trau-
matic memories of life-threatening events must be repeatedly recalled,
processed and integrated into people’s overall views of themselves,
then this opens up a range of non-pharmacological procedures which
trauma survivors may follow to help them take control of recurrent, intru-
sive distressing memories.
In order to further our understanding of apparently irrational fears,
post-traumatic distress and courage, continued scientific study is
essential. The use of diagnoses such as PTSD and panic disorder may
be valuable in this context. However, it is also valuable to study fear,
distress and courage as normal psychological process. It may be fruitful
too to study the social processes that underpin the medicalization and
Summary
Normal fear is an adaptive response to potential threats to
safety while anxiety is a similar non-adaptive response to situ-
ations that are not threatening. In DSM-IV-TR and ICD-10 a
number of anxiety disorders are defined which differ in the
stimuli that elicit anxiety and associated types of avoidant
response. With separation anxiety, separation from parents
elicits anxiety and is avoided. Consequently school refusal
often occurs. For phobias specific creatures, events or situ-
ations elicit anxiety and these circumscribed situations are
avoided. With generalized anxiety disorder, many aspects of
the environment elicit anxiety; the process of apparently uncon-
trollable worrying also is experienced as anxiety-provoking;
and a wide range of situations are avoided. In panic disorder,
somatic sensations of arousal are perceived as a threatening
prelude to a panic attack, and public situations in which panic
attacks previously occurred are avoided, leading to secondary
agoraphobia in many cases. With PTSD, cues that trigger
flashbacks to traumatic events that precipitated the condition
elicit anxiety; these cues are avoided; and recollections of the
trauma are suppressed. With OCD, stimuli that evoke obses-
sional thoughts (such as dirt) elicit anxiety, and compulsive
behaviour (such as hand washing) alleviate this anxiety.
At a clinical level anxiety disorders involve selective attention
to potential threats, threat-oriented cognition, abnormal levels of
physiological arousal, avoidance behaviour, and the disruption
of interpersonal relationships so that the individual’s lifestyle
becomes constricted. In a major US study the lifetime preva-
lence rate for all anxiety disorders was about 29%. With the
exception of OCD, more females than males suffer from anxiety
disorders. The typical age of onset of separation anxiety disor-
der and specific phobias is in childhood, whereas other anxiety
disorders typically first occur in adolescence or adulthood. Up to
a third of people with one anxiety disorder also suffer from
another. There is considerable comorbidity with other disorders,
notably substance misuse, disruptive behaviour, and personality
and eating disorders. Risk factors for anxiety disorders include a
family history of anxiety disorders or psychopathology; a behav-
iourally inhibited temperament; neuroticism; a personal history
of psychopathology; a history of significant family conflict or vio-
lence; and a history of stressful life events.
Questions
● What are the main clinical features of separation anxiety, phobias,
generalized anxiety disorder, panic disorder, posttraumatic stress
disorder and obsessive compulsive disorder?
● How prevalent are anxiety disorders?
● What are the risk factors for anxiety disorders?
● What are the main biological and psychological theories of anxiety
disorders and the main research findings relevant to these theories?
● What are the main evidence-based approaches to assessment and
treatment of anxiety disorders?
● Is the medicalization of fear justified?
FURTHER READING
Professional
● Antony, M. & Stein, M. (2009). Oxford handbook of anxiety and related
disorders. New York: Oxford University Press.
● Carr, A. (2006). Handbook of child and adolescent clinical psychology:
A contextual approach (second edition). London: Routledge (Chapters
12–13).
Self-help
● Antony, M. & Swinson, R. (2000). The shyness and social anxiety
workbook: Proven, step-by-step techniques for overcoming your fear.
Oakland, CA: New Harbinger.
● Antony, M., Craske, M. & Barlow, D. (2006). Mastering your fears and
phobias: Workbook (second edition). Oxford: Oxford University Press.
● Barlow, D. H. (2006). Master your anxiety and panic: Workbook (fourth
edition). Oxford: Oxford University Press.
● Craske, M., & Barlow, D. (2006). Mastery of your anxiety and worry:
Workbook (second edition). Oxford: Oxford University Press.
● Foa, E. B. & Wilson, R. (2001). Stop obsessing! How to overcome your
obsessions and compulsions (revised edition). New York: Bantam Books.
● Herbert, C. & Wetmore, A. (1999). Overcoming traumatic stress: A self-
help guide using cognitive behavioural techniques. London: Robinson.
● Last, C. (2006). Help for worried kids. New York: Guilford.
● Rapee, R., Spense, S., Cobham, V., & Wignal, A. (2000). Helping your
anxious child: A step-by-step guide for parents. San Francisco: New
Harbinger.
WEBSITES
● American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry’s practice
parameters for the treatment of anxiety disorders, PTSC and OCD:
www.aacap.org/cs/root/member_information/practice_information/
practice_parameters/practice_parameters
● American Psychiatric Association’s practice guidelines for treating panic
disorder, PTSD and OCD:
http://psychiatryonline.org/guidelines.aspx
● Anxiety Alliance, UK:
www.anxietyalliance.org.uk
● Anxiety Disorders Association of America:
www.adaa.org
● Anxiety UK:
www.anxietyuk.org.uk
● Fearfighter computer-based CBT programme for anxiety:
www.fearfighter.com
● National Institute for Clinical Excellence guidelines for treating anxiety
disorders, PTSD and OCD:
http://guidance.nice.org.uk/topic/mentalhealthbehavioural
● NHS:
www.nhs.uk/Conditions/Anxiety/Pages/Introduction.aspx
Introduction
Feelings of happiness and sadness are adaptive. Many behaviour pat-
terns that lead to happiness, such as socializing with others, becoming
absorbed in productive work and developing longstanding friendships,
are important for the survival of the species. Sadness, which commonly
TABLE 6.1
Criteria for a major depressive episode
DSM-IV-TR ICD-10
A. Five or more of the following symptoms have been present during In a typical depressive episode the
the same 2-week period nearly every day and this represents a individual usually suffers, for a
change from pervious functioning; at least one of the symptoms is period of at least 2 weeks, from
either (1) depressed mood or (2) loss of interest or pleasure. depressed mood, loss of interest
Symptoms may be reported or observed. and enjoyment and reduced
1. Depressed mood. In children and adolescents can be irritable energy leading to increased
mood. fatiguability and diminished activity.
2. Markedly diminished interest or pleasure in almost all daily Marked tiredness after only slight
activities. effort is common. Other common
3. Significant weight loss or gain (of 5% per month) or decrease or symptoms are:
increase in appetite. In children consider failure to make 1. Reduced concentration and
expected weight gains. attention
4. Insomnia or hypersomnia. 2. Reduced self-esteem and
5. Psychomotor agitation or retardation. confidence
6. Fatigue or loss of energy. 3. Ideas of guilt and unworthiness
7. Feelings of worthlessness, excessive guilt. 4. Bleak and pessimistic views of
8. Poor concentration and indecisiveness. the future
9. Recurrent thoughts of death, suicidal ideation or suicide attempt. 5. Ideas or acts of self-harm or
B. Symptoms do not meet criteria for mixed episode of mania and suicide
depression. 6. Disturbed sleep
C. Symptoms cause clinically significant distress or impairment in 7. Diminished appetite.
social occupational, educational or other important areas of The lowered mood varies little from
functioning. day to day, is often unresponsive
D. Symptoms not due to the direct effects of a drug or a general to circumstances and may show a
medical condition such as hypothyroidism. characteristic diurnal variation as
E. The symptoms are not better accounted for by uncomplicated the day goes on.
bereavement.
situation until she left home to go to college at the age of 18. During her
childhood and teenage years May spent a lot of time studying to distract
herself from the unhappy home atmosphere.
On the positive side, May had a good relationship with her cousins
and some happy childhood memories of staying at their seaside house.
She made a couple of good friends at college with whom she went on
holidays to Greece in her early 20s. When May left college, she began
work as a teacher and loved her job. She got on well with children and
was admired by her colleagues for this.
Within May’s extended family there was a history of mood and
alcohol problems. Her aunt and a cousin had suffered from depression.
She also had an uncle with a drink problem, which may have been
related to a difficulty with mood regulation.
Presentation
May presented with profound feelings of sadness and emptiness, a loss
of interest in her career and friendships and an inability to experience
pleasure. Notable features of her behaviour were the fact that she lived
a constricted housebound lifestyle, was unable to concentrate and com-
plained of forgetfulness. May also experienced early morning waking,
had diurnal variation of mood, with her mood being worse in the morn-
ing, had little appetite and marked weight loss, and refused to take anti-
depressant medication. From time to time she thought about killing
herself, but never planned in a detailed way to end her life and never
made a suicide attempt.
She held a distinctly negative view of herself, the world and the future.
She talked about herself in self-deprecating ways. For example, she said
‘I’m no good as a teacher. I’ve lost my job because of this illness. I’m no
good as a woman. I’ll never be married. I’m no good as a person. I’m dirty
and worthless and I’m rotting inside. I deserve to be hurt.’ She viewed the
world as a bleak place. What follows are some of her beliefs about her
world: ‘My father is no good. He beat me as a child and beat my mother.
He is the reason why I am ill. I can’t change the past, so I will be ill forever.
My mother is no good. I would recover if she were not here looking after
me. She interferes in my life and tries to control me. I have no friends so
there is no point in recovery. Other people deserve to be hurt. Whatever
pleasant things I have experienced were few and far between. For
example, my holiday in Greece. I had no control over either the good or
bad things that happened to me, so I cannot control my recovery.’
May’s view of the future was also dark. For example, she said: ‘There
is no point in recovery because other people will only take advantage of
me. You can’t trust anyone because they will abandon you. I have been
unfortunate in the past, so I will always be unfortunate. There is no light
at the end of the tunnel.’
Formulation
May presented with the symptoms of major depressive disorder: low
mood, diurnal variation in mood, loss of interest and pleasure in daily
Intervention
Following assessment, May was helped to understand this formulation.
She engaged in a multimodal treatment programme involving cognitive-
behavioural interventions, family therapy and antidepressant medica-
tion. Behaviour therapy helped her alter her self-defeating patterns of
behaviour; engage in regular exercise and pleasant activities; and
expand her constricted lifestyle. Cognitive therapy helped her to chal-
lenge her pessimistic thinking style and view the world in more positive
terms. Family therapy helped May’s mother reduce her inappropriate
over-involvement with May and her father apologize for the violence to
which May had been subjected and exposed to as a child.
Antidepressant medication aimed to normalize the dysregulated
serotonergic neurotransmitter system that was presumed to underpin
May’s depressive symptoms. Over a period of months she increased
her activity level, developed a more positive thinking style, achieved
greater autonomy from her parents and began to engage in a more
normal lifestyle.
Clinical features
Table 6.1 gives diagnostic criteria for episodes of major depression from
DSM-IV-TR (American Psychiatric Association, 2000) and ICD-10 (World
Health Organization, 1992). Within both systems depressive episodes
may be classified in terms of severity and with respect to the presence or
absence of melancholic or somatic features and psychotic features.
Severity
With regard to symptom severity, episodes of depression may be
subclassified as mild, moderate or severe, depending on the number of
symptoms present and the degree of impairment.
Melancholia
With regard to melancholic or somatic features, in severe depression
where there is a loss of pleasure in all activities (referred to as anhedonia)
Psychotic depression
In both DSM and ICD, if mood-congruent delusions and hallucinations
are present, then depressive episodes are described as having
psychotic features. Mood-congruent delusions are strongly held,
extremely pessimistic beliefs that have no basis in reality, such as the
belief of an innocent person that he or she is guilty of many wrongs and
so deserves to die. In depression, mood-congruent hallucinations are
usually auditory and involve hearing voices in the absence of external
stimuli, which say depressing things, such as that the patient is a failure,
guilty of wrongdoing, or evil.
A range of clinical features of children, adolescents and adults with
major depressive disorders have been identified through research and
clinical observation (e.g., Bech, 2009; Brent & Weersing, 2008; Gotlib &
Hammen, 2009; Nolen-Hoeksema & Hilt, 2009a). A classification of
common clinical features of depression into the domains of perception,
cognition, mood, somatic state, behaviour and relationships is given in
Table 6.2. When depressive episodes occur, clinical features may be
linked by assuming that depressed individuals have usually suffered a
loss of some sort: a loss of an important relationship, a loss of some
valued attribute such as athletic ability or health, or a loss of status.
Perception
With respect to perception, having suffered a loss, depressed individuals
tend to perceive the world as if further losses are probable. Depressed
people selectively attend to negative features of the environment. This
in turn leads them to engage in depressive cognitions and unrewarding
behaviour patterns which further entrench their depressed mood. In
severe depression, individuals may report mood-congruent auditory
hallucinations. We may assume that this severe perceptual abnormality
is present when individuals report hearing voices criticizing them or
telling them depressive things, as noted above. Auditory hallucinations
also occur in schizophrenia. However, the hallucinations that occur in
schizophrenia are not necessarily mood-congruent.
TABLE 6.2
Clinical features of depression
Perception Perceptual bias towards negative events
Mood-congruent hallucinations†
Cognition Negative view of self, world and future
Over-general memory
Cognitive distortions
Inability to concentrate
Indecision
Suicidal ideation
Suicidal intention*
Excessive guilt*
Mood-congruent delusions†
Mood Depressed mood
Irritable mood
Anxiety and apprehension
Distinct quality of depressed mood*
Loss of interest in pleasurable activities (anhedonia)*
Lack of emotional reactivity*
Somatic state Fatigue
Diminished activity
Loss of appetite or overeating
Aches and pains
Early morning waking*
Diurnal variation of mood (worse in morning)*
Change in weight*
Loss of interest in sex*
Behaviour Psychomotor retardation or agitation*
Depressive stupor†
Relationships Deterioration in family relationships
Withdrawal from peer relationships
Poor work or educational performance
*These features are associated with melancholic depression and are referred to as vegetative
features or the somatic syndrome. †These features occur in psychotic depression.
Cognition
With respect to cognition, depressed individuals describe themselves,
the world and the future in negative terms. They evaluate themselves as
worthless and are critical of their occupational and social accomplish-
ments. Often this negative self-evaluation is expressed as guilt for not
living up to certain standards or letting others down. They see their world,
including family, friends and work or school as unrewarding, critical and
hostile or apathetic. They describe the future in bleak terms and report
little if any hope that things will improve. Where they report extreme hope-
lessness and this is coupled with excessive guilt for which they believe
they should be punished, suicidal ideas or intentions may be reported.
Extremely negative thoughts about the self, the world and the future may
be woven together in severe cases into depressive delusional systems.
In addition to the content of the depressed individual’s thought being
bleak, they also display logical errors in their thinking and concentration
Affect
With respect to affect, low mood, diurnal variation in mood and anhedo-
nia are key features of depression. Depressed mood is usually reported
as a feeling of sadness, emptiness, loneliness or despair. Diurnal vari-
ation in mood is particularly common in severe depression, with mood
being worse in the morning. During an episode of major depression as
a person moves from mild to moderate to severe depression, the
increasing number and intensity of symptoms may lead to intense anxi-
ety. That is, fears are experienced such as ‘Will this get worse? Am I
stuck in this living hell for ever? Will I ever be myself again? Will I be
able to prevent myself from committing suicide to escape?’ Irritability
may also occur, with the person expressing anger at the source of their
loss, for example anger at a deceased loved one for abandoning the
grieving person, or anger at health professionals for being unable to
alleviate the depression.
Somatic state
Changes in somatic state associated with depression include loss of
energy, disturbances of sleep and appetite, weight loss or failure to
make age-appropriate weight gain, pain symptoms and loss of interest
in sex. Typically, depressed people have difficulty sleeping and eat little
due to appetite loss. These symptoms are referred to as vegetative
features. With regard to sleep disturbance, depressed people may have
difficulty going to sleep, wake frequently during the night, or suffer from
early-morning waking. Usually, they report having racing thoughts and
engaging in depressive rumination when they can’t sleep. In atypical
cases of depression people may sleep too much due to constant
feelings of exhaustion and eat excessively due to increased appetite or
because eating may temporarily reduce their distress.
Headaches and medically unexplained chest, back or abdominal
pain are other somatic features of depression. For some patients, these
pain symptoms are the first to be reported to their family doctors, and
only when medical investigations of these complaints are negative is
depression considered as a possible diagnosis. All of the somatic fea-
tures of depression mentioned above are consistent with research find-
ings, discussed below, that dysregulation of neurobiological, endocrine
Behaviour
At a behavioural level, depressed individuals may show either reduced
and slowed activity levels (psychomotor retardation) or increased but
ineffective activity (psychomotor agitation). They typically fail to engage
in activities that would bring them a sense of achievement or connect-
edness to family or friends. Where individuals become immobile, this is
referred to as depressive stupor. Fortunately this is rare.
One risky behavioural complication of depression is self-harm. A dis-
tinction is made between suicidal behaviour and non-suicidal deliberate
self-harm. With suicidal behaviour, self-harm is primarily motivated by
the intention to end one’s life. With non-suicidal deliberate self-harm,
there are other motivations. People may cut or burn themselves to dis-
tract themselves from their depressive feelings. They may take non-
lethal overdoses to elicit care from family or friends or to gain admission
to hospital and remove them from stressful situations.
Relationships
At an interpersonal level, depressed individuals report a deterioration in
their relationships with family, friends, colleagues, school teachers and
other significant figures in their lives. They describe themselves as
lonely and yet unable or unworthy to take steps to make contact with
others. Ironically, when depressed people try to overcome their loneli-
ness by talking to others, they tend to drive them away through their
pessimistic, self-centred talk and depressive behaviour.
Classification
In DSM-IV-TR and ICD-10, mood disorders are primarily classified in
terms of polarity (unipolar versus bipolar conditions) and course
(episodic versus continuous conditions). Distinctions are made between
● major depressive disorder
● bipolar disorder
● dysthymia
● cyclothymia.
Major depressive disorder and bipolar disorder are episodic conditions,
with the former characterized by episodes of low mood, negative
cognition, and sleep and appetite disturbance and the latter characterized
in addition by episodes of mania in which elation, grandiosity, flight of
ideas and expansive behaviour occur. Dysthymia and cyclothymia are
less severe non-episodic chronic and continuous conditions, with
dysthymia being characterized by depressive symptomatology and
cyclothymia being characterized by similar but less extreme mood
fluctuations than bipolar disorder.
Aetiological theories
Theoretical explanations for depression and related treatments have
been developed within biological, psychoanalytic, cognitive-behavioural
and family systems traditions. Much research on depression has been
guided by these theories. In addition, research on depression has been
informed by psychological constructs such as stress, temperament,
personality traits, cognitive biases, coping strategies and interpersonal
styles. A number of influential theories, hypotheses and related treat-
ments and research findings from these areas will be briefly reviewed
below.
Biological theories
Biological theories of depression point to the role of genetic factors in
rendering people vulnerable to the development of mood disorders, and
to the role of structural and functional brain abnormalities; dsysregula-
tion of neurotransmitter, neuroendocrine and immune systems; and
sleep architecture and circadian rhythm abnormalities in the aetiology
of depression. There is considerable support for biological theories from
neuroimaging, pharmacological, psychophysiological and other neuro-
biological studies, although current knowledge of these abnormalities is
incomplete (Davidson et al., 2009; Hamilton et al., 2011; Levinson,
2009; Sullivan et al., 2000; Thase, 2009). However, there is a consen-
sus about certain aspects of the neurobiology of depression which will
be presented below.
Genetics
The genetic hypothesis proposes that depression develops where a
person with an inherited vulnerability to mood disorders is exposed to
stressful life events. Results of twin, adoption and family studies show
that a predisposition to depression is genetically transmitted. Major
depression is about 40% heritable (Sullivan et al., 2000), whereas bipo-
lar disorder is about 70% heritable (Edvardsen et al., 2008). Precisely
what biological characteristics are genetically transmitted and the
mechanisms of transmission are still largely unknown. However, results
of studies on structural and functional brain abnormalities, neurotrans-
mitter dysregulation, endocrine abnormalities, immune system dysfunc-
tion, sleep architecture and circadian rhythm abnormalities in some
cases suggest that a biological vulnerability to dysregulation of one or
more of these systems is probably inherited. It is also probable that the
vulnerability is polygenetically transmitted, since the results of family
studies cannot easily be accounted for by simpler models of genetic
transmission.
Many candidate genes for depression have been investigated; few
have been identified; and where significant associations between can-
didate genes and depression have been found, very few consistent rep-
lication studies are available (Levinson, 2009; Shyn & Hamilton, 2010).
The search for candidate genes has focused in large part on those
Neurotransmitters
There is evidence for hypoactivity of the serotonergic and noradrener-
gic neurotransmitter systems in neuroanatomical centres associated
with depression (Thase, 2009). Originally depletion of serotonin and
noradrenaline was thought to cause depression, but now a more com-
plex dysregulation of these systems involving a reduction in the sensi-
tivity of postsynaptic receptor sites is hypothesized to be the critical
difficulty. The efficiency of these neurotransmitter systems is reduced in
depression, and increased by antidepressant drugs (Gitlin, 2009).
& Miller, 2007). Such illnesses in turn are additional stresses that may
maintain or exacerbate depression.
Stress theories
Stress theories propose that depression develops following exposure to
stress. There are variations on this theme, for example diathesis–stress
theories propose that depression only follows exposure to stress in
people who have specific biological or psychological attributes that
render them vulnerable to stressful life events, and the most vulnerable
require the least stress for depression to occur (e.g., Joiner & Timmons
2009; Joormann, 2009; Levinson, 2009). Stress-generation theory pro-
poses that people with certain personal attributes inadvertently generate
excessive stress, which in turn leads to depression (Liu & Alloy, 2010).
