Gotelind M ül l e r

Niko lay S amoylov ( e ds.)

Chinese Perceptions
of Russia and the West
Changes, Continuities,
and Contingencies
during the
Twentieth Century

西 俄
Chinese Perceptions of Russia
and the West
Chinese Perceptions of Russia
and the West
Changes, Continuities, and Contingencies
during the Twentieth Century

Edited by

Gotelind Müller and Nikolay Samoylov

The research on which this book is based was funded by the DFG (German Research
Foundation) and the RFBR (Russian Foundation for Basic Research) as research project
MU 2717/3-1 (DFG) / No. 17-21-49001 (RFBR) (“Chinese perceptions of Russia and the
West during the 20th century: changes, continuities and contingencies”) (2017-2020).

Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek

The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie;
detailed bibliographic data are available on the Internet at http://dnb.dnb.de.

This book is published under the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0

License (CC-BY-NC-ND 4.0). The cover is subject to the Creative
Commons License CC-BY-ND 4.0.

Published at CrossAsia-eBooks,
Heidelberg University Library 2020.

The electronic open access version of this work is permanently available on the website
of CrossAsia-eBooks: https://crossasia-books.ub.uni-heidelberg.de/xasia
urn: urn:nbn:de:bsz:16-xabooks-661-2
doi: https://doi.org/10.11588/xabooks.661

Text © 2020 by the authors.

ISBN 978-3-946742-79-1 (Hardcover)

ISBN 978-3-946742-78-4 (PDF)
Contents

Notes on Contributors ix
Acknowledgements xi
Technical Notes xiii
List of Tables xv
List of Figures xvii

Introduction L
Gotelind MÜLLER

PART I
TEXTBOOKS

L The Image of Russia and the West in Chinese History Textbooks,

LRSS–LRQR JR
Aleksandrs DMITRENKO

J Portrayals of Soviet Russian History in Chinese History Textbooks

since LRQR KN
YANG Biao

N Strangers from the North: Russia in History Textbooks of Post-

war Taiwan cK
CHANG Lung-chih

Q World History at the Service of the Ruling Party: The Image of

Russia and the West in ROC and PRC History Curricula and
Textbooks LRQR–RS LSd
Mariana MÜNNING

d The Images of Western Countries and Russia in History Text-

books for Secondary Schools in the PRC and Republic of China
on Taiwan in LRRS–JSSSs LQd
Polina RYSAKOVA

v
 PART II
LITERATURE

e Coming to Terms with Evil LcL

Viatcheslav VETROV

K Russia as Master and Monster: Absorbing GOGOL’s Madness and

the Chinese “Little Tradition” in the Prose of LU Xun JJd
CHEN Hsiang-yin Sasha

c Images of Russia in Chinese Literary Periodicals at the Beginning

of the LRNSs: Nationalist Perspective JQK
Alexey RODIONOV

R Paradise Reloaded? Wang Meng’s Public Private Memories of

Soviet Russia or the Art of Composing a Capriccio JeK
Ylva MONSCHEIN

PART III
VISUAL AND MATERIAL CULTURE

LS Foreigners and Foreign Realities on Traditional Chinese Woodblock

Prints of the Late LRth–Early JSth Centuries JRR
Elena STAROVOITOVA

LL Visual Perceptions of the West and Russia in Chinese Cartoon

Magazines of the LRNSs NLK
Mariia GULEVA

LJ Visual Images of the Soviet Union and the West in China

(LRdSs–LReSs) Ned
Nikolay SAMOYLOV

LN “Reviving” the Russian Orthodox Church in Taiwan NcR

CHIANG Min-chin Kay

vi
LQ The Attitude of Harbin Towards European Architecture
(LRQR–JSLR) QLL
LI Suian

Ld Whose Heritage? Western and Russian Tombs on Chinese Soil

as Tangible Sites of Alterity Qed
Gotelind MÜLLER

Concluding Remarks dSK

Nikolay SAMOYLOV

Index dJL

vii
Notes on Contributors

CHANG Lung-chih is deputy director of the Institute of Taiwan History, Academia

Sinica, Taipei.

CHEN Hsiang-yin Sasha is an associate research fellow at the Institute of Chinese

Literature and Philosophy, Academia Sinica, Taipei.

CHIANG Min-chin Kay is director of the Center for Traditional Arts at Taipei Na-
tional University of the Arts.

Aleksandrs DMITRENKO is a postdoctoral researcher at the Institute of Chinese

Studies, Heidelberg University.

Mariia GULEVA is a lecturer at the Faculty of Asian and African Studies, St. Pe-
tersburg State University.

LI Suian is a researcher at the Institute of History at the Heilongjiang Academy of

Social Sciences, Harbin.

Ylva MONSCHEIN holds a professorship of Sinology at the Institute of Asian Stud-

ies, University of Munich.

Gotelind MÜLLER-SAINI is head of the Institute of Chinese Studies, Heidelberg

University.

Mariana MÜNNING is a postdoctoral researcher at the Institute of Chinese Studies,

Heidelberg University.

Alexey RODIONOV is associate professor at the Department of Chinese Philology,

St. Petersburg State University.

Polina RYSAKOVA is associate professor at the Department of Theory of Asian and

African Social Development, St. Petersburg State University.

ix
Nikolay SAMOYLOV is head of the Department of Theory of Asian and African
Social Development, St. Petersburg State University.

Elena STAROVOITOVA is an assistant lecturer at the Department of Theory of Asian

and African Social Development, St. Petersburg State University.

Viatcheslav VETROV is a senior postdoctoral researcher at the Institute of Chinese

Studies, Heidelberg University.

YANG Biao is professor of History and History Education at East China Normal
University, Shanghai.

x
Acknowledgements

This book, having grown out of a German-Russian research project designed and
headed by Gotelind MÜLLER-SAINI (Heidelberg University) and Nikolay SAMOY-
LOV (St. Petersburg State University), is above all indebted to the financing bodies
of the project (JSLK-JSJS), the DFG (German Research Foundation) and the RFBR
(Russian Foundation for Basic Research). We would also like to thank the IWH
(International Academic Forum Heidelberg) for being able to hold our main con-
ference there in JSLR, together with colleagues from mainland China, Taiwan and
Germany who joined us for the occasion. This book is based on the contributions
of that conference and the ensuing discussions which led to a reworking of the
conference papers into chapters of the present book. Along the way, we were also
able to hold smaller workshops in St. Petersburg and Heidelberg, and we had oc-
casions to present our ideas at EACS (European Association for Chinese Studies)
conferences in St. Petersburg and Glasgow, receiving valuable comments from
various colleagues in the field. The present book has been edited in Heidelberg
with the funding of the DFG, which quite naturally shifted the actual editorial task
to the German project leader, supported by her team. Neshric TIMOTHY has trans-
lated chapter LQ from Chinese into English very carefully and also checked through
several chapters for English language use; Michael DUNN and his native-speaker
feedback have been crucial for caring about the other chapters and homogenizing
language over the whole volume to heighten the accessibility also for readers be-
yond the sinological field. Fabienne WALLENWEIN has shouldered the most sub-
stantial part of the technical editorial tasks very professionally, together with
Neshric TIMOTHY as well as Mariana MÜNNING and Aleksandrs DMITRENKO of
the Heidelberg project team, who also meticulously dealt with all the tiny prob-
lems that inevitably turn up whenever one assembles an index for a voluminous
book. Finally, Christian KOLB, Daniela JAKOB, and above all Nicole MERKEL-
HILF have been instrumental for realizing the publication with CrossAsia-eBooks
in electronic as well as printed form. A heartfelt thanks to them all for their dedi-
cation, perseverance, and good spirits in spite of our fairly “Prussian” time regime
over months, hoping that the reader will enjoy the outcome.

xi
Technical Notes

In general, Cyrillic is transliterated according to the Library of Congress system

(ALA-LC), Chinese with Pinyin, but for established ways of writing in English or
established transliterations in non-mainland Chinese areas. For the reader’s con-
venience, the standardized transliteration is added at first occurrence in a chapter.
Character use depends on the context and source and thus comes accordingly in
traditional or abbreviated form, reflecting the respective original. Japanese is
transliterated according to the revised Hepburn system. Since word order in names
changes over languages, surnames have been marked by small caps. With illustra-
tions, copyright has been cleared by the individual authors to the best of their
knowledge. In case of doubt, please refer to the authors via the editors.

xiii
List of Tables

Table N-L: Russia-related topics in senior secondary school history

curriculum standards in the LRQSs, LRdSs, and LReSs RK
Table N-J: Russia-related topics in senior secondary school history
curriculum standards in the LRKSs and LRcSs Rc
Table N-N: Russia-related topics in senior secondary school history
curriculum standards in the LRRSs and JSSSs Rc
Table c-L: Publications devoted exclusively to foreign nations in the
Qianfeng Zhoubao Jdd
Table c-J: Publications devoted exclusively to foreign nations in the
Qianfeng Yuekan Jde
Table LL-L: Quantity of references to nations, their leaders, and symbols
in Shidai Manhua and Shanghai Manhua cartoons NJJ
Table LL-J: Quantity of references to the Abyssinian Crisis and Spanish
Civil War in Shidai Manhua and Shanghai Manhua cartoons NNQ
Table LL-N: Quantity of references to a future war and planetary catas-
trophe in Shidai Manhua and Shanghai Manhua cartoons NQR

xv
List of Figures

Figure L-L: Map of “The Mongol Empire” Ne

Figure L-J: Map of the Qing dominion at its prime Qc
Figure L-N: Map of the European colonies in Africa dL
Figure N-L: Soviet Russia in China by CHIANG Kai-shek RL
Figure N-J: Recent publication on Taiwan-Russia relations RN
Figure N-N: Russia in secondary-school history textbooks LSL
Figure N-Q: Russia in secondary-school history textbooks LSL
Figure Q-L: Augustus of Prima Porta LJd
Figure Q-J: Spartacus LJd
Figure Q-N: Slave collar LJe
Figure Q-Q: LENIN proclaims Soviet power LNc
Figure Q-d: Qianlong-era vase LQJ
Figure Q-e: Slave in shackles LQJ
Figure LS-L: The devils worshipping the hog NSK
Figure LS-J: Propagating religion in the chapels NSK
Figure LS-N: The priests of Buddha and Dao expelling the devils NSc
Figure LS-Q: New drawbridge in Tianjin NLL
Figure LS-d: Tianjin Road NLL
Figure LS-e: Wife riding a sedan chair, husband walking behind NLJ
Figure LS-K: Civil and military women’s academy NLJ
Figure LS-c: Shelling Japan NLQ
Figure LL-L: Universal madness NJJ
Figure LL-J: Twelve zodiac animals NJQ
Figure LL-N: En route to Westminster Cathedral NJd
Figure LL-Q: A bunch of drunkards eagerly gets hooked NJd
Figure LL-d: Once more! NJe
Figure LL-e: Contemporary Napoleons NJe
Figure LL-K: Legends of modern times NJK
Figure LL-c: Mediterranean Sea NJK
Figure LL-R: Great whales of financial capitalism NJc
Figure LL-LS: Being all in rags NJc

xvii
Figure LL-LL: Dissection and comparison of the brain NJR
Figure LL-LJ: World walk-ons NNS
Figure LL-LN: To passionately express NNc
Figure LL-LQ: Visitor … NNR
Figure LL-Ld: World zoo NQS
Figure LL-Le: A vigorous egg NQL
Figure LL-LK: Black, white, red NQL
Figure LL-Lc: “The League investigates” NQJ
Figure LL-LR: Internationalisation of Spanish Civil War NQJ
Figure LL-JS: Spanish nationalist leader NQN
Figure LL-JL: The god of war tells the angel of peace: … NQQ
Figure LL-JJ: The good old doctor … NQQ
Figure LL-JN: Only in the last days of the world will humankind have
real peace NdL
Figure LL-JQ: Vertical section of earth (top). The glory of dying in
battle (bottom) NdL
Figure LL-Jd: The eve of great war NdJ
Figure LL-Je: Heroes of the world, obey me NdJ
Figure LL-JK: Western civilization NeS
Figure LL-Jc: Confucius wanders in Shanghai NeL
Figure LJ-L: Reading newspaper. NKJ
Figure LJ-J: “Under the banner of STALIN – MAO Zedong forward,
to victory!” NKQ
Figure LJ-N: “Long live the China-Soviet friendship” NKQ
Figure LJ-Q: “Elder brother from the USSR” NKe
Figure LJ-d: “Study the Soviet Union’s advanced experience to build
up our nation” NKe
Figure LJ-e: “Study the advanced production experience of the Soviet
Union, struggle for the industrialization of our country!” NKK
Figure LJ-K: “Welcome to Soviet friends” NKK
Figure LJ-c: “Friendship’s New Spring” NKc
Figure LJ-R: “New China Children” NKc
Figure LJ-LS: “Defend peace!” NcQ
Figure LN-L: Church building in November JSLc NRL
Figure LN-J: Icon of St. Nikolai at the Russian Orthodox church in
Taipei QSc
Figure LQ-L: The HIT main building QLQ
Figure LQ-J: The main building of Heilongjiang University QLQ

xviii
Figure LQ-N: The Harbin Workers Cultural Palace QLd
Figure LQ-Q: The Harbin Youth Palace QLd
Figure LQ-d: The Old Harbin Measuring & Cutting Tool Factory QLd
Figure LQ-e: The Soviet Exhibition Hall (now Beijing Exhibition Hall) QLK
Figure LQ-K: The Sino-Soviet Friendship Building (now the Shanghai
Exhibition Center) QLK
Figure LQ-c: St. Nicholas Cathedral in Harbin QJL
Figure LQ-R: The Red Guards destroying the St. Nicholas Cathedral QJL
Figure LQ-LS: The Red Guards destroying the St. Nicholas Cathedral QJJ
Figure LQ-LL: The Blagoveshchenskai͡a Church (the Russian name of the
Holy Annunciation Church in Harbin) QJJ
Figure LQ-LJ: The Holy Iveron Icon Orthodox Church QJQ
Figure LQ-LN: The Holy Iveron Icon Orthodox Church after its domes
being removed QJQ
Figure LQ-LQ: The Holy Iveron Icon Orthodox Church after its domes
being removed QJQ
Figure LQ-Ld: Restoration starting with clearance of the surrounding
area – April LN, JSLK QJc
Figure LQ-Le: Restoration of the exterior finished first without the
domes – October Jd, JSLK QJc
Figure LQ-LK: Seven wrought onion shaped domes waiting to be
mounted QJR
Figure LQ-Lc: Mounting the domes on the church – December e, JSLK QJR
Figure LQ-LR: The completely restored version of the Holy Iveron Icon
Orthodox Church QNS
Figure LQ-JS: The restored Holy Iveron Icon Orthodox Church and the
newly built North Square of Harbin Railway Station QNS
Figure LQ-JL: The restored version of the St. Sophia’s Church QNJ
Figure LQ-JJ: The night scene of St. Sophia’s Church QNJ
Figure LQ-JN: Two neighboring churches on Dongdazhi Street QNN
Figure LQ-JQ: Harbin Nangang Christian Church QNN
Figure LQ-Jd: Harbin Nangang Christian Church QNN
Figure LQ-Je: Church of the Intercession, Harbin QNQ
Figure LQ-JK: Church of the Intercession, Harbin QNQ
Figure LQ-Jc: Church of the Intercession – Subordinate cemetery
pavilion for prayers QNQ
Figure LQ-JR: Zhongyang Street QNd
Figure LQ-NS: Night scene of Zhongyang Street QNd
Figure LQ-NL: The main area of the former Harbin Railway Station QNe

xix
Figure LQ-NJ: The Harbin Railway Station in LRcc QNe
Figure LQ-NN: The sketch of the reconstruction result presented at
the Harbin Railway Station QNK
Figure LQ-NQ: The Harbin Railway Station today QNK
Figure LQ-Nd: The Volga Manor QQS
Figure LQ-Ne: Main gate of the Volga Manor QQS
Figure LQ-NK: Reception Center of the Volga Manor with the rebuilt
St. Nicholas Cathedral QQL
Figure LQ-Nc: The newly built Pavlov Castle in the Volga Manor QQL
Figure LQ-NR: Blood donation center in European style in Harbin QQJ
Figure LQ-QS: The public toilet in a European style in the Harbin
Cultural Park QQJ
Figure LQ-QL: European design adopted on newly constructed buildings QQN
Figure LQ-QJ: European design adopted on newly constructed buildings QQN
Figure LQ-QN: European design adopted on newly constructed buildings QQN
Figure LQ-QQ: The residence of the director of CER Company today QQd
Figure LQ-Qd: The residence of the director of CER Company today QQd
Figure LQ-Qe: WANG Huandi’s gouache painting using the residence of
the director of CER as the model QQd
Figure LQ-QK: WANG Huandi’s gouache using the residence of director
of CER as the model QQe
Figure LQ-Qc: Cover of “My Gouaches of Harbin – leisurely painting
of a city in opague watercolors” QQe
Figure LQ-QR: A historical street in a historical town – Painting SSL
(left) QQc
Figure LQ-dS: A historical street in a historical town – Painting SSc
(right) QQc
Figure LQ-dL: A historical street in a historical town – Painting SSN QQc
Figure LQ-dJ: St. Sophia’s Church by YOU Kunlun (left) QQR
Figure LQ-dN: The Restaurant Miniatur by YOU Kunlun (right) QQR
Figure LQ-dQ: Wangguo Foreign Firm by YOU Kunlun QQR
Figure LQ-dd: St. Nicholas Cathedral before demolition by LI Gangfeng QdS
Figure LQ-de: Rebuilt St. Nicholas Cathedral in the Volga Manor by
LI Gangfeng QdS
Figure LQ-dK: St. Sophia’s Church wearing a surgical mask by
LI Gangfeng QdS
Figure LQ-dc: Poster with St. Sophia’s Church QdL
Figure LQ-dR: Poster with the upper part of several historical churches QdL

