MID-TERM

Case Study 1: What Happened in the Cavite Mutiny?

The year 1872 is a historic year of two events: the Cavite
Mutiny and the martyrdom of the three priests: Mariano Gomez, Jose
Burgos, and Jacinto Zamora, later on immortalized as GOMBURZA.
These events are very important milestones in Philippine history and
have caused ripples throughout time, directly influencing the
decisive events of the Philhppine Revolution toward the end of the
century. While the significance is unquestioned, what made this year
controversial are the ditferent sides to the story, a battle of
perspectives supported by primary sources. ln this case study, we
zoom in to the events of the Cavite Mutiny, a major factor in the
awakening of nationalism among the Filipinos of that time.
Spanish Accounts of the Cavite Mutiny
The documentation of Spanish historian Jose Montero y Vidal
centered on how the event was an attempt in overthrowing the
Spanish government in the Philippines. Although regarded as a
historian, his account of the mutiny was criticized as woefully biased
and rabid for a scholar. Another account from the official report
written by then Governor General Rafael Izquierdo implicated the
native
clergy, who were then, active in the movement toward secularization
of parishes. These two accounts corroborated each other.
Primary Source: Excerpts from Montero's Account of the
Cavity Mutiny
Source: Jose Monteroy Vidal, "Spanish Version of the Cavite Mutiny of
1872," in Gregorio Zaide and Sonia Zaide, Documentary Sources of
Philippine History, Volume 7 (Manila: National Book Store, 1990),
269- 273.
The abolition of privileges enjoyed by the laborers of the Cavite
arsenal of exemption from the tribute was, according to some, the
cause of the insurrection. There were, however, other causes. The
Spanish revolution which overthrew a secular throne, the
propaganda carried on by an unbridled press against monarchical
principles, attentatory [sic] of the most sacred respects towards the
dethroned majesty; the democratic and republican books and
pamphlets; the speeches and preachings of the apostles of these
new ideas in Spain; the outbursts of the American publicists and the
eriminal policy ot the senseless Governor whom the Revolutionary
government sent to govern the Philippines, and who put into practice
these ideas were the determining circumstances which gave rise,
among certain Filipinos, to the idea of attaining their independence.
It was towards this goal that they started to work, with the powerful
assistance of a certain section of the native clergy, who out of spite
toward friars, made common cause with the enemies of the mother
country.
At various times but especlally in the beginning of year 1872,
the authorities received anonymous communications with the
information that a great uprising would break out against the
Spaniards, the minute the fleet at Cavite left for the South, and that
all would be assassinated, including the friars. But nobody gave
importance to these notices. The conspiracy had been going on
Since the days of La Torre with utmost secrecy. At times, the
principal leaders met either in the house of Filipino Spaniard, D.
Joaquin Pardo de Tavera, or in that of the native priest, Jacinto
Zamora, and these meetings were usually attended by the curate of
Bacoor, the soul of the movement, whose energetic character and
immense wealth enabled him to exerc1se a strong infuence.
Primary Source: Excerpts from the Official Report of
Governor Izquierdo on the Cavite Mutiny of 1872
Source: Rafael Izquierdo, "Official Report on the Cavite Mutiny," in
Gregorio Zaide and Sonia Zaide, Documentary Sources of Philippine
History, Volume 7 (Manila: National Book Store, 1990), 281-286.
...It seems definite that the insurrection was motivated and prepared
by the native clergy, by the mestizos and native lawyers, and by
those known here as abogadillos..
The instigators, to carry out their criminal project, protested
against the injustice of the government in not paying the provinces
for their tobacco crop, and against the usury that some practice in
documents that the Finance department gives crop owners who have
to sell them at a loss. They encouraged the rebellion by protesting
what they called the injustice of having obliged the workers in the
Cavite arsenal to pay tribute starting January 1 and to render
personal service, from which they were formerly exempted..
Up to now it has not been clearly determined if they planned to
establish a monarchy or a republic, because the Indios have no word
in their language to describe this different form of government,
Whose head in Filipino would be called hari; but it turns out that they
would place at the head of the government a priest.. that the head
selected would be D. Jose Burgos, or D. Jacinto ZamOrä. Such is... the
plan of the rebels, those who guided them, and the means they
counted upon for its realization.
It is apparent that the accounts underscore the reason for the
"revolution": the abolition of privileges enjoyed by the workers of the
Cavite arsenal such as exemption trom payment of tribute and being
employed in polos y servicios, or force labor. They also identified
other reasons which seemingly made the issue a lot more serious,
which included the presence of the native clergy, who, out of spite
aganst the Spanish friars, "conspired and supported the rebels.
Izquierdo, in an obviously biased report, highlighted that attempt to
overthrow the Spanish government in the Philippines to install a new
"hari in the persons of Fathers Burgos and Zamora. According to him,
native clergy attracted supporters by giving them charismatic
assurance that their fight would not fail because they had God's
support, aside from promises of lofty rewards such as employment,
wealth, and ranks in the army.
In the Spaniard's accounts, the event of 1872 was
premeditated, and was part of a big conspiracy among the educated
leaders, mestizos, lawyers, and residents of Manila and Cavite. They
allegedly plan to liquidate high ranking Spanish officers, then kill the
friars. The signal they identified among these conspirators of Manila
and Cavite was the rockets fired from Intramuros.
The accounts detail that on 20 January 1872, the district of
Sampaloc celebrated the feast of the Virgin of Loreto, and came with
it were some fireworks display. The Caviteños allegedly mistook this
as the signal to commence with the attack. The 200-men contingent
led by Sergeant Lamadrid attacked Spanish officers at sight and
seized the arsenal. Izquierdo, upon learning of the attack, ordered
the reinforcement of the Spanish forces in Cavite to quell the revolt.
The "revolution was easily crushed, when the Manileños who were
expected to aid the Caviteños did not arrive. Leaders of the plot were
killed in the resulting skirmish, while Fathers Gomez, Burgos, and
Zamora were tried by a court-martial and sentenced to be executed.
Others wno were implicated such as Joaquin Pardo de Tavera,