Temperament
The Temperament and Character Inventory has been used in much of
the research on temperament and depression (Cloninger et al., 1993).
This instrument includes four dimensions of temperament: harm
avoidance, reward dependence, novelty seeking and persistence. The
structure of temperament in this model has been inferred from genetic
studies of personality. Three of the temperamental dimensions are
Personality traits
In a major meta-analysis, Kotov et al. (2010) investigated correlations
between depression and the ‘Big 5’ personality traits: neuroticism,
extraversion, conscientiousness, openness and agreeableness. They
found that neuroticism was the personality trait most strongly associ-
ated with major depressive disorder. There were significant but smaller
negative correlations between depression and both extraversion and
conscientiousness. Thus, the typical personality trait profile of people
with major depressive disorder was characterized by a high level of
neuroticism (which entails negative emotionality and distress), introver-
sion (which involves social withdrawal and a lack of positive emotional-
ity) and low conscientiousness (where there is a tendency not to follow
through on plans). It is not clear whether this personality profile predis-
poses people to depression, whether it occurs as a result of depression,
or whether depression and the personality profile are the result of some
independent factor.
Within both the psychoanalytic and cognitive-behavioural traditions
there are hypotheses about the association between specific personality
dimensions and vulnerability to depression when one is faced with spe-
cific types of stressor. Within the psychoanalytic tradition, Blatt (2004)
has proposed that distinctions may be made between dependent and
self-critical, perfectionistic forms of depression. Within the cognitive-
behavioural tradition, Beck et al. (1983) distinguished between socio-
tropic and autonomous depressives. In these formulations it is proposed
that people with high levels of dependence or sociotropy have strong
needs for relatedness and so are vulnerable to depression when faced
with loss of important relationships, whereas people with high levels of
perfectionistic self-criticism or autonomy have strong needs for self-
definition through achievement and so are vulnerable to depres-
sion when faced with failure. Extensive research has shown that the
Cognitive biases
Research from experimental psychopathology has consistently found
that people with depression show a range of information-processing
biases before, during and between depressive episodes at the levels of
attention, memory and reasoning that render them vulnerable to depres-
sion and maintain low mood during depressive episodes (Joormann,
2009). People with depression are more likely to selectively attend to,
and remember, negative information about the self and the world
(Peckham et al., 2010; Phillips et al., 2010). Over-general autobio-
graphical memory – the tendency to remember generalities but not spe-
cific details of past events – is also a well established characteristic of
depression, with greater over-general memory being predictive of more
severe future depressive symptoms (Sumner et al., 2010). In depres-
sion there is also a bias towards pessimistic interpretations of situ-
ations, known as depressive cognitive style (Haeffel et al., 2008).
Depressive cognitive style and its relationship to helplessness will be
discussed below under cognitive and behavioural theories.
Alongside depression-specific cognitive biases that confer vulnera-
bility to depression, a number of general cognitive deficits arise as a
result of depression. In a meta-analysis, McDermott and Ebmeier
(2009) found significant correlations between depression severity and a
range of cognitive functions including processing speed, episodic mem-
ory and executive function, but not semantic or visuo-spatial memory.
Coping strategies
Certain coping strategies are associated with depression. In a meta-
analysis, Aldao et al. (2010) found that depression was strongly associ-
ated with the use of rumination as a coping strategy. With rumination,
depressed people repeatedly recycle negative and depressive thoughts
and have difficulty disengaging from them. Depression was also corre-
lated, although less strongly, with the use of avoidance and suppres-
sion as coping strategies. Aldao et al. (2010) found negative correlations
between depression and a number of adaptive coping strategies includ-
ing problem-solving, acceptance and reappraisal.
Interpersonal styles
Distinctive interpersonal styles are associated with the development
and maintenance of depression. In line with Bowlby’s (1980) attachment
theory, there is evidence that depression is associated with an insecure
attachment style arising from child-rearing experiences that interfered
with the development of attachment security, such as parental rejection,
Psychoanalytic theories
Of the many psychoanalytic theories of depression that have been
developed, reference will be made here to Freud’s (1917) original posi-
tion, Bibring’s (1965) ego-psychological model and Blatt’s (2004) object
relations formulation. These theories have been selected because they
are illustrative of psychodynamic explanations, and Blatt’s model has
been singled out for attention because, unlike many psychodynamic
theories, considerable effort has gone into empirically testing it.
aggression at the introject of the lost object for bringing about a state of
abandonment is experienced as self-directed anger or the self-criticism
that characterizes depressed people.
People whose primary caregivers either failed to meet their depend-
ency needs during the oral phase and so neglected them, or were over-
indulgent and so did not provide them with opportunities to learn
self-sufficiency, are predisposed to developing depression according to
this model. When they lose a loved one, they feel the loss more acutely
than others and are more likely to regress, introject the lost object and
experience retroflexive anger. Freud proposed that the loss of valued
personal attributes (such as career status) as well as the loss of valued
people could symbolize object loss. In Freud’s structural personality
theory he distinguished between the unconscious id, which represented
sexual and aggressive instincts; the superego, which represented the
internalization of societal norms and standards; and the ego, which rep-
resented conscious functions that attempted to reconcile and balance
the instincts of the id, the standards set by the superego and the
demands of day-to-day life.
In depression, the superego is the psychological structure that directs
anger at the ego. Because the superego, which is not fully developed in
children, is the psychological structure necessary for directing anger at
the ego, the traditional psychoanalytic position entails the view that
children are unable to experience depression. This view is unsupported
by available epidemiological data. However, Freud’s position was
important in drawing attention to the significance of loss in depression,
a hypotheses that has been supported by subsequent research
(Goodman & Brand, 2009; Monroe et al., 2009).
There is also good evidence that self-directed anger, in the form of
guilt and shame, is strongly associated with depression (Kim et al.,
2011). Finally, Freud pointed out the importance of early life experi-
ences in creating a vulnerability to depression, an idea that is central to
modern psychodynamic, attachment and cognitive theories of depres-
sion, and one that has considerable empirical support (Bakermans-
Kranenburg & van IJzendoorn, 2009; Blatt, 2004; Goodman & Brand,
2009; Joormann, 2009).
An integrative approach
In clinical practice an integrative approach to conceptualizing depression
is useful. Distinctions may be made between predisposing, precipitating,
maintaining and protective factors. Insights and related evidence
associated with the various theories reviewed above may be integrated
into the following formulation framework.
A range of personal, family and community-based factors may pre-
dispose people to developing depression. Personal factors include a
genetic vulnerability to depression and a depressive temperament; loss
and failure experiences and related depressive cognitive schemas, low
self-esteem and a depressive cognitive style; attachment insecurity, a
depressive interpersonal style and social skills deficits; and personality
traits, particularly perfectionism, neuroticism, introversion and low con-
scientiousness. Family factors that predispose to depression include
separations and bereavements, child abuse, excessive parental criti-
cism, family adversity, and growing up in a family where parents suffer
Assessment
Through careful clinical interviewing of individuals and members of their
families, the symptoms of depression and relevant history are obtained.
A diagnosis is given in accordance with the criteria outlined in ICD-10
and DSM-IV-TR, and a formulation explaining the symptoms entailed
by the diagnosis may be given in which the relevant predisposing,
precipitating, maintaining and protective factors are outlined. A general
clinical formulation model is given in Figure 6.3.
Validated structured interviews for diagnosing depression that may
be used in clinical practice include the mood disorders module of the
Structured Clinical Interview for DSM-IV Axis I Disorders (SCID, First et
al., 1996) for adults and the depression module of the Development and
Well-Being Assessment (DAWBA, Goodman et al., 2000) for children.
Depressive symptom severity may be rated with the Hamilton Rating
Scale (HRS, Hamilton, 1967) and the Children’s Depression Rating
Scale (CDRS, Polanski & Mokros, 1999). Self-reported symptom
severity may be assessed with the Beck Depression Inventory II
(BDI-II, Beck et al., 1996) and the depression scale of the Beck Youth
Inventories II (BYI-II, Steer et al., 2005). A range of standardized self-
report instruments and rating scales may be used to assess personal
characteristics such as cognitive style, and environmental factors such
as stressful life events in adults and children (Dougherty et al., 2008;
Persons & Fresco, 2008). During the process of assessment and
treatment patients and family members may be invited to keep daily
records of fluctuations in mood, related thoughts and behaviour, and
the circumstances preceding and following these fluctuations.
Suicide risk
A central concern when evaluating depression is the assessment of
suicide risk (Hawton & Fortune, 2008; Hawton & Taylor, 2009). This is
because depression is one of the most important risk factors for suicide.
TABLE 6.3
Risk and protective factors for suicide
Risk factors Domain Protective factors
• Suicidal intention Suicidal • Suicidal ideation (not intention)
• Advanced planning intention and • Acceptance by adolescent of no-suicide
• Precautions against discovery ideation contract
• Lethal method • Acceptance by parents and carers of
• Absence of help-seeking suicide monitoring contract
• A final act
Availability of lethal methods Method Absence of lethal methods
lethality
• Loss of parents or partner by death, Precipitating • Resolution of interpersonal conflict with
separation or illness factors parents or partner that precipitated
• Conflict with parents or partner attempted suicide
• Involvement in judicial system • Acceptance and mourning of losses that
• Severe personal illness precipitated attempted suicide
• Major exam failure • Physical and psychological distancing
• Unwanted pregnancy from peers or others who precipitated
• Imitation of other suicides imitative attemptive suicide
Suicide attempted to serve the function of: Motivation Capacity to develop non-destructive
• escaping an unbearable psychological coping styles or engage in treatment to be
state or situation better able to:
• gaining revenge by inducing guilt • regulate difficult psychological states
• inflicting self-punishment • modify painful situations
• gaining care and attention • express anger assertively
• sacrificing the self for a greater good • resolve conflicts productively
• mourn losses
• manage perfectionistic expectations
• solicit care and attention from others
• cope with family disorganization
• High level of hopelessness Personality- • Low level of hopelessness
• High level of perfectionism based factors • Low level of perfectionism
• High level of impulsivity • Low level of impulsivity
• High levels of hostility and aggression • Low levels of hostility and aggression
• Inflexible coping style • Flexible coping style
• Depression Disorder- • Absence of psychological disorders
• Alcohol and drug abuse related • Absence of physical disorders
• Conduct disorder factors • Absence of multiple comorbid chronic
• Antisocial personality disorder disorders
• Borderline personality disorder • Capacity to form therapeutic alliance
• Epilepsy and engage in treatment for
• Chronic painful illness psychological and physical disorders
• Multiple comorbid chronic disorders
• Previous suicide attempts Historical • No history of previous suicide attempts
• Loss of a parent in early life factors • No history of loss of a parent in early life
• Previous psychiatric treatment • No history of previous psychiatric
• Involvement in the juvenile justice treatment
system • No history of involvement in the juvenile
justice system
Treatment
Research on the psychological treatment of depression has shown that
relatively brief structured interventions of up to 20 sessions over 6
months are effective in helping about two-thirds of adolescents and
adults recover from a depressive episode (Carr, 2009a). Comparative
trials and meta-analyses have shown that CBT, psychodynamic and
systemic interventions are equally effective, although both the drop-out
rate and the evidence base for CBT are larger (Cuijpers et al., 2008).
The development of a strong therapeutic alliance and the adoption of
an approach that modifies depression-maintaining factors underpin
effective psychotherapy for depression (Castonguay et al., 2006; Follette
& Greenberg, 2006). There is evidence from meta-analyses that guided
self-help with books, or computer-based instruction on CBT approaches
to mood management and simple interventions that lead to increased
activity and physical exercise levels, often referred to as behavioural
activation, can effectively reduce depressive symptoms, especially in
people with mild to moderate depression (Andrews et al., 2010; Daley et
al., 2009; Gregory et al., 2004; Mazzucchelli et al., 2009).
In the short term, psychotherapy and antidepressant medication are
equally effective in patients with moderate depression, but in the long
term relapse rates are lower for psychotherapy and multimodal pro-
grammes that include psychotherapy (Vittengl et al., 2007). This is prob-
ably because through psychotherapy people learn relapse prevention
skills. Multimodal programmes, which may be offered by multidisciplinary
Controversies
There are many controversies in the scientific study and clinical treat-
ment of mood disorders. Three that deserve mention here concern the
use of antidepressants and ECT as well as explanations given for the
high rate of depression in women compared with men.
Antidepressants
Antidepressant medication, while widely used, is controversial because
of its questionable efficacy and side-effects. Initial enthusiasm for SSRIs
as a panacea for depression was tempered by results of Turner et al.’s
(2008) meta-analysis, which showed that the high level of effectiveness
of antidepressants reported in academic journals was largely the result
of journals publishing only trials with positive results and rejecting
studies in which antidepressants were shown to be no more effective
than placebos. Subsequent meta-analyses showed that compared with
placebos, the effects of TCAs and SSRIs were negligible for mild to
moderate depression; however, for severe depression their effects are
substantial (e.g., Fournier et al., 2010).
Antidepressants may have negative side-effects, some of which are
troublesome while others are risky or dangerous. Loss of sexual desire
and impotence, weight gain, nausea, sedation or activation, and dizzi-
ness are some of the more troublesome, with different types of anti-
depressant having different side-effect profiles (Gitlin, 2009). For de-
pressed pregnant women, antidepressant treatment may create health
risks for their offspring (Udechuku et al., 2010). MAOIs are particularly
dangerous antidepressants, and are used only with conscientious
patients who can follow strict dietary instructions, because patients on
MAOIs develop high blood pressure and suffer hypertensive crises if
they do not exclude foods that contain thyramine (such as cheese) from
their diets. Antidepressants may increase suicide risk in patients under
25 years, although results of meta-analyses suggest that the benefits
may outweigh the risks (Bridge et al., 2007).
Electroconvulsive therapy
ECT is controversial because of the brevity of its antidepressant effects
and its negative side-effects on memory functioning. In ECT seizures
are induced by briefly passing an electric current through the brain via
electrodes applied to the scalp. ECT is conducted under general anaes-
thetic, and muscle relaxants are used to prevent body spasms. A typical
course of ECT involves 6–12 twice-weekly sessions. Low-dose and
brief-pulse ECT applied to the non-dominant cerebral hemisphere is
sometimes used as an alternative to high-dose bilateral administration
to reduce the negative effect of ECT on memory and other cognitive
functions.
In a large meta-analysis, Carney et al. (2003) found that ECT was
more effective than a placebo (simulated ECT) and antidepressants.
They also found that the most effective form was bilateral and high dose
rather than unilateral and low dose. However, it was precisely this type
of ECT that they found led to greatest memory loss. ECT led to short-
term disorientation and temporary loss of memory for recent events
(anterograde amnesia) and also for distant autobiographical memories
(retrograde amnesia).
A more recent meta-analysis concluded that ECT’s effects on
cognitive function are not all negative. Semkovska and McLoughlin
Summary
Major depressive disorder is a recurrent condition, characterized
by episodes of low mood and loss of interest in pleasurable
activities along with other symptoms such as poor concentration,
fatigue, pessimism, suicidal thoughts and sleep and appetite
disturbance. Depressive episodes can vary in severity from
mild to severe, and melancholic or psychotic symptoms may
be present in severe cases.
The clinical features of depression include selective attention
to negative features of the environment, a pessimistic cognitive
style, low mood, somatic symptoms, psychomotor retardation
or agitation and a deterioration in relationships. Loss is often
the core theme linking these clinical features: loss of an
important relationship, loss of some valued attribute such as
health, or loss of status, for example through unemployment.
Major depression is distinguished from bipolar disorder, where
there are also episodes of elation, and from dysthymia, which
is a milder, non-episodic mood disorder.
Depression is a relatively common disorder with a lifetime
prevalence of about 17%. More adults than children and more
women than men suffer from depression. It follows a chronic
relapsing course, with up to 80% of people having recurring
episodes. About 3.4% of people with a major depressive disor-
der commit suicide.
Theoretical explanations for depression and related treat-
ments have been developed within biological, psychoanalytic,
cognitive-behavioural and family systems traditions. Biological
theories of depression point to the role of genetic factors in
rendering people vulnerable to the development of mood
Questions
● Is depression the same as feeling sad?
● What are the main clinical features of depression?
● What are the differences between major depressive disorder, bipolar
disorder, dysthymia and cyclothymia?
● How prevalent is depression in men and women?
FURTHER READING
Professional
● Gotlib, H. & Hammen, C. (2009). Handbook of depression (second edi-
tion). New York: Guilford Press.
● Nolen-Hoeksema, S. & Hilt, L. M. (2009). Handbook of depression in
adolescents. New York: Routledge.
Self-help
● Burns, D. (1999). Feeling good: The new mood therapy. New York:
Avon.
● Burns, D. (1999). The feeling good handbook (revised edition). New
York: Plume.
● Gilbert, P. (2000). Overcoming depression: A self-help guide using cog-
nitive behavioural techniques (revised edition). London: Robinson.
● Greenberger, D. & Padesky, C. (1995). Mind over mood: Changing how
you feel by changing the way you think. New York: Guilford.
● Williams, M., Teasdale, J., Segal, Z. & Kabat-Zinn, J. (2007). The mind-
ful way through depression: Freeing yourself from chronic unhappiness.
New York: Guilford.
WEBSITES
● American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry’s practice param-
eters for the treatment of depression, bipolar disorder and suicidal behav-
iour in young people:
www.aacap.org/cs/root/member_information/practice_information/
practice_parameters/practice_parameters
● American Psychiatric Association’s practice guidelines for treating
depression and bipolar disorder:
http://psychiatryonline.org/guidelines.aspx
● Beating the Blues computer-based CBT programme for depression:
www.beatingtheblues.co.uk
● Depression Alliance (UK):
www.depressionalliance.org
Introduction
The term schizophrenia refers to a collection of seriously debilitating
conditions characterized by positive and negative symptoms and
disorganization (Mueser & Jeste, 2008). Hallucinations and delusions
are the principal positive symptoms of schizophrenia.
TABLE 7.1
Diagnostic criteria for schizophrenia
DSM-IV-TR ICD-10
A. Characteristic symptoms. Two or more of the A minimum of one very clear symptom (or two or more
following, each present for a significant portion of less clear-cut) belonging to any one of the groups
of time during a 1-month period (or less if (a) to (d) and at least two of the symptoms (e) to (h)
successfully treated): should have been present most of the time during a
(1) delusions period of 1 month or more.
(2) hallucinations (a) thought echo, thought insertion or withdrawal and
(3) disorganized speech (e.g. frequent thought broadcasting
derailment or incoherence) (b) delusions of control, influence, or passivity, clearly
(4) Grossly disorganized or catatonic behaviour referred to body or limb movements or specific
(5) Negative symptoms, affective flattening, thoughts
alogia or avolition (c) hallucinatory voices giving a running commentary
Only one criterion A symptom required if on the patient’s behaviour, or discussing the patient
delusions are bizarre or hallucinations consist of among themselves, or other types of hallucinatory
a voice keeping up a running commentary on the voice coming from some part of the body
person’s behaviour or thoughts or two or more (d) persistent delusions of other kinds that are
voices conversing with each other culturally inappropriate and completely impossible,
B. Social/occupational dysfunction. For a such as religious or political identity, or
significant portion of the time since the onset of superhuman powers and abilities
the disturbance, one or more major areas of (e) persistent hallucinations in any modality, when
functioning such as work, interpersonal accompanied either by fleeting or half-formed
relations, or self-care are markedly below the delusions without clear affective content, or by
level achieved prior to onset or with children a persistent overvalued ideas, or when occurring
failure to achieve the expected level of every day for weeks or months on end
interpersonal, academic or occupational (f) breaks or interpolations in the train of thought,
achievement resulting in incoherence or irrelevant speech or
C. Duration. Continuous signs of the disturbance neologisms
persist for at least 6 months (g) catatonic behaviour, such as excitement, posturing,
D. Not due to schizoaffective or mood disorder or waxy flexibility, negativism, mutism or stupor
E. Not due to substance use or general medical (h) negative symptoms such as marked apathy,
condition paucity of speech, and blunting or incongruity of
F. If there is autism or a pervasive developmental emotional responses, usually resulting in social
disorder, then prominent delusions and withdrawal and lowering of social performance
hallucinations of 1 month’s duration must be (i) a significant and consistent change in the overall
present. quality of some aspects of personal behaviour,
manifest as loss of interest, aimlessness, idleness,
a self-absorbed attitude and social withdrawal
Note: Adapted from DSM-IV-TR (APA, 2000) and ICD-10 (WHO, 1992, 1996).
strangely since returning to his rural home after studying in London for
a year. Julian had failed his exams and said he came home to ‘sort his
head out’. Since his return, Julian’s parents had noticed that he lacked
concentration and his conversation was incoherent much of the time.
Also, his behaviour was erratic and unpredictable.
His parents became particularly concerned when he went missing
some weeks prior to the referral. After searching for a few hours, they
found him 35 miles from their home, exhausted, dehydrated and
dressed in only his sports shorts, singlet and running shoes. Apparently
Julian believed he had to complete a secret mission in the east. While
jogging that morning, he headed eastwards towards the rising sun. He
thought he might jump onto the car ferry when he reached the coast,
cross the sea to Holland, and continue east towards India on his secret
Family history
Julian was the 19-year-old son of a prominent farmer in a rural English
village. The family lived in a large mansion on an extensive estate.
Julian’s father managed the farm; he had a traditional authoritarian
manner and a positive, if distant, relationship with Julian. While he was
centrally involved in the search for Julian, once he found his son,
Julian’s father returned to work and left the care of Julian to his wife.