xx
Figure LQ-eS: Poster with a European Church and Songpu Foreign Firm
at the center QdN
Figure LQ-eL: Billboards with a slogan and church picture QdN
Figure LQ-eJ: Billboards with a slogan and church picture QdN
Figure LQ-eN: Billboard of pictorial combination with slogan (left) QdQ
Figure LQ-eQ: Billboard of pictorial combination with LEI Feng (right) QdQ
Figure LQ-ed: Scenes of ice sculptures of European architecture QdQ
Figure LQ-ee: Scenes of ice sculptures of European architecture QdQ
Figure LQ-eK: Scenes of ice sculptures of European architecture Qdd
Figure LQ-ec: Scenes of ice sculptures of European architecture Qdd
Figure LQ-eR: Five panel folding screen made in Harbin featuring
European architecture Qdd
Figure LQ-KS: Newly built St. Nicholas Cathedral in the Volga Manor QdK
Figure LQ-KL: Miniature version of the St. Nicholas Cathedral near the
original location QdK
Figure LQ-KJ: Miniature version of the St. Nicholas Cathedral near the
original location QdK
Figure LQ-KN: The carved drainage cover of the cathedral near Harbin
West Railway Station Square Qdc
Figure LQ-KQ: The carved drainage cover opposite the North Theatre Qdc
Figure LQ-Kd: The carved drainage cover near the Qiulin Company Qdc
Figure LQ-Ke: The carved drainage cover opposite HIT Main Building Qdc
Figure LQ-KK: The sturdy surviving Catholic church in Qingdao QeS
Figure LQ-Kc: Marital couples taking pictures in front of the church QeS
Figure LQ-KR: The Jinan Old Railway Station QeJ
Figure LQ-cS: Anting Town and the copied statue of GOETHE and
SCHILLER QeJ
Figure LQ-cL: Anting Town and the copied statue of GOETHE and
SCHILLER QeJ
Figure LQ-cJ: Anting Town and the copied statue of GOETHE and
SCHILLER QeJ
Figure Ld-L: Keelung: French Military Cemetery: monument to the
French officers, soldiers and marines who died during the
Sino-French War in Keelung Qec
Figure Ld-J: Lüshun: Soviet Military/“Martyrs’” Cemetery: Japanese-
built “mausoleum” for Russian war dead erected after the
Russo-Japanese War Qec
Figure Ld-N: Lüshun: Soviet Military/“Martyrs’” Cemetery: Japanese-
built indivi-dual tombs of Russian officers erected after
the Russo-Japanese War QeR

xxi
Figure Ld-Q: Lüshun: Soviet Military/“Martyrs’” Cemetery: Example
of collective tomb for Russian war dead at single battle
sites erected by the Japanese after the Russo-Japanese War QeR
Figure Ld-d: Lüshun: Soviet Military/“Martyrs’” Cemetery: Restored
Tsarist huge cross for the Russo-Japanese War dead QKS
Figure Ld-e: Hong Kong: Sai Wan War Cemetery (Commonwealth
War Graves Commission) QKJ
Figure Ld-K: Hong Kong: Sai Wan War Cemetery: some non-Briton /
non-Christian tombs QKJ
Figure Ld-c: Harbin: Jewish cemetery: restored tombstones and name
plaques QKN
Figure Ld-R: Hong Kong: Jewish Cemetery QKN
Figure Ld-LS: Hong Kong: St. Michael’s Catholic Cemetery QKQ
Figure Ld-LL: Hong Kong: Hong Kong (Protestant/Colonial) Cemetery QKe
Figure Ld-LJ: Macau: S. Miguel Arcanjo Cemetery QKe
Figure Ld-LN: Macau: S. Miguel Cemetery: different creeds QKK
Figure Ld-LQ: Harbin: View into the Orthodox Cemetery QKK
Figure Ld-Ld: Harbin: Soviet Military/“Martyrs’” Cemetery QKR
Figure Ld-Le: Hong Kong: Stanley Military Cemetery (Commonwealth
War Graves Commission) QKR
Figure Ld-LK: Lüshun: Soviet Military/“Martyrs’” Cemetery: Central
stele with monumental bronze figures to both sides QcJ
Figure Ld-Lc: Guangzhou: Foreigners’ Cemetery QcJ
Figure Ld-LR: Hong Kong: Hong Kong Cemetery: some Russian graves QcQ
Figure Ld-JS: Macau: Old Protestant Cemetery QcK
Figure Ld-JL: Macau: S. Miguel Cemetery: monument to MESQUITA QRL
Figure Ld-JJ: Tamsui: Foreigners’ Cemetery QRN
Figure Ld-JN: Tamsui: “MACKAY Cemetery” around the highest
monument of MACKAY QRN
Figure Ld-JQ: Keelung: French Military Cemetery: remains of
Lieutenant JEHENNE relocated from the Pescadores QRd
Figure Ld-Jd: Jinzhou: Soviet Military/“Martyrs’” Cemetery: Memorial
to the Russo-Japanese War dead first buried by the
Japanese and later memorialized by the Tsarist government QRK
Figure Ld-Je: Dalian: Soviet Military/“Martyrs’” Cemetery: Soviet
officers’ tombs with red starred headstones (photo of
deceased missing), flat ones for soldiers QRK
Figure Ld-JK: Jinzhou: Soviet Military/“Martyrs’” Cemetery:
Example of Soviet tombstone featuring the symbol of
the military unit (tank) (photo of deceased missing) QRc

xxii
Figure Ld-Jc: Lüshun: Soviet Military/“Martyrs’” Cemetery:
The Soviet aviators’ section of the Korean War QRc
Figure Ld-JR: Lüshun: Soviet Military/“Martyrs’” Cemetery:
post-LRQd children’s section QRR
Figure Ld-NS: Harbin: Jewish cemetery: Newly restored tomb of
Ehud OLMERT’s grandfather dSL
Figure Ld-NL: Harbin: Jewish Cemetery: Reassembled tombstone dSL
Figure Ld-NJ: Shanghai: SONG Qingling Memorial Park: Foreigners’
Cemetery: small concrete slabs in place of tombstones dSJ
Figure Ld-NN: Harbin: Orthodox Cemetery: Plea to not destroy the
tombstone at Father Valentin Semënovich BARYSH-
NIKOV’s (LRSe–LReJ) tomb (backside) dSJ
Figure Ld-NQ: Guangzhou: Protestant Cemetery: Missionary KERR
family tombs dSN

xxiii
Gotelind MÜLLER

Introduction

Abstract. The introduction outlines the main ideas behind this book, its genesis,
and the relationship with extant scholarship. Before presenting a tour through the
book, it discusses the different viewpoints on Russia and its relation to Europe or
“the West” as articulated in “the West” and in Russia herself as a background for
studying the Chinese views on the topic. Since the latter were also intertwined with
Japan to some degree, the role and impact of Japanese perceptions of Russia and
“the West” are also briefly recalled. Similarly, the concept of “the West” itself is
not a set and fixed given, but needs to be problematized. The book’s main aim con-
sists of looking closer into the changes, continuities, and contingencies of Chinese
perceptions of Russia and the West during the JSth century, focusing on three areas:
official normative views as reflected in Chinese school history textbooks; creative
imaginary approaches in literature; and visual and material manifestations in eve-
ryday life. Acknowledging “Greater China” as representing “Chinese” perceptions,
beyond mainland China also Taiwan, and to some degree Hong Kong and Macau,
are addressed. Taking the JSth century with its many historical shifts and reconfig-
urations of entities in political, social, and economic terms as the longitudinal line,
the book presents a multilayered discussion of “Chinese” perceptions of what “Rus-
sia” and “the West” meant for whom, when, and why; where “frontlines” between
them were acknowledged; and under which circumstances, by whom, and to which
end, the entities as such were constructed, questioned, reconfigured, merged, or
even dissolved.

Keywords. Russia, the West, Europe, Greater China, Japan.

Published in: Gotelind MÜLLER and Nikolay SAMOYLOV (eds.): Chinese Perceptions of
Russia and the West. Changes, Continuities, and Contingencies during the Twentieth Cen-
tury. Heidelberg: CrossAsia-eBooks, JSJS. DOI: https://doi.org/LS.LLdcc/xabooks.eeL.

L
Gotelind MÜLLER

This book aims at investigating changes and continuities in Chinese perceptions of

Russia and the West during the JSth century, paying heed to the fact that the re-
spective ascriptions and “frontlines” were historically contingent: who and what
represented “Russia” or “the West” at a given time and at a given place? Was “Rus-
sia” seen as part of “the West”, or not? And if it was, in which regard? Which
factors, foreign or indigenous, led to changes in Chinese perceptions and represen-
tations and why? Such questions have been in mind when this book was taking
shape, growing out of a German-Russian project funded by the DFG and the RFBR,
the respective national research foundations.
The German-Russian research team from Heidelberg University and St. Pe-
tersburg State University worked on exploring the topic, concentrating on three
major areas. The first area is the field of socialization in schools via a look into
normative descriptions of Russia and the West in Chinese textbooks which define
official images of the “other/s” from childhood on in an authoritative setting. With-
out going here into the large field of academic studies from various disciplinary
perspectives about “self” and “other” (or “Other” in the Lacanian sense of radical
alterity), suffice it to say that school history teaching is mostly concerned with the
nationalized “self” (for which the “non-self”, either framed as “the foreign” or as
“the world”, is needed in terms of counter distinction). In practice, when actively
teaching on the subject of “others”, these are dealt with in a primarily nationalized
way, too, and thus “the West” is often broken down into national cases. Still, the
legacy of the broader concept of “Western history” (xiyangshi 西洋史) applied in
China with the attempts at designing a national school system in the early JSth
century, did not disappear. This concept assumed some commonness between sev-
eral national cases, usually intending some (Western) European countries and
North America or, as some scholars term it, “Greater Europe” which were deemed
particularly relevant for China. In summary, the look into school history curricula
and textbooks over time and space provides the official view the respective Chi-
nese regime wanted to inculcate into its young citizens, and it is in this context that
the normative view on “Russia” and “the West” is investigated here.
The second area is the field of literature and Chinese fictional representations
of Russia and the West consumed by a Chinese reading public, which created,
reinforced, or challenged an imaginaire of what “Russia” / “the West” embodied.
While the history textbooks concentrate on (chosen) facts, mostly connected to
national politics, albeit presenting them at times in an emotionalized language to
imbue the “facts” with value judgements, but still basically aiming at “knowledge
content”, literature rather focuses on the cultural and personal, being also inter-
ested in the mentalité in all its complexities. While school education with its exams
is (in tendency at least and increasingly over the century) mandatory, the reading

J
 Introduction

of Russian / Western literary works in translation, or of Chinese creative works

presenting their own images of foreigners, is usually situated in a leisure setting
and also optional. While Chinese translations “cut a window through to Europe”
(to take up the famous phrase of PUSHKIN (LKRR–LcNK) on Peter the Great’s bronze
horseman statue in St. Petersburg) and, mutatis mutandis, on Russia, Chinese au-
thors well read in foreign literature at times also mirror the Chinese “self” by using
Russian / Western “others” creatively as a device for Chinese introspection. In
other words, the “self” and “other/s” intersect in the imaginaire in multiple ways
in the field of literature.
The third and final area is the field of visual and material manifestations which
define images of “others” in their own medial way and make them accessible also
to a public far from purely discursive levels. While school education is something
willed from above, and the consumption of literature usually a personal decision,
visual and material manifestations, for example posters or architecture, also con-
front those who do not necessarily look for them actively, with representations of
“the other/s” by simply being a publicly visible part in daily life. This level, thus,
also leads to the broader field of societal practice. In the above threefold way, we
move through the topic from discourse and imagination to the visual and tangible.
The chosen timeframe of the whole JSth century bridges important develop-
ments, i.e. from Tsarist Russia to the Soviet Union to post-Soviet Russia; the Chi-
nese transition from imperial China to the Republic and finally the People’s Re-
public (PRC) vis-à-vis the Chinese Republic on Taiwan (ROC); the two World
Wars, the Cold War, its division of Europe and how this impacted upon the image
of “the West”; the Sino-Soviet split, the end of the Cold War, and the new con-
stellation in the world after LRcR with its effects on mainland China/Taiwan/Hong
Kong/Macau. The focus on “Chinese” perceptions, in turn, intends not only main-
land China in the JSth century but also (post-LRQd) Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Ma-
cau, i.e. what has often been termed “Greater China”. These two choices in terms
of spatial and temporal coverage were intended to lead to a fruitful and multifac-
eted research on how “Chinese” perceptions of “Russia” and “the West” (and what
the latter precisely meant at which given time, where and for whom, and in how
far Russia was conceived of as part of the latter or precisely not) shifted, and where
possible continuities might be detected. To do this, a variety of media and societal
target groups were to be considered. To enrich the “outsider” perspective of the
German-Russian research team of Heidelberg University and St. Petersburg State
University to which a further German scholar also contributed, Chinese colleagues
from the PRC and Taiwan were integrated at a later stage as well, joining in the
main conference in Heidelberg. This book, edited by the German side, is the out-
come of the collective effort.

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Gotelind MÜLLER

In the views of “the West”, but also in Russian self-perception, Russia has always
been an ambivalent entity: either seen as “a part of Europe”, or rather as different,
i.e. “apart from Europe”.1 The issue is a longstanding debate. For example, view-
ing Russia from the outside, the famous German philosopher Gottfried Wilhelm
LEIBNIZ (LeQe–LKLe) who met Peter the Great (LeKJ–LKJd) several times in the
early Lcth century, expressed his hope for Russia, a positively understood “tabula
rasa”, to serve as a “bridge” between Europe and China.2 Some decades later the
German scholar Johann Gottfried HERDER (LKQQ–LcSN) claimed her to be geo-
graphically mainly in Asia, but with her “heart” still in Europe.3 But even for those
who unequivocally agreed to Russia’s being “European”, her “location” in the
mental mapping of Europe remained to be ascertained. While she was seen by
those posing as representatives of “Europe’s heart” in discourse as a part of
“Northern Europe” at first, she was slowly shifted to “Eastern Europe” during the
first half of the LRth century. This configuration became problematic again in the
late JSth century after the end of the Cold War when other parts of “Eastern Europe”
tried to emancipate themselves from Russia (and, for example, repositioned them-
selves as Central or Middle Eastern European etc.).4
But even if Russia was acknowledged as a part of “Europe”, this did not nec-
essarily imply her being acknowledged as a part of “the West”,5 an entity in itself
of a considerable malleability, historically, and ideologically.6 As one scholar put

1 Cf. international relation scholar Vladimir BARANOVSKY’s apt article title: “Russia: a part
of Europe, or apart from Europe?”. In: International Affairs vol. 76, no. 3 (July 2000),
pp. 443–458.
2 See Dieter GROH: Rußland im Blick Europas: 300 Jahre historische Perspektiven (Russia
in Europe’s view: 300 years of historical perspectives), Frankfurt/M.: Suhrkamp 1988, pp.
41–53.
3 Johann Gottfried HERDER: Andrastea vol. 3, Leipzig: Johann Friedrich Hartknoch 1802,
p. 76.
4 For a succinct outline of the issue, see Manfred HILDERMEIER: “Osteuropa als Gegenstand
vergleichender Geschichte” (Eastern Europe as a subject of comparative history). In:
Gunilla BUDDE, Sebastian CONRAD, Oliver JANZ (eds.): Transnationale Geschichte:
Themen, Tendenzen und Theorien (Transnational history: themes, tendencies and theories),
Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht 2006, pp. 117–136.
5 See Olga MALINOVA: “Russia and ‘the West’ in the 2000s: Redefining Russian Identity
in Official Political Discourse”. In: Ray TARAS (ed.): Russia’s Identity in International Re-
lations: Images, Perceptions, Misperceptions, London and New York: Routledge 2013,
pp. 73–90, there p. 74.
6 For a historical discussion, see Heinrich August WINKLER: Geschichte des Westens: Von
den Anfängen in der Antike bis zum 20. Jahrhundert (History of the West: From the Begin-
nings in Antiquity through the 20th Century), Munich: C.H. Beck 2016 (1st ed. 2009). For
an approach concentrating on the “ideological” side: Alastair BONNETT: The Idea of the
West: Culture, Politics and History, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan 2004. For a political

Q
 Introduction

it, “Europe” was less than “the West” and also more than it.7 Even parts of Europe,
which during Cold War times were clearly in the “Western” camp, had not seen
themselves to be part of it earlier, notably (West) Germany whose “march to the
West” was seen by some as her greatest achievement after WWII and the “West-
ern-critical” Nazi era,8 although Germany’s self-distancing from “the West”, per-
ceived as mainly France and Britain and later also the U.S., was much older than
the Nazis. “The West” as an ideological concept expanded enormously over time,9
taking in large parts of the globe, but being constantly reconfigured by the various
“uses” it was put to,10 not only by those supposedly being part of “the West”, but
decidedly also by those seeing themselves as not being part of it.11 Regarding Rus-
sia’s belonging to “the West” or not, the ambivalence of non-Russians came in
various forms: in a widespread “Western” perspective, the “Tartar beneath the sur-
face” was “othering” Russians,12 referring to the Mongol invasion, while inter-
marrying courts in Europe suggested a commonness and familiarity, if only for the
noble elites. Catherine the Great (LKJR–LKRe), for one, herself German by birth,
defined Russia explicitly as a “European power”, but considered it necessary nev-
ertheless to convert from (Western) Protestantism to Eastern Orthodoxy for her
own “Russification” to narrow the gap with the people she now governed.
In fact, Eastern Orthodoxy marked large parts of Eastern Europe off the “Latin”
ones in the West in Christian contexts, namely after the ecclesiastic Great Schism
of LSdQ and even more so after the sack of Constantinople in LJSQ by the “Latins”
during the Fourth Crusade. Finally, the Ottoman conquest of Constantinople in
LQdN led to the rise of Moscow in the orthodox world as the self-declared “Third
Rome”. This famous claim formulated by Philotheus of Pskov (LQed–LdQJ) in LdLS
referred back to the marriage of the Muscovite ruler Ivan III (LQQS–LdSd) with the
niece of the last Byzantine emperor in LQKJ. It should be noted that the Russian

studies perspective, see Gunther HELLMANN and Benjamin HERBORTH (eds.): Uses of the
West: Security and the Politics of Order, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 2017.
7 See Austrian historian Gerald STOURZH, cited in WINKLER: Geschichte des Westens
(2016), p. 19.
8 This has been voiced, among others, by Jürgen HABERMAS. However, also before the Nazi
era, Germany located “the West” beyond her borders. Cf. again WINKLER: Geschichte des
Westens (2016), pp. 17–18.
9 See the “seven versions of the West” by LEWIS and WIGEN, reproduced in BONNETT: The
Idea of the West (2004), pp. 9–10.
10 Cf. HELLMANN/HERBORTH: Uses of the West (2017), p. 4.
11 This point has been made very strongly by BONNETT: The Idea of the West (2004) with
reference to “the West” in Soviet or different varieties of Asian eyes, both critical and fa-
vorable.
12 The saying: “grattez le Russe et vous trouverez le Tartare” (scratch the Russian and you
will find the Tartar) is usually attributed to Napoleon and became proverbial also in English.

d
Gotelind MÜLLER

self-identification at that time was rather framed in religious terms, i.e. as Chris-
tians, while “nationality” and “Russianness” became an issue only much later. In
this regard, Russia remained clearly connected to “the West” via the common
Christian faith, especially pronounced as long as the “common threat” of Islam
was the key concern.13 In other words, the issue at stake determined the configu-
ration of entities.
Seen from Russia herself, she had a long history of arguing about her self-
perception as part of “the West” or as decidedly different from it as well, searching
for “the Russian soul”, the Slavic heritage etc., or going for “Westernization” in
the style of Peter the Great, culminating in the Slavophiles vs. Westernizers de-
bates of the LRth century.14 Some even saw Russia as a “third space”, 15 being
“Eurasian” in essence, no matter how that was defined in turn.16 And the fact that
the Tsarist empire as well as the later Soviet Union covered not only ethnic Rus-
sians, but many ethnicities, throws into profile the additional problem of the cate-
gory “Russian”, in fact better reflected in Russian than in Western languages by
the differentiation between the ethnic-linguistic russkiĭ and the civic rossiĭskiĭ. For
example, the Ukraine or Belarus as “Little Russia” were a long-term part first of
the Tsarist empire, and then of the Soviet Union, not to mention the problem of
the Poles or the Baltic region. In addition, the Muslim central Asian and the Cau-
casian ethnicities differed in language, religion, and custom as much as those eth-
nicities living in Siberia and the Russian Far East. From the various ethnicities’
perspective all over the Tsarist empire and later the Soviet Union, identity issues
had always presented themselves quite differently than in the St. Petersburg / Mos-
cow-based “Russian” dominant view, and became ever more critical with the end
of the Soviet Union.