Antonio Ma.Regidor, Jose and Pio Basa, and other Filipino lawyers
were suspended from the practice of law, arrested, and sentenced to
life imprisonment at the Marianas Island. Izquierdo dissolved the
native regiments of artillery and ordered the creation of an artillery
force composed exclusively by Peninsulares.
On 17 February 1872, the GOMBURZA were executed to serve
as a threat to Filipinos never to attempt to fight the Spaniards again.
Differing Accounts of the Events of 1872
Two other primary accounts exist that seem to counter the
accounts of Izquierdo and Montero. First, the account of Dr. Trinidad
Hermenegildo Pardo de Tavera, a Pilipino scholar and researcher,
who wrote a Filipino version of the bloody incident in Cavite.
Primary Source: Excerpts from Pardo de Tavera's Account of
the Cavite Mutiny
Source: Trinidad Pardo de Tavera, "Filipino Version of the Cavity
Mutiny," in Gregorio Zaide and Sonia Zaide, Documentary Sources of
Philippine History, Volume 7 (Manila: National Book Store, 1990), 274
280.
This uprising among the soldiers in Cavite was used as s
powerful level by the Spanish residents and by the friars. the Central
Government in Madrid had announced its intention to deprive the
friars in these islands of powers of intervention in matters of civil
government and of the direction and management of the university ..
it was due to these facts and promises that the Filipinos had great
hopes of an improvement in the affairs of their country, while the
friars, on the other hand, feared that their power in the colony would
soon be complete a thing of the past.
...Up to that time there had been no intention of secession from
Spain, and the only aspiration of the people was. to secure the
material and education advancement of the country...
 According to this account, the incident was merely a mutiny by
Filipino soldiers and laborers of the Cavite rsenal to the
dissatisfaction arising from the draconian policies of Izquierdo, such
as the abolition of privileges and the prohibition of the founding of
the school of arts and trades tor Filpinos, which the General saw as a
smokescreen to creating a political club.
Tavera is of the opinion that the Spanish friars and Izquierdo
used the Cavite Mutiny as a way to address other issues by blowing
out oE proportion the isolated mutiny attempt. During this time, the
Central Government in Madrid was planning to deprive the friars of
all the powers ot lntervention in matters of civil government and
direction and management ot educational institutions. The friars
needed something to justity their continuing dominance in the
country, and the mutiny provided such opportunity.
However, the Central Spanish Government introduced an
educational decree fusing sectarian schools run by the friars into a
school called the Philippine Institute. The decree aimed to improve
the standard of education in the Phiippines by requiring teaching
positions in these schools to be filled by competitive examinations,
an improvement welcomed by most Filipinos.
Another account, this time by French writer Edmund Plauchut,
complemented Tavera's account and analyzed the motivations of the
1872 Cavite Mutiny.
Primary Source: Excerpts from Plauchut's Account of the
Cavite Mutiny
Source: Edmund Plauchut, The Cavite Mutiny of 1872 and the
Martyrdom of Gom-Bur-Za," in Gregorio Zaide and Sonia Zaide,
Documentary Souroces of Philippine History, Volume 7 (Manila:
National Book Store, 1990), 251-268.
General La Torre.. created a junta composed of high officials...
including some friars and six Spanish officials.... At the same time
there was created by the government in Madrid a committee to
investigate the same problems submitted to the Manila committee.
When the two finished work, it was found that they came to the
same conclusions. Here is the summary of the reforms they
considered necessary to introduce:
1. Changes in tariff rates at customs, and the methods of collection.
2. Removal of surcharges on foreign importations.
3.Reduction of export fees
4. Permission for foreigners to reside in the Philippines, buy real
estate, enjoy freedom of worship, and operate commercial transports
fiying the Spanish fiag.
5.Establishment of an advisory council to inform the Mnister of
Overseas Affairs in Madrid on the necessary retorms to be
implemented.
6. Changes in primary and secondary education.
7. Establishment of an Institute of Civil Administration in the
Philippines, rendering unnecessary the sending home of short-term
civil officials every time there is a change of ministry.
8. Study of direct-tax system.
9. Abolition of the tobacco monopoly.
...The arrival in Manila of General Izquierdo... put a sudden end to all
dreams of reforms... the prosecutions instituted by the new Governor
General were probably expected as a result of the bitter disputes
between the Filipino clerics and the triars. Such a policy must really
end in a strong desire on the part ot the other to repress cruelly.
In regard to schools, it was previously decreed that there
should be in Manila a Society of Arts and Trades to be opened in
March of 1871... to repress the growth of liberal teachings, General
Izquierdo suspended the opening of the school... the day previous to
the scheduled inauguration..
The Filipinos had a duty to render service on public roads
construction and pay taxes every year. But those who were
employed at the maestranza ot the artillery, in the engineering
shops and arsenal of Cavite, were exempted trom this obligation
from time immemorial... Without preliminaries of any kind, a decree
by the Governor withdrew from such old employees their retirement
privileges and declassified them into the ranks ot those who worked
on public roads.
The friars used the incident as a part ot a larger conspiracy to
cement their dominance, which had started to show cracks because
of the discontent of the Filipinos. They showcased the mutiny as part
of a greater conspiracy in the Philippines by Fipinos to overthrow the
Spanish Government. Unintentionally, and more so, propheticaly, the
Cavite Mutiny of 1872 resulted in the martyrdom ot GOMBURZA, and
paved the way to the revolution culminating in 1898.
 The GOMBURZA is the collective name of the three
martyred priests Mariano Gomez, Jose Burgos, and Jacinto
Zamora, Who were tagged as the masterminds of the Cavite
Mutiny. They were prominent Filipino priests charged with treason
and sedition. It is believed that the Spanish clergy connected the
priests to the mutiny as part or a conspiracy to stifle the
movement of secular priests who desired to have their own
parishes instead of being merely assistants to the regular friars.
The GOMBURZA were executed by garrote in public, a scene
purportedly witnessed by a young Jose Rizal.
Their martyrdom is widely accepted as the dawn of
Philippine nationalism in the nineteenth century, with Rizal
dedicating his second novel, El Filibusterismo, to their memory:

“The Government, by enshrouding your trial in

mystery and pardoning your co-accused, has suggested
that some mistake was committed when your fate was
decided; and the whole of the Philippines, in paying
homage to your memory and calling you martyrs, totally
rejects your guilt. The Church, by refusing to degrade
you, has put in doubt the crime charged against you.

Case Study 3: Where Did the Cry of Rebellion Happen?

Momentous events swept the Spanish colonies in the late
nineteenth century, including the Philippines. Journalists of the time
referred to the phrase El Grito de Rebelion" or "Cry of Rebellion" to
mark the start of these revolutionary events, identifying the places
where it happened. In the Philippines, this happened in August 1896,
northeast of Manila, where they declared rebellion against the
Spanish colonial government. These events are important markers in
the history of colonies that struggled for their independence against
their colonizers.
The controversy regarding this event stems from the
identification of the date and place where the Cry happened.
Prominent Filipino historian Teodoro Agoncillo emphasizes the event
when Bonifacio tore the cedula or tax receipt before the Katipuneros
who also did the same. Some writers identified the first military
event with the Spaniards as the moment of the Cry, for which, Emilio
Aguinaldo commissioned an "Himno de Balintawak to inspire the
renewed struggle after the Pact of the Biak-na-Bato failed. A
monument to the Heroes of 1896 was erected in what is now the
intersection of Epifanio de los Santos (EDSA) Avenue and Andres
Bonifacio Drive-North Diversion road, and from then on until 1962,
the Cry of Balintawak was celebrated every 26th of August. The site
of the monument was cho8en for an unknown reason.
Different Dates and Places of the Cry
Various accounts of the Cry give different dates and places. A
guardia civil, Lt. Olegario Diaz, identified the Cry to have happened
in Balintawak on 25 August 1896. Teodoro Kalaw, Filipino historian,
marks the place to be in Kangkong, Balintawak, on the last week of
August 1896. Santiago Alvarez, a Katipunero and son of Mariano
Alvarez, leader of the Magdiwang faction in Cavite, put the Cry in
Bahay Toro in Quezon City on 24 August 1896. Pio Valenzuela,
known Katipunero and privy to many events concerning the
Katipunan stated that the Cry happened in Pugad Lawin on 23
August 1896. Historian Gregorio Zaide identified the Cry to have
happened in Balintawak on 26 August 1896, while Teodoro Agoncillo
put it at Pugad Lawin on 23 August 1896, according to statements by
Pio Valenzuela. Research by historians Milagros Guerrero, Emmanuel
Encarnacion, and Ramon Villegas claimed that the event took place
in Tandang Sora's barn in Gulod, Barangay Banlat, Quezon City, on
24 August 1896.
Primary Source: Accounts of the
Cry Guillermo Masangkay
Source: Guillermo Masangkay, "Cry of Balintawak" in Gregorio Zaide
and Sonia Zaide, Documentary Sources of Philippine History, Volume
8 (Manila: National Book Store, 1990), 307-309.
On August 26th, a big meeting was held in Balintawak, at the
house of Apolonio Samson, then cabeza of that barrio of Caloocan.
Among those who attended, I remember, were Bonifacio, Emilio
Jacinto, Aguedo del Rosario, Tomas Remigio, Briccio Pantas, Teodoro
Plata, Pio Valenzuela, Enrique Pacheco, and Francisco Carreon. They
were all leaders of the Katipunan and composed the board of
directors of the organization. Delegates from Bulacan, Cabanatuan,
Cavite, and Morong were also present.
At about nine o'clock in the morning of August 26, the meeting
was opened with Andres Bonifacio presiding and Bmilio Jacinto acting
as secretary. The purpose was to discuss when the uprising was to
take place. Teodoro Plata, Briccio Pantas, and Pio Valenzuela were all
opposed to starting the revolution too early... Andres Bonifacio,
sensing that he would lose in the discussion then, left the session
hall and talked to the people, who were waiting outside for the result
of the meeting of the leaders. He told the people that the leaders
were
arguing against starting the revolution early, and appealed to them
in a fiery speech in which he said: "You remember the tate of our
countrymen who were shot in Bagumbayan. Should we return now to
the towns, the Spaniards will only shoot us. Our organization has
been discovered and we are all marked men. If we don't start the
uprising, the Spaniards will get us anyway. What then, do you say?
"Revolt!" the people shouted as one.
Bonifacio then asked the people to give a pledge that they
were to revolt. He told them that the sign of slavery of the Filipinos
were (Sic) the cedula tax charged each citizen. "If it is true that you
are ready to revolt... I want to see you destroy your cedulas. It will be
a sign that all of us have declared our severance from the Spaniards.
Pio Valenzuela
Source: Pio Valenzuela, "Cry of Pugad Lawin," in Gregorio Zaide and
Sonia Zaide, Documentary Sources of Philippine History, Volume 8
(Manila: National Book Store, 1990), 301-302.
The first place of refuge of Andres Bonifacio, Emilio Jacinto,
Procopio Bonifacio, Teodoro Plata, Aguedo del Rosario, and myself
was Balintawak, the first five arriving there on August 19, and I, on
August 20, 1896. The first place where some 500 members of the
Katipunan met on August 22, 1896, was the house and yard of
Apolonio Samson at Kangkong. Aside from the persons mentioned
above, among those who were there were Briccio Pantas, Alejandro
Santiago, Kamon Bernardo, Apolonio Samson, and others. Here,
views were only exchanged, and no resolution was debated or
adopted. It was at Pugad lawin, the house store-house, and yard of
Juan Ramos, son of Melchora Aquino, where over 1,000 members of
the Katipunan met and carried out considerable debate and
discussion on August 23, 1896. The discussion was on whether or not
the revolution against the Spanish government should be started on
August 29, 1896... After the tumultuous meeting, many of those
present tore their cedula certificates and shouted "Long live the
Philippines! Long live the Philippines!
From the eyewitness accounts presented, there is indeed
marked disagreement among historical witnesses as to the place and
time of the occurrence of the Cry. Using primary and secondary
sources, tour places have been identified: Balintawak, Kangkong,
Pugad Lawin, and Bahay Toro, while the dates vary: 23, 24, 25, or 26
August 1896.
Valenzuela's account should be read with caution: He once told
a Spanish investigator that the "Cry happened in Balintawak on
Wednesday, 26 August 1896. Much later, he wrote in his Memoirs of
the Revolution that it happened at Pugad Lawin on 23 August 1896.
Such inconsistencies in accounts should always be seen as a red fiag
when dealing with primary sources.
According to Guerrero, Encarnacion, and Villegas, all these
places are in Balintawak, then part of Caloocan, now, in Quezon City.
As for the dates, Bonifacio and his troops may have been moving
from one place to another to avoid being located by the Spanish
government, which could explain why there are several accounts of
the Cry.
Self-assessment 4
True or False. Write true if the statement is true. Otherwise, write
false in the space provided.
1. Historical interpretation is based on the historian’s
judgment on how the past should be seen.
2. We make sense of the past through historical interpretation.
3. Multiperspectivity is a quality of historical writing attributed
to a variety of lenses that may be used to view the past.
4. There is only one account of the first Catholic Mass in the
Philippines.
5. The significance of the martyrdom of the GOMBURZA is
questioned by historians.
6. The Cavite Mutiny is an event that led to the extinction of
the GOMBURZA.
7. The Cry of the Rebellion happened in present-day Quezon
City.
8. The site of the monument to the Heroes of 1896 was chosen
because this is the actual place where the Cry of the Rebellion
happened.

TO DO!
Assignment 2
Critical essay about a primary source; students are to discuss the
importance of the text, the authors background, the context of the
document, and its contribution in understanding Philippine History.
Topics will be distributed to you in your group chat. Format and
Rubric
are indicated in the course requirements and Deadlines in your course
guide.

REFERENCES

Candelaria, J. L., & Alphora, V. C. (2018). Readings in Philippine History.

Quezon City: Rex Printing Company, inc.
Torres, J. V. (2018). BATIS Sources in Philippine History. Quezon City: C & E
Publishing, Inc.
Christopher F. B., Raymond E. B, Julie C. L., Fatima F. R., Tecah C. S. (2006)
Philippine History Coursebook, Trinitas Publishing. INC.
 Chapter/ Module 3: Occupations in the Philippines