Julian’s mother was an artist. She dressed flamboyantly, behaved in
a theatrical manner and held eccentric, unconventional beliefs. For
example, she held conspiracy theories about many issues, was inter-
ested in eastern mysticism and believed that faith healing and alterna-
tive medicine were preferable to traditional western medicine. This
personal style affected how she treated Julian after the ‘running east’
episode. She engaged him in intense conversations about the mystical
meaning of the psychotic experiences that led to him trying to make his
way to India on foot. Rather than taking Julian to the accident and emer-
gency department of the local hospital for assessment, she brought him
to a faith healer and then a homeopathist. It was only after these inter-
ventions failed to soothe his distress that she brought Julian to the fam-
ily doctor, who made the referral to the community mental health team.
In the preliminary assessment interview that we conducted with Julian
and both of his parents, Julian’s mother responded to him with intense
emotional overinvolvement (an index of high expressed emotion asso-
ciated with relapse in schizophrenia; Hooley, 2007).
With regard to the extended family, according to Julian’s parents
there was no family history of psychological disorder. However, some
members of the mother’s well-to-do family were odd or eccentric,
especially her brother, Sedrick, and her uncle, William Junior. William’s
eccentricities led him into serious conflict with his father, and Sedrick’s
odd behaviour underpinned his highly conflictual, childless marriage.
Developmental history
Julian grew up on the family farm and went to school locally. His devel-
opment was essentially normal. His academic performance at school
was above average. He had many friends in his local village, and was a
popular child and adolescent. Julian was excellent at cricket. He had no
psychological problems before going to university in London at 18.
Julian’s first term at college was successful academically and
socially. However, the occasional experimental cannabis use that
had begun the summer before going to college turned to regular use
once Julian moved to London. During his time at university Julian also
experimented with LSD on a few occasions. In the final term of his first
year at college, Julian developed an intense fear of exam failure. He
began to have difficulty studying effectively and often had difficulty
sleeping. He stopped attending classes regularly and increasingly spent
time alone. Julian was relieved to return home after sitting his exams.
His parents described him as quiet and thoughtful during the time he
spent at home prior to the ‘running east’ episode.
Presentation
Julian presented with delusions, hallucinations, disorganized speech
and anxiety. He was reluctant to be interviewed because he believed he
had urgent business to attend to in Holland and further afield in India.
He showed signs of being anxiously distressed throughout the interview.
He explained that his path was to the east. He believed he was being
called there by an unknown source. He knew this because of the sign
he had seen while out jogging on the morning of the ‘running east’
episode. The way an old cart wheel caught the sunlight and cast a
shadow on the red-brick wall of a barn against which it leaned made a
distinctive pattern. This pattern was a special sign for him indicating that
he should go east, first to Holland and then all the way to India. When
he questioned this idea, a clear authoritative voice said that he should
leave at once.
At this point in his narrative, he stopped in mid-sentence. He showed
thought blocking, and lost the thread of what he was saying. When
asked to continue his story, he began to giggle. When asked what was
amusing, he said that he could hear someone say something funny.
Julian then spoke about a number of unconnected topics in an incoherent
way before experiencing thought blocking again.
Later he said that he must go soon because people would try to
prevent him. He had heard them talking about him the day before. Julian
said they had tried to put bad ideas into his head. He described being
frightened by this and by periodic sensations that everything was too
loud and too bright and coming at him. He said ‘it was like doing acid
[LSD] all the time … a really bad trip’.
Formulation
Julian presented with auditory hallucinations, delusions, thought disor-
der, anxiety and a significant deterioration in social and occupational
functioning which had been present for more than a month – symptoms
consistent with an ICD-10 diagnosis of schizophrenia. He also showed
a complete lack of insight. He was unable to appreciate that the voices
he heard were hallucinations and his delusional beliefs were unfounded.
Among the important precipitating factors were the experience of
recent exam pressure and Julian’s transition from living at home to
living in London and attending college. The principal predisposing
factors were a possible genetic vulnerability to psychosis and a history
of hallucinogenic drug use. We suspected that there was a genetic
Treatment
The treatment plan included antipsychotic medication and family work
to reduce parental expressed emotion, with an initial brief period of hos-
pitalization. Julian did recover from this first psychotic episode. With
medication, his hallucinations and delusions decreased considerably.
Through family psychoeducation, his parents developed an under-
standing of his condition and of his need for a ‘low-key’ approach to
interacting with him as he recovered.
However, there were obstacles to this multimodal treatment pro-
gramme being as effective as possible. Julian did not like the side-
effects of his medication, especially weight gain and reduced sexual
functioning, and so had poor medication adherence. He also became
depressed during remission, when he thought about the many losses
that followed from his condition. He was unable to continue his university
education, and so could not pursue the career in law he had dreamed
of. He found it difficult to maintain friendships or to commit to engaging
regularly in sports. When he felt low, Julian would smoke cannabis to lift
his spirits.
Julian’s mother found it difficult to accept his diagnosis, and continued
to believe that there was a spiritual or mystical explanation for his
psychotic symptoms. She said she sometimes thought he was not an ill
young man, but a gifted seer or a ‘chosen one’. She often engaged
Julian in intense, distressing conversations about these issues. In the
years that followed his initial assessment, poor medication adherence,
ongoing cannabis use and exposure to high levels of expressed emotion
led Julian to relapse more frequently than might otherwise have been
the case.
Clinical features
A range of clinical features associated with schizophrenia have been
identified through research and clinical observation (Mueser & Jeste,
2008). A classification of these in the domains of perception, cognition,
emotion, behaviour, social adjustment and somatic state is given in
Table 7.2.
TABLE 7.2
Clinical features of schizophrenia
Perception • Breakdown in perceptual selectivity
• Hallucinations
Cognition • Delusions
• Confused sense of self
• Lack of insight
• Formal thought disorder
• Cognitive impairment (IQ, attention, memory, executive
function, psychomotor speed)
Emotion • Prodromal anxiety and depression
• Inappropriate, flattened or blunted affect
• Postpsychotic depression
Behaviour • Prodromal excitation (sleeplessness, impulsivity,
overactivity, compulsivity)
• Impaired goal-directed behaviour
• Excited or retarded catatonic behaviour
Social adjustment • Poor self-care and hygiene
• Poor educational or work performance
• Withdrawal from peer relationships
• Deterioration in family relationships
Somatic state • Comorbid substance use
• Comorbid health problems (CPOD, obesity, heart
disease, HIV/AIDS, Hepatitis B & C)
• Unhealthy lifestyle (poor diet, obesity, little exercise,
smoking)
Perception
At a perceptual level, individuals with schizophrenia describe a break-
down in perceptual selectivity, with difficulties in focusing on essential
information or stimuli to the exclusion of accidental details or back-
ground noise. Everything seems to be salient, and it is difficult to distin-
guish figure from ground. During an acute psychotic state, internal
stimuli such as verbal thoughts are experienced as auditory hallucina-
tions that have the same sensory quality as the spoken word.
Auditory hallucinations may be experienced as loud thoughts, as
thoughts being repeated by another person aloud (thought echo), as
voices speaking inside the head or as voices coming from somewhere
in the outer environment. Auditory hallucination may occur as a third-
person commentary on the patient’s action, as a voice speaking in the
second person directly to the patient, or as two or more people talking
or arguing. Patients may perceive voices to vary along a number of
dimensions. Voices may be construed as benign or malevolent, control-
ling or impotent, all-knowing or knowing little about the person, and the
person may feel compelled to do what the voice says or not.
Hallucinations that are perceived to be malevolent, controlling, all-
knowing and which the individual feels compelled to obey are far more
distressing than those that are not construed as having these attributes.
While auditory hallucinations are the most common in schizophrenia,
hallucinations may occur in other sensory modalities. Somatic halluci-
nations often occur in schizophrenia, with patients reporting feelings of
electricity in their body or things crawling under their skin. These may
be given delusional interpretations. For example, a patient reported that
the television was activating a transmitter in her pelvis and she could
feel the electricity from this causing insects to grow and move around
under her skin. Visual hallucinations – seeing visions – are relatively
rare in schizophrenia, but common in temporal lobe epilepsy.
Cognition
Delusions are the most prominent cognitive clinical features of schizo-
phrenia. Delusions are false, idiosyncratic, illogical and stubbornly
maintained erroneous inferences drawn to explain unusual experi-
ences, such as hallucinations. For example, a patient with auditory
hallucinations in which she heard an authoritative voice giving her
commands to gather the children to her inferred that she had been
chosen by God to prepare all children for the second coming of Christ.
Delusions may arise not only from hallucinations, but also from un-
usual feelings associated with psychosis. Persecutory delusions may
develop from feelings of being watched. Delusions of thought insertion
or thought withdrawal may develop as explanations for feelings that
thoughts are not one’s own, or that one’s thoughts have suddenly dis-
appeared. Factor analyses show that delusions fall into three broad
categories: delusions of influence (including thought withdrawal or in-
sertion, and beliefs about being controlled); delusions of self-significance
(including delusions of grandeur or guilt); and delusions of persecution
(Vahia & Cohen, 2008). Delusions may vary in the degree of convic-
tion with which they are held (from great certainty to little certainty),
the degree to which the person is preoccupied with them (the amount
of time spent thinking about the belief), and the amount of distress
they cause.
Particular sets of delusions may entail a confused sense of self,
particularly paranoid delusions where individuals believe that they are
being persecuted or punished for misdeeds, or delusions of control
where there is a belief that one’s actions are controlled by others.
During a psychotic episode there is usually lack of insight and
impaired judgement. That is, patients believe that the content of their
hallucinations and delusions is legitimate, and they have difficulty enter-
taining the idea that these experiences and beliefs arise from a clinical
condition. Between psychotic episodes, insight may improve and
patients may move towards accepting that their hallucinations and delu-
sions are symptoms of schizophrenia.
The speech of patients with schizophrenia is difficult to understand
because of abnormalities in the underlying form of thought. Formal
thought disorder is characterized by tangentiality, derailment, incoher-
ence, thought blocking, loss of goal and neologisms. With tangentia-
lity, answers given to questions are off the point. With derailment,
sentences make sense, but little meaning is conveyed by sequences of
sentences because there is a constant jumping from one topic to
another, with very loose associations between topics and little logic
to what is said. With incoherence, sentences are incorrectly formed so
they do not make sense. With thought blocking, the person abruptly
stops in mid-sentence and is unable complete their train of thought.
With loss of goal there is a difficulty in following a logical train of thought
from A to B. With neologisms, new words are made up that have an
idiosyncratic meaning for the patient.
Cognitive impairment or deterioration occurs in schizophrenia. This
may be either general or specific. With general cognitive deterioration,
there is a reduction in overall IQ with many cognitive functions nega-
tively affected. With specific cognitive impairment one or more of the
following functions may be impaired: attention, memory, cognitive flex-
ibility, social cognition and executive function, particularly the capacity
to follow through on a planned course of action. Cognitive impairment is
a better predictor of disability and vocational functioning than positive
symptoms.
Emotions
At an emotional level, during the prodromal phase, before an acute
psychotic episode, anxiety or depression may occur in response to
initial changes in perceptual selectivity and cognitive inefficiency. A key
part of relapse prevention is for patients to learn how to identify and
manage prodromal changes in affect.
During acute psychotic episodes, anxiety or depression may occur in
response to hallucinations, delusions, formal thought disorder and other
Behaviour
At a behavioural level, prodromal excitation may occur prior to an acute
psychotic episode, characterized by sleep disturbance, impulsive be-
haviour, and overactivity which may include compulsive behaviour.
During acute psychotic episodes, avolition occurs, with impairment of
goal-directed behaviour.
In chronic cases catatonic behaviour may occur, with impairment in
the capacity to initiate and organize voluntary movement and posture.
Catatonia may be either retarded or excited. Excessive purposeless
motor activity is the hallmark of excited catatonia and may include
stereotypies (repetitive actions), echolalia (repeating words said by
others) or echopraxia (imitating the actions of others). With retarded
catatonic behaviour there is a marked reduction in purposeful activity.
Patients may show immobility, mutism, adopt unusual postures for long
periods of time, and display waxy flexibility (allowing one’s limbs to be
manipulated like a warm candle) or negativism (resisting attempts to
have one’s limbs moved).
Social adjustment
In schizophrenia there a marked deterioration in social adjustment. The
capacity for self-care, dressing appropriately, grooming and personal
hygiene deteriorates, so that people with schizophrenia often look
dishevelled and unkempt. A significant decline in performance in
educational and work settings occurs. There is a withdrawal from
regular socializing with friends and difficulty in making and maintaining
new relationships. A deterioration in relationships with family members
also occurs. Schizophrenia has a negative impact on parent–child,
marital and sibling relationships.
Somatic state
About half of all people with schizophrenia have comorbid substance
use disorders and almost three-quarters have significant health prob-
lems. The most common health problems include chronic obstructive
pulmonary disease (COPT), which is usually due to smoking; heart
disease and diabetes due to obesity; HIV/AIDS and hepatitis B and C
due to unsafe sex and intravenous drug use. The substance use and
medical problems so common in schizophrenia are essentially lifestyle
Classification
To take account of the marked variability in symptomatology among
people with schizophrenia, various subtypes have been defined. Also,
a number of psychotic conditions that closely resemble schizophrenia
have been identified, and referred to as schizophrenia spectrum
disorders. Schizophrenia subtypes and spectrum disorders are consid-
ered in this section. In ICD-10 (World Health Organization, 1992) and
DSM-IV-TR (American Psychiatric Association, 2000), four main sub-
types of schizophrenia are distinguished:
● paranoid
● catatonic
● hebephrenic or disorganized
● undifferentiated.
Where paranoid delusions predominate, a diagnosis of paranoid schiz-
ophrenia is given. Cases in which either retarded or excited catatonic
behaviour is the principal feature are classified as having catatonic
schizophrenia. Cases are classified as hebephrenic in the ICD-10 and
disorganized in the DSM-IV-TR when inappropriate or flat affect is the
principal feature and where there is disorganized behaviour and speech.
In both ICD-10 and DSM-IV-TR, when cases do not fall into any of the
three categories just mentioned, they are classified as undifferentiated.
While distinctions between the four main subtypes of schizophrenia
have been useful for describing different clinical presentations and date
back to Emil Kraepelin’s (1899) work, research has shown that these
subtypes are not consistently differentiated by family history, course,
prognosis or treatment response.
In contrast to the lack of success in validating subtypes of schizophre-
nia, there has been considerable progress in identifying other conditions
that share a very similar pattern of family history, course, prognosis and
treatment response to schizophrenia. These include disorders that have
the same symptomatology as schizophrenia, but are of briefer duration
(such as schizophreniform disorder); those with the same symptomatol-
ogy as schizophrenia in addition to the symptoms of a mood disorder
(schizoaffective disorder); and those characterized by chronic mild
schizophrenia-like symptoms (such as schizotypal, schizoid and para-
noid personality disorders). These conditions, along with schizophrenia,
constitute schizophrenia spectrum disorders (Mamah & Barch, 2011).
Research on the shared aetiology, course and treatment response of
these disorders and factor analytic studies of their symptomatology
suggest that the distribution of psychotic symptoms within the population
more closely approximates dimensions than disease-like categories.
The three principal dimensions are those involving positive symptoms,
negative symptoms and disorganization, mentioned in the opening
paragraph of this chapter (Rietkerk et al., 2008).
TABLE 7.3
Risk factors for schizophrenia
Genetic factors
Positive family history of psychosis
Personality
Schizotypy
Prenatal and perinatal factors
Maternal flu infection or malnutrition in first or second trimester
Father over 35 years
Obstetric complications (low birth weight, prematurity, resuscitation)
Birth in late winter or early spring
Demographic factors
Male
Unmarried
Urban dwelling
Migrant
Low SES
Life history factors
Trauma history
Cannabis use
TABLE 7.4
Risk factors for a poor outcome in schizophrenia
Early stage
Early age of onset
Insidious onset
Poor premorbid adjustment
Longer duration of untreated psychosis
Substance use
Lack of an identifiable precipitating stressor prior to hospitalization
Personality traits
Trait anxiety (and HPA axis hyperactivity)
External locus of control
Symptom profile
Severe negative symptoms (blunted affect, alogia, avolition)
Severe cognitive impairment
Lack of depressive symptoms
Lifestyle
Poor treatment adherence
Substance use
Social context
Single
Few friends
Stressful life events
Frequent contact with family members who display high expressed emotion
(over-involvement and criticism)
Living in a developing country
Aetiological theories
Historically, research on schizophrenia has followed from two principal
traditions founded by the German psychiatrist Emile Kraepelin (1899)
and the Swiss psychiatrist Eugen Bleuler (1911). Kraepelin defined the
condition, which he named ‘dementia praecox’, as principally character-
ized by a constellation of observable symptoms (such as delusions,
hallucinations and thought disorder) and a chronic course due to an
underlying degenerative neurological condition. In contrast, Bleuler,
who coined the term ‘schizophrenia’, conceptualized the condition as a
disturbance in a circumscribed set of inferred psychological processes.
He speculated that the capacity to associate one thought with another,
to associate thoughts with emotions, and to associate the self with real-
ity were impaired or split. Hence the term ‘schizophrenia’ (from the
Greek words for split and mind).
Bleuler proposed that the four primary symptoms of schizophrenia
were loosening of associations (difficulty in thinking straight), incongru-
ous or flattened affect, impaired goal-directed behaviour or ambiva-
lence due to conflicting impulses, and autism or social withdrawal. The
emphasized words in the last sentence are sometimes referred to as
Bleuler’s ‘four As’. Bleuler argued that positive symptoms such as delu-
sions and hallucinations were secondary to these central psychological
difficulties. For Bleuler, the symptoms of schizophrenia such as delu-
sions and hallucinations represented the person’s attempt to cope with
the world despite disruption of central psychological processes. While
Kraepelin conceptualized schizophrenia as being distributed within the
population as a discrete disease-like category, Bleuler viewed the dis-
turbed psychological processes that he proposed underpinned schizo-
phrenia as on a continuum with normal psychological functioning. These
different views were precursors of the modern categorical and dimen-
sional approaches to understanding schizophrenia (Linscott & Van Os,
2010).
Up to the late 1970s, Bleuler’s tradition, associated with a broad
definition of schizophrenia, predominated in the US whereas in the UK,
Ireland and Europe, Kraepelin’s narrower definition held sway. Following
the landmark US–UK diagnostic study (US–UK Team, 1974) that
highlighted the extraordinary differences between the way schizophrenia
was defined in America and Britain, there has been a gradual move
towards developing an internationally acceptable set of diagnostic
criteria. The narrowing of the gap between the North American and
European definitions of schizophrenia is reflected in the marked
similarity between the diagnostic criteria for the disorder contained in
current versions of the ICD and DSM presented in Table 7.1.
Modern research on schizophrenia has also been guided by two
broad groups of theories. The first, in the tradition of Kraepelin, has
been concerned largely with the role of biological factors in the aetiol-
ogy and maintenance of the disorder. The second group of theories,
in the tradition of Bleuler, has addressed the role of psychological fac-
tors in schizophrenia. In the following section, biological theories of
Biological theories
Biological theories of schizophrenia point to the role of genetic and
neurodevelopmental factors in rendering people vulnerable to the
development of psychosis, and to the role of structural and functional
brain abnormalities; dsysregulation of neurotransmitter systems; and
sleep architecture and eye movement abnormalities in the aetiology of
schizophrenia. There is considerable support for biological theories
from neuroimaging, pharmacological, psychophysiological and other
neurobiological studies, although current knowledge of these abnor-
malities is incomplete (Bora et al., 2011; Downar & Kapur, 2008; Eyler,
2008; Fatemi & Folsom, 2009; Glatt, 2008; Harrison, 2009; Hollis, 2008;
Keshavan et al., 2008; Murray & Castle, 2009; Ritsner & Gottesman,
2011; Stewart & Davis, 2008). However, there is a consensus about
certain aspects of the neurobiology of schizophrenia, which will be pre-
sented below.
Genetics
The genetic hypothesis proposes that schizophrenia arises primarily
from an inherited vulnerability to psychosis. Results of twin, adoption
and family studies show that a predisposition to schizophrenia spectrum
disorders is genetically transmitted. Schizophrenia is about 80% heri-
table (Glatt, 2008; Sullivan et al., 2003). The lifetime risk for developing
schizophrenia is proportional to the number of shared genes. For
monozygotic twins the risk is 48%; for dizygotic twins the risk is 17%; for
children of an affected parent the risk is 13%; for grandchildren the risk
is 5%; and for members of the general population the risk is about 1%
(Ritsner & Gottesman, 2011). It is also probable that the vulnerability is
polygenetically transmitted, since the results of family studies cannot
easily be accounted for by simpler models of genetic transmission.