13 For some of the “Western” perceptions of Russia, see Martin MALIA: Russia Under
Western Eyes: From the Bronze Horseman to the Lenin Mausoleum, Cambridge/Mass.:
Belknap 1999. See also Mark B. SMITH: The Russia Anxiety: And How History Can Resolve
It, New York: Oxford University Press 2019, esp. chapter 6.
14 For a more general overview of identity constructions in Russia, see Nicholas V. RIASA-
NOVSKY: Russian Identities: A Historical Survey, New York and Oxford: Oxford University
Press 2005. On various cultural aspects, see Simon FRANKLIN and Emma WIDDIS (eds.):
National Identity in Russian Culture: An Introduction, Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press 2004. The latter also point to the additional fact that much of “Russian discourses of
identity have been formed in an implied dialogue with outsiders” (FRANKLIN/WILLIS p. 5),
thus reconnecting Russian discourse with the one about Russia from “the West”.
15 Cf. the notion of “third space” of Homi BHABHA in his The Location of Culture, London
et al.: Routledge 2004.
16 This idea, proposed with some vigor in the early 1920s, became again fashionable after
the end of the Soviet Union. Cf. RIASANOVSKY: Russian Identities (2005), pp. 234–235.

e
 Introduction

While in “Western” somewhat condescending, and at the same time fearful, views,
Russia was often seen as backward but in tendency aggressive (the “barbarian at
the door”), in a widespread Russian self-perception, Russia was not inherently ag-
gressive, but always only reacting to the treatment she received from “the West”:
cooperating when accepted and honored as part of the club, though with her dis-
tinct features; or staying aloof if not, only becoming more assertive when being
(or perceiving herself to be) in a position of strength.17 Here, the socio-psycholog-
ical concept of the “significant other” impacting in decisive ways on a subject
comes in. While “the West” was certainly not just some “other”, but a “significant
other” to Russia, this also worked vice versa,18 namely since the LRth century when
Russia played an increasingly important role in international politics, and even
more so in the JSth century,19 culminating in the systemic confrontation with the
“capitalist West” by the creation of the first socialist-communist state in history,
i.e. Soviet Russia. When the Soviet Union was falling apart, at first Russia and the
West seemed to reintegrate, and “Europe” was reconfigured due to the end of the
Cold War.20 But soon this was followed again by a move toward renewed distinc-
tion and potential rivalry.
To China, both Russia and the West were “significant others” at various times,
namely in the modern era, but before turning to China herself, one factor that can-
not be left out of the picture is Japan. Although the rest of the pages will focus on
Chinese perceptions of Russia and the West, Japan is often the elephant in the
room, as since the late LRth century discourses and practices in China were largely
influenced by the “Japan factor”, albeit in various ways.
Japan herself had a complicated relationship with both Russia and “the West”
as her own “significant others”. Since Meiji times (Lcec–LRLJ), Japan tried to as-
sociate with the “advanced West”, using Tsarist Russia as a negative contrast, not
the least out of rivalry, given the geographical vicinity and intersecting interests
on the Asian continent. In Japan, this led to a perception and representation of

17 Cf. the “three patterns of Russia’s relation with the West” as proposed by Andrei P.
TSYGANKOV: Russia and the West from Alexander to Putin: Honor in International Rela-
tions, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 2012, chapter 1.
18 Cf. Iver B. NEUMANN: Uses of the Other: “The East” in European Identity Formation,
Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press 1999, especially chapter 3 which is concerned
with Russia as Europe’s “other”, though it was not the only “other” of Europe in history.
Notably, NEUMANN does not consider East Asia here, but focuses on the Turkish-Ottoman
and the Russian roles in “making Europe”.
19 For some foreign relations perspectives with a special focus on mutual perceptions, see
the already referred-to edited volume by TARAS: Russia’s Identity in International Relations
(2013).
20 Cf. GORBACHEV’s idea of a “common European home” already in the late 1980s, and
the 1990s’ endeavors under YELTSIN (ELʹTS͡ IN) to switch to “Western” economic methods.

K
Gotelind MÜLLER

Russia as the “barbaric Orient of the West”,21 although this rhetoric was in itself
basically derived from “Western” models, primarily Anglo-Saxon and secondarily
German ones, and driven by Japan’s ambition to join the “Western club” herself.
With the regime change to the Soviet Union, Russia could no longer be conceptu-
alized as “backward”. But given the challenge and perceived threat posed by the
Soviet Union and its new socioeconomic system, in Japan the negative evaluation
simply shifted to a new form of Russian “otherness”, while after WWII and during
the Cold War Japan squarely (re)settled in the “Western” camp herself.22 These
developments had an at least intermediary reflection also in China, be it during the
late LRth and early JSth century when many Japanese sources were used as infor-
mation and reference by Chinese intellectuals, sometimes re-evaluating them ac-
cording to their own interest, and sometimes also seeing Japan as a model in the
sense of a “first step” for an Asian country toward “the West”; be it in Republican
times (LRLJ–LRQR); be it in Manchuria where the Japanese were the real masters
behind the Manchukuo regime (LRNJ–LRQd); or be it in Taiwan when the latter was
a Japanese colony (LcRd–LRQd).
Although foreign policy or economic rivalry, security concerns, and geopolit-
ical considerations certainly are decisive factors for the relations between coun-
tries, the cultural area, including mutual perceptions and representations, are no
less patent and influential. Again taking Japan as an example, mutual images in
Japan and Russia have proven a fertile ground in scholarship to explore bilateral
relations in a broader perspective,23 though “Russia” was taken here as a singular
entity not further problematized via its relation to “the West”.
Now turning to the Chinese side, perceptions of Russia’s ambivalent position
in Europe (part or not part) and in relation to “the West” oscillated over time as
well. 24 While, for example, early world-historical representations in China’s
school textbooks saw Russia primarily as a, somewhat special, part of “the West”,
and the Christian element as discussed, for example, in literature marked Russia
as an (if again somewhat special) part of “Europe” and “the West”, too, in the

21 See Ilya KHARIN: After Nicholas: Self-Realization of the Japanese Orthodox Church,
1912–1956, Gloucester: White Margin 2014, p. xiv.
22 For more on the role of Russia as Japan’s “other”, see Alexander BUKH: Japan’s Na-
tional Identity and Foreign Policy: Russia as Japan’s “Other”, London and New York:
Routledge 2010.
23 Yulia MIKHAILOVA and M. William STEELE (eds.): Japan and Russia: Three Centuries
of Mutual Images, Folkestone: Global Oriental 2008.
24 It might be briefly noted that in Chinese this understanding of “Europe” vs. “the West”
in relation to Russia differed somewhat from the one in Russia herself as can be seen, for
example, by the fact that the Russian “Westernizers” (zapadniki) of the 19th century are
translated into Chinese in various ways, i.e. similarly as “Westernizers” (xifang pai 西方
派), but also as “West-European-izers” (xi-Ou pai 西欧派).

c
 Introduction

sociopolitical area the “otherness” of Russia was usually highlighted. This could
be defined via “Tsarist autocracy” or via the Soviet (no less authoritarian) system,
while “the West” was understood in terms of the Anglo-Saxon “democracy model”
(which, needless to say, was not historically representative of all of Europe over
the JSth century).25 In terms of economy, in turn, the notion of “the West” was
connected to the concepts of free market and capitalism, which Russia / the Soviet
Union did not subscribe to. This way of understanding was reflected accordingly
in visual and material representations. For the conceptualization of “Russia” this
made for a split image emerging during the JSth century. In tendency, while Tsarist
Russia and later the “Whites” who often ended up in China after having lost the
Civil War in Russia (LRLK–LRJJ) were rather seen and represented as somehow
“European”, the Soviet Union and the “Reds” were perceived as clearly distinct
and opposed to “the West”. In consequence, also two “types” of Russians emerged.
In terms of power politics, though, even the Soviet Union could appear in China
as part of the Great Powers associated with “the West” (which at times also
included Japan, as it does today, clearly far from any geographical meaning of the
word). Thus, the “frontline” in between very much depended on the criterion
chosen or the issue focused upon.
In terms of a diplomatic historical perspective, one often speaks of the “special”
Russian-Chinese relations,26 and in Chinese (and Russian) views of the “Western”
colonial empires and supremacy aspirations, Russia seemed to stand out positively,
at least for the earlier times when treaties were still concluded without “Western”
“gunboat diplomacy”. This figure of argument has gained some currency again in
recent years in the context of improving Sino-Russian relations, although this view
was never uncontroversial, even in China. As a result of the systemic change in
Russia to the Soviet Union on the one hand, and the Chinese Communist
revolution on the other subsequently, the “gap” between Russia and “the West” in
Chinese perception was deepened significantly due to systemic competition (and
“Europe” as a category became even more problematic due to the Cold War,
dividing “Europe” roughly into two camps). On the other hand, the increasingly
confrontational relationship of the PRC with the former “socialist brother” since
the late LRdSs and early LReSs, and the PRC’s “foreign policy turnaround” in the
early LRKSs with a new rapprochement with the U.S. and its allies, along with
growing integration into international organizations, quite naturally also had an

25 One may, once again, recall the most outstanding case to the contrary of Nazi Germany,
but also the many other dictatorial-authoritarian regimes extant in various European coun-
tries at different times during the 20th century.
26 Critical to this: Sarah C.M. PAINE: Imperial Rivals: China, Russia, and Their Disputed
Frontier (1858–1924), Armonk: Sharpe 1996.

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Gotelind MÜLLER

effect on the Chinese perceptions, usually in opposite ways on both sides of the
Taiwan Strait, of Russia / the Soviet Union, and “the West”. After the end of the
Soviet Union, in spite of several argumentative shifts in the PRC where this event
and the changes throughout Eastern Europe were watched with great concern, the
idea of a far-reaching difference between Russia and “the West” remained, albeit
now in a slightly different form and with a reconfigured “Europe”.
So far, research interest in Western and Russian scholarship has either
concentrated on the China-Russia 27 or the China-“West” (mostly intending
individual countries, mainly the U.S. and UK)28 relationship (which may also be
due to the respective language competences required). This specialization on the
study of either China-Russia or China-West calls for the still lacking combination
of the two perspectives, and the question of changing “frontlines” breaks up those
presumed fixed entities. In a sense, the contrary direction of inquiry has been taken
by TREADGOLD once by looking into the reception of Western ideas in Russia and
China comparatively, though here “the West” has been seen as one given entity
moving through time, just “influencing” Russia and China in various “waves” in
different intellectual forms.29 The basic point of departure in this case seems to
have been that both countries, Russia and China, had ended up, at the time
TREADGOLD was writing, as the main (rivalling) representatives of the Communist
“camp” during the Cold War, i.e. with an ideology which had its Marxist basis

27 On Russia-China in general, see e.g. Aleksandr LUKIN (ed.): Rossii͡a i Kitaĭ: chetyre
veka vzaimodeĭstvii͡a: Istorii͡a, sovremennoe sostoi͡anie i perspektivy razvitii͡a rossiĭsko-
kitaĭskikh otnosheniĭ (Russia and China: 400 years of exchange: history, the present day,
and the perspectives of development of Russian-Chinese relations), Moskva: Ves’ Mir
2013; for the phase 1858–1924: PAINE: Imperial Rivals (1996); on the Soviet Union-China:
as a documentary basis, see Heng-yü KUO and M. TITARENKO: RKP(B), Komintern und die
national-revolutionäre Bewegung in China: Dokumente, vol. 1 (The Comintern and the na-
tional-revolutionary movement in China: documents), Paderborn: Schöningh 1996; and
Mechthild LEUTNER and M. TITARENKO: KPdSU, Komintern und die national-revolu-
tionäre Bewegung in China: Dokumente, vol. 2 (The Comintern and the national-revolu-
tionary movement in China: documents), Paderborn: Schöningh 1998; for the early Cold
War phase: Austin JERSILD: The Sino-Soviet Alliance: An International History, Chapel
Hill: University of North Carolina Press 2014; and subsequently Lorenz M. LÜTHI: The
Sino-Soviet Split: Cold War in the Communist World, Princeton and Oxford: Princeton Uni-
versity Press 2008.
28 In this rather vast literature, see on China-U.S., e.g., Dong WANG: The United States and
China: A History From the Eighteenth Century to the Present, Lanham: Rowman&Little-
field 2013. On China and Britain, see, e.g., Robert BICKERS and Jonathan J. HOWLETT
(eds.): Britain and China, 1840–1970: Empire, Finance, and War, New York: Routledge
2016.
29 Donald W. TREADGOLD: The West in Russia and China: Religious and Secular Thought
in Modern Times. Vol. I: Russia, 1472–1917; vol. II: China, 1582–1949, Cambridge: At
the University Press 1973. The spectrum covers Christianity to Marxism in content.

LS
 Introduction

originally in the West. This merited the question as to how this came about, and it
foregrounded the logic that these two countries and cultures could and should be
compared. In the present volume, though, the somewhat static view on set entities
(if as such internally changing over time by intellectual “fashions”, as TREADGOLD
acknowledged in his approach) influencing other set entities is not the guiding
principle, but rather the eye of the beholder is understood as the site where
commonness and difference is perceived, creating entities. Thus, the question as
to how something constructed as “the West” or as “Russia” / the Soviet Union was
perceived, and where in Chinese eyes frontlines were or were not set between them
and under which temporal, local, and further circumstances, are at stake.
Some of the individual aspects have most definitely been examined previously.
Still, in addition to themes like diplomacy, 30 ideology transfer,31 or translation
questions,32 a focus on the images and perceptions as reflected in different Chinese
media and societal groups during the course of this turbulent century aims at
exploring new ways of ascertaining changes and continuities in those perceptions,
and the shifting of boundaries in the respective attribution.

30 For the early post-WWII down-turn of PRC-U.S. relations, see Simei QING: From Allies
to Enemies: Visions of Modernity, Identity, and U.S.-China Diplomacy, 1945–1960, Cam-
bridge/Mass.: Harvard University Press 2007. On China’s shifting alliances in the Cold War,
see beyond the works cited above for Russia/Soviet Union-China: Zhihua SHEN and Danhui
LI: After leaning to one side: China and its Allies in the Cold War, Washington: Woodrow
Wilson Center 2011.
31 See, e.g., several contributions in Thomas P. BERNSTEIN and Huayu LI (eds.): China
Learns From the Soviet Union, 1949–Present, Lanham et al.: Lexington Books 2010, for
Soviet Union-China.
32 On the field of literature between Russia and China, see, e.g., Leonid CHERKASSKIĬ:
Russkai͡a literatura na Vostoke: Teorii͡a i praktika perevoda (Russian Literature in the Ori-
ent: Theory and practice of translation), Мoskva: Nauka 1987; Mark GAMSA: The Chinese
Translation of Russian Literature, Leiden: Brill 2008; and Mark GAMSA: The Reading of
Russian Literature in China: A Moral Example and a Manual for Practice, London: Pal-
grave MacMillan 2010. On Chinese translations of Western literature and their
interrelatedness with Chinese creative writing, see Shouhua QI: Western Literature in
China and the Translation of a Nation, New York: Palgrave Macmillan 2012. More general
on global translation processes with a focus on China: Lydia LIU: Translingual Practice:
Literature, National Culture, and Translated Modernity, China 1900 – 1937, Stanford:
Stanford U.P. 1995. On the translation of Marxist terminology: Wolfgang LIPPERT:
Entstehung und Funktion einiger chinesischer marxistischer Termini: der lexikalisch-
begriffliche Aspekt der Rezeption des Marxismus in Japan und China (Formation and
function of some Chinese Marxist terms: the lexical-terminological aspect of the reception
of Marxism in Japan and China), Wiesbaden: Steiner 1979. On the Chinese reception of
Western scientific terminology: Michael LACKNER et al. (eds.): New Terms for New Ideas:
Western Knowledge and Lexical Change in Late Imperial China, Leiden: Brill 2001.