LEARNING OBJECTIVES

 Describe and analyze the reaction of the early Filipinos

to Spanish Occupation
 Analyze the different economic policies of the Americans in
the Philippines that made impact to the society during and
after the American rule
 Effectively communicate and articulate the historical
analysis of a particular evemt or issue that could help other
people understand and manage present dat issues and
concerns.
Lesson 1. Spanish Occupation in The Philippines
Lesson 1.1: Spanish Colonial Way of Life
a. Spanish Colonial Experience
The Spanish Expansion is a result of various forces. Aside from
the Philippines, the Spaniards have already colonized parts of South,
North, and Central America. The inclusion of the Philippines resulted
out of the attempts of Spaniards to control the spice trade in the
Moluccas islands. Aside from the interests in spices, Spain had been
motivated by its mercantilist nature or accumulation wealth in the
form of gold. This was simultaneous with the invention of new
technologies needed for exploration like the compass and sextant.
Maps were also refined at this time that greatly aided the explorers.
Before Spain actually decided to occupy the Philippines, two
noted voyages already reached the Philippines. This was Magellan
voyage in 1521 and the Villalobos voyage in 1543. These did not
start Spanish colonialism although they provide information and fed
the interest of the Spanish government to finally take the islands. In
1565, Legaspi carried the Spanish flag and set up in the Philippine
islands another colony for Spain. This commenced the Spanish
colonial rule in the Philippines.
Exploration and colonization during this time were realized
through contractual agreements between the Crown and the
Conquistadores. In essence, the Consquistadores conquered for
Spain but they shall share in the riches of the new territories they
conquered. Thus, conquistadores like Legaspi instituted measures
both for the pacification of the people and the satisfaction of their
private goals. It is within this frame that we understand that the
pacification efforts of the colonizers were also coupled with
exploitation.
 b. Instruments of Pacification and Exploitation
Encomienda. A system of organizing territories to be under the
care of an Encomendero. It was an administrative unit for the
purpose of exacting tributes from the natives. The Encomendero unit
for the purpose of extracting tributes from the natives. The
Encomendero had the power to collect tributes and to use the
personal services of the inhabitants of the encomienda. The
Encomienda shall take care of the welfare of the natives.
1. Protect natives by maintaining peace and order
2. Support missionaries in conversion to Catholicism
3. Help in defense of country.
The services are compensated from the shares an
Encomendero can get from the tributes and the services of the
natives. So, while the system was meant to facilitate the
organization and administration of the colony, the Encomendero
gave a negative image to it. This system was characterized by greed
and cruelty. It was an opportunity for one to enrich oneself primarily
by collection of tribute or unlawful exaction of numerous services.
a. Tributor. This is levying of tax to all Filipinos aged 19-60
except government employees, soldiers with distinguished services,
decendants of Lakandula and some few native chieftains, choir
members, sacristans, porters of the church, and government
witnesses. The alcalde mayors, encomendero, gobernadorcillo, and
the cabezas acted as tribute collectors.
The Spanish form of “taxation” was by itself heavy for the
native. But this was aggravated by the force and abuses that
accompanied its implementation. Soldiers were used to escort tax
collectors to force collection and these often resulted to violence.
Worst, of course, is the act of collecting much more than what the
law required by the tax collectors.
The abusive nature of this policy is evidenced by the fact that
Filipinos who joined the revolts later on cite the exploitative nature of
tribute collection as a chief cause. In Apayao, for example, they
constructed tribute as a monster that could kill people. The
understanding is borne by the fact that the Ilokanos who entered the
Apayao territory related that they were scared of the tribute that has
killed several of them.
b. Polo Y Servicio. This is another colonial policy that obliged
male natives aged 16-60 except chieftains and their eldest son to
serve 40 days each year in labor pools. The labor pools refer to the
site of labor that were mostly of construction kind. The natives were
asked to build buildings both for the church and the government.
They were also made to make roads and build ships.
This policy was meant to help set up of government
infrastructure and the laborers were even given ration of rice and
paid minimal amounts. There were other regulations to ensure the
protection of the workers. In practice though, all these regulations
were violated. Laborers were not paid and were not given any rice
ration. The policy became insensitive to the need of the communities
so that it was still enforced in time of planting or harvest seasons.
In the end, polo y servicio became a forced labot that
contributed to famine experiences and the destruction of
communities.
c. Bandala. This is another policy meant to augment the
finances of the colonial government. It required the compulsory sale
of products to the government. Communities were given quotas to
produce and sold only to the government. The prices set by the
government were lower than the prevailing prices of these products
but were sold back to the people for a high price. This practice
formed natives to be indebted to the chieftain entrenching the socio-
economic position of the chief. In worst cases, which was usually the
case, farmers were not paid at all of their produce and were given
promissory notes. In effect, this policy became a virtual confiscation
of natives’ products.
Divide and Rule: This is a military strategy utilized by the
Spaniards against the natives. In this method, native mercenaries
were used against other groups to beef op limited military
contingency of the Spaniards. Ny its very nature, it was exploitative
as the inter- village warfare tradition of the early Filipinos was
reinforced to serve the interests of the colonizers.
The policies provide clear examples as to how the colonial
policies impacted on the native Filipinos. For them, the policies were
exploitative even if these were just part of the pacification process of
the Spaniards.
These difficulties were compounded by the constant war Spain
was into against the Dutch and Portuguese.
In all the abusive policies, the traditional head of barangay as
the Maginoo and Datu became intermediaries. They were converted
into willing allies of the Colonizers and their powers and authority
were complicated by the colonizers. As traditional barangay
authority, they were used as intermadiaries between the natives and
the Spaniards. Political privilege was also granted by Spaniards as
tribute collectors,
gobernadorcillos and thus helped in mobilizing labor for government
construction of projects. Economically, the Chiefs were given the
opportunity and took advantage of the concept of private property of
land. In the end, the traditional chiefs were transformed into a willing
ally and were called principals. One can see the prestige of
principalia in the social hierarchy of the period. Of the native
Filipinos, they were ranked higher next to the Spaniards.
Self-assessment Task 1
Compare and contrast the administration of the local government
units during the Spanish period with those of the present.
Spanish Period Present

Conclusion:
Lesson 1.2: Filipino Nationalism
a. Early Revolts and Resistance
Given the exploitive nature of Spanish colonialism, early
Filipinos chose to revolt against the regime. Among the earliest
revolts were those by Lakandula in Manila. Revolts became an
indispensable response of early Filipinos to Spanish Rule. Revolts
became an indispensable response of early Filipinos to Spanish rule.
In the 1600’s nativistic revolts characterized the reactions of the
people towards the Spanish rule. More complicated revolts continued
up to the 1700’s. the earlier revolts could be generalized as revolts
from ordinary natives. These revolts could be generalized as revolts
from ordinary natives. These revolts include Tamblot, Bankaw,
Tapar, Dagohoy, Sumuroy, Dabao, and others. Since many of the
leaders of these revolts were babaylanes, or traditional priests, one
of important underlying objective was to go back to old native
religion (nativistic). As such leaders emerge as self-proclaimed
messiahs saving the people from evil effects of colonization.
The second group of revolts were those initiated by local
chiefs, or the princiipales, whose type of leadership are already
complicated by Spanish ways. This type of revolt manifested class
interest where the mass revolts were taken advantage of in the
desire to seize power for themselves. This is why many of these were
open to compromises. Examples of this type of revolt are the revolts
of Maniago, Malong, Gumapos, Palaris, Silang, and others.
Both types of revolts, however, contained the desire to
improve the hardship brought about by the colonial rule. Economic
grievance remained the primary reason why people supported
groups and leaders versus Spaniards.