Many candidate genes for schizophrenia have been investigated;
some have been identified; and where significant associations between
candidate genes and schizophrenia have been found, a growing number
of consistent replication studies are available (Harrison, 2009; Ritsner &
Gottesman, 2011). Candidate genes for which consistent evidence is
available affect the growth and organization of neurones in the brain,
the development of synapses, and glutamate and dopamine neuro-
transmission. Candidate genes include neurreulin 1 (NRG1) and
disrupted-in-schizophrenia-1 (DISC1), which have multiple roles
in brain development, synapse formation and synaptic signalling;
catechol-O-methyltransferase (COMT), which regulates dopamine
signalling in the frontal cortex; D-amino acid oxidase activator
(DAOA) and dysbindin (DTNBP1), which affect glutamate signalling;
Obstetric complications
A growing body of evidence supports the link between obstetric com-
plications and schizophrenia (Ellman & Cannon, 2008). Obstetric
complications that have been investigated with reference to the neuro-
developmental hypothesis include maternal infection with influenza or
rubella during early pregnancy, maternal malnutrition during early preg-
nancy, diabetes mellitus, smoking during pregnancy, bleeding during
pregnancy, problematic labour or delivery, anoxia or asphyxia at birth,
low birth weight, small head circumference, and congenital malforma-
tions. About 20–30% of patients with schizophrenia have a history of
obstetric complications, compared with 5–10% of the unaffected popula-
tion. Lack of oxygen to the foetus – foetal hypoxia – is involved in many
obstetric complications associated with psychosis. Cases with a history
of obstetric complications show an earlier onset of schizophrenia and
more pronounced neuroanatomical abnormalities, as predicted by the
neurodevelopmental hypothesis.
Neuroanatomy
In support of the neurodevelopmental hypothesis, five neuroanotomical
abnormalities have consistently emerged in neuroimaging and post-
mortem studies of schizophrenia (Bora et al., 2011; Keshavan et al.,
2008; Stewart & Davis, 2008). The first abnormality is reduced overall
brain volume and enlargement of the cerebral ventricles (particularly
the left ventricle) associated with brain atrophy. The second abnormal-
ity concerns the reduced size of, and activation within, the frontal lobes.
The dorsolateral prefrontal cortex is particularly affected, where there is
also increased neuronal packing density. This abnormality may under-
pin cognitive deficits (IQ, executive function, attention and memory).
The third abnormality is reduced temporal lobe volume including reduc-
tions in the size of the amygdala and hippocampus, structures that sub-
serve emotional processing and memory. The fourth abnormality is
decreased thalamic volume, and disorganization of the thalamocortical
pathways. The thalamus plays a central role in attention, and in filtering
and relaying information to various areas of the brain including the pre-
frontal cortex. The fifth abnormality is disorganization of white matter
tracts and reduced connectivity between many areas of the brain.
A detailed understanding of how these neuroanatomical abnormalities
give rise to the symptoms of schizophrenia is a focus of ongoing
research. Many of the structural brain abnormalities listed here precede
the onset of psychosis, and in some cases they progress over the
course of the schizophrenia (Chan et al., 2011).
Psychophysiology
Results of studies which show that schizophrenia is associated with
abnormalities in a number of psychophysiological indices reflective of
abnormal neurobiological processes also support the neurodevelop-
mental hypothesis (Javitt et al., 2008; Keshavan et al., 2008). Sleep
architecture assessed by electroencephalogram (EEG) is abnormal in
schizophrenia. Total sleep time and time during non-rapid eye move-
ment (REM) sleep is reduced, as is REM sleep latency. Evoked poten-
tials, which are detected with scalp electrodes during visual or auditory
tasks, are abnormal in schizophrenia, indicating impairments in neuro-
biological processes subserving visual and auditory perception and
information processing. Eye movements, especially those involved in
smooth pursuit tracking of a moving target, are abnormal in schizophre-
nia, indicating impairments in neurobiological processes subserving
occulomotor control. These evoked potential and eye movement abnor-
malities are highly heritable and present prior to the onset of acute
psychosis.
Neurotransmitters
Neurotransmitter dysregulation hypotheses attribute psychotic
symptoms to neurotransmission problems. Dysregulations of the dopa-
mine and glutamate neurotransmitter systems have been found in
schizophrenia (Downar & Kapur, 2008). Genes that affect both of these
neurotransmitter systems have been implicated in the aetiology of the
condition, as was noted above in the section on genetics.
Dopamine
The dopamine hypothesis arose from observations that medications,
such as chlorpromazine, that block dopamine D2 receptors alleviate
psychotic symptoms; and amphetamines, which release dopamine,
induce paranoid psychosis (Seeman, 2011). The original dopamine
hypothesis, which attributed psychotic symptoms to an excess of
dopamine, has inspired extensive research and the development of a
range of antipsychotic medications for schizophrenia; over time it has
been supplanted by more sophisticated formulations.
Available evidence indicates that overactivity of the mesolimbic
dopamine pathway subserves positive symptoms (hallucinations and
delusions), and underactivity of the mesocortical dopamine pathway
subserves negative symptoms (blunted affect, alogia and avolition) and
cognitive impairment (Downar & Kapur, 2008). First-generation anti-
psychotic medications such as chlorpromazine, which block dopamine D2
receptors, alleviate positive symptoms in most cases, but have no effect
on negative symptoms. In contrast, newer second-generation anti-
psychotic medications, such as clozapine, block dopamine D2 receptors
in the mesolymbic but not the mesocortical pathway, and so alleviate
positive symptoms and some negative symptoms.
Downar and Kapur (2008) have proposed the following explanation
to link dysregulation of the dopamine system to psychotic symptoms.
Dopamine is the neurotransmitter that gives salience to neural networks
associated with thoughts or perceptions. Overactivity of the mesolimbic
dopamine pathway probably results in many thoughts and perceptions
being misinterpreted as highly salient or important. Thus, thoughts are
misinterpreted as ‘voices’, and fleeting ideas that might otherwise be
ignored are misinterpreted as being very important and so are developed
into delusional belief systems. Antipsychotic medications that block
dopamine D2 receptors reduce this tendency to misinterpret unimportant
perceptions and thoughts as highly salient. However, delusions that
have already formed may need to be re-evaluated, which is what occurs
in cognitive therapy.
In contrast to the overactive mesolymbic dopamine pathway, the
underactive mesocortical dopamine pathway reduces the salience with
which certain perceptions, thoughts, feelings and motives are experi-
enced. This accounts for the negative symptoms (blunted affect, alogia
and avolition) and cognitive impairment that occur in schizophrenia.
Glutamate
The glutamate hypothesis proposes that underactivity of N-methyl-D-
asparate (NMDA) glutamate receptors underpins the symptoms and
cognitive impairment shown in schizophrenia (Downar & Kapur, 2008;
Harrison, 2009; Lin et al., 2011). Low glutamate levels have been found
in the cerebrospinal fluid of people with schizophrenia. Drugs that
Two-syndrome hypothesis
In an attempt to integrate results from diverse clinical, genetic and
neurobiological studies, Crow (1985) proposed the two-syndrome
hypothesis. He argued that a distinction may be made between type 1
schizophrenia, which is a genetically inherited disease marked by a
dysregulation of the mesolimbic dopamine system and characterized by
positive symptoms, and type 2 schizophrenia, which is a neurodevelop-
mental disorder arising from prenatal or perinatal insults, resulting in
neuroanatomical abnormalites and marked by chronic negative symp-
toms. Type 1 schizophrenia, he proposed, has an acute onset, clear
precipitants, predominantly positive symptoms, a good response to
antipsychotic medication and good inter-episode adjustment. Type 2
schizophrenia, he argued, is characterized by poor premorbid function-
ing, an insidious onset, a chronic course, neuropsychological deficits,
predominantly negative symptoms and a poor response to medication.
The two-syndrome hypothesis fits a good proportion of available data
but is probably an oversimplification, since many cases show aspects of
both syndromes.
Antipsychotic medication
The most widely used and most effective pharmacological treatments
for psychosis are dopamine-2 antagonists. A distinction is made
between first- and second-generation, or typical and atypical anti-
psychotic medication. Both are dopamine-2 antagonists. Treatment
with second-generation antipsychotic medications such as risperidone,
olanzapine and clozapine is currently the first-line approach to pharma-
cological intervention for psychotic conditions, although clozapine is
reserved for treatment-refractory cases due to its problematic side-
effects detailed below (Kutscher, 2008; Tandon et al., 2010).
First- and second-generation antipsychotics are equally effective,
but they differ in their side-effect profiles (Dolder, 2008). With regard to
effectiveness, about half to two-thirds of patients respond to anti-
psychotics, and their main effects are on positive symptoms, with
limited effects on negative symptoms and cognitive impairment. With
regard to side-effects, rates of extrapyramidal side-effects (such as
parkinsonism) and tardive dyskinesia (an irreversible neurological
movement disorder) are lower for second-generation antipsychotic
medication. However, for second-generation antipsychotics, obesity,
raised cholesterol and risk of diabetes are more common. In schizo-
phrenia, ideally the lowest possible dose of medication should be used
in order to reduce side-effects and enhance quality of life.
Clozapine is an extremely effective second-generation antipsychotic,
and has a positive impact on suicidal and aggressive behaviour as well
as psychotic symptoms (Sajatovic et al., 2008). However, because of its
dangerous side-effects, clozapine is reserved for use in treatment-
refractory cases or those where there are high risks of suicide or
aggression. Clozapine may cause a severe reduction in white blood cell
count (agranulocytosis), and this can result in severe infections that
may be fatal. For patients on clozapine, routine monitoring of white
blood cell count is best practice.
Typically patients with schizophrenia continue to take antipsychotic
medication throughout their lives. Where patients show low adherence
in taking oral medication daily, they may be administered long-lasting
slow-release depot injections (Cunningham-Owens & Johnstone, 2009;
Leucht et al., 2011).
Stress-vulnerability theory
Stress-vulnerability or diathesis–stress theories propose that schizo-
phrenia occurs when neurobiologically vulnerable individuals are
exposed to psychosocial stress (Walker et al., 2008; Zubin & Spring,
1977). Neurobiological vulnerability may be due to genetic and/or pre-
natal and perinatal factors that impact on the integrity of the central
nervous system.
A substantial body of research shows that the onset, course and
severity of schizophrenia are associated with psychosocial stress and
trauma (Bebbington & Kuipers, 2008; Phillips et al., 2007; Tandon et al.,
2008b; Walker et al., 2008). Physical and sexual child abuse, family
violence and serious injury render people vulnerable to the develop-
ment of psychosis and there is a dose–response relationship, with
greater levels of trauma being predictive of more severe symptoms
(Shevlin et al., 2008). Low socio-economic status, migration to a new
country and living in an urban rather than a rural setting all confer risk
for the development of schizophrenia, and all entail increased stressful
demands on coping resources.
The onset of schizophrenia is typically triggered by a build-up of
stressful life events (illness, injury, life transitions, loss, etc.). Following
the onset of schizophrenia, a number of stresses associated with the
experience of psychosis and the response of others to it may compromise
recovery. For most patients psychotic symptoms are intrinsically
stressful, both as they are occurring and later, during remission, when
insight develops and patients realize that their psychotic symptoms
were due to a major and often life-long psychological disorder.
Highly emotional family responses to psychosis involving criticism
and hostility on one hand or excessive sympathy and emotional over-
involvement on the other (referred to as expressed emotion) are very
stressful and have been shown in numerous studies to reduce
significantly the time to relapse in patients stabilized on antipsychotic
medication (Hooley, 2007). Social stresses resulting from psychosis
including the loss of friendships, the development of a constricted
lifestyle, the experience of stigma and consequent social isolation may
all compromise recovery. Occupational impairment due to psychosis
may lead to a reduction in financial resources and SES, and recovery
may be impeded by these factors. Higher levels of stress are associated
with more severe psychotic symptoms.
HPA axis overactivity is a central aspect of the stress response. The
HPA axis is a major part of the neuroendocrine system involving the
hypothalamus, the pituitary gland located below the hypothalamus, and
the adrenal glands (located on top of the kidneys), which controls stress
reactions and other processes including the immune system. In
schizophrenia, dysregulation of the HPA axis has been found, for
example, in studies of cortisol levels (Bradley & Dinan, 2010; Walker et
al., 2008). Raised cortisol levels indicative of HPA axis hyperactivity are
more common in first-episode psychosis.
Heightened physiological arousal associated with HPA overactivity
probably exacerbates psychotic symptoms, particularly positive symp-
toms such as hallucinations, delusions and thought disorder. Elevated
cortisol arising from HPA axis overactivity compromises the efficiency of
the immune system and increases vulnerability to cardiovascular and
metabolic disease, common in schizophrenia. Such illnesses in turn are
additional stresses that may maintain or exacerbate psychosis.
Multimodal interventions
Multimodal interventions based on the stress-vulnerability model involv-
ing antipsychotic medication and psychological therapies aim to equip
people with schizophrenia and their families with the resources to con-
trol psychotic symptoms, reduce environmental stress, enhance social
support and work towards recovery. In a large meta-analysis of 106
studies of interventions for schizophrenia, Mojtabai et al. (1998) found
that after an average of 17 months, the relapse rate for patients with
schizophrenia who received psychological therapy plus medication was
20% lower than that of those who received medication only. The relapse
rate in patients treated with medication only was 52% and that for
patients treated with medication combined with psychological therapy
was 32%.
Family therapy, cognitive-behaviour therapy, cognitive remediation
therapy, social skills training and vocational rehabilitation are among
the range of evidence-based psychological interventions that have
been developed to help people with schizophrenia and their families
achieve these aims (Kern et al., 2009; Tandon et al., 2010). Brief
descriptions of these are presented below.
Family therapy
About half of medicated clients with schizophrenia relapse, and relapse
rates are higher in unsupportive or stressful family environments, char-
acterized by high levels of expressed emotion which involves criticism,
hostility or emotional over-involvement (Barrowclough & Lobban, 2008).
High levels of expressed emotion arise from family members’ apprais-
als of the controllability of psychotic symptoms. Family members who
express high levels of criticism or hostility tend to view patients as hav-
ing a high degree of control over their psychotic symptoms and there-
fore hold patients responsible for their difficulties. In contrast, those who
express high levels of emotional over-involvement tend to attribute
patients’ symptoms to uncontrollable factors and so view patients as
helpless victims of a psychiatric illness. Low expressed emotion occurs
where family members have an accurate understanding of psychosis
and skills for managing the condition within a family context.
The aim of psychoeducational family therapy is to reduce family
stress and enhance family support so as to delay or prevent relapse
and rehospitalization, and also to promote recovery. This is achieved by
helping family members understand schizophrenia within a stress-
vulnerability framework and develop knowledge and skills to manage
the condition. Psychoeducational family therapy may take a number of
formats including therapy sessions with single families; therapy sessions
with multiple families; group therapy sessions for relatives; or parallel
group therapy sessions for relative and patient groups.
Family therapy may be conducted in clinical settings or in patients’
homes. It involves psychoeducation based on the stress-vulnerability
models of schizophrenia with a view to helping families understand and
manage the symptoms of schizophrenia, antipsychotic medication,
related stresses and early warning signs of relapse. Psychoeducational
family therapy also helps families develop communication and problem-
solving skills, reduce destructive expressions of anger and guilt, and
Figure 7.2 Beck’s integrated model of schizophrenia for use in CBT (adapted from Beck, A., Rector, N., Stolar, N. &
Grant, P. (2011). Schizophrenia: Cognitive theory, research and therapy. New York: Guilford)
These are activated by exposure to stress in later life and inform the
content of hallucinations and delusions. Exposure to stress and related
hyperarousal in adulthood sets the scene for the development of
positive symptoms, negative symptoms and disorganization. This is
because at these times negative schemas and related cognitive biases
are reactivated. Also, limited cognitive resources are available to check
out the validity of inferences made about the environment and to
manage day-to-day problem-solving.
Within CBT, the symptoms of schizophrenia are viewed as being on
a continuum with normal experience. This view is consistent with the
finding that normal population surveys show that up to 25% of people
have auditory hallucinations, many hold strange, unfounded beliefs (for
example about horoscopes and faith healing), and under sufficient
stress or exhaustion disorganized thinking and inactivity may occur.
Patients are helped to view all of their symptoms as on a continuum with
normal experience, as arising within the context of a stress-vulnerability
model, and as being controllable through the use of cognitive-
behavioural strategies and medication. A fundamental premise of CBT
is that activating events give rise to negative automatic thoughts
(informed by beliefs in negative schemas), which in turn affect mood,
behaviour and the strength of beliefs within negative schemas.
From a CBT perspective, hallucinations are similar to negative auto-
matic thoughts in depression or intrusive thoughts typical of obsessive
compulsive disorder. However, they are experienced as loud, external,
‘real’ and true because people with schizophrenia have a propensity for
auditory imagery, a tendency to attribute unusual experiences to exter-
nal factors (an external bias), and a tendency towards premature clo-
sure and deficient reality testing. That is, they hear their negative
automatic thoughts as loud, attribute them to an external source, and do
not check out the validity of their beliefs against alternatives, for exam-
ple that these are their own loud thoughts, the content of which may not
be valid.
Auditory hallucinations are often incorporated into delusional systems
that may maintain them. For example, a patient who hears a critical,
omniscient controlling voice may develop paranoid delusions about
being persecuted by the owner of the voice, which in turn may raise
their arousal level and so make further hallucinations more likely.
Patients may try to control voices by engaging in safety behaviours
such as isolating themselves. These safety behaviours may reduce
hallucinations in the short term, but in the long term may lead to stressful
loneliness and this may cause further hallucinations. In CBT patients
learn to identify and control stresses that trigger auditory hallucinations,
to give up safety behaviours that maintain hallucinations and to
reappraise the source of their ‘voices’ and the content of what they say.
From a CBT perspective, delusions are beliefs or inferences about
events or experiences (including hallucinations) that in turn affect mood
and behaviour, in the same way that negative automatic thoughts and
dysfunctional beliefs affect mood and behaviour in depression and
anxiety disorders. However, in schizophrenia, delusions develop within
Cognitive remediation
Neuropsychological investigations have shown that about three-
quarters of people with schizophrenia show significant cognitive deficits
(Palmer et al., 2009; Savla et al., 2008). On average the overall IQ of
people with schizophrenia is about one standard deviation below the
normative mean, although there is considerable heterogeneity between
persons and within cases over time.
In schizophrenia most cognitive functions are affected, including
attention, memory, processing speed, cognitive flexibility, social cogni-
tion and executive function. Episodic memory and processing speed
are the areas where greatest deficits occur. While about a quarter of
people with schizophrenia show no cognitive deficits, a distinct subgroup
show very severe general cognitive deficits (similar to Crow’s (1985)
type II schizophrenia or Kraepelin’s (1899) dementia praecox), and the
remainder show variable patterns of specific cognitive deficits (more in
keeping with Bleuler’s (1911) views on ‘loosening of associations’ and
other specific deficits in schizophrenia).
Many people with schizophrenia show mild premorbid cognitive defi-
cits, followed by a steep decline in cognitive functioning during psychotic
episodes, with some amelioration of cognitive deficits during remission
and relative stability over the long term. In many cases cognitive deficits
have a significant impact on social and occupational adjustment and ill-
ness management, and response to psychosocial interventions such as
social skills training and supported employment (Kurtz, 2011).
In schizophrenia, cognitive deficits are subserved by the many
structural and functional neurobiological abnormalities mentioned in
earlier sections. Cognitive rehabilitation therapy is a set of cognitive
drills that aim to help patients in remission enhance their attention,
memory and executive functions or develop strategies for compensating
for their cognitive deficits so that they can better achieve their recovery
goals (Tomás et al., 2010). In this type of treatment patients engage in
regular computer-based or paper-and-pencil-based training tasks and
puzzles a number of times each week over a period of months. Specific
tasks are designed to improve specific targeted deficits such as memory.
Task difficulty is pitched so that high success rates are achieved or
errorless learning occurs. Over time patients build up their cognitive
skills or develop strategies for compensating for them.
With compensatory approaches, patients learn strategies or use
memory prompts and other devices to make up for their cognitive defi-
cits. Meta-analytic studies of the effectiveness of cognitive remediation
report moderate effect sizes on cognitive test performance and indices
of daily functioning (Medalia & Choi, 2009; Pfammatter et al., 2006;
Tandon et al., 2010).
Vocational rehabilitation
Unemployment is a highly prevalent problem in schizophrenia which
vocational rehabilitation aims to address (Becker, 2008). Effective
vocational rehabilitation involves assessment, job searching, matching
available jobs to client preferences, rapid placement in competitive
employment (rather than sheltered workshops), and the provision of
individualized vocational support and training while service users are in
employment (rather than beforehand). Systematic reviews and meta-
analyses consistently show that compared with traditional approaches,
such as sheltered workshop placement, supported employment doubles
the chances of engaging in long-term, paid, competitive employment
(Becker, 2008; Cook & Razzano, 2005). Employed service users
typically show improved self-esteem and better symptom control.
Assessment
The assessment and treatment of schizophrenia is ideally conducted by
multidisciplinary teams. The early detection and treatment of psychosis
is critical because better outcomes occur in cases where duration of
untreated psychosis is brief (Tandon et al., 2008a). For hard-to-reach
cases, the adoption of an assertive outreach approach is optimal
(DeLuca et al., 2008).
Typically, the preliminary assessment and management of acute
psychotic episodes is managed by psychiatrists and psychiatric nurses.
Once positive symptoms have been managed with antipsychotic
medication, a broader-based assessment is conducted to guide long-
term case management. Through careful clinical interviewing of patients
and members of their families, the symptoms of schizophrenia and
relevant history are obtained. A diagnosis is given in accordance with
the criteria outlined in ICD-10 and DSM-IV-TR, given in Table 7.1, and
a formulation explaining the symptoms entailed by the diagnosis is
developed in which the relevant predisposing, precipitating, maintaining
and protective factors are outlined. A general clinical formulation model
is given in Figure 7.3.