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Gotelind MÜLLER

While not only Western, but also Russian, views on China have been studied more
thoroughly, Chinese views on Russia have only recently received more attention,33
whereas the Chinese modern image of “the West” or “Westerners” as such remains
rather understudied, 34 since this is usually broken down to country-specific
detailed studies easier to grasp and less ambiguous.35 Therefore, a study of the
facets and variations of the Chinese image of Russia and “the West” (which for all
the country-based specificities is still a commonly “used” concept, frequently
referred to in ideological terms as well as in societal practice) in different contexts
during the JSth century, pursued in international cooperation, should be a welcome
addition to existing scholarship.
The concept of “perception” is deliberately chosen here, since it conceptually,
albeit not necessarily temporally in some cases, precedes the formation of a fixed
and coherent “image”. In a most immediate sense, bodily perception via the senses
is represented in the brain to form an image. In a more general sense, as used here,
the concept of “perception” also allows for the consideration of historically
powerful elements that have not condensed into a single “image” of “the

33 Nikolaĭ SAMOĬLOV: Rossii͡a i Kitaĭ v XVII – nachale XX veka: tendent͡sii, formy i stadii
sot͡siokulʹturnogo vzaimodeĭstvii͡a (Russia and China from the 17th through the early 20th
century: tendencies, forms and phases of sociocultural interaction), Sankt-Peterburg:
Izdatelʹskiĭ dom Sankt-Peterburgskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta 2014; LI Suian 李随
安: 1949–2009 Zhongguo de Eluosi xingxiang 1949–2009 中国的俄罗斯形象 1949–2009
(China’s image of Russia, 1949–2009), Harbin: Heilongjiang jiaoyu chubanshe 2012; see
also S. L. TIKHVINSKIĬ: Vosprii͡atie v Kitae obraza Rossii (The perception of the image of
Russia in China), Moskva: Nauka 2008, for an overview.
34 E.g., see part 1 in Hua MENG and Sukehiro HIRAKAWA (eds.): Images of Westerners in
Chinese and Japanese literature, Amsterdam: Rodopi 2000; as well as Chinese
“Occidentalism”: Xiaomei CHEN: Occidentalism: a Theory of Counter-Discourse in Post-
Mao China, New York: Oxford U.P. 1995; and, as a genealogy in a historical long-term
perspective based on the shifting category “West” in the general sense of “west of China”:
Mingming WANG: The West as the Other: a Genealogy of Chinese Occidentalism, Hong
Kong: The Chinese University Press 2014.
35 For a bibliographical account of the Chinese image of Germany, see, e.g., Wolfgang
BAUER et al.: Das chinesische Deutschlandbild der Gegenwart: eine Bibliographie (The
contemporary Chinese image of Germany: a bibliography), Stuttgart: Steiner 1989–1992.
For a recent publication on France, see the printed roundtable by Nicolas ROUSSEAUX et al.:
Images croisées France-Chine (Crossed images France-China), Paris: Fondation Victor
Segalen 2014; for the more political image of America, e.g. Carola MCGIFFERT (ed.): Chi-
nese Images of the United States, Washington: CSIS Press 2005; Hong ZHANG: America
Perceived: The Making of Chinese Images of the United States, 1945–1953, Westport:
Greenwood Press 2002; David SHAMBAUGH: Beautiful Imperialist: China Perceives Amer-
ica, 1972–1990, Princeton: Princeton University Press 1991; or more culturally – via
translated excerpts – David ARKUSH and Leo Ou-fan LEE (transl. and ed.): Land without
Ghosts: Chinese Impressions of America from the Mid-Nineteenth Century to the Present,
Berkeley: University of California Press 1989.

LJ
 Introduction

Westerner” or “the Russian”.36 Rather, it is precisely through the consideration of

the changing “frontlines” and historically contingent attributions that the
numerous fractures in the constructions of the “other”, which are always subject
to genre and group-specific negotiation processes, should become visible. The
notion of “representation”, in turn, is used here when the focus is on the
presentational side (which does not necessarily reproduce a social “image” only,
but rather often attempts to form, or influence, social “images” in a targeted
manner in the first place.) In this sense, conceptually, there is a need to distinguish
between perception, image, and representation.

Tour through the book

In the first part of the book, the normative views on Russia and the West, as de-
fined by the Chinese state via curricula and spelled out in textbooks for transmis-
sion in school, are addressed. Starting with the late imperial and Republican times
(DMITRENKO), it becomes evident that Russia and the West are treated somewhat
differently between discussions embedded in the subject of “Chinese” or “national”
history on the one hand, and in the context of “foreign” / “world” history (which,
in fact, often made use of foreign textbooks for content, by this adding a further
layer to the interpretation) on the other hand. In classes on “Chinese history” which
focus on the relation of the “others” to China, a more critical view of the “others”
prevails, while the positive achievements of these “others” are, rather, discussed
in the context of “world history”. A further distinction results from the period un-
der review in a textbook chapter; while earlier historical periods are usually less
emotionally charged, the LRth and early JSth century closer to the writing time and
connected to the traumatic loss of international standing of the Chinese “self” are
more sensitive to frame in an official narrative. While Tsarist Russia since Peter
the Great is mostly depicted as “associated” (though “not equal”) with “the West”
in the sense of great power politics, in fact as the “worst” of aggressors and out-
standing troublemaker, the subsequent Soviet Union comes up as a topic in school
history only in the LRNSs and is treated rather carefully. In the end, Russia is
China’s direct neighbor. “The West”, though, remains ambivalent in evaluation,

36 Such full-fledged national images and stereotypes as reflected in literature and their
coming into being have been discussed, e.g., by Manfred BELLER and Joep LEERSSEN (eds.):
Imagology: the Cultural Construction and Literary Representation of National Characters;
a Critical Survey, Amsterdam and New York: Rodopi 2007.

LN
Gotelind MÜLLER

acknowledging its contributions to “modernity” and thus figuring as a “model” for

China, but on the other hand it is perceived as aggressive toward the rest of the
world through its excessive colonialism, imperialism, and an exploitive capitalist
system. It should be noted that the treatment in history classes through the first
half of the JSth century rather restricts the discussion to politics and partly econ-
omy, while culture, for example, is barely touched upon, and religion, i.e. Christi-
anity, is criticized as something opposed to “modernity”. In terms of a historical
approach, the “great men” view of the late imperial era is followed by a territorial
preoccupation during Republican times, also visually expressed in the extensive
use of maps. This bespeaks the increasingly nationalist political agenda of the Chi-
nese government at the time, which also attempted to “prove” in the LRNSs China’s
contribution to “world history”, not only referring to important technical inven-
tions, but even laying claims to the significant historical role of the “Chinese Mon-
gols” and their one-time world empire. This way, the Chinese “self” was to reas-
sert itself also internationally, at least for the eyes of the young generation at home,
which was supposed to become more patriotic by studying the textbooks.
We then move into the post-WWII times with a more specific attention to the
PRC and Taiwan and the respective views on Russia and the Soviet Union pro-
vided by official school history. In the PRC (YANG) the view on Russia was largely
narrowed down to the history of the Soviet Union in terms of politics and economy,
and the way this was, and is, treated also reveals much about the changing policies
in the PRC at particular times. While the history of other countries was considered
less important, the Soviet Union was perceived as the most “significant other” for
the early PRC. Focusing on the portrayal of key topics like the October Revolution,
Stalinism, WWII, but also the more “delicate” post-STALIN economic reforms of
KHRUSHCHEV (LcRQ–LRKL) treated only more recently in school history, the shifts
in political agendas in mainland China as reflected in curricula and textbooks from
the LRdSs to today become evident. The international context with the deterioration
of Sino-Soviet relations as well as the foreign policy easing of relations with “the
West” since the LRKSs also impacted directly on textbook contents. The dissolution
of the Soviet Union, finally, challenged the Chinese reading of Soviet history to
provide explanations to pupils of what to learn from the Soviet “errors” to avoid a
similar outcome at home, and to prove that the Chinese government had taken the
right measures to develop socialism in a more successful direction. However, the
“reappearance” since the LRRSs of sovereign states formerly integrated in the So-
viet Union implicitly reopened the sensitive question as to the legitimacy of rule
over areas culturally distinct.
In the case of Taiwan (CHANG), the issue of legitimacy of rule is pertinent from
the opposite side. Historically speaking, while the PRC textbooks, especially

LQ
 Introduction

during the LRdSs, geared toward the Soviet Union, the ROC textbooks rather down-
played the topic of Russia, while Taiwan itself had hardly any “Russian connec-
tion”. In fact, prior to the end of Japanese colonial rule in LRQd, very few Russians
ever appeared on the island, and after the GMD (Guomindang 國民黨, National
People’s Party) took over, it simply exported its anti-Soviet stance from the main-
land to Taiwan, always connected to its antagonism with the CCP (Chinese Com-
munist Party), its main concern. Politically, though, the U.S. were the “significant
other” of postwar Taiwan, and Europe an above all cultural entity. While GMD
textbooks continued to reveal the Republican era preoccupation with Tsarist Rus-
sia’s “aggression” toward China and the territorial gains this had implied, the So-
viet Union was portrayed as a new form of “imperialism”, and the CCP as lackeys
of the Soviets. Only beginning with the split between the PRC and the Soviet Un-
ion, the anti-Soviet element was toned down in Taiwan, and after the end of the
Soviet Union, the changed international setting, the newly started Russo-Taiwan-
ese relations, as well as the democratization in Taiwan which impacted on the ed-
ucation system, too, allowed for a more relaxed treatment of “Russian” history.
By interviews with Taiwanese teachers of two generations on the topic of teaching
Russian history in Taiwanese schools, the chapter also provides a rare glimpse into
the inner working of schooling regarding a topic largely new to teachers as well
as pupils. It also makes clear that from the perspective of the pupils the teaching
of history has to be seen in relationship to other subjects like geography, where
knowledge about “others” is transmitted, too. Furthermore, it shows that shifts in
the historiographical approach, like the present focus on transnational global his-
tory, also lead to new forms in history education content and teaching methods,
for example moving beyond chronology to more project-based topic-focused ones,
especially on the senior secondary level. Notably, such approaches have also been
tested in PRC history education in the JSSSs.
On the basis of these two specialized studies on the PRC’s and Taiwan’s deal-
ing with Russian/Soviet history, we take a comparative look between both systems’
dealing with Russia and the West in curricula and textbooks, at first for the period
of the Cold War (MÜNNING). While both systems used history education as a tool
to inculcate their respective ideologies, the PRC shifted decidedly more during the
time, given the ups and downs in ideological orientation, whereas Taiwan under
GMD rule remained largely in the trail set in Republican times on the mainland.
On a general level, while the concept of “class” was central to the PRC up to the
LRcSs, GMD-Taiwan accentuated the concept of “nation”. In Taiwan, the evalua-
tion of both Tsarist Russia and the Soviet Union was equally negative, whereas
the PRC clearly differentiated between the “aggressive” Tsarist Russia and the
“best times” of the Soviet Union, intending the times under LENIN (LcKS–LRJQ)

Ld
Gotelind MÜLLER

and STALIN (LcKc/KR–LRdN). Conversely, the image of “the West” was much more
positive in Taiwan, if acknowledging also the dark sides of imperialism and colo-
nialism, whereas the PRC found much less of a “model” in this context and only
carefully introduced some positive elements during the post-Cultural Revolution
reform period. By focusing on some historical topics through the ages discussed
in textbooks on both sides of the Taiwan Strait, the chapter presents the different
outlooks on “world history” during the Cold War times in Taiwan and the PRC as
presented to the pupils, thus forming their respective worldview, and the shifts
visible therein. In general, though, while the West was “appropriated” in Taiwan,
it was “deconstructed” in the PRC; and while Russia was “demonized” in GMD-
Taiwan, the Soviet Union was “idolized” in the (early) PRC. In this setting, it is
the perception of Russia that has undergone the greatest shifts, due to the political
changes both in Russia and in the PRC or Taiwan, while “the West” has remained
more stable in representation.
The final chapter (RYSAKOVA) in this part again links both Taiwan and the
PRC, now for the most recent times, looking into the representation of Western
countries and Russia in history textbooks and curricula since the Cold War. It
shows how the newer trend of writing global history is made to serve as a tool for
national identity construction via teaching. While in Taiwan, due to democratiza-
tion, the curricula are an issue broadly and hotly debated throughout society where
different points of view can be voiced, in the PRC the careful pluralization of the
LRRSs has been recently withdrawn in the name of a strengthened “patriotism”.
Here, the opposition to “others” outside the borders, i.e. moving beyond the earlier
inter-party (GMD vs. CCP) rivalry, serves as a catalyst to improve societal cohe-
sion (and rules out the divisive “class struggle” rhetoric of former times). The
chapter also argues that in Taiwan, “Western” scholarship is taken up in the writ-
ing of “global history” by using the latter’s inherent anti-Eurocentrism, namely by
authors caring about a more “Taiwanese” approach, for their own agenda. This
often includes also a distancing from mainland China by paralleling the latter with
“equally external” Europe, and thus puts “China” in the category of “world history”
distinct from the local Taiwanese one. In the PRC, in turn, “world history” is now
proactively used to claim the Chinese point of view as the new “master narrative”
on a global scale in the name of an international “balancing out” of the “right to
speak”. This also shows that school history is not only closely linked to larger
historical debates, but even more so to foreign policy concerns. Historians at times
try to find a way out by redesigning issues. The category of “the West”, for exam-
ple, is at times rephrased as “developed countries” on both sides of the Taiwan
Strait, by this making “development” and “modernity” into the key criteria without
localizing them geographically per se, but following different agendas respectively

Le
 Introduction

nevertheless. Furthermore, due to Taiwan’s contested identity construction and its

precarious international standing, the topic of “modernity” has the advantage of
being less controversial than the ever-problematic “nation” concept. A topical ar-
rangement, especially experimented with on the senior secondary level in both
Taiwan and the PRC and often in non-compulsory courses, also gives more leeway
to teachers in treating topics with pupils harboring a special interest in history. In
that context, the concept of “the West” is also more flexible, covering different
geographical areas (i.e. of different modern nation states), depending on the sub-
ject and particular historical problems discussed.
The second part of this volume deals with literary images, discussing how fic-
tionalized representations defined, enlivened, or problematized Russia and the
West for the Chinese reading public. Taking the question of radical evil and its
personified form in Western/Russian literature as a starting point, chapter e
(VETROV) discusses the Chinese grappling with this concept at first glance alien
to Chinese readers, which connects Russia and “the West” via Christianity, and
via literary intertextual relations. Namely, the famous German drama Faust by
GOETHE (LKQR–LcNJ) centrally concerned with the question of man and evil per-
sonified in the figure of Mephistopheles, reverberates also in Russian literature,
while Russian authors also develop their own approach to evil and cross-refer be-
tween each other. Russian literature, on the one hand strongly linked to Western
literature but on the other also very distinct, thus provides a multi-layered case
which is of particular interest to China. The preoccupation with the topic of radical
evil points to a common ground of “European” literature and thinking, but differ-
ences also appear in the way this is applied. A critical potential of the concept of
radical evil is developed in Russian literature in various ways. On the one hand, it
may serve for distancing Orthodox “holy” Russia from the “West”, when outstand-
ing LRth century Russian writers of impact in JSth century China like GOGOL
(GOGOLʹ, LcSR–LcdJ) and (more controversially in Chinese JSth century eyes)
DOSTOEVSKY (DOSTOEVSKIĬ, LcJL–LccL) depict (elements of) “the West” as an in-
carnation of evil: be it modernity with its technical “progress” and secularization,
be it the Enlightenment with its rationality, or be it Catholicism and the Pope. Even
socialism, still nascent in the LRth century, is hinted at as one of these dangerous
embodiments by DOSTOEVSKY. But the figure of personified evil can also be
turned into a device to criticize the (realized) socialist Soviet system in Russia
herself by positively positioning oneself vis-à-vis the “Western” tradition (and
GOETHE’s Faust) as in the case of JSth century Russian “dissident” writer BULGA-
KOV (LcRL–LRQS), censured for many years in the Soviet Union and received in
China only more recently. Interweaving “Western”, Russian, and Chinese litera-
ture, literary theory, and literary studies along the lines of this topic of radical evil

LK
Gotelind MÜLLER

and through various phases of the JSth century, the chapter traces the changing
agendas in China as reflected in the discussions of personified evil in general, and
in the context of several literary works, from GOETHE’s Faust, over pertinent
works of GOGOL and DOSTOEVSKY to BULGAKOV, in particular. The shifts in Chi-
nese interpretation modes, while closely related to changing Chinese politics, are
furthermore set in relation to Russian/Soviet scholarship which for years was seen
as authoritative in the PRC. The discussion of foreign concepts in China often did
not wait for longer translations becoming available, as can be typically seen earlier
in the century with the ideologically charged times of the late LRLSs and the LRJSs.
At the time, a presumably “Faustian spirit” was propagated to hail creativity and
originality of man without need of any God above, while the “Satanic” developed
a negative attractiveness as a destructive, but welcome, force to smash the old and
obsolete as a necessary correlate. Evil, thus, appears foremost as a social issue,
and the Devil as a justified rebel. But a closer look into the history of longer or full
translations of the literary works of the named foreign authors into Chinese which
centrally deal with personified evil, the main genre being novels, over the JSth
century, also makes evident that translations (and choices of what to translate and
when) are a subtle continuation of politics in many ways, too. While Chinese in-
terpretative approaches significantly increased their psychological complexity
over time, given the greater leeway to discuss “evil” beyond the social after the
Cultural Revolution, the ethical-theological specific concern of personified evil
remains largely marginalized or even neutralized, given the sensitive Christian di-
mension and the non-transcendental thrust of interpretation in China. However,
some recent Chinese readings of the Russian “classics” venture into the religious
background of the concept of evil more outspokenly, connecting it, notably though,
with a self-assertive cultural identity position via-à-vis “the West”, presumably
mirrored in the Russian case.
The following chapter (CHEN) takes inspiration from FOUCAULT to zoom
closer into the role of the consciousness of the dark and mad as a mode to deal
with modern “Westernized” civilization by intertwining the Russian critical “re-
sponse” to the latter of LRth century writer GOGOL with the famous Republican-
era Chinese writer LU Xun 魯迅 (LccL–LRNe), a dedicated reader (and translator)
of GOGOL. In this context, the chapter attempts to go beyond the conventional
paradigm of “influence” of GOGOL on LU Xun by asking what might have induced
LU Xun to pick up on this particular Russian writer in many ways so different in
ideological outlook. Beyond the obvious literary referencing of GOGOL by LU Xun,
most famously with the figure of the “madman” who writes a diary to expose the
society he lives in (if with a decidedly different thrust of argument in the case of
LU Xun who ends his story with a return of the “madman” to “normality”), the