b. The Igorot Resistance to Spanish Interests and the Price

of Igorot Independence
The Igorots, together with the Muslims in Mindanao were the
two biggest groups that were not colonized by the Spaniards. During
the entire 300 plus years of Spanish rule, these groups remained
independent. This work shall consider only the Igorot resistance.
A note on the word Igorot should be made. Historically
speaking, the groups that were referred by Spanish documents as
Igorots were the inhabitants of Benguet and Bontoc. Other groups in
the Cordillera region were called distint names such as Mandayas for
the Apayao, Itneg for the upper Abra area, Ifugao for Ifugaos. This
would explain
the reluctance of many people outside Benguet and Bontoc to be
considered as Igorots. Etymologically, Igorot was coined with the use
pf two old Austronesian words as “gorot”, meaning mountain, and “I”
referring to the source/place or from where one belongs. It is
etymological sense that this work adopts the word Igorot to refer to
all people in the Cordillera as Igorots or “from the mountains.”
The Spaniards entered the Cordillera for many reasons but
gold was initially the primary aim. As soon as the colonizers learned
of Igorot gold in the region, expeditions were immediately sent to
secure it. In the 1600, several attempts like those of Aldana, Carino,
and Quirante. They have taken samples of ores and were brought to
Manila for tests. The attempt at reducing the Igorots to Christianity
was another motivation for the Spaniards. The Augustinians entered
the mountain from the Ilocos areas while the Dominicans penetrated
Ifugao in the east. Another reason for Spanish intrusion into the
Cordillera was simply to extend the conquered territories or to
protect the conquered areas of the lowlands.
Still another motivations was the punitive expeditions, which
were meant to punish the Igorots for the resistance they have been
showing. However, it was the sabotage of the tobacco monopoly that
really angered the Spaniards to sponsor succeeding punitive
expeditions against the Igorots. The most successful of these
expeditions was the Galvey expedition. Guillermo Galvey led a 10-
year campaign against the Igorots from 1829-1839, burning tobacco
plantations and communities, and crushing Igorot opposition. It was
the Galvey expeditions that finally opened the region to Spanish
conquest. By the later part of 1840’s up to the 1950’s, the Spaniards
were able to set up military posts in key areas in the Cordillera.
These posts were called Commandancia Politico-Militares, which
were manned by military people and intended for collection of taxes.
Confronted by the instrusions, the Igorots responded in
different ways but almost always resisting all the plans of the
intruders. In many instances, Igorots simply abandoned their
communities when they learn of Spanish arrival. They would retreat
into deeper parts of the mountain and wait until the Spaniards are
gone. If the Igorots were ready, though, they would engage the
Spanish troops with their traditional weapons as spears, head axes,
and bolos. Although the Igorot weapons were of inferior kind, they
relied heavily on ambushes utilizing the mountainous landscape to
their advantages. In some recorded instances, the Igorots used the
weaknesses of the Spanish weapons they came to learn and won
over the more supposedly superior weapons.
 In the Christianization efforts, the Spaniards were able to
convert some Igorots into Christianity. Most of these converts have
been relocated in the lowland areas of Ilocos, La Union and Nueva
Viscaya. Overall through, the Igorots remained pagans.
Whereabout of their gold have also been denied to Spaniards
and other foreigners.
These responses have been largely successful so that at the
end of the Spanish colonial rule, the Igorots remained independent.
A discussion of the Igorot resistance is incomplete without
considering the price that the Igorots had to pay for their freedom.
One is the periodic destruction of homes. Most often than not,
the Spaniards burned villages along their route. These were
reconstructed by the Igorots only to be destructed with the next
Spanish expedition.
Another is the estrangement between the lowlanders and the
Igorots. Before Spanish colonization, it has been the case that the
two were partners in trade. The lowlanders brought up salt, animals,
threads, and fish to the highlands. Igorots brought down gold,
beeswax, and other forest products. With the colonization of the
lowlands and the resistance of Igorots, the friendly relation soured.
This is basically because lowlanders were colonized while the Igorots
remained independent. Specifically, the lowlanders were used by the
Spaniards in their attempts at subjugating the Igorots. The
lowlanders usually accompanied the colonizers as guides and
soldiers. One can add the long period of time that the Spaniards
have portrayed negative images of Igorots to lowlanders painting
them as “headhunters”, “pagans”, and “savages”.
After the period of colonization, it became ironic that the
Filipinos who resisted colonialism were indifferently treated by later
Philippine government. They have often been understood as the
others or the “minority”. As minority, the state has ignored them for
a long time and has used their territories only as sources of raw
materials. In the 1970’s the Marcos government ignored the please
of Igorot of Bontoc and Kalinga not to build the dams along the Chico
River. It was only stopped when resistance included international
groups and the local resistance became violent
c. Campaign for Reforms
The unjust execution of the three Filipino priests Mariano
Gomez, Jose Burgos, and Jacinto Zamora was a turning point in
Philippine history, for it ushered in a new era – the reform movement.
Realizing the danger of fighting for their cause on the home front,
the sons of the wealthy and the well-to-do Filipino families migrated
to Europe to breath the free atmosphere of the Old World. There
they initiated a sustained campaign for reforms in the Spanish
administration of the Philippines. In the homeland, meanwhile, the
Filipino intellectuals secretly collaborated with those in Spain and
founded nationalistic societies.
The dissatisfaction of the Filipino men of wealth and intellect
was centered on the abuses of the Spanish authorities, civil as well
as clerical. The middle class denounced Spanish abuses and asked
Spain to make the Philippines one of its provinces. There was no
clamor for independence, for the reformists believed that the
Filipinos would be better off if they were to become Spanish citizens,
enjoying the rights and privileges of the latter. Such a program
constituted what has been known as assimilation.
For more than a decade the Filipino propagandists waged their
war against the Spanish authorities and friars, but they failed to
awaken the Government of the Peninsula to the demoralizing
realities of colonial administration. The reform movement was a
failure for it did not achieve its goals. In another sense, however, it
was a success, for its failure led to the founding of the Katipunan
with separatist aims (Agoncillo, 1990).
d. The Katipunan
The Kataastaasan Kagalanggalangang Katipunan ng mga Anak
ng Bayn, otherwise known as KKK or simply Katipunan, was a secret
society that was established by Andres Bonifacio and some of his
comrades on July 7, 1892. This was a significant event for the
Filipinos because it marked the end of the peaceful campaign for
reforms and the beginning of a movement which aimed to end
Spanish oppression by uniting the Filipinos and achieve
independence by means of a revolution.
To increase the number of members of the organization, and to
stop suspicion on the part of the family members, the Katipunan
accepted women members. The women were least suspected by the
Spanish authorities, so they were able to keep important documents
of the society. They also served as messengers and front for the
secret meetings of the organization (Vivar et al., 1999)
The Katipunan became especially popular in the suburbs of
Manila and in the provinces of Central Luzon. But as the number of
its affiliates increased, the Spanish authorities began to suspect its
underground character. The friars began to denounce the nightly
meeting held by Katipuneros and on August 19, 1896, a certain
Patino, a Katipunan member, exposed the society to Fr. Mariano Gil.
With the discovery of the Katipunan, Bonifacio had no alternative
than to take the fieldand on August 23, at pugadlawin, he and his
men declared their intention to fight to the bitter end. The revolution
spread to the other provinces. In cavite, meanwhile, the two factions
of the society were at loggerheads and Bonifacio was invited to
mediate between them. At Tejeros, it was agreed to change the
society with a government responsive to the demands of the times,
and in the election that followed, Bonifacio was chosen Director of
the Interior. Unfortunately, his election was questioned by Daniel
irona. Bonifacio hurt by insult, declared the results of the lection null
and void. In April, he was ordered arrested, tried and executed. The
Filipinos were at that time losing battle after battle. Aguinaldo
retreated to Baiak-na-Bato, where the Republic was founded. Later
in, December, the Truce of Biak-na-Bato was concluded between the
rebels and the Spanish Government. The truce, however, was a
failure (Agoncillo, 1990).
Self-assessment Task 2
1. Discuss the teachings of the KKK. Point out some teachings
that you find useful and helpful in your daily life.

2. Make a chart comparing the Reform Movement and the

Katipunan.

Reform Movement Katipunan Movement

Nature

Aims

Methods

Result
 Conclusion:

Lesson 2: Philippines under the American Regime – Self-

government and developments in the Philippines Under
American Colonial Rule
Lesson 2.1 Self-government and developments in the
Philippines Under American Colonial Rule
a. American Government in The Philippines
a. America’s Policy of Occupation
America’s successful suppression of revolutionary resistance
against their colonial rule forced the Filipino elite to shift to an
alternative of peaceful struggle for independence. Using an altruistic
policy for the Philippines, the United States, under President Willliam
Mckinley, enticed the Filipino elites into a compromise with American
Colonialism. Many of the Filipino elite Leaders especially the
“Illustrados,” began to adhere to the well-stated US Policy of
President Mckinley in his message to the US Congress stressing that
the Philippines is theirs not to exploit but to develop, to civilize, to
educate, and to train in the science of self-government. In reality,
behind this policy declaration was America’s other colonial
objectives, as follows:
1. To pursue a “manifest destiny” for America as a world
power
2. To use the Philippines as a source of raw materials for
US industries and as market for US manufactured
surplus products
3. To use the Philippines as a military and naval base to
balance the power in Asia
4. To have a refueling port for American ships servicing
their interest in Chine
These ulterior motives of America’s colonial rule later became a
reality when the US government gained complete control of the
Philippine archipelago politically. Finding no other way to repel
American motives, the Filipinos painfully succumbed to
compromising their sovereignty to colonialism by way of serving
under American military and civilian rule in the Philippines.
a. Filipino involvement in American Government in the Philippines
(1899-1913)
In preparation for the foundation of a civilian government in the
Philippines, the three successive terms of American military
governors, namely General Wesley Merrit (August 16, 1898), General
Elwell S. Otis (1898-1900), and General Arthur McArthur (1900-
1901), focused on pacifications of campaigns. To win the support of
Filipino Elites, the Americans used a subtle strategy of conquest by
introducing the American school system to civilize and educate
Filipinos to embrace democracy. They organized civil courts and
appointed Filipino jurists. They established towns and provinces and
installed pro-American local leaders to participate in local
governmental affairs as apprentices of the American system of
governance.
To train Filipinos to govern their constituencies in the way
Americans want them to towards achieveing their unterior motives,
the first election was held by Gen. Henry W. Lawton in Baliwag,
Bulacan. These patterns of pacification campaign which were
employed successfully in Luzon, Visayas, and Mindanao resulted in
readiness of Filipino elite leaders to collaborate with the US
government in the Philippines.
In the central American government, those Filipino elites who
believed in the sovereighnty of the US over the Philippines were
appointed to top executive, legislative, and judicial positions by
being members of the First Philippine Commission, otherwise known
as the Schurman Comission (1899), and the Second Philippine
Commission (1900) also known as the “Taft Commission.”. there
were three reasons why Filipino elite leaders opted to collaborate
with the American authorities. The first reason was to preserve the
security of their privileges as there was a growing demand from the
masses for the redistribution of economic benefits and resources.
The second reason was the elite class, distrust of the masses,
nothing that some of them were branded as bandits or trouble
makers, ignorant people who possess questionable moral conduct.
Thirdly, the elite could not entrust their interests and future to the
masses, thus, by co-opting with the Americans, they were assured of
the protection of their wealth, power, and prestige. To the
Americans, the pro-American attitude of the Filipino elites was
advantageous to their colonial purposes and economic interests in
the Philippines.
 Collaborative participation of cultural communities in Luzon,
Visayas, and Mindanao was gained through the efforts of American
teachers and missionaries who played their roles in domestication
the tribal leaders. Datus and sultans in Mindanao were used as key
persons in their strategy for collaboration, giving them roles as
promoters of social services to effect social re-orientation favorable
to American interests.
In the Cordilleras, the Americans used a strategy to win the
Ifugaos, and Kalingas to cooperate and accept American rule. The
head-hunting skirmishes between and among the Cordillera tribes,
as weel as the disputes over territorial boundaries and hostilities,
were stopped either with the use of firepower for pacification or with
a compromise settlement. When firepower was not too effective, the
Americans shifted to benevolent treatment of the natives to impress
on them their image as benefactors. Establishment of American local
governments in the Cordillera proved successful after Cordillera
natives were appointed as mayors or cabecillos. Ifugaos who did not
make it to political positions were recruited into the American
Constabulary as regular soldiers who were paid generously.
In Southern Mindanao, the American approach to establish
collaboration was a political co-existence characterized by mutual
respect for personal property and political rights. The sultanate form
of govenmnet of the datus and sultans was a formidable block to
improve American political presence in Mindanao. Sa as not to
agitate the Sultans and datus from usurping their authorities as
leaders of the sultanate government, American authorities
negotiated and concluded treaties with Muslim leaders such as the
Bates Treaty (1899) and later, the Carpenter-Kiriam Agreement
(1905). Consequently, these treaties with the Muslims led to the
erosion of power of the sultanate and paved the way for the total
imposition of American sovereighnty in all territories of the
sultanate.
b. The Filipinization of American Government in the Philippines
In 1913, Frances Burton Harrison became th e first Democratic
Governor General of the Philippines. His appointment saw the full
implementation of American policies and substancial participation of
Filipinos in government. As his colonial policy, rapid Filipinization of
government in the Philippines gained momentum then he involved
Filipinos in the various levels of the bureaucracy. Unfortunately,
Filipinization in government was only confined to the Filipino elites
who were actually landlords and capitalists and government
employees during the Spanish period, including those who could
read and write.
 Filipinization in government involving the participation of Filipino
elites was suitable to the Americans since it was an aid rather than a
hindrance to colonialism. In the purview of the Americans, keeping
the elite involved in government would be beneficial to American
economic interests in the Philippines, because it warranted economic
partnership between Americans and Filipino landlords and capitalists.
This partnership eventually led to a special relationship between
the American and Filipino land owners and capitalists as manifested
in the so-called “free-trade” which was provided for in the Payne-
Aldrich Tariff of 1909 during the Harrison Era, consequently making
the Philppines a US market of surplus goods in Asia. The American
capitalists enjoyed the lion’s share in the benefits from the free trade
policy. This lopsided effect of free trade policy permeated further not
only in the economic aspect of Filipino life, but also in the political,
social and cultural fields.
c. The Socio-Cultural Effects of Filipinization in Government
during the American Period
The American democratic political structure in the Philippines
which was largely manned by Filipino elites who were trained
under American tutelage in governance improved modern ways of
American democracy. The pro-American Filipino elites were
referred to outsiders as “little brown American.” They insisted
that Filipino traditional ways should be abandoned if not
substituted totally with modern bureaucracy. A new brand of
democracy known as ‘democracy-Filipino style’ emerged. This
style as a trend of Filipinization gave rise to a new breed of
Filipinos who were involved in the introduction of popular
American activities in cultural fields such as sports,
entertainment, education, religion, and the arts.
Despite the fact that American democratic styles have found a
distinct place in Filipino life, Filipino values which were anchored on
Filipino tradition were not abandoned by those who co-opted with the
Americans. Large majority of Filipinos saw no contradictions between
the American values and Filipino tradition. This perception of many
Filipinos was contributory to the Americanization of Filipino lifestyle.
d. The American Policy on Philippine Independence
When Filipino nationalists began their advocacy movements for
autonomy and independence, the American authorities in the
Philippines had no effective response. They viewed nationalist efforts
as mere agitations of the leaders of insular politics. As a palliative
measure to downplay the clamor for self-government and
independence, the American colonial authorities promised
independence as soon as a stable form of government could be
established by them. This was affirmed by the passage of the Jones
Law in 1916 by the US Congress which required the establishment of
a stable government first before independence would be granted.
In 1918, just after the World War 1 ended, the Filipinos began
to agitate for the fulfillment of America’s promise of independence to
the Philippines. They were inspired by their belief that political
pressures and consistent campaign efforts could force the US o
comply with its promise. After 1918. Through the leadership of
Manual L. Quezon, a more sustained effort to end American rule and
the granting of independence to the Philippines was directed to the
legislators in Washington, the US seat of government.
Self-assessment 3
Construct a data chart showing the nature, extent, and implications
of Filipino participation in American colonialism in the Philippines.
Filipino Groups Nature of Extent of Implications
Participation Participation (Effects or
in American in American Consequences)
Colonialism Colonialism

1. The Elite
Filipinos

2. Cultural
Communities
(Indigenous
groups in
Mindanao
and
Cordillera)
Conclusion:

b. The Commonwealth Government

The Commonwealth Government was inaugurated on
November 15, 1935, witnessed by a crowd of more or less 300,000
Filipinos. President-elect Manuel L. Quezon delivered his inaugural
address stressing his historic statement which goes, “I would rather
have a government run like hell by Filipinos rather than a
government run like heaven by the Americans.”
The Commonwealth Government of the Philippines, which
became the realization of the real desire of Filipinos for
independence, was able to accomplish the following achievement.
1. Reorganization of the government by creating new offices,
including the Department of National Defense, the Institute
of National Language, the National Council of Education, the
Filipinization of the Judiciary from the supreme Court down
to the municipal courts, the Court of Appeals, and the Court
of Industrial Relations.
2. Granting of women suffrage, after a special national
plebiscite in which 447, 725 women voted in favor of
women suffrage and 44,397 against it.
3. Creation of new chartered cities, namely: Cebu, Iloilo,
Bacolod, Davao, Zamboanga, San Pablo, Quezon City,
Cavite, and Tagaytay.
4. The adoption of Tagalog as the national language.
5. Promotion of social justice (Eight-hour Labor Act) and the
appointment of public defenders to defend the rights of the
poor laborers in the courts.
6. Compulsory military training of able-bodied Filipino youths,
under the supervision of General Douglas MacArthur.
7. Taking of the 1939 official census of the Philippines.
8. Improvement of the Philippine economy as revealed by the
growth of agriculture, commerce, and industries.
 9. Creation of the Joint Preparatory Committee Philippine
Affairs (JPCPA), which recommend the following, (1)
granting of Philippine Independence on July 4, 1946 and (2)
extension of Philippine-American Preferential trade to
December 31, 1960.
10. Passage of three amendments to the 1935 Philippine
Constitution which were ratified by the national plebiscite
on June 18, 1940.
These amendments were as follows:
a. Tenure of office of the President and Vice-President to
was four years with re-election for another term.
b. Establishment of a bicameral Congress of the Philippines,
with the Senate as Upper House and the House of
Representatives as Lower House.
c. Creation of an Independent Commission on Election
composed of three members to supervise all elections.
Self-assessment 4
a. Tabulate the achievements of the Philippine Commonwealth
according to aspects of Filipino life as follows: social, cultural,
economic and political.