From Table 7.1 it may be seen that there are differences between
DSM and ICD criteria. For a DSM diagnosis, impairment in functioning
must have been present for 6 months, whereas for an ICD diagnosis
symptoms must have been present for at least a month. The psychotic
disorders module of the Structured Clinical Interview for DSM-IV Axis I
Disorders is a widely used and well-validated structured interview for
diagnosing schizophrenia (SCID, First et al., 1996). Psychotic symptom
severity may be initially rated and regularly monitored with the Brief
Psychiatric Rating Scale (BPRS, Lukoff et al., 1986) or the Positive and
Negative Symptom Scale (PANSS, Kay et al., 1987). With the BPRS
and PANSS, the severity of symptoms such as delusions and
hallucinations are rated on Likert scales on the basis of observations of
patients’ behaviour and their responses to questions.
Overall functioning may be monitored periodically with the clinician-
rated Global Assessment of Functioning scale (GAF, Luborsky, 1962).
On the GAF the patients’ overall functioning is rated on a single 100-
point rating scale. The social needs of service users indicating the
resources required to help them adjust within the community may be
assessed with the short version of the Camberwell Assessment of Need
(CAN, Slade et al., 1999; Trauer et al., 2008). This covers issues such
as mental and physical health, drug use, social relationships,
accommodation, transport, budgeting, and activities of daily living. The
scale also offers a framework for identifying needs that have and have
not been met.
The use of the CAN as a central part of assessment is consistent
with Rapp’s strengths-based model of case management mentioned
earlier (Rapp & Goscha, 2006). In research studies, expressed emotion
of family members towards patients, which has an impact on their
relapse rates, is assessed by the Camberwell Family Interview (CFI,
Leff & Vaughn, 1985). Because this instrument is too cumbersome for
use in routine clinical practice, Hooley and Parker (2006) recommend
asking patients to rate how critical family members are of them on a
10-point scale, an assessment procedure that correlates highly with
expressed emotion assessed by the CFI.
Service users’ assessments of their recovery journey may be regu-
larly monitored with the Recovery Assessment Scale (RAS, Corrigan et
al., 2004). This self-report instrument assesses hope, meaning of life,
quality of life, symptoms and empowerment. During the process of
assessment and treatment, patients and family members may be invited
to keep daily records of medication adherence, fluctuations in symp-
toms, distress, beliefs, and the circumstances preceding and following
these fluctuations. These idiographic ratings are useful for fine-tuning
ongoing family therapy, CBT and other psychosocial interventions.
Treatment
The optimal treatment for schizophrenia is multimodal and includes
both antipsychotic medication and psychological therapies (Tandon et
al., 2010). Currently second-generation antipsychotic medications are
the pharmacological treatments of choice, for reasons stated earlier in
this chapter. Evidence-based psychological therapies include family
therapy, cognitive-behaviour therapy, cognitive remediation therapy,
social skills training and vocational rehabilitation, all of which have been
described above.
Treatment programmes should be offered in a carefully planned and
co-ordinated way by multidisciplinary teams with adequate training in
these evidence-based pharmacological and psychological interventions.
Treatment packages should be individually tailored to take account of
service users’ clinical needs as identified in the case formulation and
personal preferences as expressed during assessment, in line with the
recovery model orientation. In all cases psychoeducational family ther-
apy to help service users and their families understand schizophrenia
and to promote medication adherence is essential, but more intensive
family therapy is warranted where family members show high levels of
criticism, hostility or emotional overinvolvement. CBT is particularly use-
ful for the management of residual positive symptoms that are not con-
trolled by medication, or to facilitate a reduction in the medication dosage
required to control positive symptoms. To be optimally effective, both
family therapy and CBT should be offered for about 9 months.
Cognitive remediation therapy and social skills training are appropri-
ate where it is clear that significant cognitive and social skills deficits are
present. Vocational rehabilitation is appropriate where service users
require employment. Where there is comorbid alcohol or drug misuse or
obesity (a side-effect of some antipsychotic medications), evidence-
based treatment for these problems should be integrated into the over-
all treatment package (Kavanagh, 2008).
The development of a strong therapeutic alliance and the adoption of
an approach that modifies intrapsychic and interpersonal maintaining
factors underpins effective psychosocial interventions for schizophre-
nia. This overall approach to the management of schizophrenia is
broadly consistent with international best practice guidelines (American
Psychiatric Association, 2004b; Buchanan et al., 2010; Dixon et al.,
2010; NICE, 2009b).
Controversies
There are many controversies surrounding schizophrenia. These cen-
tre on issues such as the validity of the schizophrenia construct, the
validity of the schizotypy dimensional conceptualization of psychosis,
the idea that schizophrenia reflects a split personality, the view that
diagnosing schizophrenia is an act of oppression, the role of the family
in the aetiology of schizophrenia, and the psychoanalytic treatment of
psychosis. These issues will be briefly considered below.
Schizotypy
There is ongoing controversy about the validity of categorical and
dimensional models of psychotic processes (Linscott & van Os, 2010).
The schizotypy construct has been proposed by researchers such as
Gordon Claridge in the UK and Mark Lenzenweger in the US as a
dimensional alternative to the prevailing categorical conceptualization
of schizophrenia (Lenzenweger, 2010).
According to the categorical view, which derives from Kraepelin’s
(1899) work and is enshrined in the ICD and DSM classification systems,
schizophrenia is a discrete diagnostic category. Within a population, a
proportion of people have schizophrenia and the rest do not. In contrast
to this prevailing categorical view is the schizotypy hypothesis. This
proposes that anomalous sensory experiences, peculiar beliefs and
disorganized thinking are present in an extreme form in schizophrenia
as hallucinations, delusions and thought disorder, but these processes
are on a continuum with normal experience – a position originally
advocated by Bleuler (1911).
A variety of measures of schizotypy have been developed which
assess this continuum, and research programmes involving these
travel away from the customary place of activities coupled with confu-
sion or amnesia for aspects of one’s identity following a trauma); and
depersonalization disorder (a sense of being out of one’s body following
trauma). People who have a strong capacity to dissociate may develop
one of the dissociative disorders rather than PTSD following trauma.
Dissociative phenomena fall on a continuum, with tip-of-the-tongue
experiences being a mild dissociative phenomenon, hypnotic trance
states being a more pronounced dissociative condition; depersonaliza-
tion disorder and dissociative amnesia and fugue being more extreme
forms of dissociation; and MPD or DID being the most extreme form of
dissociation. More extreme dissociative conditions develop when the
person has a strong capacity to dissociate and is exposed repeatedly to
severe trauma.
Diagnosis as oppression
The prevailing professional view within the field of mental health is that
a diagnosis of schizophrenia reflects the assignment of a person with
an objectively verifiable condition to a valid diagnostic category based
on careful and unbiased observation, and that this process is conducted
in the patient’s best interests. However, an alternative viewpoint most
strongly presented by Thomas Szasz (2010) since the early 1960s is
that diagnosis is an act of oppression, because it paves the way for
involuntary hospitalization and involuntary treatment.
Szasz, a US psychiatrist, argues that the process of diagnosing a
person with schizophrenia is a covert, politically oppressive transaction
in which a deviant or disadvantaged person is subjected to a process of
social control. This is offered as one explanation for the greater rates of
schizophrenia among ethnic minorities (particularly African Americans)
and people from low socio-economic groups. Furthermore, exponents
of this position argue that schizophrenia is not a valid diagnostic
category, but an invalid fabrication constructed to exert social control
over deviant people who do not conform to societal norms.
Summary
Schizophrenia refers to a complex group of psychotic disorders
that affects about 1% of the population. The condition is marked
by positive symptoms such as delusions and hallucinations,
negative symptoms such as flattened affect, alogia and avoli-
tion, and disorganized speech and behaviour. In the past, a
broad definition of schizophrenia was used in North America
and a narrow definition used in Europe, but there is now consid-
erable international agreement on a narrow-band definition of
schizophrenia. In the DSM and ICD classification systems dis-
tinctions are made between four main subtypes of schizophre-
nia: paranoid, catatonic, hebephrenic or disorganized, and
undifferentiated. Schizophrenia, schizophreniform disorder,
schizoaffective disorder and schizotypal, schizoid and paranoid
personality disorders constitute the schizophrenia spectrum
disorders which share a similar genetic aetiology and treatment
response.
Schizophrenia typically has its onset in late adolescence or
early adulthood and follows a chronic relapsing course,
although up to 20% of patients show complete remission. A
favourable outcome is associated with good premorbid adjust-
ment, and a brief duration of untreated psychosis character-
ized by an acute onset in response to precipitating stressful life
events, a family history of affective disorder and a favourable
life situation to return to following discharge from hospital.
The greatest risk factor for schizophrenia is a family history of
psychosis.
Currently there is wide acceptance of a stress-vulnerability
model of schizophrenia whereby the condition is proposed to
arise when a genetically vulnerable individual is exposed to
significant life stress. Life stresses include predisposing
trauma, precipitating acute stressful life events and maintaining
chronic stressful family interactions.
Neurobiological research has identified a number of candi-
date genes and structural and functional brain abnormalities
associated with schizophrenia. The two-syndrome hypothesis
offers a simplified way to integrate relevant findings on research
into the biological origins of schizophrenia. This hypothesis
entails the view that a distinction may be made between type 1
schizophrenia, which is a genetically inherited disease marked
by a dysregulation of the dopaminergic system and character-
ized by positive symptoms, and type 2 schizophrenia, which is
Questions
● What are the main clinical features of schizophrenia and how is it
different from the popular conception of a ‘split personality’?
● What are the differences between paranoid, hebephrenic, catatonic
and undifferentiated schizophrenia?
● How prevalent is schizophrenia?
● What are the risk factors for schizophrenia?
● What are biological and diathesis–stress theories of schizophrenia,
and the main research findings relevant to these theories?
● What are the main evidence-based approaches to assessment and
treatment of schizophrenia?
● Which controversial issues concerning schizophrenia interest you
most, and why?
FURTHER READING
Professional
● Mueser, K. & Jeste, D. (2008). Clinical handbook of schizophrenia. New
York: Guilford.
● Rubin, A., Springer, D. & Trawver, K. (2010). Clinician’s guide to evidence-
based practice: Psychosocial treatment of schizophrenia. Hoboken, NJ:
Wiley.
Self-help
● Healy, C. (2007). Understanding your schizophrenia illness: A work-
book. Chichester, UK: Wiley
WEBSITES
● American Psychiatric Association’s practice guidelines for treating schiz-
ophrenia:
http://psychiatryonline.org/guidelines.aspx
● National Institute for Clinical Excellence guidelines for treating
schizophrenia:
http://guidance.nice.org.uk/topic/mentalhealthbehavioural
● Schizophrenia Patient Outcomes Research Team (PORT) updated
treatment recommendations 2009:
http://schizophreniabulletin.oxfordjournals.org/content/36/1/94.full.
pdf+html
● Schizophrenia Research Forum:
www.schizophreniaforum.org
Introduction
Often episodes of psychological problems such as anxiety and depres-
sion occur against a backdrop of more pervasive and long-standing
personality-based difficulties. To address this, distinctions are made in
ICD-10 (World Health Organization, 1992) and DSM-IV-TR (American
Psychiatric Association, 2000) between episodic psychological disorders
Case example
Margaret, age 35, had a paranoid personality disorder. She and Brian
came for therapy because of extreme marital distress. Brian complained
Note: *Schizotypal syndrome is listed as a psychotic condition with schizophrenia in ICD-10. **Narcissistic personality disorder is not listed in ICD-10.
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252 C L I N I C A L P S Y C H O L O G Y : A N I N T R O D U C T I O N
that he felt like a prisoner in the marriage. Before leaving each morning,
Margaret interrogated him about his daily schedule. She phoned him
frequently at work and would sometimes visit his office unexpectedly to
check up on him. One night he found her checking through his wallet
and the memory of his mobile phone to find clues about him having
contact with another woman. Margaret complained that Brian had been
unfaithful to her recently. He denied this but said that her suspiciousness
was making infidelity an attractive option.
Margaret’s suspiciousness was a longstanding characteristic. She
had a very small circle of friends, whom she had known since childhood,
She would not make new friends because she found it hard to trust and
confide in others. She also thought that new friends would ridicule her.
She had lost one of her closest female friends, Estelle, over an argu-
ment about loyalty. Estelle was ill on an occasion when Margaret had
made arrangements for the two of them to go to a James Taylor con-
cert. Margaret believed that she had gone to a party elsewhere on that
evening. There was no evidence for this, but Margaret believed that she
had been betrayed. She would not forgive Estelle despite the latter’s
attempts to put the incident to one side and continue the friendship.
There were many incidents like this in Margaret’s life, dating back to her
childhood.
Margaret had grown up in a family where her parents had separated
when she was 8 years old. In the time before the parents’ separation
she often heard them argue about her father’s whereabouts. These
arguments would often end with her father storming out of the house
and her mother shouting and crying. On some of these occasions she
would say to Margaret ‘You can’t trust anyone in this world’.
Margaret was attracted to Brian because of his openness and hon-
esty and his willingness to spend a great deal of time with her. Brian
found that after they were married the demands of work prevented him-
self and Margaret from spending as much time together. As a result of
this, Margaret began to accuse him of infidelity. He believed that if she
continued to accuse him, despite his innocence, he would seriously con-
sider separation. Margaret interpreted this as evidence of his infidelity.
and so are not concerned about being seen to ‘do the right thing’. An early
account of the schizoid personality was given by Eugen Bleuler (1924).
Case example
Norman, aged 20, had a schizoid personality disorder. He was a math-
ematics student who came for counselling because he was concerned
that his addiction to an international multi-site computer game was
interfering with his work. He stayed in a college hall of residence but
lived an isolated life. This was the way he had always lived. As a child
he was ridiculed for being ‘too brainy’ and so became immersed in rec-
reational mathematics. At the counselling service he refused to join a
social skills group because he said he did not want to form relationships
with other students.
Case example
Silver, a man in his late forties, had a schizotypal personality disorder.
He was a periodic outpatient at a psychiatric hospital. His appearance
was distinctive. His long silver-grey hair and beard accounted for his
unusual name. He wore a black overcoat, the hem of which trailed on
the ground. He rarely washed and lived alone in a house that had
belonged to his parents before they died.
Silver had been referred to the psychiatric hospital by his family
doctor years before I met him, for participation in a group programme for
people with schizophrenia. He refused to participate in the programme
because he was suspicious of other people, but requested periodic indi-
vidual appointments with the psychologist who directed the group pro-
gramme. In these outpatient individual sessions he insisted on discussing
hypnosis and telepathy. He believed that he could hypnotize others from
a distance, that he could see into the future and that he could read
minds. He had held these beliefs since adolescence, when he had
numerous out-of-body experiences (depersonalization). Otherwise he
was in contact with reality and was on no medication.
Case example
Tony, who had an antisocial personality disorder, was referred to a psy-
chiatric hospital from a prison for psychological assessment. He
was referred because he complained of depression to the visiting psy-
chiatrist at the prison. He had a history of theft and occasional drug
abuse.
A thorough clinical interview and a full psychometric evaluation
revealed no evidence of a mood disorder or, indeed, any other Axis I
psychopathology. During the feedback session when the results of the
assessment were presented to him, Tony said he had feigned depression
because he wanted to be referred to the psychiatric hospital from the
prison for a change of scene. He joked about the fact that he preferred
the conditions in the hospital to the prison.
During the psychological assessment he gave a history that drew a
picture of himself as a stable, caring man who had fallen on hard times
and so had stolen from time to time and unluckily been apprehended for
occasional drug abuse. I interviewed his sister and wife to corroborate
this essentially normal profile. They offered accounts that were at
variance with Tony’s. They drew a picture of a man who had grown up
in a disorganized family, which his father left when Tony was a baby.
His mother had a series of unreliable partners after that.
Tony began rule-breaking and stealing as a child and had continued
to do so right up to the present. He also truanted from school and began
drinking and drug taking in his teens. He had been married on four
occasions and in each marriage had been violent towards his wife for
trivial reasons. He had been involved in episodes of serious drug misuse
and alcohol binges. Tony had been imprisoned on numerous occasions
and participated in a wide range of treatment programmes to help him
alter his antisocial and drug-using behaviour patterns. All had been
ineffective. He had no close friends, just transient acquaintances. His
sister rarely saw him and his present wife (of a year’s standing) was
considering divorce.
Case example
Mary, aged 24, had a borderline personality disorder. She was referred
for a parenting assessment to a child and family psychology service
after her child was taken into foster care following a non-accidental
injury. Mary had become frustrated with her 10-month-old daughter’s
continuous crying and bruised her badly by squeezing and shaking her.
The parenting assessment showed that Mary had a good knowledge of
how to care for her child but little sensitivity to the infant’s signals; little
understanding that the baby could not intentionally try to annoy her; and
little tolerance for managing the routine daily demands of parenting.
She also had a very limited social support network and difficulties
making and maintaining friendships.
Mary had been involved in several heterosexual relationships. All
had ended in violent rows. When these relationships ended she felt
deep regret and a sense of being abandoned. Her attempts to rekindle
some of these relationships had been unsuccessful and led to further
violent or abusive rows. She had a history of episodes of major
depression and had frequently engaged in non-suicidal self-harm. She
had overdosed on a few occasions and cut her arms. A general feeling
of emptiness was occasionally broken by feelings of extreme joy (for
example, at the start of a new relationship) and anger. She lacked any
coherent life plan.
Mary herself had been in care as a child on two occasions when her
parents were unable to cope. She had also been regularly slapped and
punched as a child by her father when he came home drunk. In school,
she had never fitted in. She had left school at 14 and worked in a variety
of casual jobs. She had hoped when she met the baby’s father, Kevin,
that things would work out. But Kevin left her once she mentioned that
she was pregnant. She hoped that her child and her role as a parent
would give her happiness and a sense of direction. She was distraught
when she found that they had brought her further misery.
Case example
Sarah, aged 18, had a histrionic personality disorder. She was originally
referred to a child and family clinic in her final year at secondary school.
She was to be excluded from school for instigating fights and disruption.
She typically dressed like a film star, spoke like a soap opera character,
and demanded everyone’s attention. If she didn’t get the attention she
craved, she threw a tantrum.
She divided her favours between a number of boys at her school and
incited them to compete with each other for her affections, promising
each an exclusive relationship with her if they defeated the other boys.
She was an only child and grew up in a family where her parents, who
were involved in the arts, had little time for her. She spent much of her
childhood alone and coped with the isolation by watching endless soap
operas. She was intelligent but could not apply herself at school or later
at college. She changed courses frequently and was led more by her
attraction to partners and excitement than by vocational interests.
Case example
Seamus, aged 45, was a bank official with avoidant personality dis-
order. He was referred to a communications consultancy centre for
job interview preparation training. The process involved role-playing,
videoing and reviewing the type of job interview in which he was
due to participate to achieve promotion. While he was thoughtful and
quite coherent during a conversation that preceded the role-play, during
it he was virtually incoherent.
In the small rural branch of the bank where he worked he was just
about able to tolerate the social anxiety he experienced when dealing
with regular customers. He was shy and avoided all social contact
outside work. He didn’t want to attend our communications consultancy
for interview skills training, but the regional personnel manager of his
bank said he needed to develop his job interview skills so he could be
promoted to Assistant Manager level. He had attended our consultancy
so as not to disappoint the personnel manager. However, he would
happily have avoided promotion because it would involve increased
contact with unfamiliar people.
without asking for and receiving advice and reassurance from others.
They have difficulty disagreeing with others, particularly parents or
partners, lest this lead to loss of support. They arrange for others to take
responsibility for major areas of their lives and rarely initiate projects on
their own. They go to great lengths to receive reassurance from others,
even when this involves doing very unpleasant tasks. At an interpersonal
level, when one intimate relationship ends they quickly seek another,
lest they be left to cope and make decisions alone.
One of the first detailed descriptions of dependent personality disor-
der was given by the psychoanalyst Karl Abraham (1924) and referred
to this condition as the oral character type, due to his hypothesis
that the seeds of this personality disorder were sown during the oral
stage of psychosexual development. This is the earliest stage of devel-
opment, during which pleasure comes mainly from the process of feed-
ing, hence the term ‘oral’ and the primary characteristic of dependency.
Case example
Tracy, aged 32, had a dependent personality disorder. She was the wife
of a man who phoned a child and family psychology service requesting
help with a sexual problem. He initially said that he was attracted to his
15-year-old daughter. It was suspected that sexual abuse had occurred
in this case and so a full family assessment was offered. The family
assessment revealed that he had had sexual intercourse with the
daughter repeatedly for over a year.
We advised that the father leave the home and live separately while
a programme of rehabilitation occurred. The programme would involve
the mother and daughter strengthening their relationship; the daughter
learning self-protection skills; and the father attending group therapy for
sex-offenders. Tracy refused to co-operate because she felt unable to
make decisions and function without her husband. Thus Tracy was pre-
pared to jeopardize her daughter’s safety for her own dependency
needs.
Case example
Hank, aged 50, had an obsessive compulsive personality disorder. He
was a divorced professor of experimental psychology. He came for
therapy because of depression. This was related to the fact that his
children and students had refused to have contact with him.
In his home life he had always been meticulous and set the highest
standards for family relationships and household routines. It was his
anger when these standards were not reached that led to his divorce.
However, he continued to have contact with his children. His insistence
on punctuality and the critical attitude he took to his children’s behaviour
had led them to reduce the frequency of their visits with him, and
eventually to his wife suggesting that he have very infrequent access to
the children.