Lc
 Introduction

Ukrainian-Russian GOGOL and the Chinese LU Xun have more things in common.
Notably, they both reflect in parallel parts of the respective “self’s” “little tradition”
(Robert REDFIELD), GOGOL, himself from “Little Russia”, more precisely the
Ukraine, by referring repeatedly in his early works to Ukrainian folk tales told in
the evening, brimming with demons, goblins, and other weird creatures, and LU
Xun by referring to China’s “little tradition” of tales of the strange and miraculous
in popular literature. They therewith open up the respective indigenous marginal-
ized realms of a consciousness of the dark and mad in a centralized, supposedly
rational, and illuminated “Westernized”, but alienating modern world; positioned
between fear and laughter, tragedy and comedy. However, LU Xun, a man of the
JSth century and certainly no defender of the ancient régime, mirrors the rational-
ity and modernity associated with “the West” doubly, precisely by integrating the
Slavophile satirist GOGOL. In his prose, while attacking Chinese traditionalism,
his own bête noire, with “carnivalesque” (BAKHTIN) means à la GOGOL, LU Xun
thus puts the “Russian” lens in between China and “the West”, resulting in the
blurring of a neat “self and other” division.
The next chapter (RODIONOV) considers more specifically the fictional repre-
sentations of Russia by focusing on a genre with its own peculiarities: literary pe-
riodicals in China, which presented a view on foreign countries, mostly “Western”
ones, but also addressing Russia, for a broader reading public in Republican times.
The presentation modes included creative works, translations, and accompanying
illustrations. By analyzing the range of representations in such a serial format with
relatively shorter texts, the chapter focuses on the yet understudied side of the Na-
tionalists to counter the usual preoccupation with the views of Chinese leftist writ-
ers on Soviet Russia. In these nationalist periodicals of LRNS–LRNL, at the very high
time of GMD-CCP animosity after the bloody end of the First United Front in LRJK,
and subsequent to the LRJR military clashes with the Soviet Union over the Chinese
Eastern Railway in Manchuria, it becomes obvious that the sensitive topic of Rus-
sia was of considerable concern to the GMD no less. While the periodicals were
designed to advertise nationalism in a literary format by the GMD-affiliated writ-
ers to counter the proletarian literature movement driven by the leftists, the strong
link between literature and nation-building as perceived by them, for example, in
Western Europe, extended also to Russia. In fact, a split image of “Russians”
evolved in these periodicals between the “dangerous Reds” and the (often poor
and émigré) “Whites”, seen on the streets of Shanghai, where the periodicals were
published. Furthermore, the service of some “White” Russians in the GMD mili-
tary also allowed for a personal contact of some of the GMD writers reflected in
literary pieces, which moved the image of “Russians” beyond the exclusive “So-
viet” definition. While the Soviets were predictably depicted very negatively in

LR
Gotelind MÜLLER

the periodicals, partly based on personal experience by some GMD writers who
had been held captive by the Soviets in the wake of the LRJR crisis, the “other
Russians” were at times presented in a way to solicit sympathy from the Chinese
readers for their difficult émigré status, longing to go back to “their” homeland.
Furthermore, by reference to the Russian “peasant poets” who were supposed to
stand for Russia’s true “national spirit”, an image of “another Russia” than the one
embodied in the Communist Soviet Union was evoked, thus challenging the leftist
monopoly on representations of “Russia” and suggesting that the Soviet Union
was a deplorable aberration in the history of the Russian nation.
The final contribution in this part, chapter R (MONSCHEIN), presents a very
different Chinese view on Soviet Russia in a later period. Here the focus is on
recent mainland Chinese literature, mainly through the lens of the author WANG
Meng 王蒙 (*LRNQ) who embodies an intersection of the national and the private
as a CCP member and former Minister of Culture of the PRC, but writing as an
author about private memories as well. These bespeak his own strong emotional
attachment to things Soviet and represent, to some degree, a generation growing
up in the LRdSs, developing a “romantic” relationship with the Soviet Union, and
then having to live through the Sino-Soviet split and all that came thereafter as a
kind of harsh, but sobering coming-of-age. By this, he stands for a generation
mourning its lost ideals, but also reminding present-day PRC society of this part
of its own history by now largely relegated to the “subconscious”. Therefore, the
chapter argues, his literary “memorial” to the Soviet Union, published fifteen years
after the latter’s end, is a very conscious choice and goes well beyond a simple
nostalgia. WANG’s writings furthermore demonstrate the decisive role of intangi-
ble Soviet-Russian heritage, not the least manifested in literature and film but also
songs and music, which created and sustained this lasting emotional attachment of
a whole generation of mainland Chinese, even if not necessarily knowledgeable in
the Russian language. While film and literature were received in translation, music
did not need any “translation” for speaking “to the heart”. However, the music and
songs WANG refers to in his semiautobiographical writings are of themselves in-
terlaced with Western cultural modes as well (for example TCHAIKOVSKY’s
(CHAĬKOVSKIĬ) Capriccio Italien, integrating Italian street music motifs), and at
the same time with traditional Russian (including “Little Russian”) popular culture.
This interwoven texture links “Russia”, “the West”, and China, literature and mu-
sic, memory and desire, the political and the personal, the “self” and the “other(s)”
in a free and playful way comparable to the literary-musical form of a Capriccio
to commemorate the Soviet Union, and China’s (and WANG’s) own past at the
same time. This “realm of memory”, though, is by the author supposed to inform
but not block any new turn life in China is going to take. But it claims, against

JS
 Introduction

present-day Russian as well as Chinese official memory politics, the legacy of this
particular past as something due to be addressed, not repressed. In this, WANG is
supported by other Chinese writers who might differ in their evaluation of the So-
viet Union and even might rather prefer a broader take on “Russia” such as writer
and painter FENG Jicai 冯骥才 (*LRQJ) with his pronounced interest in daily life
and popular culture, be it in China or in Russia. FENG, however, had also learnt
the language, in contrast to WANG, and accessed “Russia” in more varied ways.
But in spite of their differences, there is a shared belief that the memory of the past
needs to be preserved in all its complexity and with all the conflicting emotions
this may raise, for better or for worse, in a present-day mainland Chinese society
tending to (or being induced to) forget and ignore this particular history as part of
the “self”.
The third part in this volume, dealing with visual and material representations,
starts with a look into a popular genre, the traditional Chinese nianhua 年畫 (New
Year prints) of late imperial times which had a broad dissemination and formed
images of foreigners and things foreign (mostly Western ones) for a broader public
(STAROVOITOVA). Russian China scholars collected these popular woodblock
prints systematically over years, resulting in a remarkable holding of this form of
folk art in St. Petersburg today. The nianhua testify to a visual imaginaire for “the
masses”. They were at times ordered and distributed as a way to criticize or satirize
foreigners, namely Christians, by local elites perceiving themselves endangered
by foreign encroachment and competition. The visual representations on these
anti-Christian nianhua could serve to encourage societal xenophobic outbursts re-
sulting in physical attacks on foreign and Chinese Christians with at times fatal
outcomes. The negative stereotyping of foreign missionaries, Christian beliefs,
and claimed societal “scandalous” behavior diverging from Chinese traditional
norms mixed mockery with puns and visual negative signs like the use of green
color for depravity familiar to the broader public from theatre performances. The
nianhua were, however, not all satirizing and criticizing foreigners, but also put to
use in the opposite sense, i.e. to advertise “modern” trends and fashions by those
positively interested in the “Western” lifestyle. Here, the topic of women and
(modern) schooling played a significant part, popularizing new ideas on gender
roles and education with this widespread and affordable genre. This shows that the
popular nianhua genre was attractive to people with widely diverging views. At
times, the nianhua just reflected the simple fact of foreign things having become
part of Chinese life already (or at least attest to the perceived desirability of such
things), be it Western-style clothing or bicycles, while other nianhua were used to
project wishful thinking in theatre-like fashion vis-à-vis the foreign/foreigners in
this visual medium for a broader public.

JL
Gotelind MÜLLER

This “mass-oriented” approach is continued in chapter LL (GULEVA) with the

(Western) format of cartoons representing foreigners, here namely those of the
“West” which sometimes included Russians, notably both Soviet and “White”, in
the mid-LRNSs. As this chapter demonstrates, the categories of “Russia” and “the
West” very much depended on the viewpoint and were contingent on time circum-
stances. Thus, in the Chinese cartoon magazines of LRNQ–LRNK considered in more
detail, even Soviet Russia often appeared along with “Western” countries, since
the main concern at the time was national power vs. weakness. In this context, the
Soviet Union was as much a global player in power politics as Western countries.
In cultural contexts, in turn, the concept of “European” was prevalent, again in-
cluding the Russians. Here, the intersection with “race” is apparent, too, as the
“Russians” were seen as part of the “white race”, and “race” was a central concern
in GMD China. On the other hand, political systems suggested different groupings
at the time, given the totalitarian regimes in Italy, Germany and the Soviet Union,
typically also identified with their single power-holders MUSSOLINI, HITLER, and
STALIN personally, or with the emblems of their respective regimes, as opposed to
other “Western” nations subscribing to democracy, and therefore also less prone
to stabile personalization in representation. This often was substituted by a tagging
with flags, for example. In the perspective of imperialism and/or capitalism, di-
viding lines were potentially different again. Thus, in the cartoon magazines,
China was rather constructed as a “victim” alongside other global fellow victims
of power politics and economic exploitation. These “fellow victims” included
Ethiopia / Abyssinia which was attacked by fascist Italy at the time, with the
League of Nations, perceived by the Chinese as de facto representing “the West”,
only standing by, just passing some resolutions. This reminded Chinese readers of
the situation in Manchuria where the League’s critical investigation into the Japa-
nese invasion of LRNL (the “Manchurian incident”) had equally not proved very
helpful. The Spanish Republic, in turn, had entered into Civil War in LRNe, pre-
sented in the Chinese cartoon magazines as torn between Fascists and Communists
more foreign than domestic, foreboding intensifying foreign threat and interfer-
ence also in China. While Ethiopia was praised for its at least initial try to fight
back the Italians, different from the Indian GANDHI-model, i.e. opposing the Brit-
ish colonizers with nonviolent means only, which was mocked as naive by the
Chinese cartoonists, the implicit suggestion was for China to take a tougher stand
against foreign encroachment. The plight of the helpless Spanish people in be-
tween the belligerents, in turn, solicited sympathy, and simultaneously expressed
Chinese fears of a similar fate. This way, the “others” were depicted with an im-
plicit reference to the Chinese “self”. On the other hand, real-life destitute foreign-
ers, namely the émigré Russians on Shanghai’s streets where the cartoon

JJ
 Introduction

magazines were published, were looked down upon as White “failed cases”, con-
trasting badly with the “successful” Westerners far away, above all now intending
the Americans, which in spite of all continued to serve as global trendsetters also
for Chinese daily life. Still, the feeling that behind the attractive appearance of
“the West”, for China herself, nothing but doom was in store, was palpable in the
cartoon magazines during this period immediately preceding the Second Sino-Jap-
anese War.
Chapter LJ (SAMOYLOV) continues the thread of visual representations of Rus-
sia (i.e. now the Soviet Union) and “the West” in “mass-oriented” media (includ-
ing the “new” nianhua-genre as well as cartoons or public posters) into the LRdSs
to early LRKSs, and thus into the times of the Cold War. At this point, the PRC
constructed the public imagery of “the West” clearly in confrontational terms,
while the image of the “Soviets” shifted completely over this period. The primary
dividing line of systemic alliances, i.e. the “capitalist” and the “socialist camp”,
clearly situated the Soviet Union and “the West”, primarily represented now by
the U.S., as opposed to each other. During the LRdSs, the Soviet Union was the
reference for China, captured in the image of the “elder brother” and “teacher”,
and this Sino-Soviet “honeymoon” period was reflected accordingly in the visual
imaginaire via different publicly accessible formats to reach out to all kinds of
target groups. However, the downturn of Sino-Soviet relations after STALIN recon-
figured the imagery, with the Soviet Union growing from a friend into a competitor
and finally a foe, though still different from the enemy “West”. This is tangible in
the visual representations. For example, the Chinese derogatory “paper tiger” im-
age propagated by MAO Zedong 毛泽东 (LcRN–LRKe) to encourage the Chinese
“self” against a seemingly potent “other”, remained exclusive to the U.S. / “the
West”. The Soviet Union, though, was never addressed as a “paper tiger”, but was
characterized after the Sino-Soviet split and in the context of the Chinese Cultural
Revolution as a hotbed of “revisionists” which still are in the “socialist camp”, but
have gone ideologically astray. What paralleled both “enemies” of the PRC at that
point, however, was the Chinese fear of military confrontation. Before, it had been
“only” the U.S. / “the West” engaged on the “other side” in the Korean War in the
LRdSs as well as in the Indochina War of the LRdSs–LRKSs. But after the Sino-Soviet
split, tensions were mounting also with the Soviet Union, in the end a direct neigh-
bor of the PRC with a long common border. The Chinese uneasiness created by
witnessing Soviet interference in other parts of the (socialist) world received a
boost by the LReR Sino-Soviet border clash as a first military confrontation with
the former “elder brother” which was accordingly reflected in Chinese posters and
cartoons. The latter were designed for a Chinese public to reassure them of the

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Gotelind MÜLLER

PRC’s military strength, while diplomacy discretely tried to save the situation by
preparing for a new rapprochement with the U.S.
The following chapter (CHIANG) leads us to Taiwan and adds to the discussion
of imagery and perception the important aspect of intangible vs. tangible heritage
by looking into the “revival” of the Russian Orthodox Church in Taiwan. Starting
from the physical fact of a small Russian Orthodox chapel found in Taipei today,
the chapter sets out to trace the history of the Russian Orthodox Church in Taiwan,
discovering the crucial importance of intangible heritage, since the history of that
Church could hardly refer to something enduring and tangible. Most of the latter
had disappeared over time between Japanese colonialism (LcRd–LRQd) and the sub-
sequent shift to the National People’s Party (GMD/KMT) rule, given the Cold War
and the suspicion raised by anything Russian in anti-Communist Taiwan. Further-
more, the personal composition of the community was subject to continuous
change as well between temporary joining Japanese before LRQd, émigré Russians,
and the few local Taiwanese Orthodox believers. The post-WWII situation con-
nected the few émigré Russians in Taiwan, sometimes wives of U.S.-aviators of
the “Flying Tigers” volunteer unit helping the Chinese against the Japanese in
WWII, with “the West” in political terms, while their Orthodox faith made them
distinct. Still, with Japan, the former point of reference for the Orthodox faithful
in Taiwan due to the colonial condition, as well as Taiwan now being under the
wings of the U.S. during Cold War times, ecclesiastic relations with the Moscow
Patriarchate which tried to claim control, were at first a problem. Taiwan thus
linked up with the rivalling Russian Orthodox Church Outside Russia (ROCOR).
After the end of martial law in Taiwan in LRcK and the collapse of the Soviet Union
in LRRL, things Russian became easier to “revive”. “Naming” was one of the ways
this could be done to create a “realm of memory”, while inner-ecclesiastic tensions
between the rivalling Patriarchate of Moscow and the Ecumenical Patriarchate of
Constantinople interfered “from above” with the tradition-building practices of the
faithful “from below”. To anchor their legacy also in a tangible way, the faithful
thus (re)created their Russian Orthodox Church with a chapel in Taipei.
Chapter LQ (LI) takes us back to the PRC and to the focus on the tangible, look-
ing at Harbin, the most Russian city in China, and how the normal people dealt,
and deal, with “European”, mostly de facto Russian, architecture so strongly rep-
resented and inherited in their city, and the conflicting emotions these buildings at
times raised. While the Soviet-Russian architecture de facto often took inspiration
from Western Europe, the distinct Soviet style was seen as a model for socialist
buildings in the PRC, also beyond Harbin. But in Harbin which as a city was cre-
ated by the Russians, Russian architecture is a defining feature and thus closely
connected to local identity issues. During PRC times, the admiration for the Soviet

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 Introduction

style stood in contrast to the ideological antagonism to “imperialism” and “colo-

nialism” represented by older European-style buildings. The main thrust of Cul-
tural Revolution destruction thus was directed against a “Russianness” represented
by, above all, churches, while the Soviet-style buildings were rather perceived as
standing for “socialism” and thus spared. In commercialized post-Cultural Revo-
lution China, though, the exotic flair of the Russian/European architecture is a
selling point in city branding, appearing also on posters and other visual formats.
In the bid to attract tourists, even reconstructions of “lost” (i.e. previously con-
sciously destroyed) heritage in theme parks are seen as viable means, while in
literature, art, and daily life, the Russian architectural heritage functions as a tan-
gible site for (nostalgic) remembrance. Not the least the Russian churches with
onion domes or in a Byzantine style are iconized as an unquestionable symbol of
Russianness which mark the latter as distinct from a general “Westernness”. Sim-
ilar moves to preserve or reconstruct outstanding foreign buildings as in Shandong,
for example, with German colonial architecture, underline the fact that the Chinese
“self” has been tied to the tangible heritage of “others” in the context of a local
identity definition also with regard to the “West” at other places in China, too.
Chapter Ld (MÜLLER) tackles the ambivalence of tangible heritage of foreign-
ers in China from the peculiar angle of Western and Russian tombs and cemeteries
still extant in Greater China, posing the question as to whose “heritage” this actu-
ally is. While foreign architecture may be reused, altered or erased, tombs are more
problematic since they involve human remains beyond the tombstones and cannot
be used in any other way, nor can they be altered. They can be erased, though. Any
decision of keeping them or not is sensitive on personal, religious, and political-
diplomatic levels, and if they are kept, they need to be looked after. Thus, the
question arises as to whose heritage this is, as tombs are first of all private, but
may also be nationalized, for example in the case of “Soviet martyrs” or the mili-
tary in general. They also challenge the view of the Chinese “self” by reminding
the present society of the lingering impact of the foreign “others”, regardless
whether these recall a happy or an unhappy “common” history, and pose the ques-
tion as to how the present societies in Greater China want to deal with this legacy:
accept it, relativize it, or repress it. With a look to the different “Chinese” settings
in Macau, Hong Kong, Taiwan, and mainland China, and the focus on Western
and Russian tombs and their tangible and visual presence, which mark their “oth-
erness” and peculiarity to the surrounding societies, this chapter concludes this
volume on Chinese perceptions of Russia and the West during the JSth century.
The final remarks (SAMOYLOV) elaborate on some more general implications
of the whole book, arguing for the need to expand the still nascent field of
imagological studies to connect with wider trends in scholarship. Beyond

Jd
Gotelind MÜLLER

scholarship, though, the social relevance of perceptions and images of “the other/s”
needs to be accounted for, not the least for addressing possible conflicts engen-
dered by them. In short, there is also a societal necessity to recognize not only the
importance of facts, but also the impact of perceptions and images on human be-
havior, to further attempts at peace-keeping in a complex world.