Aspects of Filipino Life Accomplishment of the Philippine

Commonwealth

Social

Cultural

Economic

Political
 b. Based on the table above, which aspect(s) of Filipino life was
greatly advanced by the Philippine Commonwealth? Justify.
Lesson 2.2 Development and Progress Under American Rule
a. Economic and Social Progress under American Rule
Given an era of cooperation and good relations between
American authorities and Filipino leaders, development in the
Philippines took great leaps and bounds. Rapid development in
agriculture, commerce, ang trade soared high. Transportation and
communications were modernized. Banking systems were
established and manufacturing industries grew in big proportions. All
of these were generated as a result of the favorable political and
socio-cultural climate in the Philippines. American businessmen,
capitalists, and industrialists flocked to Philippine soil to establish
their enterprises using local talents and labors.
The economic progress under America did not pass without a
great price on the part of the Filipinos. Local production and business
gave way to accommodate American Products and industries. In
terms of who benefited most in terms of economic progress, the
Filipinos got the least, while American capitalists got the most profit
using Filipino skills and labor.
b. Growth of Agriculture in the Philippines
Agricultural Progress in the Philippines during the American
regime was remarkable for it changed the deplorable state of
Philippine agriculture into a scientifically advanced and modernized
one. The introduction of experimental model farms and livestock
production technology introduced by Americans gradually
empowered Filipino farmers with scientific methods of cultivation.
New breeds of livestock increased production outputs. Modern post-
harvest facilities like warehouses and farm machineries like thresher
and rice hullers were introduced. Irrigation systems and dams were
built. Sugar plantations were established and packaging of farm
products was taught. All of these and other introductions and
innovations spurred the growth of agricultural production in the
Philippines. Unfortunately, majority of Filipino farmers were not
favored much by agricultural developments for reasons that they
remained tillers of the lands of landlords and capitalists.
c. Flourishing of Trade and Commerce
The free trade relations between the US and the
Philippines fostered a giant leap for trade and commerce in the
Philippines. Import and export trade which became a full free trade
in
1913 by virtue of the Underwood-Simons Tariff Act of the US Congress
facilitated the opening of ports all over the country.
However, the trade agreement seemed not to favor the Filipino
much because of the fact that Philippine export products were free
to enter American ports within quota limits while American products
could enter Philippine ports without paying duty taxes to the
Philippines and without quota limits. The crux of inequality was the
fact that there were more imports from America than the export
products of the Filipinos entering the US. THE American capitalists
got greater profits that their Filipino counterparts.
d. Industrial Development
The American period facilitated the Industrial Age in the
Philippines. Factories sprang up in towns and cities, producing
commodities such as cigars, coconut oil, sugar, textile, and cordage
using local resources. Mining industries boomed into huge
international industries. The Philippines became known as a gold
producer and supplier of other minerals such as chromate,
manganese, copper, iron, silver and others. Fishing and fish canning
became major industries, placing the Philippines in the limelight of
the international market as a rich ground for deep-sea fishing.
e. Improvement of Transportation and Communication
The American period affected the modernization of
transportation facilities in the Philippines. Roads and bridges were
constructed, which facilitated transport of products from farms to
ports and markets with ease and convenience. By 1935, there were
already 20,826 kilometers of roads and 8,100 bridges built by
American road builders.
In 1905, telephone system was introduced in Manila. Radio-
telephone services were installed in 1933. Towns and provincial
capitols were inter-connected by radio, telegraph lines, and
telephones. By 1935, more than a thousand mail offices all over the
Philippines were established, facilitating communications though
ordinary mails, telegrams, money orders, packages, and air mail
letters.
These material progress in the Philippines that were achieved
during the American colonial period had an impact on the economic
condition of the Philippines. However, form the perception of Filipino
nationalists, America’s regime in the Philippines transformed the
Philippines into a market of surplus products of the US and a gold
mine of economic resources at the expense of the greater majority
of
Filipinos, who gave so much of the expense of the resources, time,
and talents but received the least of benefits.
f. Social Progress under America
The impact of American public education I the Philippines was
a key factor in the improvement of peace and order conditions in the
country. Democracy as an ideology was emphasized in all schools.
Filipinos became conscious of basic freedoms. Political writers began
to express their views with greater impetus and political
consciousness grew among Filipinos in government. Partisan politics
was allowed, enabling Filipinos to form independent political parties
wherein a great majority of Filipino elites agitated for political
independence.
Filipino cultural life changed dramatically as the English
language became an official medium, not only in schools, but also in
private and public offices. The influx of ideas from the progressive
West acquired through the knowledge and proficiency in English
helped enrich the English language, which was patrionized by
Filipinos, proved itself as the potent force which changed Filipino
cultural life and gave importance to a Western-oriented cultural
environment,
Self-assessment 5
Construct a data chart. List down the developments or results
of American occupation in the Philippines under each aspect of
Filipino life and indicate their positive and negative implications
(consequences or effects). Determine which sector(s) of Filipino
society were benefited most and which the least.

Aspect of Developments Implications Most Least

Filipino (Results of (Consequences Benefited Benefited
American or Effects) Sector(s) Sector(s)
Occupation)

Social

Cultural
 Economic

Political

LESSON 3: The Philippines Under Japanese

Rule Japanese Invasion
During the 10-year period of the Commonwealth government,
Japan arose as Asia’s strongest military power. The Japanese
government, which was controlled by an elite class of military
warriors, embarked on an ambitious scheme to build an economic
empire by uniting all Asian nations against the colonial clutches of
Western imperialist nations. She embarked on a conquest of
expansionism through military invasions over weak countries in Asia.
Her conquests were greatly motivated by her need for territories to
accommodate her excess population and also to have markets for
her surplus manufactured goods.
Establishment of Japanese Military Administration
On January 02, 1942, after the relatively bloodless occupation
of Manila, General Homma, Commander-in-Chief of the Japanese
Imperial Forces in the Philippines, declared the establishment of the
Japanese military administration with the intention of putting under
complete control political, economic, and socio-cultural affairs in
Manila and consequently the whole Philippines. He further declared
the end of American occupation and Placed the country under
martial law, and ordered the confiscation of firearms, ammunitions,
and other war materials. He declared punishment by death for
anyone who did not hostile act against the Japanese army. He placed
under Japanese control all industries, factories, banks, schools,
churches, printing presses, and centers of recreations. He issues a
proclamation prohibiting circulation of American dollars and
introduced Japanese war notes which replaced Philippine currency.
He ordered arrests and punishment to those who caught singing the
American National anthem and any American song. Books,
magazines, and newspaper in English were confiscated and burned.
Only Japanese propaganda newspapers written in Tagalog were
allowed for circulation.
The Socio-Cultural Situation under Japanese Occupation
Although there was a Japanese-sponsored republic in
existence, the Filipinos had to contend with five mortal dangers: the
guerillas, hunger, Japanese-paid Filipino spies, lack of medicine, and
diseases.
The Japanese military police or “KEMPETAI” had wanton
disregard for human lives. They sowed fear and terror in
communities by raiding houses of occupants with unregistered
radios. All those arrested suspects were severely tortured or
executed publicly by hanging or by firing squad. Oftentimes, torture
by water cure, punching bad or “red-hot iron” or “electric wire” were
made public to warn people not to collaborate in any way or by any
means with Japanese enemies. Worst were public executions by
beheading with samurai. Such did not effectively sow fear but sowed
instead hatred for Japanese soldiers. Spies were also a menace in the
social life of Filipinos. Many Filipino spies who were paid by the
Japanese just pointed to anyone whom they falsely suspected to be
pro-American and anti-Japanese. More often than not, the victims of
Japanese-paid spies were unjustly accused, tortured, and eventually
executed.
Guerillas, on the other hand, were also a threat for they quickly
liquidated Filipinos who were suspected to be Japanese collaborators
without due process.
Social evils such as poverty and pretty crimes were rampantly
prevalent. Crimes against property increased for the sake of survival.
Stealing was a usual crime as it was a desperate means to survive
attributed to scarcity of food and hopelessness due to the acute
state of poverty. Scavengers roamed the streets and the public
markets scrounging for food in garbage drums. Some women grave
in desperation had to sustain their family by employing themselves
as comfort women for Japanese soldiers and sex attendants to the
bourgeoisie and plutocrats.
In the cultural context, the Filipinos were forcibly induced for
educational re-orientation. Military Order no.2, the Japanese policy
on education, was issued on February 2, 1942 to inculcate Japanese
culture; promote the dissemination of the principle of Greater East
Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere, spiritual rejuvenation. And the teaching of
Nippongo language; further vocational and elementary education;
and promote the love of labor. The main goal of this Japanese
educational policy was to erase Western cultural influences and to
create an atmosphere of friendship to push through Japanese
intentions and war aims. Schools were re-opened and were forced to
strictly observe Japanese educational policies.
 In the field of arts expression, strict prohibitions were enforced
by Japanese authorities. Performers in theatres were not allowed to
present entertainment that were Western-oriented and injurious to
Japanese sensibilities. Writers did not enjoy freedom to expression.
Only a few print media were allowed for circulation with strict
censorship. While encouraging Filipino culture, the Japanese imposed
restrictions so as to ensure that they do not impair Japanese aims of
war.