TABLE 8.2
Epidemiology of major personality disorders
Cluster Personality Prevalence (%) in Prevalence (%) in Gender differences
disorder the community clinical samples in community studies
Any personality 10.3 40.5 No differences
disorder
Cluster A 5.7 – Higher in males
Cluster B 1.5 –
Cluster C 6.0 –
Cluster A Paranoid 1.7 4.1
Odd, eccentric group
Schizoid 0.9 1.1
Schizotypal 0.9 4.6
Cluster B Antisocial 1.1 4.3 Higher in males
Dramatic, emotional,
Borderline 1.6 15.8
erratic group
Histrionic 1.5 9.5
Narcissistic 0.5 4.5
Cluster C Avoidant 1.7 11.4
Anxious, fearful
Dependent 0.7 8.0 Higher in females
group
Obsessive- 2.1 5.3
compulsive
Note: Community prevalence rates for any personality disorder and individual personality disorders are median rates from
12 community studies summarized in Torgersen (2009). Community prevalence rates for Clusters A, B and C are from
Lenzenweger et al.’s (2007) US National Comorbidity Survey Replication. Clinical prevalence rates are median rates from
Zimmerman et al.’s (2008) review of 16 clinical studies. Gender differences are from Torgersen (2009).
Theories
Diathesis–stress, psychodynamic and cognitive-behavioural theories of
personality disorders have been developed and summaries of these are
outlined below.
Diathesis–stress theories
Diathesis–stress theories of personality disorders propose that both
biological factors and stressful environmental factors, particularly those
within the individual’s family of origin, contribute to the development of
personality disorders. These theories entail the view that people with
certain genetically determined temperamental characteristics develop
particular personality traits, and that personality disorders emerge when
such people are exposed to certain types of psychosocial risk factors
within their families or wider social systems (Clark & Watson, 2008;
Lenzenweger & Clarkin, 2005; Paris, 1996).
Psychodynamic approaches
Meta-analyses show that psychodynamic psychotherapy leads to an
improvement in the adjustment of people with personality disorders,
notably those that fall within Clusters B and C (Leichsenring, 2010).
Evidence-based psychodynamic approaches to psychotherapy include
transference-focused psychotherapy and mentalization-based treat-
ment for borderline personality disorder (Bateman & Fonagy, 2010a,
2010b; Yeomans and Diamond, 2010) and short-term dynamic psycho-
therapy for Cluster C personality disorders (Svartberg & McCullough,
2010).
bad. So at the earliest stage the child develops symbiotic fused self–
object representations that are ‘all good’ or ‘all bad’. At a second stage
of development, the child learns that the self and the mother (or object)
are separate. At this stage the child develops representations for an ‘all-
good self’ and an ‘all-bad self’; an ‘all-good object’ and an ‘all-bad
object’. As the child matures into the third stage of development the ‘all-
good’ and ‘all-bad’ self-representations are integrated. The child
develops a more complete view of the self as having both positive and
negative impulses and wishes. Concurrently the ‘all-good’ and ‘all-bad’
representations of others (parents, siblings, friends) are integrated. The
child develops representations of others as having both positive and
negative attributes. When this happens the child becomes capable of
having realistic relationships in which ambivalent feelings towards
others can be tolerated. So children may feel that they love their parents
who are good a lot of the time and a bit annoying some of the time.
In adulthood the way people behave within intimate relationships is
predominantly informed and organized by their internal object relations
that they learned in childhood; that is, by mental images of how the self
and others will function in relationships, and the strong emotions
associated with these types of relationship. An image of a bad child-like
self, interacting with a threatening, powerful authority figure associated
with a strong feeling of fear; or the image of a good child-like self
interacting with a good protective authority figure associated with a
strong feeling of security, are examples of internal object relations.
Where parents are over-indulgent or overly neglectful, violent or
controlling, the child fails to develop mature self–other internal object
relations. In their relationships with others, splitting occurs. They view
others as ‘all-good’ idealized rescuers who will meet all their needs or
‘all-bad’ persecutors who are out to harm them. They also oscillate
between viewing the self as ‘all-good’ or ‘all-bad’. These difficulties are
the hallmark of all personality disorders. Different types of personality
disorder develop depending on the person’s temperament, whether the
child was over-indulged, neglected or traumatized, the degree to which
this occurred, and the specific defence mechanisms that they used to
cope with forbidden sexual and aggressive impulses. Cluster A and B
personality disorders arise from neglect, rejection or abuse, whereas
excessive parental control or over-protection lead to the development of
Cluster C personality disorders.
Defences are psychological strategies used to cope with conflict
between unacceptable impulses (often unconscious sexual or aggres-
sive urges from the id) and the prohibitions of the conscience (or super-
ego). Thus, if a person experiences an unacceptable impulse, anxiety
about the consequences of acting on this impulse will be experienced.
Defences are used to reduce anxiety. Defences are essential, but some
are more adaptive than others. From Table 8.3 it may be seen that the
defences of splitting and projection, which typify many personality dis-
orders, particularly borderline personality disorder, are at the most prim-
itive level. Splitting involves reverting to viewing the self and others in
‘all-good’ or all-bad’ terms. Projection involves attributing negative
TABLE 8.3
Defence mechanisms at different levels of maturity
Level Features of Defence The individual regulates emotional discomfort
defences associated with conflicting wishes and impulses
or external stress by …
High-adaptive Promote an Anticipation considering emotional reactions and
level optimal balance consequences of these before the conflict or
among stress occurs and exploring the pros and cons of
unacceptable various solutions to these problematic emotional
impulses and states
prosocial wishes
Affiliation seeking social support from others, sharing
to maximize
problems with them without making them
gratification and
responsible for them or for relieving the distress
permit conscious
they entail
awareness of
conflicting Altruism dedication to meeting the needs of others and
impulses and receiving gratification from this (without excessive
wishes self-sacrificing)
Humour reframing the situation that gives rise to conflict or
stress in an ironic or amusing way
Self-assertion expressing conflict-related thoughts or feelings in
a direct yet non-coercive way
Self-observation monitoring how situations lead to conflict or stress
and using this new understanding to modify
negative affect
Sublimation channelling negative emotions arising from conflict
or stress into socially acceptable activities such as
work or sports
Suppression intentionally avoiding thinking about conflict or
stress
Mental Keep Displacement transferring negative feelings about one person
inhibitions unacceptable onto another less threatening person
compromise impulses out of
Dissociation experiencing a breakdown in the integrated
formation awareness
functions of consciousness, memory, perception,
level
or motor behaviour
Intellectualization the excessive use of abstract thinking or
generalizations to minimize disturbing feelings
arising from conflict
Isolation of affect losing touch with the feelings associated with
descriptive details of the conflict, trauma or stress
Reaction substituting acceptable behaviours, thoughts or
formation feelings that are the opposite of unacceptable or
unwanted behaviours, thoughts or feelings that
arise from a conflict
Repression expelling unwanted thoughts, emotions or wishes
from awareness
Undoing using ritualistic or magical words or behaviour to
symbolically negate or make amends for
unacceptable impulses
(Continued)
TABLE 8.3
(Continued)
Level Features of Defence The individual regulates emotional discomfort
defences associated with conflicting wishes and impulses
or external stress by …
Minor image Distort image of Devaluation attributing exaggerated negative characteristic to
distorting level self and others to the self or others
regulate self-
Idealization attributing exaggerated positive characteristics to
esteem
others
Omnipotence attributing exaggerated positive characteristics or
special abilities and powers to the self which make
oneself superior to others
Disavowal Keep Denial refusing to acknowledge the painful features of
level unacceptable the situation or experiences which are apparent to
impulses and others
ideas out of
Projection attributing to others one’s own unacceptable
consciousness
thoughts, feelings and wishes
with or without
misattribution of Rationalization providing an elaborate self-serving or self-
these to external justifying explanation to conceal unacceptable
causes thoughts, actions or impulses
Major image Gross distortion Autistic fantasy engaging in excessive daydreaming or wishful
distorting level or misattribution thinking as a substitute for using problem-solving
of aspects of the or social support to deal with emotional distress
self or others
Projective attributing to others one’s own unacceptable
identification aggressive impulses. Then inducing others to feel
these by reacting aggressively to them. Then
using the other person’s aggressive reactions as
justification for acting out unacceptable aggressive
impulses
Splitting of self- failing to integrate the positive and negative
image or image qualities of self and others and viewing self and
of others others as either all good or all bad
Action level Action or Acting out acting unacceptably to give expression to the
withdrawal from experience of emotional distress associated with
action conflict or stress
Apathetic not engaging with others
withdrawal
Help-rejecting making repeated requests for help and then
complaining rejecting help when offered as a way of
expressing unacceptable aggressive impulses
Passive unassertively expressing unacceptable aggression
aggression towards others in authority by overtly complying
with their wishes while covertly resisting these
Level of Failure of Delusional attributing to others one’s own unacceptable
defensive defences to projection thoughts, feelings and wishes to an extreme
dysregulation regulate conflict- degree
related feelings
Psychotic denial refusing to acknowledge the painful features of
leading to a
the situation or experiences which are apparent to
breakdown in
others to an extreme degree
reality testing
Psychotic viewing reality in an extremely distorted way
distortion
Note: Based on American Psychiatric Association (2000) Diagnostic and statistical manual of mental disorders (fourth edition,
text revision, DSM-IV-TR). Defensive Functioning Scale (pp. 807–809). Washington, DC: American Psychiatric Association.
Cognitive-behavioural approaches
Results from a meta-analysis show that cognitive-behavioural ap-
proaches and psychodynamic approaches to the treatment of person-
ality disorders are equally effective (Leichsenring & Leibing, 2003).
Within the cognitive-behavioural tradition Marsha Linehan’s dialectical
behaviour therapy for borderline personality disorder is the best vali-
dated approach (Stanley & Brodsky, 2009). Aaron T. Beck’s cognitive-
behavioural conceptualization of personality disorders has also been
influential (Beck et al., 2003).
Cognitive-behavioural theories
In Aaron T. Beck’s cognitive behavioural conceptualization of personal-
ity disorders he proposes that people with personality disorders have
developed pervasive, self-perpetuating cognitive–interpersonal cycles
that are severely dysfunctional (Beck et al., 2003). Early life experi-
ences, including family routines and relationships as well as traumatic
events, lead to the formation of assumptions about the world and in
particular about interpersonal relationships: for example, ‘people are
not trustworthy’. In day-to-day interactions, these underlying assump-
tions lead to automatic thoughts such as ‘He’s trying to con me’. These
in turn lead to emotional reactions such as anger and behavioural reac-
tions such as oppositional and confrontative conversation. This in turn
elicits behaviour from others such as secretiveness and avoidance,
which reinforces the basic assumption that ‘people are not trustworthy’.
For each personality disorder there are predominant mood states
and predominant behavioural strategies used to deal with interpersonal
situations. Collections of basic assumptions, learned in early life, may
be formed into schemas that inform those aspects of the world to which
the person attends and how they are apt to interpret most situations.
For example, an abuse–mistrust schema may contain a collection of
beliefs about the untrustworthiness of others and their potential for
abusing or harming the person. In addition to schemas, cognitive
distortions such as mind-reading (I just know he’s trying to get at me
with that remark) or emotional reasoning (I feel angry, so he must be
persecuting me) contribute to the way a person reacts to interpersonal
situations. Also, predominant mood states may predispose people to
attend to particular types of information or to evaluate situations in
particular ways. For example, anger may predispose a person to attend
to potential threats and to evaluate situations as opportunities for
confrontation.
Cognitive therapy aims to break the dysfunctional cognitive–interper-
sonal cycles that constitute the person’s personality disorder using a
variety of cognitive and behavioural strategies. These include helping
people learn to identify and challenge their automatic thoughts and core
assumptions; helping people develop different interpersonal strategies
and skills that are less likely to elicit from others behaviour that rein-
forces dysfunctional beliefs; and helping people engage in activities that
will directly alter their mood states. There is some evidence from meta-
analyses for the effectiveness of CBT with a range of personality disor-
ders (Leichsenring & Leibing, 2003).
Risk of violence
The assessment and management of risk of violence is essential in
cases of antisocial personality disorder, because of the association
between this condition and aggression. In clinical interviews, patients
with antisocial personality disorder may not give true accounts of their
aggressive impulses. Because of this, the use of validated structured
clinical instruments and information from collateral sources such as
relatives or other agencies that have had contact with the patient to
assess risk violence is important (Scott & Resnick, 2006). Thus, risk
management typically involves interviews with the patient and members
of their families as well as multidisciplinary and multiagency meetings.
Multiagency meetings may involve staff from probation services, since
many patients with antisocial personality disorder are on probation.
The Psychopathy Checklist (PCL-R, Hare, 2003) and Historical,
Clinical, Risk Management–20 (HCR-20, Douglas et al., 2001) are
examples of well-validated and widely used instruments for assessing
risk of violence. The HCR-20 consists of 20 items on historical, clinical
and risk management issues. The historical items cover previous
violence, substance misuse problems, major mental illness, psychopathy
and personality disorder. The clinical items are concerned with lack of
insight, negative attitudes, active symptoms of mental illness, impulsivity
and unresponsiveness to treatment. The risk management items
include feasibility of plans, exposure to destabilizing influences, lack of
personal support, non-compliance with treatment and stress.
In light of the assessment a formulation of the risk of violence is
developed, identifying factors likely to increase or decrease the risk and
a plan for managing these. Risk management plans should be directed
at crisis resolution, decreasing risk factors and increasing protective
factors. Members of the patient’s family and other involved profes-
sionals such as probation officers and social workers may play a role
in risk management plans. Unfortunately, there are no well-validated
treatments for antisocial personality disorder, so risk management
strategies must focus on using available evidence-based practices to
address specific problems such as motivational interviewing for comor-
bid substance use or training in anger management skills.
Assessment
The assessment of personality disorder occurs within the context of the
assessment of the whole person. When assessing patients with person-
ality disorder, typically Axis I disorders such as mood, anxiety, sub-
stance use or eating disorders are present, and these are assessed in
ways described in Chapters 3–6. In a significant proportion of cases,
risky behaviours such as self-harm or violence may also be present.
The assessment and management of risk of harm to the patient or
others is always prioritized. (Suicide risk assessment has been discussed
in Chapter 6.)
Ideally the assessment and treatment of personality disorders is
conducted by multidisciplinary teams. Initial screening for personality
disorders may be conducted with self-report inventories such as the
Millon Clinical Multiaxial Inventory–III (MCMI-III, Millon, 2009), the
Schedule for Nonadaptive and Adaptive Personality–II (SNAP-2, Clark
et al., 2008) or the personality disorder scales of the Minnesota
Multiphasic Personality Inventory–2 (MMPI-2, Colligan et al., 1994).
Where self-report instruments suggest the presence of a personality
disorder, a diagnosis may be confirmed through clinical interviewing. A
Treatment
In extensive narrative reviews of the design and delivery of psychotherapy
programmes for service users with personality disorders, Bateman and
Fonagy (2000) and Linehan et al. (2006) concluded that effective
programmes – whether cognitive behavioural or psychodynamic –
share a number of common features. They are theoretically coherent
(not eclectic), offering an explanation for problematic behaviours and
interpersonal styles, and for the role of psychotherapy in offering a
solution to these problems. They are well structured and of long duration,
usually extending beyond a year. They include procedures for helping
clients engage in treatment, maintain therapeutic contact and adhere to
therapeutic regimes.
Effective psychotherapy programmes may include sequential or con-
current individual, group and family sessions, following a pre-established
coherent pattern. Effective outpatient psychotherapy programmes are
offered within the context of broader multimodal, multidisciplinary ser-
vices in which there are clear policies and practices for inpatient care,
use of medication, and crisis management where high-risk behaviour in-
cluding self-harming, aggression or other crises occurs. Effective pro-
grammes have a clear focus on key problem areas such as self-harm,
aggression and difficult interpersonal relationships. Effective therapeutic
Controversies
In the field of personality disorders the main controversies centre on the
categorical or dimensional conceptualization of abnormal personality
functioning, the validity of the distinction between Axis I and Axis II
disorders, and therapeutic communities as an alternative to hospital or
outpatient treatment.
TABLE 8.4
Factors and facets of the five-factor model of personality
Factor Facet
Neuroticism Anxiety
Angry hostility
Depression
Self-consciousness
Impulsiveness
Vulnerability
Extraversion Warmth
Gregariousness
Assertiveness
Activity
Excitement seeking
Positive emotions
Openness to experience Fantasy
Aesthetics
Feelings
Actions
Ideas
Values
Agreeableness Trust
Straightforwardness
Altruism
Compliance
Modesty
Tender-mindedness
Conscientiousness Competence
Order
Dutifulness
Achievement striving
Self-discipline
Deliberation
for the heritability of all of factors within the Five Factor Model except
agreeableness which seems to be predominantly environmentally
determined (Costa & Widiger, 1994).
Thomas Widiger has proposed that the five-factor model may be used
as an alternative system for describing personality disorders (Widiger &
Mullins-Sweatt, 2010). The profiles of major personality disorders on the
dimensions of the five-factor model of personality are presented in Table
8.5. These profiles are based on Samuel and Widiger’s (2008) meta-
analysis of data from 16 studies of 30 facets of the five-factor model of
personality in groups of patients with personality disorders.
Widiger argues that trait theory offers a more scientifically useful
approach to assessment. Personality questionnaires that have been
developed to measure the Big Five personality traits have good psycho-
metric properties (De Raad & Perugini, 2002). They are reliable and
valid, and have population norms. The five-factor personality trait theory
and related measures assume a demonstrated continuity between nor-
mal and abnormal personality. Research on the Big Five personality
traits has led to a significant body of knowledge on the genetic and
childhood antecedents of normal adult personality, neurobiological cor-
relates of personality traits, and the stability and change in personality
traits over the life course. This body of research may inform our under-
standing of personality disorders, if we base our assessment on the
five-factor model. Compared with categorical classification systems,
trait models offer a more parsimonious way of describing people with
rigid dysfunctional behaviour patterns. This in turn offers a more parsi-
monious way to conceptualize the development of effective treatments.
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Book 1.indb 285
Narcissistic Angry Boastful Boastful
Guarded Guarded
Conflictual Conflictual
Selfish
Mistrustful
Cluster C Avoidant Self-conscious Aloof Mistrustful Lacks self-belief Avoids new Self-conscious
Anxious, fearful Depressed Submissive Modest Undisciplined experiences Depressed
group Anxious Joyless Aloof
Vulnerable Cold
Angry Inactive
Avoids excitement
Dependent Vulnerable Submissive Lacks self-belief Vulnerable
Self-conscious Undisciplined Self-conscious
Depressed Depressed
Angry
Obsessive- Orderly Orderly
compulsive Dutiful Dutiful
Achievement striving Achievement
Careful striving
Self-disciplined
Note: Based on Samuel and Widiger’s (2008) meta-analysis of data from 16 studies of 30 facets of the five-factor model of personality. For each personality disorder, facets within each
factor are listed in order of the size of their correlations with personality disorders. Only facets that had significant correlations (p < .05) greater than r = 0.2 are listed. In the final column,
for each personality disorder the top 3 facets (out of 30) are listed in order of the size of their correlations.
8 • PERSONALITY DISORDERS
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TABLE 8.6
Comparison of personality disorders and Axis I disorders with similar features
Cluster Personality Similar Axis 1 Common clinical Differences in clinical features
disorder disorder features
Cluster A Paranoid Schizophrenia Mistrust and In PPD delusions, hallucinations,
Odd, (PPD) suspiciousness thought disorder, and negative
eccentric symptoms of schizophrenia are
group absent.
Schizoid Schizophrenia Attachment In SDPD delusions,
(SDPD) problems and hallucinations, thought disorder,
social isolation and negative symptoms of
schizophrenia are absent.
Schizotypal Schizophrenia Eccentric thoughts, In SLD delusions, hallucinations,
(SLPD) perceptual thought disorder, and negative
experiences and symptoms of schizophrenia are
speech absent.
Cluster B Antisocial Conduct Moral immaturity For a diagnosis of ALPD the
Dramatic, (ALPD) disorder person must be over 18. Conduct
emotional, disorder applies to children and
erratic group adolescents.
Borderline Depression Impulsivity In BPD, episodes of low mood
(BPD) are brief and the course of the
disorder is lifelong beginning in
childhood.
Histrionic Conversion Attention seeking In HPD attention is gained
(HPD) hysteria through adopting seductive or
macho role but with hysteria it is
gained by adopting a sick-role.
Narcissistic ?
(NPD)
Cluster C Avoidant Social phobia Shyness In ATPD people avoid
Anxious, (ATPD) relationships, but with social
fearful group phobia they avoid situations
Dependent Separation Lack of autonomy DPD continues into adulthood
(DPD) anxiety and affects all areas of
functioning
Separation anxiety is a childhood
disorder
Obsessive- Obsessive- Perfectionism In OCPD symptoms are accepted
compulsive compulsive but in OCD they are resisted
(OCPD) disorder
Therapeutic communities
Therapeutic communities developed as an alternative approach to
treating personality disorders, addictions and other severe mental
health problems. Traditional inpatient mental health settings were hier-
archically organized, and run on authoritarian lines. They encouraged
patients to be passive recipients of treatment. Therapeutic communities
were run on more democratic lines and encouraged service users to
take an active role in their own rehabilitation. Responsibility for the daily
running of the community was shared among service users and staff.
In the UK, the radical psychiatrists Maxwell Jones (Jones, 1952) and
R. D. Laing (mentioned in Chapter 7 in the section on controversies)
were pioneers in the development therapeutic communities. In the US,
therapeutic communities were developed mainly for people with
addiction problems. Therapeutic communities for people with personality
disorders have been run in prisons, hospitals and day hospitals. In
these communities there are usually daily meetings of service users
and staff, and a predominance of group activities.