Je
 Part I

TEXTBOOKS
Aleksandrs DMITRENKO

L The Image of Russia and the West in

Chinese History Textbooks, LRSS–LRQR

Abstract. The present chapter analyzes the image of Russia and the West in Chi-
nese history textbooks published in the period between LRSS and LRQR. It is aimed
at revealing possible changes, continuities, and contingencies. Both Russia and the
West are described through the same categories, which define their image as either
liberalists and leaders of progress or aggressors and imperialists. Chinese textbooks
associate Russia with the West, but often present it as the most despotic and aggres-
sive representative of the West. At the same time it can be said that Russia stands
in a certain opposition to the rest of the Western countries. There is a duality to the
image of the West. The image of the Western countries in national history due to
aggression and wars is mostly negative. In world history, the Western countries are
portrayed as not only the imperialists, but also act as the authors of such concepts
as human rights and constitution, liberalism; they are the creators of the Industrial
Revolution and proponents of the development of science and progress.

Keywords. Chinese history textbooks, late Qing, Republican China, the Image of
the West, the Image of Russia.

Published in: Gotelind MÜLLER and Nikolay SAMOYLOV (eds.): Chinese Perceptions of
Russia and the West. Changes, Continuities, and Contingencies during the Twentieth Cen-
tury. Heidelberg: CrossAsia-eBooks, JSJS. DOI: https://doi.org/LS.LLdcc/xabooks.eeL.

JR
Aleksandrs DMITRENKO

Introduction

During the period under review, China had experienced crucial changes in terms
of regime, self-identification, and many other aspects including the education pol-
icy. Bearing in mind those changes in curricula that took place in turbulent years
between the Xinhai Revolution (Xinhai geming 辛亥革命, LRLL) and the establish-
ment of the Nanjing regime of the Nationalist Party (Guomindang 國民黨, GMD)
in LRJc, and the changes that took place during WWII (LRNR–LRQd),1 the present
chapter divides this time span into three periods.2 The above-mentioned historical
events are considered the most crucial for identifying possible changes. The three
periods include LRSS–LRLL (late Qing era); LRLJ–LRJc (the establishment of the Re-
public of China and the Warlord Era); LRJc–LRQR (the Nanjing decade, Sino-Japa-
nese War, and the time before the establishment of the PRC).
The late Qing textbooks were produced before a national school system was
established and hence the authors were free to design them, but used the Japanese
and Western textbooks as the model, while also integrating the Chinese tradition.3
In the early Republican Era, regulations became more detailed but were firstly
related to the change of terminology. The early LRJSs historiography reflects a
China decentered approach to history, which “was experimental and free to a de-
gree hardly achieved again in the coming years”.4

I would like to express my gratitude to all my colleagues in this project for advice and
support, especially to Prof. G. MÜLLER-SAINI and Mariana MÜNNING. My sincere thanks
also go to Daniel GERICHHAUSEN from the Institute of Oriental and Asian Studies (Univer-
sity of Bonn) for translating parts of the Japanese article on HONDA Asajirō. Finally, I would
like to thank my wife Anastasiia DMITRENKO for her support and concern.
1 Since 1923, regulations became much more detailed than those produced earlier, and
name the exact topics that needs to be discussed in textbooks. For the overview of curricula
change in the 20th century see: Gotelind MÜLLER: “Teaching ‘the others’ history’ in Chi-
nese schools: the state, cultural asymmetries and shifting images of Europe (from 1900 to
today)”. In: Designing History in East Asian Textbooks: Identity Politics and Transnational
Aspirations, London and New York: Routledge 2011, pp. 32–59.
2 I would like to express my gratitude to Prof. LI Fan from Beijing for advising to avoid
distinguishing the 1920s as a separate period, and view the period from 1912 to 1928 as a
whole.
3 Gotelind MÜLLER: “Teaching ‘the others’ history’” (2011), p. 34; WONG, K.C. “Chinese
history textbook writing in Late Ch’ing China”, 1986, unpublished thesis, University of
Hong Kong; Peter ZARROW: Educating China: knowledge, society and textbooks in a mod-
ernizing world, 1902 – 1937, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 2015, pp. 13–15; Q.
Edward WANG: Inventing China Through History: The May Fourth Approach to Histori-
ography, Albany: State University of New York Press 2001, p. 15.
4 Gotelind MÜLLER: “Teaching ‘the others’ history’” (2011), p. 36.

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 The Image of the West in Chinese History Textbooks, pqrr–pqpp

The GMD’s ascension to power LRJK–LRJc led to a more nationalistic educational

policy. Nationalism and patriotism were not a new ideology for Chinese intellec-
tuals of the LRNSs; nevertheless, an educational reform took place in those years,
and during that period the state was able to assert greater control over publishing
houses and considerably restricted the independence of private schools.5 The year
LRNL stands as a certain benchmark when the Nationalist Government requested
the League of Nations to prepare a plan for comprehensive education reform.6
During the Sino-Japanese War (LRNK–LRQd) and in the subsequent period prior to
the establishment of the PRC, the GMD, undoubtedly, did not exercise total con-
trol over a large part of the country, but not as much attention was paid to education
during the wartime in general. Textbooks and curricula were “barely altered during
these turbulent years”;7 hence, the textbooks produced at that time will be consid-
ered as part and product of preceding reforms.
In the choice of textbooks for analysis we first of all focus on the most influ-
ential publishing houses of the time, such as, Wenming shuju 文明書局, which
contributed a lot to publishing industry and raised several famous publishers and
editors before it was incorporated into Zhonghua shuju 中華書局 in LRLd;8 Zhong-
hua shuju and the Commercial Press (Shangwu yinshuguan 商務印書館) as one
of the oldest and most influential publishing houses; and Beixin shuju 北新書局
as an important textbook publishing house in the LRJSs–LRNSs.9 In the choice of
textbooks this chapter firstly focuses on textbooks that had several editions, but
also consults less popular textbooks to reveal the scope of interpretations. The
textbooks are from primary school to senior secondary school, prepared for the
students from the ages of e to Lc.
The comparison of the images of Russia and the West in national history (ben-
guoshi 本國史) and Western (or World/Foreign) history textbooks will let us

5 Peter ZARROW: Educating China (2015), pp. 25–28; Helen R. CHAUNCEY: Schoolhouse
Politicians: Locality and State During the Chinese Republic, Honolulu: University of Ha-
waii Press 1992, pp. 144–172.
6 Suzanne PEPPER: Radicalism and Education Reform in 20th-century China: The search
for ideal development model, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1996, pp. 37–45.
7 Alisa JONES: “Changing the Past to Serve the Present: History Education in Mainland
China”. In: Edward VICKERS, Alisa JONES (eds.).: History Education and National Identity
in East Asia, New York and London: Routledge. Taylor and Francis Group 2005, p. 71.
8 ZHOU Lirong, 周利榮: “Wenming shuju kao” 文明書局考 (Investigating Wenming Pub-
lishing House). In: Chuban shiliao 出版史料 (Publication Archives) no. 2, 2007, p. 97.
9 CHEN Shuping 陈树萍: “Beixin shuju yu Zhongguo xiandai wenxue” 北新书局与中国
现代文学 (Beixin Publishing House and Contemporary Chinese Literature). PhD Thesis.
East China Normal University, 2006. Most Chinese publishing houses were originally es-
tablished in Shanghai. For a historical overview of the development of the printing and
publishing industry in Shanghai see: Christopher A. REED: Gutenberg in Shanghai: Chinese
Print Capitalism, 1876–1937, Vancouver: UBC Press 2004.

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Aleksandrs DMITRENKO

identify the common image and conclude on what and to what extent has changed.
The very terminology “negative” or “positive” does not provide much space for
discussion, and, therefore, we will also explore what exactly has changed and to
what extent, how much space is devoted to particular events, countries, or figures,
and finally what the main shifts in the representation of the topic are.
The methodology used in this chapter relies on the methods specified in the
UNESCO Guidebook on Textbook Research. This includes a comprehensive anal-
ysis of the content and vertical analysis that helps to investigate how the
presentation of a topic has changed over time, as well as qualitative and linguistic
methods that provide answers to the questions: What is the general message of the
text? In what context are terms placed? Is the text emotionally loaded? Are the
protagonists considered to be “victims” or “perpetrators”?10

The Image of the West in Chinese History Textbooks,

LRSS–LRLL

There is a duality of the image of the West in textbooks during the whole period
that I focus on in the present chapter. Western countries in general since the Por-
tuguese coming to China in the Leth century are presented in the national history
textbooks as aggressors; nonetheless, such figures as Marco POLO (LJdQ–LNJQ) and
the Jesuit missionary Matteo RICCI (LddJ–LeLS) are not directly associated with
aggression. The former is acknowledged as the traveler who praised China and
was able to establish connections between China and the West, and the latter as
the missionary who admired Chinese culture, spoke Chinese and brought Western
Learning (xixue 西學) to the mainland. The two are barely mentioned in Qing
times, but they became more important in early republican times. In the world
history textbooks, the Western countries, on the one hand, represent imperialism,
absolutism, and colonialism; on the other hand, they brought to the world ideas of
freedom, equality, human rights, constitutionalism, and made a great impact on
the development of arts, philosophy, and literature, scientific and technological
progress. In most cases, the textbooks transmit the same interpretations, “cli-
chés”11, or provide facts, without stating any concrete interpretative angle. This

10 Falk PINGEL: UNESCO Guidebook on Textbook Research and Textbook Revision. 2nd
revised and updated ed., Paris/Braunschweig: United Nations Educational, Scientific and
Cultural Organization 2010, pp. 30–32; 68–71.
11 Such as the influence of the Arab countries on the Renaissance, etc.

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 The Image of the West in Chinese History Textbooks, pqrr–pqpp

changes during the GMD times, when the textbooks focus on imperialism, foreign
aggression, nationalism, and the San-min Doctrine12.
In the analysis of the “Western history” textbooks for the late Qing period, this
chapter applies Zhongdeng Xiyangshi jiaokeshu (LRSQ) edited by the Japanese au-
thor OGAWA Ginjirō 小川銀次郎. It also applies Gaodeng xiaoxue xiyang lishi
jiaokeshu (LRSd) ed. by Chinese official QIN Ruijie 秦瑞玠 (LcKQ–?), who used to
study law in Japan and was familiar with the Japanese education system. They
provide a similar description despite being produced by two different authors. Re-
markably, in certain cases they provide identical parts of a text. This reveals that
QIN used the textbook by OGAWA while adding his own interpretations. The focus
will be placed more on the textbook produced by QIN since he represents the Chi-
nese historiographical school. Apart from that, other textbooks will also be re-
ferred to in order to provide more examples of characteristics found in the text-
books of the late Qing Era.
The textbooks were produced during the period later called by the PRC schol-
ars “century of humiliation” (LcNR–LRQR). In the context of foreign aggression in
China at that time, the duality of the image of the West in Chinese “national history”
textbooks is understandable. On the one hand, the aggressor cannot be portrayed
positively; on the other, China had to admit its weakness in comparison to the
Great Powers (including Japan) and move away from the idea of China being the
center of the civilized world. This was a new position, which China had to adapt
to.13 As indicated by many scholars the Sino-Japanese War (LcRQ–LcRd) became
the turning point in the realization of one’s own weakness,14 but even before the

12 Sanmin zhuyi 三民主義 or the San-min Doctrine (also translated as The Three Princi-
ples of the People) is a political philosophy or ideology developed by the first president of
the Republic of China SUN Yat-sen 孫中山 (1866–1925), which champions the principles
of nationalism, democracy, and the People’s welfare, in order to “save the nation/country”.
13 Axel SCHNEIDER on the challenges faced by Chinese intellectuals and historians in the
late 19th century: “They had a). To develop a new understanding of Chinese history as part
of a coherent vision of world history, thus making it possible b). To envision China as an
at least equal member in the international community. At the same time they had c). To
safeguard, if necessary, to create some sort of continuity with the past in order to provide a
basis for a Chinese identity. They also had to d). Conceptualize history in a way that would
make it possible for China to catch up if not surpass the West, and, last but not least, this
e). Had to be achieved in the context of a tradition placing the historian in an elevated
political position, thus putting him under considerable pressure to come up with a viable
solution.” See: Axel SCHNEIDER: “Nation, History and Ethics: The choices of Post Imperial
Historiography in China”. In: V. MURTHY and A. SCHNEIDER (eds.): The Challenge of Lin-
ear Time: Nationhood and the Politics of History in East Asia, Leiden, Boston: Brill 2014,
p. 88.
14 Marianne BASTID: Educational Reform in Early Twentieth-Century China (P. BAILEY,
Trans.), Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan 1988, p. 7; Suzanne PEPPER: Radicalism

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Aleksandrs DMITRENKO

First Opium War (LcNR–LcQJ) there was awareness of the possible aggression of
Western powers. Q. Edward WANG remarks that GONG Zizhen 龔自珍 (LKRJ–
LcQL), social thinker from a traditional official scholar family, from the LcJSs on-
ward studied China’s frontiers:

He hoped that the Qing rulers could fortify its northern border in order to ward off
the Russian ambition. He also kept a vigilant eye on the English presence across the
South China Sea. “The English,” GONG noted, “are indeed very cunning. (! A.D.)
[If we] refused their demand, they would knock on our door, if we agree with them,
the consequence would bring harm to the entire country”.15

Qing China (LeQQ–LRLL) was an imperial state, but ideas of freedom, constitution-
alism, as well as Social Darwinism can be found already in the late Qing textbooks.
These ideas were promoted by such intellectuals and reformers as KANG Youwei
康有爲 (Lcdc–LRJK), LIANG Qichao 梁啓超 (LcKN–LRJR), and YAN Fu 嚴復 (LcdQ–
LRJL).16 The Japanese example of political reforms has inspired Chinese intellec-
tuals, and, of course, the very structure and content of Japanese history textbooks17
was even more influential to Chinese textbooks. In the study materials analyzed in
the present chapter, one can observe changes in the following areas: ideas, inter-
pretation of events, figures, and countries.
Setting the goal of revealing the image of Russia and the West in Chinese his-
tory textbooks, this chapter will not provide an overlook of all the topics covered
in textbooks, but rather mark tendencies and general topics that elucidate how the
image has changed.

and Education Reform (1996), p. 57; Q. Edward WANG: Inventing China Through History
(2001), p. 15.
15 Q. Edward WANG: Inventing China Through History (2001), p. 30.
16 James Reeve PUSEY: China and Charles Darwin, Cambridge, Mass. [u.a.]: Council on
East Asian Studies, Harvard University 1983; Jonathan D. SPENCE: The Search for Modern
China, New York, London: W.W. Norton & Company 1991, pp. 300–302.
17 For the history of education and development of history textbooks in Japan in the Meiji
Era (1868–1912) see: Benjamin DUKE: The History of Modern Japanese Education: Con-
structing the National School System, 1872–1890, New Brunswick, New Jersey, London:
Rutgers University Press 2009; James C. BAXTER: “Shaping National Historical Conscious-
ness: Japanese History Textbooks in Meiji-Era Elementary Schools.” In: James C. BAXTER
and Joshua A. FOGEL (eds.): Writing Histories in Japan: Texts and Their Transformations
from Ancient Times through the Meiji Era, Kyoto: International Research Center for Japa-
nese Studies 2007, pp. 317–350.

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 The Image of the West in Chinese History Textbooks, pqrr–pqpp

One of such tendencies in the late Qing textbooks was the discussion of the origin
and development of races (zhongzu yuanliu 種族源流).18 As indicated by ZAR-
ROW in discussing the late Qing geographies, “racial distinctions were fundamen-
tal to textbooks.”19 This will change to a certain degree in the Republican era.
As already mentioned, the textbooks of that time represented a kind of mixture
of Chinese and Western traditions. This is particularly seen with the causal inter-
pretation as the fall of a state, which is a significant “concept” explained in a tra-
ditional way in Chinese historiography: decrease of state power; outer aggression;
and corruption/decay of inner political power. This pattern is followed in explain-
ing such events as the fall of the Roman Empire, the Partition of Poland, and the
French Revolution etc. The monarch is usually referred to as a tyrant/despot who,
by a despotic rule and by levying high taxes, lost “people’s hearts” (shi minxin 失
民心). For instance, in the section on the constitution in England entitled “The
germs/seeds of the constitution” King John is claimed to be very tyrannical (duo
nüezheng 多虐政) and having lost people’s hearts, and in the LNth century all dukes
rallied together (qunqi 羣起) and forced the king to establish a constitution.20
QIN, while using the same pictures as from OGAWA’s textbook, not only pro-
vides the name of a historical figure but also comments on what this figure was
famous for. In most cases, the comments bear positive associations. For instance,
“Jesus Christ who advocated universal love”,21 Constantine the Great is mentioned
as the “Constantine who recovered Rome”22 etc.
A large amount of pages are devoted to the Roman Pope and papal power.
Notably, in the textbook by QIN, none of the Popes are named; hence, the figure
of the Pope represents power or function. The Pope is described as a despotic ruler,
whose power was limitless,23 and the Catholic Church is presented as the power
that obstructed people from progressive development in science. The concept of
the “dark ages” is explained by the statement that people’s knowledge decreased
because Greek/Latin culture was completely brushed away (saodi wuyu 掃地無
餘). Hence, people had superstitious beliefs and people deep down in their hearts
trusted the Pope (jiaohuang zui wei renxin suoxin 教皇最為人心所信).24

18 QIN Ruijie 秦瑞玠 (ed.): Gaodeng xiaoxue xiyang lishi jiaokeshu, juanshang, 高等小
學西洋歷史教科書, 卷上 (Senior Primary School Textbook on the History of the West,
vol. 1), Shanghai: Shanghai wenming shuju 1905, pp. 22, 29, 30.
19 Peter ZARROW: Educating China (2015), p. 227.
20 QIN Ruijie (ed.): Gaodeng xiaoxue xiyang lishi, vol. 1 (1905), p. 35.
21 Ibid., p. 20; OGAWA Ginjirō 小川銀次郎 (ed.): Zhongdeng xiyangshi jiaokeshu, juanyi,
中等西洋史教科書, 卷一 (Secondary School Textbook on the History of the West, vol. 1),
Shanghai: Wenming shuju 1904, p. 18.
22 QIN Ruijie (ed.): Gaodeng xiaoxue xiyang lishi, vol. 1 (1905), pp. 20, 21.
23 QIN Ruijie (ed.): Gaodeng xiaoxue xiyang lishi, vol. 1–2 (1905).
24 Ibid., vol. 1 (1905), p. 32.