The Economic Situation in the Philippine under the Japanese

Occupation
Economic activities in the Philippines during the Japanese
occupation were limited since most of the economic resources were
under Japanese control. Production practically stopped due to the
war and fear of Japanese atrocities. Agriculture production was at its
lowest ebb. This predicament prevailed because work animals
decreased and farms and plantations had been abandoned. The
Japanese military confiscated trucks, cars, rice harvests, and even
required farmers and laborers to serve for the soldiers. Philippine
currency was not in circulation for the banks were controlled by the
Japanese. During the Period of Japanese Rule, Japanese money,
called “Micky Mouse Money” by the Americans and “Yap-yap” by the
Filipinos, was the currency which became a worthless legal tender
towards the end of the Second World War.
The Liberation Period in the Philippines
The Liberation period was one of the most thrilling episodes of
the struggles of Filipinos to restore and preserve their sovereignty.
War historians claim that the two years from 1944-1946 were the
most dramatic part in Philippine history. It was the period when
Filipinos showed their determination to take back their independence
which had they lost, by sheer gallantry and courage through the
guerilla warfare that they waged.
The final phase of the war in the Philippines during World War
2 involved a series of events in which leaders and personalities who
were Either Filipinos or Americans had put their lives at stake or had
somehow perished, all for the sake of a noble cause – freedom from
the clutches of the Japanese hawks of military expansionism.
Self-assessment 6
A. Tabulate the conditions of the Philippines during the Japanese
rule in its social, economic, cultural, and political aspects
 Aspects of Filipino Facts (Conditions, Prevailing Problems)
Life

Social

Economic

Political

Cultural

B. What would you conclude as the most adversely affected

aspect of Filipino life during the period of the Japanese
occupation in the Philippines? Why?

TO DO!
Assignment 3
Create a Creative Timeline. You will narrate the important dates and
events through creative timeline from Spanish occupation to
Japanese occupation. Be guided by your course guides. Rubric and
format is included there.
 TO DO!
Assignment 4
Write a Critical Essay about readings in different occupations in the
Philippines that you have chosen. Thre readings are:
a. The house where the Philippines forgotten ‘comfort women’
were held
b. Comfort Women an unfinished or deal Report of a Mission:
Statements of Victims in the Philippines
Be guided with the rubric and the format of your outputs. See your
course guide!

In September 1972 Marcos declared martial law, claiming that it was the last
defense against the rising disorder caused by increasingly violent student
demonstrations, the alleged threats of communist insurgency by the new
Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP), and the Muslim separatist
movement of the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF). One of his first
actions was to arrest opposition politicians in Congress and
the Constitutional Convention. Initial public reaction to martial law was
mostly favourable except in Muslim areas of the south, where a separatist
rebellion, led by the MNLF, broke out in 1973. Despite halfhearted attempts
to negotiate a cease-fire, the rebellion continued to claim thousands of
military and civilian casualties. Communist insurgency expanded with the
creation of the National Democratic Front (NDF), an organization embracing
the CPP and other communist groups.

Under martial law the regime was able to reduce violent urban crime, collect
unregistered firearms, and suppress communist insurgency in some areas. At
the same time, a series of important new concessions were given to foreign
investors, including a prohibition on strikes by organized labour, and a land-
reform program was launched. In January 1973 Marcos proclaimed the
ratification of a new constitution based on the parliamentary system, with
himself as both president and prime minister. He did not,
however, convene the interim legislature that was called for in that
document.

General disillusionment with martial law and with the consolidation of

political and economic control by Marcos, his family, and close associates
grew during the 1970s. Despite growth in the country’s gross national
product, workers’ real income dropped, few farmers benefited from land
reform, and the sugar industry was in confusion. The precipitous drop in
sugar prices in the early 1980s coupled with lower prices and less demand
for coconuts and coconut products—traditionally the most important export
commodity—added to the country’s economic woes; the government was
forced to borrow large sums from the international banking community. Also
troubling to the regime, reports of widespread corruption began to surface
with increasing frequency.

Ferdinand Marcos
Elections for an interim National Assembly were finally held in 1978. The
opposition—of which the primary group was led by the jailed former
senator Benigno S. Aquino, Jr.—produced such a bold and popular campaign
that the official results, which gave Marcos’s opposition virtually no seats,
were widely believed to have been illegally altered. In 1980 Aquino was
allowed to go into exile in the United States, and the following year, after
announcing the suspension of martial law, Marcos won a virtually
uncontested election for a new six-year term.
The downfall of Marcos and return of democratic
government

Corazon Aquino
The assassination of Benigno Aquino as he returned to Manila in August 1983
was generally thought to have been the work of the military; it became the
focal point of a renewed and more heavily supported opposition to Marcos’s
rule. By late 1985 Marcos, under mounting pressure both inside and outside
the Philippines, called a snap presidential election for February
1986. Corazon C. Aquino, Benigno’s widow, became the candidate of a
coalition of opposition parties. Marcos was declared the official winner, but
strong public outcry over the election results precipitated a revolt that by the
end of the month had driven Marcos from power. Aquino then assumed the
presidency.

Aquino’s great personal popularity and widespread international support

were instrumental in establishing the new government. Shortly after taking
office, she abolished the constitution of 1973 and began ruling by decree. A
new constitution was drafted and was ratified in February 1987 in a general
referendum; legislative elections in May 1987 and the convening of a new
bicameral congress in July marked the return of the form of government that
had been present before the imposition of martial law in 1972.

Clark Air Base

Euphoria over the ouster of Marcos proved to be short-lived, however. The
new government had inherited an enormous external debt, a severely
depleted economy, and a growing threat from Moro and communist
insurgents. The Aquino administration also had to weather considerable
internal dissension, repeated coup attempts, and such natural disasters as a
major earthquake and the 1991 eruption of Mount Pinatubo. The resumption
of active partisan politics, moreover, was the beginning of the end of the
coalition that had brought Aquino to power. Pro-Aquino candidates had won
a sweeping victory in the 1987 legislative elections, but there was less
support for her among those elected to provincial and local offices in early
1988. By the early 1990s the criticisms against her administration—i.e.,
charges of weak leadership, corruption, and human rights abuses—had
begun to stick.

REFERENCES

Christopher F. B., Raymond E. B, Julie C. L., Fatima F. R., Tecah C. S. (2006)

Philippine History Coursebook, Trinitas Publishing. INC.
PREPARED BY: MOISES B. KIASO,LPT