The hallmark of therapeutic communities is their democratic,
participative approach to decision-making. This creates a context within
which service users significantly influence the way their therapeutic
communities are run. Complex, participative community processes are
the central therapeutic factors of therapeutic communities (Jones, 1952).
In a systematic review of 52 outcome studies of the effects of therapeutic
communities on people with personality disorders and a meta-analysis
of 29 of these, Lees et al. (1999) found that a significant positive effect
occurred in 19 of the 29 studies in their meta-analysis. Participants in
these trials were young offenders or psychiatric service users with a
range of personality disorders. In their narrative review, Lees et al.
concluded that for people with personality disorder, long-term treatment
Summary
Personality disorders are characterized by enduring dysfunc-
tional patterns of behaviour and experience that begin in ado-
lescence and are consistent across situations. There are
difficulties with cognition, affect, impulse control, behaviour
and interpersonal functioning. There are also recurrent rela-
tionship problems or occupational problems with a history of
other psychological disorders or criminality. People with per-
sonality disorders have difficulty learning from experience or
benefiting from psychotherapy for their personality disorders or
other comorbid Axis I disorders.
In DSM-IV-TR, 10 main personality disorders are subdi-
vided into three clusters on the basis of their cardinal clinical
features. The odd, eccentric cluster includes the paranoid,
schizoid and schizotypal personality disorders. The dramatic,
emotional, erratic cluster includes the antisocial, borderline,
histrionic and narcissistic personality disorders. The third
cluster includes the avoidant, dependent and obsessive-
compulsive personality disorders, all of which are character-
ized by anxiety and fearfulness. A very similar classification
system is used in ICD-10.
The prevalence of personality disorders is approximately
10% in the general population, whereas in samples of mental
health service users the rate is about 40%. Many people who
have one personality disorder meet the criteria for a number of
others. Personality disorders are fairly stable over time,
although some improvement does occur, especially among
those with Cluster B personality disorders.
Diathesis–stress theories argue that personality disorders
emerge when genetically or constitutionally vulnerable individ-
uals are exposed to particular types of environmental stress.
Heritability estimates for personality disorders range from 20%
to 70% and recent research has begun to discover the neuro-
biological basis for some personality disorders, especially
schizotypal, borderline and antisocial personality disorder.
There is evidence for early adversity, problematic parenting,
trauma and child abuse in the aetiology of many personality
Questions
● What is a personality disorder and how does it differ from an Axis I
disorder?
● What are the main personality disorders included in the DSM and
ICD classification systems?
● What is the main clinical feature of each of the personality disorders?
● How prevalent are personality disorders?
● What are the diathesis–stress, psychodynamic, and cognitive-
behavioural theories of personality disorders and the key research
findings relevant to these theories?
● What evidence-based approaches have been developed for the
assessment and treatment of personality disorders?
● What are the pros and cons of adopting a ‘Big 5’ dimensional
approach to personality disorders as an alternative to the DSM and
ICD categorical systems?
FURTHER READING
Professional
● Clarkin, J. & Lenzenweger, M. (2005). Major theories of personality dis-
order (second edition). New York: Guilford.
● Magnavita, J. J. (2010). Evidence-based treatment of personality dys-
function: Principles, methods, and processes. Washington, DC: American
Psychological Association.
● Oldham, J., Skodol, A. & Bender, D. (2009). Essentials of personality
disorders. Arlington, VA: American Psychiatric Publishing.
Self-help
● Fusco, G. & Freeman, A. (2004). Borderline personality disorder: A pa-
tient’s guide to taking control. New York: Norton.
● Mason, P. T. & Kreger, R. (1998). Stop walking on eggshells: Taking
your life back when someone you care about has borderline personality
disorder. Oakland, CA: New Harbinger.
WEBSITES
● American Psychiatric Association’s practice guidelines for treating border-
line personality disorder:
http://psychiatryonline.org/guidelines.aspx
● National Educational Alliance for Borderline Personality Disorder in the
US:
www.borderlinepersonalitydisorder.com
● National Institute for Clinical Excellence guidelines for treating antisocial
and borderline personality disorders:
http://guidance.nice.org.uk/topic/mentalhealthbehavioural
● PsychNet – Personality Disorders page:
www.psychnet-uk.com/x_new_site/personality_psychology/a_index_
personality_psychology.html
● UK Department of Health Personality Disorder policy documents:
www.dh.gov.uk/en/publicationsandstatistics/publications/publications
policyandguidance/dh_4009546
● UK Personality Disorder site:
www.personalitydisorder.org.uk
Introduction
Explanations and interventions for the various clinical problems des-
cribed in Chapters 2–8 have arisen from four main models:
● the biological model
● the psychodynamic model
● the cognitive-behavioural model
● the family systems model.
Biological model
Assumptions
The biological model of psychological problems is also referred to
as the neurobiological, organic, medical or disease model. In this
framework it is assumed that the various psychological difficulties that
people with a particular syndrome display are symptoms of a specific
disease with a discrete neurobiological cause, a unique course and
prognosis, and for which a specific physical treatment will ultimately be
identified (Nestler & Charney, 2008). This model evolved within the
medical tradition where there were numerous examples of physical
conditions involving a syndrome of signs and symptoms that could
be explained by a discrete cause, such as an infection or metabolic
dysfunction.
Syphilis is a good example of a condition where a discrete physical
cause (syphilitic infection) leads to a psychological syndrome (general
paresis of the insane) and can be treated by a specific physical inter-
vention (inoculation). In 1897 Richard von Krafft-Ebing, a German neu-
rologist, following the work of Louis Pasteur, inoculated patients who
had general paresis with pus from syphilitic sores, and this halted the
development of the degenerative condition, which typically culminated
in insanity. The success of this work gave impetus to the biological
model of mental health problems. The model has been championed by
psychiatry more than other mental health professions.
Diathesis–stress or stress-vulnerability models are modern variants
of the biological model. In these types of model it is assumed that psy-
chological problems or ‘psychiatric illnesses’ occur when people who
are neurobiologically vulnerable to such difficulties are exposed to par-
ticular stresses. For example, a diathesis–stress model of schizophre-
nia was described in Chapter 7 (Walker et al., 2008; Zubin & Spring,
1977).
Achievements
The biological or medical model has led to a number of important
achievements. The first of these has been the development of mental
health legislation (Bartlett & Sandland, 2007; Gunn & Wheat, 2009).
This legislation makes provision for the involuntary detention and treat-
ment of people with psychological disorders whose judgement is
severely impaired, especially if they are a danger to themselves or other
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294 C L I N I C A L P S Y C H O L O G Y : A N I N T R O D U C T I O N
TABLE 9.2
Rates of diagnosis of schizophrenia in the US and the UK
Hospital diagnosis Project diagnosis
US 61% 29%
UK 34% 35%
Note: N = 192 in US; N = 174 in UK. Adapted from Cooper, J., Kendall, R., Gurland, B.,
Sharp, L. Copeland, J., & Simon, R. (1972). Psychiatric diagnosis in New York and London.
London: Oxford University Press.
Limitations
Despite these major achievements, the biological model is not without its
limitations. First, psychological problems are not caused exclusively by
organic factors. Rather, for conditions such as anxiety, depression and
Figure 9.1 MRI image of grey matter loss in very early onset schizophrenia. From Thompson,
P., Vidal, C., Giedd, J., Gochman, P. Blumenthal, J., Nicolson, R., Toga, A., & Rapoport, J.
(2001). Mapping adolescent brain change reveals dynamic wave of accelerated grey matter
loss in very early-onset schizophrenia. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the
United States of America, 98, 11650–11655. Copyright (2010) National Academy of Sciences,
USA.
Psychoanalytic model
Assumptions
The psychoanalytic or psychodynamic model assumes that psycho-
logical problems are symptoms of underlying unconscious conflict or
psychopathology (Skelton, 2006). As a child develops, according to
classical psychoanalytic theory, primitive sexual and aggressive urges
of the unconscious ‘id’ become gradually controlled by the rational ‘ego’.
The ego is guided by an internalization of society’s standards: the
‘superego’. However, intrapsychic conflict is inevitable. Conflict occurs
between the sexual and aggressive impulses of the id and societal
standards as reflected in the superego.
Such conflict is managed unconsciously by using various defence
mechanisms, the function of which is to keep forbidden sexual and
aggressive impulses from consciousness. For example, a man who is
angry at his boss in work may sing his superior’s praises, thereby using
the defence of reaction formation. A full list of defences is given in Table
8.3 in Chapter 8. However, defences are compromises between the
forces of the id and superego and often carry costly side-effects. For
example, the man who is angry at his boss may eventually develop
chest pains and anxiety, as a result of repressing rather than acknow-
ledging the anger felt.
Furthermore, the psychoanalytic model proposes that relationship
styles learned early in life are transferred in later life to other relation-
ships, notably relationships with authority figures, sexual partners and
psychotherapists. These relationship styles or ‘transference phenom-
ena’, as they are called in psychoanalysis, are coloured in part by feel-
ings aroused and partially resolved during the Oedipus complex phase
(for boys) or Electra complex phase (for girls). These developmental
phases refer to the psychoanalytic hypothesis that children in early life
desire their opposite-sex parent and harbour aggression towards the
parent of their own gender. However, these sexual and aggressive
impulses are repressed and the child eventually identifies with the par-
ent of the same gender for fear of the consequences of acting them
out. In later life patients, such as the man with chest pains referred to
earlier, experience feelings towards significant others and deal with
them in a manner similar to that which occurred during the Oedipal
phase of development. So the man with chest pains experienced
aggression towards his boss and later towards his psychotherapist in a
similar fashion, and dealt with this using reaction formation in a manner
similar to that with which he handled the Oedipal triangle as a child.
Psychoanalysis and psychoanalytic psychotherapy provide a context
within which patients can experience transference towards a psycho-
therapist and then through interpretation gain insight into the transfer-
ence and related defences that underlie their psychopathology. The
analyst or therapist and client meet frequently according to a strict
schedule. The patient reports in an uncensored way his or her contents
of consciousness. Eventually the client develops transference and
the analyst interprets this repeatedly over time until the patient
has gained insight into the transference and related defences and
worked through related unresolved feelings. Concurrently, the patient’s
symptoms abate.
In order to be able to practise psychoanalysis, therapists must
undergo their own analysis so that they have a first-hand understanding
of the process and so that they will recognize transference feelings that
they have towards patients (countertransference). Traditionally strict
selection criteria are used for psychoanalysis, and typically YAVIS
(young, adult, verbal, intelligent and single) patients only have been
deemed suitable. However, this has changed in recent years with devel-
opments such as object relations approaches to conditions such as
borderline personality disorder (discussed in Chapter 8).
Achievements
First, the most outstanding achievement of the psychoanalytic model is
the discovery of the unconscious (Ellenberger, 1970). Freud drew
together a set of ideas from a wide range of sources and crystallized them
in the notion of the unconscious, not as a passive repository of irretriev-
able memories but as an active set of psychological processes. According
to the psychoanalytic model of the unconscious, people can make them-
selves forget things or keep them outside awareness. Repressed uncon-
scious aggressive and sexual impulses may motivate behaviour.
Second, psychoanalysis gave meaning to apparently meaningless
behaviour. For example, Freud (1909a) showed how in phobias, fears
of one stimulus (e.g. one’s father) could be displaced onto other stimuli
(e.g. horses). He also showed how unconscious processes that
explained psychological disorders could also explain peculiar everyday
behaviour. For example, in his book The Psychopathology of Everyday
Life, Freud showed how forgetting people’s names, slips of the tongue,
errors in writing and so forth in some cases are due to repression
(Freud, 1901). Such errors or parapraxes have come to be referred to
colloquially as ‘Freudian slips’. He also showed that apparently mean-
ingless dreams may be interpreted and made coherent to aid self-
understanding, a proposition that has been partially supported by
subsequent research (Freud, 1900; Siegel, 2010).
Third, psychoanalysis introduced the ideas of transference and
countertransference into the practice of psychotherapy. The idea that
people have a limited number of relationship-maps which they learn
early in life and transfer onto significant others in adulthood has been
Limitations
Classical psychoanalysis has many limitations. First, many of its hypoth-
eses were untestable due to the imprecision of the constructs or the
imprecision of predictions entailed by psychoanalytic theory. Also, for a
considerable time there was little evidence for the effectiveness of psy-
choanalytic psychotherapy. Recent meta-analyses of treatment out-
come studies have addressed this limitation (Shedler, 2010; Leichsenring
& Rabung, 2008, 2011; Leichsenring et al., 2004).
Second, Freud’s speculations about infantile sexuality were not
borne out by subsequent developmental research and in particular by
research on child sexual abuse. It is quite likely that many of Freud’s
patients who reported sexual contact with a parent had in fact been
sexually abused and were not simply fantasizing about seducing their
parents in Oedipal dramas (Masson, 1984).
Third, as a model for practice, classical psychoanalysis is too time-
consuming and expensive. Classical psychoanalysis involves multiple
sessions each week for a number of years. It is therefore not sufficiently
cost-effective for routine use in a public mental health service where
resources are limited. However, in recent times attempts have been
made to use psychoanalytic ideas and practices as a basis for brief
psychodynamic therapy (Lemma et al., 2010; Leichsenring et al., 2004).
Cognitive-behavioural model
Assumptions
The cognitive-behavioural tradition incorporates a range of psychothera-
peutic theories and practices including behaviour therapy, behaviour
modification, cognitive therapy and cognitive-behaviour therapy, all
of which have their roots in learning theories, both behavioural and
Achievements
The cognitive-behavioural tradition has made a number of important
contributions to the understanding and treatment of psychological
difficulties.
Limitations
The main limitation of the cognitive-behavioural model is the risk it
entails of trivializing psychological problems. When people are suffering
profound psychological distress, it may seem to them that to construe
their difficulties as bad habits does not do justice to the gravity of their
distressing life situations.
Two other possible limitations of the cognitive-behavioural model
deserve mention. First, there is the danger of disregarding the possible
role of organic factors in the aetiology of psychological difficulties. This
is problematic because there is extensive evidence for the role of
genetic and neurobiological factors in the aetiology of many mental
health problems. Second there is the risk of not taking the role of the
patient’s wider social context into account. Poverty, unemployment, low
socio-economic status and stressful family environments may all
contribute to the development of psychological problems.
Having noted these two dangers, it should be mentioned that they
have been addressed by various members of the cognitive-behavioural
tradition at different times. For example, cognitive-behavioural approaches
to understanding conditions such as schizophrenia (outlined in Chapter 7)
Achievements
Family therapy has made an important contribution to the understand-
ing and treatment of psychological problems. First, in a field dominated
by essentially individualistic models of practice, it has highlighted the
role of the social context in the aetiology and treatment of psychological
difficulties. Second, family therapy is a brief, affordable form of treat-
ment well suited to public health services. It is highly cost-effective
(Crane, 2011). Where different family members have problems, they
may all be treated by the same therapist or team. Third, empirical
research shows that family therapy is effective with a wide range of
problems in children and adults (Carr, 2009b, 2009c). Thus, there is a
sound foundation for evidence-based practice. Fourth, systems theory
can offer an integrative framework for comprehending not just the role
of social factors but also those of biological and intrapsychic factors in
the understanding and treatment of psychological difficulties. Fifth, in
Limitations
The main limitations of the family systems model are a danger of vague-
ness, the risk of losing sight of the needs and rights of the individual,
and the danger of failing to take account of neurobiological factors.
Constructivist psychotherapy
Constructivist psychotherapy is based on George Kelly’s personal con-
struct psychology (Winter & Viney, 2005). Personal construct psychol-
ogy holds that people’s problems are rooted in the way they construe or
interpret the world. Consequently a defining feature of personal con-
struct psychotherapy is the exploration and transformation of clients’
unique construct and belief systems. In the UK personal construct psy-
chology and constructivist psychotherapy have had an impact on the
practice of clinical psychology through influential clinical psychologists,
notably Don Bannister and Fay Francella.
Positive psychology
Remediating deficits and managing disabilities has been a central con-
cern for clinical psychology since its inception. Positive psychology, in
contrast, complements this aim by focusing instead on the enhance-
ment of happiness. Positive psychology was founded by Martin
Seligman in the US at the turn of the millennium.
While modern positive psychology is a new movement, it draws on a
rich intellectual heritage that includes the humanistic tradition. However,
the distinguishing features of the modern positive psychology movement
are its commitment to the scientific study of positive aspects of human
experience, the academic infrastructure that has been established to
support this research, and the intellectual leadership provided by the
founders of the movement.
Positive psychology focuses on understanding and facilitating
(1) happiness and well-being, (2) positive traits and engagement in
absorbing activities, and (3) the development of meaningful positive
relationships, social systems and institutions (Lopez & Snyder, 2009).
Common themes within positive psychology that influence the practice
of clinical psychology include resilience, optimism, hope, forgiveness,
curiosity, creativity, wisdom, emotional intelligence, self-efficacy, self-
determination, self-regulation, humour, mindfulness, therapeutic writ-
ing, posttraumatic growth, attachment, empathy and altruism.
The client-centred humanistic, personal construct and positive
psychology models, with their emphasis on the quality of the thera-
peutic alliance, the uniqueness of each client, client strengths and
optimism, are common themes in the practice of clinical psychology.
Summary
The biological, psychoanalytic, cognitive-behavioural and fam-
ily systems models are each based on a unique set of assump-
tions. Despite limitations, each model has given rise to a unique
set of achievements. With the biological model it is assumed
that psychological problems may be classified into syndromes.
Each syndrome is due to an underlying brain disease for which
a discrete cause and physical cure may be ultimately identified.
It is also assumed that each condition follows a distinctive
course and has a particular prognosis.
The biological model’s greatest achievement was the libera-
tion of people with psychological problems and the creation of
asylums where those in psychological distress received
humane treatment. Mental health legislation, widely used clas-
sification systems such as the DSM and ICD, a commitment to
scientific study of psychological problems, and the develop-
ment of psychopharmacological treatments are among the
major achievements of the biological model. Its limitations
Questions
● What are the key assumptions, general achievements and general
limitations of the biological, psychodynamic, cognitive-behavioural
and family systems models?
● Having read Chapters 2–8, what do you consider to be the top three
specific achievements of the biological, psychodynamic, cognitive-
behavioural and family systems models?
● Why are the client-centred humanistic tradition, personal construct
psychology and positive psychology important for the practice of
clinical psychology?
FURTHER READING
● Tyrer, P. & Sternberg, D. (2005). Models of mental disorder: Conceptual
models in psychiatry (fourth edition). Chichester, UK: Wiley.
● Watchel, P. & Messer, S. (1997). Theories of psychotherapy: Origins
and evolution. Washington, DC: APA. This text includes up-to-date
accounts of psychodynamic, cognitive-behavioural and family systems
approaches to psychotherapy.
WEBSITES
Psychiatric associations that privilege the
neurobiological model
● American Psychiatric Association:
www.psych.org
● Royal Australian & New Zealand College of Psychiatrists:
www.ranzcp.org
● Royal College of Psychiatrists:
www.rcpsych.ac.uk
Psychoanalytic associations
● American Psychoanalytical Association:
www.apsa.org
● Australian Psychoanalytical Society:
www.psychoanalysis.asn.au
● British Psychoanalytical Society:
www.psychoanalysis.org.uk
● International Psychoanalytical Association:
www.ipa.org.uk
Cognitive-behavioural associations
● Association for Behavioural and Cognitive Therapies (US):
www.abct.org
● Australian Association for Cognitive and Behaviour Therapy:
www.aacbtqld.org.au
Learning objectives
After studying this chapter you will be able to:
● define evidence-based practice in clinical psychology
● explain the hierarchy of evidence that informs
evidence-based practice
● summarize the main findings from the evidence base
for the effectiveness of psychotherapy
● outline the medical cost offset associated with
psychotherapy
● describe the role of common and specific factors in
the effectiveness of psychotherapy.
Introduction
One of the main ways in which clinical psychologists help clients is
through psychotherapy. Psychotherapy is a contractual process in
which trained professionals with expert knowledge of their discipline
interact with clients to help them resolve psychological problems and
address mental health difficulties. Psychotherapy may be offered to
children and adults on an individual, couple, family or group basis.
Often clinical psychologists offer psychotherapy as one element of a
multimodal programme provided by a multidisciplinary team. For exam-
ple, a multidisciplinary adult mental health team may routinely offer a
multimodal programme of cognitive behaviour therapy combined with
antidepressants for depression, as described in Chapter 6. A
Evidence-based practice
In clinical psychology there has been a gradual move from practice
guided exclusively by descriptions of clinical cases to evidence-based
practice guided by the results of scientific studies on the effectiveness
of psychological interventions. This evolution has occurred as part of
the broader movement of evidence-based medicine (Sackett et al.,
1996, 2000).
Evidence-based practice in medicine and clinical psychology involves
the judicious and compassionate use of the best available scientific evi-
dence to make decisions about patient or client care. In clinical psychol-
ogy, it involves taking account of available scientific evidence about
‘what works’ on one hand, and clients’ unique problems, needs, rights
and preferences on the other, and making balanced, compassionate
judgements (APA Presidential Task Force on Evidence Based Practice,
2006; Norcross et al., 2006).
Hierarchy of evidence
When considering scientific evidence for the effectiveness of psycho-
logical interventions, it is useful to organize categories of available sci-
entific evidence into a hierarchy, from the least to the most persuasive,
as illustrated in Figure 10.1. In this hierarchy, case studies are the least
persuasive form of evidence. The most persuasive evidence for the
effectiveness of psychotherapy and other psychological interventions
comes from meta-analyses of controlled trials.