Nd
Aleksandrs DMITRENKO

The Japanese author in particular talks about the collaboration of Charles the Great
and the Roman Pope, and states that Charles the Great very much supported peo-
ple’s education. At the same time, he talks about collisions between them.25 One
of the more confusing and unequivocal topics is the role of the Mongols in China
and their relations with the outside world. The Mongols are named as an independ-
ent race (distinct from the Chinese) and the Song (ReS–LJKR) as the dynasty con-
quered by them.26 The textbooks talk specifically about the Mongol empire, not
associating the Mongols only with the Yuan dynasty (LJKL–LNec, fig. L-L). None-
theless, both textbooks discuss the relations of the Pope and the Yuan dynasty, and
provide different interpretations. OGAWA states that the Pope sent representatives
to Yuan China because he had heard of the military glory of the Yuan (wen Yuan
zhi weiming 聞元之威名)27 while QIN states he was shaken by or afraid of Yuan
military glory (zhen qi weiming 震其威名).28

Figure L-L: Map of “The Mongol Empire”29

25 OGAWA Ginjirō (ed.): Zhongdeng xiyangshi, vol. 1 (1904), pp. 4, 5, 7, 8.

26 QIN Ruijie (ed.): Gaodeng xiaoxue xiyang lishi, vol. 1 (1905), pp. 38, 39; OGAWA Ginjirō
(ed.): Zhongdeng xiyangshi, vol. 1 (1904), p. 10.
27 OGAWA Ginjirō (ed.): Zhongdeng xiyangshi, vol. 1 (1904), p. 10.
28 QIN Ruijie (ed.): Gaodeng xiaoxue xiyang lishi, vol. 1 (1905), p. 39.
29 Source: QIN Ruijie (ed.): Gaodeng xiaoxue xiyang lishi, vol. 1 (1905), p. 39.

Ne
 The Image of the West in Chinese History Textbooks, pqrr–pqpp

In many aspects Chinese textbooks reflect the knowledge conveyed in Western

textbooks. For instance, the result of the Crusades is associated with the end of
feudalism, getting rid of the trammels of dukes and the Church, development of
the city-states, trade, and gaining knowledge from the Muslim/Arab countries,
which contributed to the scientific and academic development.30 This is quite gen-
eral knowledge, which is in a sense typical of western textbooks.
The East-West contacts are not as emphasized, but there is an attempt to reveal
these connections. QIN indicates that the Xiongnu (ca. N BC – N AD) nomadic
peoples who, according to Chinese sources, used to inhabit territories to the North
of China; were suppressed by the Chinese, and went to the West and invaded Eu-
rope.31 It suggests that by mentioning this the author is attempting to integrate
China into world history and reveal the influence of the events taking place in
China upon the world.
The Reformation is explained via two main claims: firstly that the Church was
corrupt (fubai 腐敗) and thus revealing the despotism of the Pope (“the Pope kept
doing evil things without a sense of repentance” (hu’e bu quan 怙惡不悛); sec-
ondly the increase in knowledge (“recovery of the ancient knowledge” (xueshu
fugu 學術復古).32 At the same time, the Reformation is viewed as closely con-
nected to political affairs, and consequently, several wars and independence of
states are discussed in this context. For instance, the French Wars of Religion
(LdeJ–LdRc), the independence of the Netherlands, the Thirty Years’ War (LeLc–
LeQc), etc.
The French Revolution (LKcR), on the one hand, seems to be associated by some
textbooks (but not all) with a riot and chaos because the character luan 亂 can be
found in the titles of the chapter or sections on the French Revolution (Falanxi gem-
ing zhi luan 法蘭西革命之亂).33 On the other hand, naming it the Great French
Revolution (Faguo dageming 法國大革命) bears positive connotations. What can
be said undoubtedly, the authors definitely stand in solidarity with those who op-
posed “the cruel and despotic reign” of the French kings. They stress that the French
scholars (ru 儒) studied the English constitution. One can find a picture of ROUS-
SEAU (LKLJ–LKKc) with a subtitle “Rousseau who glorified civil rights” (changqi
minquan zhi Lusao 唱起民權之盧騷).34 Only one textbook talks of the French

30 OGAWA Ginjirō (ed.): Zhongdeng xiyangshi, vol. 2 (1904), pp. 10–12; QIN Ruijie (ed.):
Gaodeng xiaoxue xiyang lishi, vol. 1 (1905), pp. 34, 35.
31 QIN Ruijie (ed.): Gaodeng xiaoxue xiyang lishi, vol. 1 (1905), pp. 22, 23.
32 Ibid., p. 37.
33 Shangwu yinshuguan bianyisuo (ed.): Zuixin zhongxue jiaokeshu, vol. 2 (1906), p. 321.
34 QIN Ruijie (ed.): Gaodeng xiaoxue xiyang lishi, vol. 2 (1905), p. 19. ROUSSEAU with his
ideas of equality and social contract was a particularly popular figure among Chinese intel-
lectuals of the time, such as LIU Shipei 劉師培 (1884–1919) and LIANG Qichao. See: Peter

NK
Aleksandrs DMITRENKO

Revolution as a warning, but, again, it says that the great countries changed their
policy (obviously, despotic policy) taking the French Revolution as a warning (gui-
jian 龜鑒).35 It also states that the French led Europe to republicanism.36
The USA as the country that opposed absolutism and proclaimed a constitution,
as well as abolished slavery, has quite a positive image. The USA is also presented
as the country, which helped Mexico to attain independence, with the help of the
Monroe Doctrine which opposed the European colonialism in the Americas.37
Poland and “Turkey” (i.e. the Ottoman Empire, LJRR–LRJJ) are viewed as the
warning for future generations, of what can happen to the Qing Empire. For in-
stance, one of the textbooks views “Turkey” as the victim of Russian aggression
and states that “only the Sultan’s mistreatment of Christians is a cultural disgrace,
suggesting that the diplomatic problems were born out of that. Our country’s peo-
ple can do nothing but take it as an example/warning for future generations (gui-
jian 龜鑒).”38
The textbooks also pay attention to the topic of European aggression in Africa
and Asia but do not discuss it in detail. Nonetheless, by providing separate sections
on Russo-British interactions in Central Asia, Sino-Russian relations and Sino-
French relations, the authors highlight these relations as the most important for
them. Having provided a general overview of the situation in the World, in the
next chapter the authors finally talk about the development of civilization, science
and technology, as well as improvements in education, the military sphere and
even politics.39 Such a positive view seems to be aimed at revealing to students
how well the government is dealing with the ongoing situation and how the world
is becoming a better place to live in.
The Renaissance as an important cultural phenomenon is discussed in all text-
books, but the interpretations and the very terminologies vary from textbook to
textbook. Different textbooks refer to it as guxue fuxing 古學復興 (“the revival of
the ancient learning”) or wenyun fuxing 文運復興 (“the revival of the fate of

ZARROW: Educating China (2015), p. 96; Peter ZARROW: After Empire: The Conceptual
Transformation of the Chinese State, 1884–1924, Stanford: Stanford University Press 2012,
pp. 104–110.
35 Shangwu yinshuguan bianyisuo (ed.): Zuixin zhongxue jiaokeshu, vol. 2 (1906), p. 321.
36 Ibid.
37 OGAWA Ginjirō (ed.): Zhongdeng xiyangshi, vol. 4 (1904), pp. 15, 16; QIN Ruijie (ed.):
Gaodeng xiaoxue xiyang lishi, vol. 2 (1905), pp. 38, 39.
38 Shangwu yinshuguan bianyisuo (ed.): Zuixin zhongxue jiaokeshu, vol. 2 (1906), p. 405.
39 OGAWA Ginjirō (ed.): Zhongdeng xiyangshi, vol. 4 (1904), pp. 22–24; QIN Ruijie (ed.):
Gaodeng xiaoxue xiyang lishi, vol. 2 (1905), pp. 42–44.

Nc
 The Image of the West in Chinese History Textbooks, pqrr–pqpp

culture”) or even guxue changming 古學昌明 (“thriving of the ancient learn-

ing”).40 While QIN explains the emergence of the Renaissance by connections with
the Arab countries and getting rid of the Church’s authority, other textbooks talk
about the Renaissance as a kind of natural phenomenon of the time.41 The trade
and influence of the Arab culture are acknowledged, but not as the most crucial
factors for the Renaissance. A more complicated explanation of the Renaissance
phenomenon seems to be neglected later, and a more simplified explanation as in
the textbook by QIN became widespread in the Republican Era. Remarkably, none
of the textbooks mentions the printing press as the Chinese invention, but rather
name Johannes GUTENBERG (c. LQSS–LQec) as the inventor. 42 This reveals the
overwhelming influence of western textbooks.
The main countries mentioned in the textbooks are the Holy Roman Empire
(cSS – LcSe, Germany), France, Britain43, Spain, Portugal, Italy, “Turkey”, Austria,
Prussia, Sweden, Russia, Poland, the USA, Italy, Greece, Belgium, and the Neth-
erlands.44 The Great Powers associated with imperialism or colonialism are Brit-
ain, France, Prussia, Austria, Russia, Spain, Portugal, the Netherlands. France is
also associated with ideas of liberty (freedom), the fight for a constitution, and the
republic. Britain is also associated with the constitution, parliament, and scientific
progress. “Turkey” and Poland in contrast to these states are presented as victims
of aggression. Greece, Belgium, and the USA are associated with the fight for
independence and freedom.
In terms of the “national history” (benguoshi 本國史), Western countries are
associated with aggression. Portugal, Spain, and the Netherlands are seen as the
main European powers that created colonies in Asia before the LRth century and
were fighting for trade rights in China. The Portuguese as the first and main rep-
resentatives of European power in China are described as invaders who rent the
territory.45 Britain, France, and Russia are mentioned in the context of the Opium

40 QIN Ruijie (ed.): Gaodeng xiaoxue xiyang lishi, vol. 1 (1905), p. 41; OGAWA Ginjirō
(ed.): Zhongdeng xiyangshi, vol. 2 (1904), p. 15; Shangwu yinshuguan bianyisuo (ed.):
Zuixin zhongxue jiaokeshu, vol. 1 (1906), p. 181.
41 OGAWA Ginjirō (ed.): Zhongdeng xiyangshi, vol. 2 (1904), p. 15; Shangwu yinshuguan
bianyisuo (ed.): Zuixin zhongxue jiaokeshu, vol. 1 (1906), pp. 181–192.
42 OGAWA Ginjirō (ed.): Zhongdeng xiyangshi, vol. 2 (1904), p. 15; QIN Ruijie (ed.):
Gaodeng xiaoxue xiyang lishi, vol. 1 (1905), p. 42; Shangwu yinshuguan bianyisuo (ed.):
Zuixin zhongxue jiaokeshu, vol. 1 (1906), p. 188.
43 All textbooks use the term Yingguo 英國 or Ying 英, which, depending on the time
discussed in the textbook, is translated in this chapter as either Britain or England.
44 Textbooks normally do not indicate historical names of the countries they discuss, but
refer to them as nation-states.
45 Putong xin lishi duben (1901), p. 111; YAO Zuyi (ed.): Zuixin gaodeng xiaoxue
Zhongguo lishi, vol. 4 (1906), pp. 33, 34.

NR
Aleksandrs DMITRENKO

Wars (LcNR–QJ; Lcde–eS), the Sino-French War (LccQ–Lccd), and border as well as
trade treaties.
The textbooks name China’s and India’s richness (furao 富饒), which was ad-
mired or longed for (mu 慕) by Europeans, as the reason for the Europeans coming
to Asia.46 The British are described as the one who swallowed the whole of India
(bingtun qi quantu 并吞其全土), and then reached China at a gallop (qinqin 駸
駸).47 This definitely indicates that the Chinese viewed India as a warning for what
might be/or is already happening to China.
The Catholic Church coming to China in turn is claimed to be the result of its
loss of power in Western Europe.48 Normally, no specific figures are mentioned
in the context of the East-West contacts. Only one textbook mentions Matteo RICCI
as an Italian missionary, 49 but later discusses the prohibition of the Catholic
Church in China. The text also states that every country (meaning European coun-
tries) demanded, by force, reimbursement, claiming that it was in the name of “re-
ligious protection” (hujiao 護教). This led to clashes and the revolt called quanfei
zhi luan 拳匪之亂,commonly known nowadays as the Boxer Rebellion (LcRR–
LRSL).50 In this context, the name of Matteo RICCI can hardly be associated with
anything positive. Another textbook indicates his impact on science (astronomy
and calendar system/science, lifa 曆法), but it is hard to state if he is viewed as a
positive or negative figure.51 Among the study materials analyzed in this chapter,
only one mentions the Ming time (LNec–LeQQ) seafarer ZHENG He 鄭和 (LNKL–LQNN)
and contends that NS countries became China’s vassal states in the result of his
travel.52 The unpopularity of ZHENG He in textbooks can be explained by the fact

46 YAO Zuyi 姚祖義 (ed.): Zuixin gaodeng xiaoxue Zhongguo lishi jiaokeshu, di si ce 最
新高等小學中國歷史教科書， 第四冊 (The Most Recent Senior Primary School Text-
book on Chinese History, vol. 4), Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan 1906, pp. 33, 34. The
same in Putong xin lishi duben 普通新歷史讀本 (Ordinary New History Reader), n.p.,
1901, p. 111 with the only difference that the author uses the term Zhina 支那 for “China”,
which was used by the Japanese at the time.
47 YAO Zuyi (ed.): Zuixin gaodeng xiaoxue Zhongguo lishi, vol. 4 (1906), p. 34.
48 Putong xin lishi duben (1901), p. 112.
49 ZHANG Zhaotong 張肇桐 (ed.): Gaodeng xiaoxue guoshi jiaokeshu 高等小學國史教科
書 (Senior Primary School National History Textbook), Shanghai: Wenming shuju 1904,
p. 67.
50 This is again quite a negative description of the Boxers. Here they are named as kind of
“bandits” (the Boxer rebels), and the whole event is associated with unrest/rebellion. This
will change in the republican era, when Yihetuan will be associated with a “movement”
(yihetuan yundong 義和團運動) against foreigners.
51 Putong xin lishi duben (1901), pp. 112, 113.
52 QIAN Zonghan 錢宗翰 (ed.): Chudeng xiaoxue Zhongguo lishi jiaokeshu, di san ce 初
等小學中國厯史教科書, 第三冊 (Junior Primary School Chinese history textbook, vol. 3),
Shanghai: Biaomeng shushi 1907, p. 5.

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 The Image of the West in Chinese History Textbooks, pqrr–pqpp

that his name was quite unknown before LIANG Qichao’s publication “Biography
of Our Homeland’s Great Navigator, Zheng He” in LRSQ.53

The Image of Russia, LRSS–LRLL

The multiplicity of voices is one of the issues in the study of the image of both
Russia and the West. This lies in the fact that different authors and publishing
houses provide slightly different interpretations or ways of approaching a topic.
For instance, the textbook by the Institute of Translation and Compilation of
Commercial Press (LRSe)54 stays highly critical in assessing Russia’s role in both
national and world history, which can be observed in the negative wording used
to describe Russia and in representation of Russia as the biggest aggressor and
“troublemaker” that causes fear even among other European states. In the section
on “the Eastern Question”, which was related to the policy of the European Great
Powers toward the Ottoman Empire, it is said that Russia and Austria wanted to
expand their territory by annexing the European part of “Turkey”, and, therefore,
“all European countries were afraid these two countries would unexpectedly ex-
pand” (Ouzhou geguo kong er guo quanli zhouzhang 歐洲各國恐二國權力驟
張).55 In the section on the Crimean War (LcdN–Lcde), the text states: “Britain and
France were afraid Russia would succeed in moving South” (Ying-Fa zhuguo
kong Eluosi dezhi yu nan 英法諸國恐俄羅斯得志於南).56 In the Russo-Turkish
relations, Russia is labeled as the forerunner of aggression toward the Ottoman
Empire (Ouzhou zhi xiandao 歐洲之先導).57
Countries coming into conflict with Russia are depicted as victims of Russia’s
aggression: “Sweden resists to Russia” (Ruidian yu E 瑞典禦俄)58, “Russia again
invades Turkey” (Eluosi zai qin Tujue 俄羅斯再侵突厥), while “Turkey” resisted
utterly bravely (Tujue yu zhi yonghanmopi 突厥禦之勇悍無匹)59. In discussing

53 HUI Chun Hing 許振興: “Huangming zuxun yu Zheng He xia Xiyang”《皇明祖訓》

與鄭和下西洋 (Huangming zuxun and Zheng He’s voyages to the Western Oceans). In:
Zhongguo wenhua yanjiusuo xuebao 中國文化研究所學報 Journal of Chinese Studies,
no. 51, 2010, pp. 67–85.
54 Shangwu yinshuguan bianyisuo (ed.): Zuixin zhongxue jiaokeshu, vol. 2 (1906).
55 Ibid., p. 301.
56 Ibid., p. 384.
57 Ibid., p. 301.
58 Ibid., p. 287.
59 Ibid., pp. 387–390.

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Aleksandrs DMITRENKO

Russia’s domestic policy the textbook talks of a successive generation of Emperors

as despotic rulers: even Alexander II, who promoted liberalism (ziyouzhuyi 自由主
義), later came to accept an extreme form of tyrannical rule (dayu zhuanzhi zhi ji
達於專制之極); Alexander III abolished the already set constitution (fei yi ding zhi
xianfa 廢已定之憲法) and specialized in suppression (zhuanshi yazhi 專事壓制)
and abusing Jews (nüedai youtairen 虐待猶太人) etc.60
Here are some more examples from other teaching materials, which, seem-
ingly being slightly less critical of Russia, stay largely the same as the above-
mentioned textbook in their major interpretive angle. In certain cases, the text-
books provide slightly different interpretations of certain events. Sometimes there
are discrepancies in assessing some historical figures or Russia’s role in concrete
historical events. For instance, some textbooks refer to the king of Sweden
Charles XII as a cruel, despotic ruler, who was later called “the Northern Napo-
leon”, and this is claimed to be the reason why Peter the Great started the Great
Northern War (LKSS–LKJL) against Sweden. 61 Another textbook also mentions
Charles XII as the “Northern Napoleon” but suggests that it was the original plan
of Peter the Great to expand the territory of Russia to the Baltic Sea, which was
part of Sweden, hence he made an alliance with Poland and Denmark to attack
Sweden and divided it (fenge 分割). Nonetheless, the text does not apply any
negative wording to describing the actions of Peter the Great. His actions are
interpreted not as aggression toward Sweden but rather as necessity in order to
establish a navy, renovate the army and bring Western civilization to Russia.62
Not much attention is devoted to Russia in general. The emergence of Russia
is often viewed together with the establishment of Prussia. These two represent
Eastern Europe. Russia is mentioned for the first time in the discussion of modern
European history, after such historic events as the Crusades and the Reformation.
While the textbook compiled by the Institute of Translation and Compilation
of Commercial Press (LRSe) provides a general description of the history of Rus-
sia before Peter the Great,63 QIN and OGAWA devote only a few sentences to the
history of that period. The historic figures mentioned at that period are Ivan III
(sometimes omitted) and Ivan IV, during whose reign the country started

60 Ibid., p. 399.
61 QIN Ruijie (ed.): Gaodeng xiaoxue xiyang lishi, vol. 2 (1905), p. 14; OGAWA Ginjirō
(ed.): Zhongdeng xiyangshi, vol. 3 (1904), p. 17.
62 HUANG Chaojian 黃朝鑒 (ed.): Gaodeng xiaoxue xiyang lishi jiaokeshu, juan xia 高等
小學西洋歷史教科書, 卷下 (Senior Primary School Textbook on the History of the West,
vol. 2), Shanghai: Zhendong xueshe 1906, pp. 29, 30.
63 Shangwu yinshuguan bianyisuo (ed.): Zuixin zhongxue jiaokeshu, vol. 2 (1906), pp. 285,
286.