Controlled trials
In controlled trials, to rule out the possibility that observed improvements
in clients’ problems following treatment were due to the passage of time,
gains made by treated cases are compared with gains made by a control
group (case–control studies). In psychotherapy studies, clients in control
groups usually receive routine clinical management of their problems. An
example of results from a controlled trial – The London Depression
Intervention Trial (Leff et al., 2000) – is given in Figure 10.3. The average
score of the group that received couples therapy for chronic depression
was lower after treatment than before therapy began, and this gain was
maintained at follow-up a year later. This pattern of improvement was
better than that for cases treated with antidepressants.
There are many variations of the basic controlled trial, but the gold
standard is the randomized controlled trial. In randomized controlled
trials, cases are randomly assigned to treatment and control groups, to
rule out the possibility that differences in improvement rates are due to
responsive and unresponsive cases having been systematically
assigned to treatment and control groups. There is a tradition in medical
Figure 10.3 Improvement in mean symptom scores on the Beck Depression Inventory for
adults with chronic depression receiving systemic couples therapy or antidepressants before
treatment, 1 year after treatment and 2 years after treatment. Based on Leff et al. (2000)
Narrative reviews
While an individual trial with positive results provides evidence that in
one context, a particular form of treatment was effective for a group of
clients with a specific type of problem, narrative reviews provide more
convincing evidence because they show the extent to which positive
results were replicated across a series of trials. However, the conclusions
drawn in narrative reviews are inevitably biased by the conscious and
unconscious prejudices of the reviewer.
Meta-analyses
Meta-analysis is a systematic, quantitative approach to reviewing
evidence from multiple trials. The impact of reviewer bias inherent in
narrative reviews is greatly reduced in meta-analyses because data
from many trials are synthesized using statistical methods.
In a meta-analysis effect sizes are calculated for each trial and then
averaged across all trials to provide a quantitative index of the effective-
ness of a particular form of treatment with a specified population. Effect
sizes calculated in meta-analyses express quantitatively the degree to
which treated groups improved more than control groups. A graphic
explanation of the calculation of an effect size is given in Figure 10.4.
Table 10.1 gives a system for interpreting effect sizes. Using this
table, it may be seen that an effect size of .8 is large. If such an effect
size were obtained in a meta-analysis it would mean that the average
treated case fared better than 79% of cases in the control group. It
would also indicate that 69% of cases in the treatment group had a suc-
cessful outcome compared with 31% of control group cases. Finally, a
large effect size of .8 would indicate that 14% of the variance in out-
come could validly be attributed to the effects of treatment, rather than
other factors.
TABLE 10.1
Interpretation of effect size
Effect Cohen’s Percentage of Success Success rate Percentage of
size designation1 untreated cases that rate for for untreated outcome variance
d the average treated treated group3 group3 accounted for by
case fares better than2 treatment4
1.0 Large 84 72 28 20
.9 82 71 29 17
.8 79 69 31 14
.7 76 67 33 11
.6 73 64 36 8
.5 Medium 69 62 38 6
.4 66 60 40 4
.3 62 57 43 2
.2 Small 58 55 45 1
.1 54 53 47 0
Note: Adapted from Wampold (2001, p. 53). 1. From Cohen (1988). 2. From Glass (1976). 3. From Rosenthal and Rubin
(1982). Binomial effect size display, assuming overall success rate of .5, success rate for treated cases is .5 + correlation
with outcome/2, and success rate for untreated cases is .5 – correlation with outcome/2. 4. From Rosenthal (1994, p. 239),
percentage of variance = d2/(d2 + 4).
Psychodynamic psychotherapy
Within the psychodynamic tradition, a distinction is made between
short-term psychodynamic psychotherapy and intensive long-term psy-
choanalysis. The former involves weekly sessions for periods of 6–12
months, while the latter involves two or more sessions per week, usu-
ally for periods longer than a year.
Two important broad meta-analyses have been conducted to evalu-
ate the effectiveness of psychodynamic psychotherapy with adult men-
tal health problems (Leichsenring et al., 2004; Leichsenring & Rabung,
2011). In a meta-analysis of 17 studies, Leichsenring et al. (2004) found
that short-term psychodynamic psychotherapy yielded an effect size of
Cognitive-behaviour therapy
In a review of 16 meta-analyses that included 332 studies of the effec-
tiveness of cognitive-behaviour therapy with 16 different disorders or
populations, Butler et al. (2006) obtained a mean weighted effect size
of .95 for depression and a range of anxiety disorders in children, ado-
lescents and adults. Thus, the average treated case with anxiety
and depression fared better than 83% of untreated controls. For marital
distress, anger control and chronic pain in adults, and childhood somatic
disorders, effect sizes were moderate, with a mean of .62. Thus, the
average treated case with these problems fared better than 73% of
untreated controls.
For sexual offending the average effect size of .35 was relatively
small. However, it was the most effective form of psychotherapy for
reducing recidivism in this population. Thus, the average treated sex
offender fared better than 64% of untreated controls. There was signifi-
cant evidence for the long-term effectiveness of cognitive-behaviour
therapy, with an average effect size of .79, indicating that the average
treated case fared better than 79% of untreated controls at follow-up at
least 6 months after therapy.
Systemic therapy
Shadish and Baldwin (2003) reviewed 20 meta-analyses of systemic
marital and family interventions for a wide range of child- and adult-
focused problems. These included child and adolescent conduct and
emotional disorders; drug and alcohol abuse in adolescents and adults;
adult anxiety, depression and psychosis; and marital distress. Sixteen
of the 20 meta-analyses were of therapy studies and four included
marital and family enrichment studies.
For marital and family therapy the average effect size was .65 after
therapy and .52 at follow-up 6 months to a year later. These results
show that, overall, the average treated couple or family with clinically
significant problems fared better after treatment than 75% of untreated
controls, and at follow-up fared better than about 71% of cases in control
groups. For marital and family enrichment, the effect sizes after therapy
and at follow-up were .48 and .32 respectively. These results show that,
overall, the average treated couple or family without clinically significant
problems fared better after enrichment programmes than 68% of
untreated controls, and at follow-up fared better than about 63% of
cases in control groups.
Shadish and Baldwin’s synthesis of the results of 20 meta-analyses
supports the efficacy of systemic therapy for couples and families
with a wide range of clinically significant problems, and for couples and
families without clinical problems but who want to develop family
strengths such as communication and problem-solving skills and
greater emotional cohesion.
Figure 10.5 Success rates of psychotherapy with adults and children, and therapy from
different traditions based on effect sizes from meta-analyses
than for outpatients who required care for minor injuries and illnesses.
Structured psychological interventions, tailored to patient needs associ-
ated with their medical conditions, led to greater medical cost offsets
than traditional psychotherapy.
In an earlier set of meta-analytic studies involving Blue Cross and
Blue Shield US Federal Employees Plan claim files and 58 controlled
studies, Mumford et al. (1984) found that in 85% of studies medical cost
offset for psychotherapy occurred. This was due to shorter periods of
hospitalization for surgery, cancer, heart disease and diabetes, particu-
larly in patients over 55. In a review of psychological interventions for
people with a variety of health-related difficulties, Groth-Marnat and
Edkins (1996) found that medical cost offsets occurred when such inter-
ventions targeted patients preparing for surgery and patients with diffi-
culty adhering to medical regimens. Medical cost offset also occurred
for smoking cessation programmes, rehabilitation programmes, and
programmes for patients with chronic pain disorders, cardiovascular
disorders and psychosomatic complaints.
Three other important reviews of the medical cost-offset literature,
which focused largely on mental health problems in adults rather than
adjustment to physical illness, deserve mention. In a review of 30 studies
of psychotherapy for psychological disorders and drug and alcohol
abuse, Jones and Vischi (1979) found that medical cost offsets occurred
in most cases. In a review of eight cost-effectiveness studies for sub-
stance abuse, Morgan and Crane (2010) concluded that family-based
treatments can be cost-effective and deserve inclusion in health-
care delivery systems. In a review of 18 studies of psychotherapy for
psychological disorders, Gabbard et al. (1997) found that in more than in
80% of studies, medical cost offsets exceeded the cost of providing psy-
chotherapy. Particularly significant cost offsets occurred for complex
problems, notably in studies of psychoeducational family therapy for
schizophrenia and dialectical behaviour therapy for personality disor-
ders, by reducing the need for inpatient care and improving occupational
adjustment.
From the evidence reviewed here, it is clear that psychotherapeutic
interventions have a significant medical cost offset. Those who partici-
pate in psychotherapy use fewer other medical services at primary, sec-
ondary and tertiary levels and are hospitalized less than those who do
not receive psychotherapy.
Figure 10.6 The effects of psychotherapy compared with placebo control groups. Based on
Grissom (1996)
Figure 10.7 Factors that affect the outcome of psychotherapy. Based on Lambert and Barley (2002) and Wampold (2001)
TABLE 10.2
Therapy, client and therapist ‘common factors’ that affect positive psychotherapy outcome
Therapeutic context factors Client factors Therapist factors
Dose of 20–45 sessions High personal distress Personal adjustment
Positive therapeutic alliance Low symptom severity Therapeutic competence
Empathy Low functional impairment Matching therapy style to patients’ needs
Collaboration and goal Low problem complexity, Over-controlled patients – facilitate insight
consensus chronicity and comorbidity Under-controlled patients – build symptom
Positive regard and Readiness to change and management skills
genuineness lack of resistance Positive past relationships – facilitate insight
Relevant feedback and Early response to therapy Negative past relationships – provide
relevant self-disclosure
Psychological mindedness support
Repair alliance ruptures Ego strength Compliant clients – use directive
Manage transference and interventions
Capacity to make and
countertransference maintain relationships Resistant clients – use self-directed
Common procedures interventions
Social support
Problem exploration Credibility of rationales
High socio-economic status
Credible rationale Problem-solving creativity
Mobilizing client Specific training
Support and catharsis Flexible manual use
Reconceptualizing problem Supervision and personal therapy
Behavioural change Feedback on client recovery
Combining psychotherapy
and medication
Client characteristics
A range of client characteristics are associated with a positive response
to any type of psychological intervention (Clarkin & Levy, 2004; Lambert,
2005). Distressed clients with circumscribed problems of low severity
with little functional impairment who are ready to change, and who show
an improvement early in treatment, respond well to psychotherapy.
High socio-economic status, social support, the capacity to make and
maintain relationships, psychological-mindedness and ego strength are
other client attributes associated with a positive response to psycho-
therapy. Psychologically minded people understand their problems in
intrapsychic terms, rather than blaming them on external factors. Ego
strength is the capacity to tolerate conflict and distress, while showing
flexibility and persistence in pursuing valued goals.
Therapist characteristics
Effective therapists have distinctive profiles (Addis, 2002; Beutler et al.,
2004; Lambert et al., 2003; Lambert & Ogles, 1997; Miller et al., 2005;
Norcross, 2005; Stein & Lambert, 1995). They are technically competent,
credible and creative in their approach to helping clients solve problems.
They have engaged in personal therapy, are well adjusted, well trained,
use therapy manuals flexibly, and use feedback on client progress to
match their therapeutic style to clients’ needs.
There is evidence for the effectiveness of three types of matching.
For reflective, over-controlled clients, an insight-oriented approach is
particularly effective, whereas a symptom-focused, skills-building
approach is more effective with impulsive, under-controlled clients. For
clients who are resistant to directives, a self-directed approach is most
effective, whereas a directive approach is effective with non-resistant
clients. For clients with a history of gratifying early relationships, con-
frontative insight-oriented approaches are effective, whereas supportive
approaches are more effective for clients with histories of problem-
atic early relationships.
Specific factors
Common factors have a profound impact on the effectiveness of psycho-
therapy. However, therapists must engage in specific forms of therapy
for common factors to have a medium through which to operate. In
Chapters 2–8, examples of specific evidence-based psychological treat-
ments for particular problems have been given. Comprehensive reviews
of the literature on the effectiveness of psychological interventions con-
cur that effective interventions have been developed for a range of prob-
lems (Carr, 2009a; Nathan & Gorman, 2007; Roth & Fonagy, 2005).
These include mood, anxiety, eating, substance use and sleep disorders
in both children and adults; family relationship problems, pain manage-
ment, adjustment to illnesses such as asthma and diabetes, and adjust-
ment to physical and intellectual disabilities in children and adults;
disruptive behaviour disorders and toileting problems in childhood; and
personality disorders and psychosis in adults.
Summary
Clinical psychologists provide psychotherapy to children and
adults on an individual, couple, family, or group basis, often as
one element of a multimodal programme offered by a multidis-
ciplinary team. In doing so, they engage in evidence-based
practice by taking account of available scientific evidence
about ‘what works’ on one hand, and clients’ unique problems,
needs, rights and preferences on the other, and making bal-
anced, compassionate judgements.
Scientific evidence for the effectiveness of psychotherapy
ranges in persuasiveness from case studies to meta-analyses
of controlled trials. Results of meta-analyses show that approx-
imately two-thirds to three-quarters of people who engage in
psychotherapy improve. Similar improvement rates occur for
children and adults, individuals and families, and for psycho-
therapy from a range of different traditions. The moderate
effect sizes associated with psychotherapy for mental health
problems are similar to those associated with the medical and
surgical treatments for physical health problems.
About one in 10 clients deteriorate following psychotherapy.
Marginalized clients with particularly troublesome disorders
and negative attitudes to psychotherapy are vulnerable to
dropping out of psychotherapy and deterioration. Psychotherapy
has a significant medical cost offset, and those who participate
in psychotherapy use fewer other medical services than those
who do not.
Most forms of psychotherapy are equally effective. This is
due to the fact that they share common factors that contribute
to effectiveness. These common factors include those associ-
ated with the client, the therapist and the therapeutic context.
Distressed clients with circumscribed problems of low severity
and little functional impairment who are ready to change,
who show an improvement early in treatment, are of high
socio-economic status, have a high level of social support,
the capacity to make and maintain relationships, psychological-
mindedness and ego strength respond well to psychotherapy.
Particularly effective therapists are technically competent,
credible and creative in their approach to helping clients solve
problems, have engaged in personal therapy, are well adjusted,
well trained, use therapy manuals flexibly, and use feedback on
client progress to match their therapeutic style to clients’ needs.
At least 20 sessions are required for most clients to recover,
and the therapeutic alliance is the single most important com-
mon therapeutic common factor. For a strong therapeutic alli-
ance, the therapist must be empathic and collaborative, and the
client must be co-operative and committed to recovery.
Questions
● What is evidence-based practice in clinical psychology?
● What is the hierarchy of evidence that informs evidence-based
practice in clinical psychology?
● What do the results of broad meta-analyses indicate about the
overall effectiveness of psychotherapy?
● Is there a medical cost offset associated with psychotherapy?
● What is the ‘Dodo bird’ verdict?
● How important are common factors in contributing to the effective-
ness of psychotherapy?
● What common factors contribute to the effectiveness of psycho-
therapy?
● How do specific models of practice contribute to the effectiveness of
psychotherapy?
FURTHER READING
● Carr, A. (2009a). What works with children, adolescents and adults?
A review of research on the effectiveness of psychotherapy. London:
Routledge.
● Nathan, P. & Gorman, J. (2007). A guide to treatments that work (third
edition). New York: Oxford University Press.
● Roth, T. & Fonagy, P. (2005). What works for whom? A critical review of
psychotherapy research (second edition). London: Guilford.
WEBSITE
● Society for Psychotherapy Research:
www.psychotherapyresearch.org
and the wider social system of the client, and may be resolved by disrupting
these processes in family therapy.
Family therapy. A psychosocial intervention where the family is the unit of
treatment.
FFT. Functional family therapy, an evidence-based family therapy intervention
for adolescent conduct and drug problems.
Five-factor model of personality traits. A theory which proposes that the ‘Big
5’ personality traits offer the most parsimonious description of personality.
The Big 5 are neuroticism, extraversion, openness to experience, conscien-
tiousness and agreeableness.
Flooding. A behavioural treatment for phobias in which clients are exposed
for a prolonged period to their most anxiety-provoking stimuli until anxiety
responses are extinguished; also called implosion.
Forensic psychology. An applied psychology specialism concerned with the
application of psychology to criminal investigation and the assessment and
treatment of offending behaviour.
FTAI. Family Therapy Association of Ireland. (www.familytherapyireland.com)
GAF. Global Assessment of Functioning scale, a single 100-point scale for
rating the functioning of adult mental health service users.
GAIN. Global Appraisal of Individual Needs, a comprehensive structured
interview for assessing drug use severity and personal, family and school-
related adjustment problems in adolescents.
Gateway drugs. Nicotine, alcohol and cannabis, which may lead to the use of
other drugs such as cocaine and heroin.
Generalized anxiety disorder. Ongoing apprehension that misfortunes of
various sorts will occur and anxiety that this worrying process is uncontrollable.
GRE. Graduate Record Examination. (www.ets.org/gre).
Hallucination. Experiencing a sensation in the absence of an external stimulus.
Harm-avoidance. Interventions such as needle exchanges and safe injection
sites that reduce the harm caused by drug misuse.
HCR-20. Historical, Clinical, Risk Management–20, a rating scale for assessing
risk of violence.
Health psychology. An applied psychology specialism concerned with the
application of psychology to address physical health problems.
Hebephrenic schizophrenia. A form of schizophrenia characterized by
inappropriate or flat affect and disorganization of behaviour and speech.
Histrionic personality disorder. A condition characterized by pervasive
attention-seeking behaviour including inappropriately seductive behaviour
and shallow or exaggerated emotions.
HPA axis. Hypothalamic–pituitary–adrenal axis, a major part of the neuro-
endocrine system involving the hypothalamus, the pituitary gland located
below the hypothalamus, and the adrenal glands (located on top of the
kidneys), which controls stress reactions and other processes including the
immune system, sexuality and digestion, and is dysregulated in anxiety
and mood disorders.
HRS. Hamilton Rating Scale, for rating severity of depressive symptoms in adults.
HSE. Health Service Executive (www.hse.ie), the Irish public health service.
Hull University. The only university in the UK or Ireland that offers an integrated
6-year BSc/DClinPsych (www2.hull.ac.uk).
Humanistic psychotherapy. An overarching term for approaches to explaining
psychological problems using the concepts of self-actualization, the self, the
ideal self and the organism, and treating such problems with non-directive
client-centred therapy.
Thought insertion. The feeling that thoughts in one’s mind are not one’s
own, ‘explained’ by the delusion that they have been inserted by an outside
agency.
Thought withdrawal. The feeling that thoughts are missing from one’s mind,
‘explained’ by the delusion that they have been withdrawn by an outside
agency.
Token economy. A therapeutic system used in residential or inpatient settings,
based on learning theory, in which tokens are used as secondary reinforcers
to encourage patients to engage in positive behaviours and to use adaptive
skills. Tokens earned for completing positive behaviours or using adaptive
skills may be exchanged for privileges or valued items.
Transference-focused psychotherapy. An evidence-based psychodynamic
treatment for borderline personality disorder.
Transference. The unconscious repetition in significant adult relationships
of relationship patterns that occurred in childhood with parents. People
unconsciously transfer feelings that they had towards their parents onto
their partners, friends, colleagues and psychotherapists. In psychoanalytic
practice, interpreting transference is a central aspect of therapy.
Transtheoretical stages of change model. An integrative model, widely
influential in the field of drug use and health behaviour, which proposes
that therapeutic change involves movement through the stages of pre-
contemplation, contemplation, preparation, action and maintenance, and
that interventions must be designed to suit the client’s stage of change.
UCD. University College Dublin (www.ucd.ie), which runs one of the five clinical
psychology training programmes in Ireland.
UKCP. UK Council for Psychotherapy (www.psychotherapy.org.uk)
UL. University of Limerick (www.ul.ie), which runs one of the five clinical
psychology training programmes in Ireland.
Unconscious. In psychoanalytic theory, a set of processes, of which the
individual is unaware, that motivate behaviour.
WIAT. Wechsler Individual Achievement Test, a widely used set of attainment
tests for school-aged children. It is now in its third revision. It is designed to
be interpreted in conjunction with the WISC.
Wilderness/adventure therapy. A psychotherapeutic treatment for drug
problems and antisocial behaviour where adolescents are challenged to take
risks and master skills by doing outdoor activities in a ‘wilderness’ location
away form their home community.
WISC. Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children, the most widely used intelligence
test for school-aged children in the world. It is now in its fourth revision. It is
a downward extension of the WAIS.
WPPSI. Wechsler Preschool and Primary Scale of Intelligence, a widely used
intelligence test for preschoolers. It is now in its third revision. It is a downward
extension of the WISC.
Carr, A. (2009a). What works with children, adolescents and adults? A review of
research on the effectiveness of psychotherapy. London: Routledge.
Carr, A. (2009b). The effectiveness of family therapy and systemic interventions
for child-focused problems. Journal of Family Therapy, 31, 3–45.
Carr, A. (2009c). The effectiveness of family therapy and systemic interventions
for adult-focused problems. Journal of Family Therapy, 31, 46–74.
Carr, A. (2011). Positive psychology: The science of happiness and human
strengths (second edition). London: Routledge.
Carr, A., & McNulty, M. (2006). Handbook of adult clinical psychology: An
evidence based practice approach. London: Brunner-Routledge.
Carr, A., O’Reilly, G., Walsh, P., & McEvoy, J. (2007). Handbook of intellectual
disability and clinical psychology practice. London; Brunner-Routledge.
Casey, R. J., & Berman, J. S. (1985). The outcome of psychotherapy with
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Cassidy, J., & Shaver, P. (2008). Handbook of attachment (second edition).
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Cassin, S., & von Ranson, K. M. (2005). Personality and eating disorders: A
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