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 The Image of the West in Chinese History Textbooks, pqrr–pqpp

expanding to Siberia.64 In general, Russia is described as a quite weak, small and

undeveloped (barbarous) country. Peter the Great is viewed as the leading figure
in the entire transformation of the state. Russia is mentioned in the context of the
Partitions of Poland (LKKJ; LKRN; LKRd), and in chapters on the Eastern Question,
the Seven Years’ War (LKde–LKeN), Napoleonic Wars (LcSN–LcLd), the Holy Alli-
ance, the Crimean War, the Russo-Turkish Wars (textbooks mostly discuss Lcth-
LRth century conflicts), the Congress of Berlin (LcKc) after the Russo-Turkish War
(LcKK–LcKc), the general situation in the world.
It should be noted that in Qing times, just as in the LRLSs, textbooks devote
much attention to the Great Northern War and Russia’s role in this war, while
starting with the late LRJSs they only briefly mention it. The textbooks claim sup-
pression to be the core ideology of the Russian Emperor Alexander I and his sug-
gested Holy Alliance. They also assure that this was the reason why many Euro-
pean states entered this alliance (only the Roman Pope, Britain and “Turkey” did
not support it). One of the textbooks indicates that in Germany (Deyizhi 德意志,
obviously the German Confederation) “students suggested returning to freedom
and unification”.65 The very mention of this fact again stresses that the educated
persons opposed this ideology and any kind of suppression. According to the text,
after the meeting of Prussia, Russia, and all the German states (Deyizhi zhu zhou
德意志诸州), it was decided that universities had to be strictly supervised, text-
books had to undergo strict censorship, and the will and spirit of the people were
not to expand (minqi yu bu de shen 民氣愈不得伸).66
Another textbook, while defining the ideology of the Holy Alliance as sup-
pression (yiya zhuyi 抑壓主義), indicates that during the Greek War of Independ-
ence (LcJL–LcJR) from “Turkey”, the Russian Emperor (Alexander I) not only did
not support them despite claiming to support Christians but also being frightened
by the Austrian side blamed them for this revolt (yan ze zhi 嚴責之).67 Nonethe-
less, the new emperor later supported the Greeks, and the textbook mentions the
Russo-Turkish War (LcJc–LcJR) in the context of the Greek War of Independ-
ence.68
In the discussion of the Russo-Turkish wars, the textbooks always depict Rus-
sia as the aggressor even though they mention other reasons for the wars, i.e., the
reasons for starting the Crimean War: the old plan to annex “Turkey”, making

64 OGAWA Ginjirō (ed.): Zhongdeng xiyangshi, vol. 3 (1904), pp. 16, 17; QIN Ruijie (ed.):
Gaodeng xiaoxue xiyang lishi, vol. 2 (1905), p. 13.
65 OGAWA Ginjirō (ed.): Zhongdeng xiyangshi, vol. 4 (1904), p. 7.
66 Ibid.
67 QIN Ruijie (ed.): Gaodeng xiaoxue xiyang lishi, vol. 2 (1905), p. 28.
68 Ibid., pp. 28, 29.

QN
Aleksandrs DMITRENKO

Bulgaria independent, defense of the Holy Land and the Orthodox Greeks living
in “Turkey”.69
The textbooks also provide a short description of the “national”, i.e., “Chinese
history”. Russia is often viewed as the main opponent of Britain in the fight for
influence. The textbooks indicate their collisions in Central Asia, Persia, Afghan-
istan, and the Caucasus in general. In the same context, they talk about Sino-
Russian relations and Sino-British relations in the LRth century. Hence the actions
of Russia in China are regarded as equal/or compared to the actions of Britain in
China. The textbooks mention the invasion of Yili (LcKL), the Treaty of Aigun
(Lcdc), the loss of territories after the Convention of Peking (LceS).70 QIN also
claims that the Russians occupied Sakhalin Island in order to spy (kui 窺) on
Japan and Korea.71
Such a description of Russia creates an image of this country as not only ag-
gressive toward “Turkey” but also toward China. Its actions are compared to the
actions of the British in China, and hence it is depicted as one of the main enemies
of China. It states that Russia claimed to fight for the rights of Christians but it
looks as if the main reason behind this claim was the will to expand the territory
and annex the European part of “Turkey”. Russia’s main ideology and strategy
are often presented as oppression and aggression.
Remarkably, such an image of Russia is totally in line with the image of Rus-
sia spread in the Chinese press of the time. KANG Youwei and YAN Fu suggested
Peter the Great as a model for China, but his figure was viewed only as a good
example of exercising the autocratic power to modernize the state, and none of
them seems to have regarded Russia as a stable country.72 Some reformers were
very critical toward Russia, like WANG Tao 王韬 (LcJc–LcRK), who called for
alignment with Britain and Japan against the Russian threat, or ZHANG Zhidong
張之洞 (LcNK–LRSR) and LIU Kunyi 劉坤一 (LcNS–LRSJ) who “came to be strong
proponents of a Sino-British-Japanese alliance against Russia by the end of
LcRK”.73 In the late LRth, early JSth century, Russia was viewed by the Chinese
intellectuals and reformers as an autocratic state that was never fully European-
ized. But what was the actual reason for such perceptions of Russia? It was partly
because of anti-Russian propaganda by the Anglo-American missionaries’

69 OGAWA Ginjirō (ed.): Zhongdeng xiyangshi, vol. 4 (1904), pp. 14, 15; QIN Ruijie (ed.):
Gaodeng xiaoxue xiyang lishi, vol. 2 (1905), pp. 32, 33.
70 OGAWA Ginjirō (ed.): Zhongdeng xiyangshi, vol. 4 (1904), pp. 21, 22; QIN Ruijie (ed.):
Gaodeng xiaoxue xiyang lishi, vol. 2 (1905), pp. 41, 42.
71 QIN Ruijie (ed.): Gaodeng xiaoxue xiyang lishi, vol. 2 (1905), p. 42.
72 Don C. PRICE: Russia and the Roots of the Chinese Revolution, Cambridge, Massa-
chussetts: Harvard University Press, 1974, pp. 32, 45.
73 Ibid., p. 67.

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 The Image of the West in Chinese History Textbooks, pqrr–pqpp

journal, Wanguo gongbao 萬國公報 (The Review of the Times) and by the re-
form press, which was heavily dependent on British and Japanese articles.74 It
was also in equal parts due to Russia’s own policies in the Far East during the
late LRth century (Yili Crisis, LcKL–LccL); the fact that the Liaodong Peninsula was
leased to Russia (LcRc); Russia’s intervention into China during the Boxer rebel-
lion (LcRR–LRSL).
The image of Russia in Chinese “national history” textbooks is even less dis-
putable, but the description also ranges from being very concise and cautious to
very harsh and more detailed. Nevertheless, none of the textbooks presents Russia
as a partner and friendly neighbor. For instance, Putong xin lishi duben provides
a quite aggressive image of Russia. This can be seen from the language (the Rus-
sians “frequently spy on Heilongjiang” (pin kui Heilongjiang 频窥黑龍江) and
“glare like a tiger eyeing its prey” (you hushi dandan zhi shi 有虎視眈眈之勢)
and the very interpretation of historical events. All mentions of Russia are put in
one separate chapter, which provides a quite detailed narrative. In the discussion
of the Treaty of Aigun (Lcdc), the author seems to be searching for an excuse for
ceding the territory to Russia. The text claims that the Chinese Emperor asked
Russians to help with the border defense while the Russians seized the oppor-
tunity and made (po 迫) China discuss the border. The cession of the land to
Russia in accordance with the Convention of Peking is explained with gratitude
for mediation (tiaoting 調停) between the two parties (Britain/France - China)
after the Second Opium War.75
The textbook by the Chinese educator CHEN Maozhi is even harsher in the
description of relations with Russia. The Treaty of Nerchinsk (LecR) is explained
as the treaty between Russia and China in which China regained the territory once
occupied by Russia.76 According to Chinese historiography, the Russians invaded
the Qing territory, and thus, after the Treaty of Nerchinsk was signed and the
Russians have left these territories, China has regained what was once occupied
by the Russians. In the chapter on Sino-Russian relations, it says that when the
Treaty of Nerchinsk was signed, Russians could be suppressed by power (li yi E
力抑俄), but later they continued moving East.77
Russia is described as an aggressor toward any territory. The text indicates
that in LeRS Russia seized Kamchatka and was seeking to occupy Alaska (canshi
蠶食, just as how silkworms nibble away at leaves). Russia also forced/urged (lü

74 Ibid., pp. 67–69.

75 Putong xin lishi duben (1901), pp. 128–130.
76 CHEN Maozhi 陳懋治 (ed.): Gaodeng xiaoxue Zhongguo lishi jiaokeshu 高等小學中國
厯史教科書, 第五編 (Senior Primary School Textbook on Chinese history, Part 5),
Shanghai: Wenming shuju 1906, p. 79.
77 Ibid., p. 84.

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Aleksandrs DMITRENKO

po 屢迫) China several times to sign the Treaty of Kyakhta (Ki͡akhta, LKJc), but
no explanation is given as to how this was done.78 The author claims that since
that time, Russia gradually had been invading the East, but again no additional
information is provided on how and what exactly was invaded. CHEN Maozhi,
just like the author of Putong xin lishi duben, claims that Emperor Nicholas I
seized the opportunity of the Chinese soldiers neglecting their duty and estab-
lished the city of Nikolayevsk (Nikolaevsk) on the outlet of the River Hei-
longjiang. He was also seeking to “nibble away at” (canshi 蠶食) Sakhalin island
and used the unrests/revolt in China and foreign aggression to make China change
the border and sign the Treaty of Aigun.79
Another author, namely QIAN Zonghan, in the textbook for Lower Primary
School provides a very concise description of the contacts with Russia. He re-
mains very cautious about describing the LKth century border conflict and does
not call the Russians “invaders” directly, but states that the Qing Emperor was
“seeking to regain the territory taken away by force earlier”.80 In the description
of Russia’s role in the Second Opium War, the text indicates that the territory to
the East from the Ussuri River was handed to Russia in gratitude for mediating.
At the same time, the text indicates that Russians established a trading port at
Haishenwei 海參威, i.e. Vladivostok.81

LRLJ–LRJc: The Image of the West

The present chapter does not break down this period into smaller ones, but primarily
focuses on two textbooks from two decades, one from LRLQ, and the other from LRJN
to reveal, more specifically, the tendencies of the time. Additionally, the textbook
by JIN Zhaozi 金兆梓 (LccR–LRKd)82 will be consulted to supplement these exam-
ples.

78 Ibid.
79 Ibid., p. 85.
80 QIAN Zonghan 錢宗翰(ed.): Chudeng xiaoxue Zhongguo lishi jiaokeshu 初等小學中國
厯史教科書，第三冊 (Junior Primary School Chinese history textbook, vol. 3), Shanghai:
Biaomeng shushi 1907, p. 14.
81 Ibid., p. 20.
82 JIN Zhaozi was a Chinese historian, who first of all focused on writing and editing history
textbooks. He was a student of ZHANG Xiang, who worked at the Zhonghua Shuju. Accord-
ing to JIN, he compiled his first textbooks under guideance and motivation of ZHANG. He
first entered Zhonghua Shuju in 1922 and has worked for around a year. His textbook on

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 The Image of the West in Chinese History Textbooks, pqrr–pqpp

The main aspects that change in textbooks are related to the interpretation of East–
West relations; the understanding of “Our country” (China); the style of dating the
events; maps; the LSdQ East–West schism (or the Great Schism); the “new heroes”
of the East-West contact; and the image of the USA.
One of the new features emerging in this period is that textbooks focus specif-
ically on maps. The textbook of LRLQ by the Chinese linguist and philologist
ZHANG Xiang 張相 (LcKK–LRQd), who was in charge of the division of teaching
materials and for NS years was the associate director for the Institute of Compila-
tion at the Zhonghua Shuju83, does not have a single picture of any historical figure
while it contains a huge amount of maps of different territories. All the maps are
in black and white, embedded into the text and take up the size of half a page or
one third of a page. Of dS pages in the first volume, LN have a map; of Kc pages in
the second volume, Lc have a map. Hence, approximately every fourth page has a
map. FU Yunlin’s textbook of LRJN has only LS maps in two volumes, but they are
in color and placed on separate pages (not numbered), while the pictures of some
historical figures are in black and white and quite small in size. This could indicate
that for China the territorial issues were much more important at that time than
concrete historical figures. In the preface, FU Yunlin indicates that the main idea
(yaozhi 要旨) is to impart to the students the change of situation in the world, the
rise and fall of famous countries, the development of humanity, and, furthermore,
relations with China.84 Both authors, however, do not explain what the main func-
tion of the maps in the textbooks should be.
The textbook by the Chinese scholar ZHONG Yulong 鍾毓龍 (LccS–LRKS) on
“National history” also has many maps. There one can find, in particular, a quite
exaggerated map of Qing China at its prime, where western frontiers of the Qing
empire almost reach Europe (fig. L-J).85 This looks like an attempt to show China’s
greatness as of an enormously huge country. At the same time, this again reveals
the importance of the territorial issues for China of the time. The Qing dynasty
was definitely considered to be a foreign, oppressive dynasty, but the perfected

Chinese history (benguoshi 本國史) produced at that period was very popular and the num-
ber of sales in half a year has reached a number of 25 000 copies. See: LI Zhiming 李志茗:
“Jin Zhaozi ji qi shixue” 金兆梓及其史学 (Jin Zhaozi and His Historiography). In: Shi Lin
史林 (Historical Review) no. 6, 2012, pp. 130–138.
83 ZHANG Xiang 張相. Available online: https://baike.baidu.com/item/%E5%BC%A0%
E7%9B%B8/2507523 (last access 2020, April 2).
84 FU Yunlin 傅運林 (ed.): Zhongxuexiao yong Gongheguo jiaokeshu xiyang shi, juan
shang 中學校用共和國教科書西洋史，卷上 (Secondary School Republican Textbook
on the Western History, vol. 1), Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan 1923, p. 1.
85 ZHONG Yulong 鍾毓龍 (ed.): Zhongxuexiao shiyong Xinzhi Benguoshi jiaoben, san 中
學校適用新制本國史教本，三 (Secondary School New-Style Textbook on the History of
Our Country, vol. 3), Shanghai: Zhonghua shuju 1914, p. 75.

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Aleksandrs DMITRENKO

territory of Qing China, as indicated in ZHAO Yusen’s teacher’s manual in Com-

mercial Press from LRLN–LRLQ, had to be preserved by “the citizens of the Repub-
lic”.86 As indicated by ZARROW in discussing the textbooks produced after LRJc,
while Qing was treated as a conquest and foreign dynasty, the Qing “got high
marks for territorial expansion”.87 Regarding the territorial issues, this was also
true for textbooks produced just after the establishment of the Republic. Borders
were often not delineated clearly. ZARROW suggests that this was due to the ques-
tion of whether or not the Qing had become Chinese enough so that Han Chinese
“should take pride in its imperial reach and lay claims to its territories”,88 and con-
cludes that for most Republican elites “aside from any questions of national pride,
strategic necessity meant that they needed to claim as much of the Qing territory
as possible”.89 Illustrations became less important in comparison to the late Qing
textbooks. For instance, the textbooks talk about Jesus Christ and the spread of
Christianity, but they show no pictures of Jesus Christ.90

Figure L-J: Map of the Qing dominion at its prime91

86 Quoted from: Peter ZARROW: Educating China (2015), p. 186.

87 Peter ZARROW: Educating China (2015), p. 194.
88 Ibid., p. 193.
89 Ibid., p. 195.
90 ZHANG Xiang 張相 (ed.): Zhongxuexiao shiyong Xinzhi xiyangshi jiaoben, shang 中學
校適用新制西洋史教本，上 (Secondary School New-Style Textbook on the Western
History, vol. 1, Shanghai: Zhonghua shuju 1914, p. 22; FU Yunlin (ed.): Gongheguo xi-
yangshi, vol. 1 (1923), p. 27.
91 Source: ZHONG Yulong (ed.): Xinzhi Benguoshi jiaoben, vol. 3 (1914), p. 75.

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In indicating the specific year, the textbook of ZHANG Xiang (LRLQ) uses the Gre-
gorian calendar, but FU Yunlin’s textbook (LRJN) indicates time in a more GMD
way: the Gregorian calendar, in minguo (qian) 民國(前) ((before) the Republic)92
and in classical Chinese style with the reign title.
The Xiongnu are mentioned but no connection to China is attributed to them.
ZHANG Xiang’s textbook (LRLQ) merely indicates that they attacked the Goths and
later attacked many other nations and established their own state.93 FU Yunlin’s
textbook (LRJN) talks about Huns (Fenren 芬人) describing them as the descend-
ants of the Xiongnu (Xiongnu yizu 匈奴遺族), who came from Asia.94
Both textbooks mention the East-West Schism in Christianity of LSdQ, when
the Eastern and Western Christian Churches broke communion; something that
was not discussed in the late Qing textbooks for example.95 Both textbooks discuss
the relations between the state and the Church: first, the collaborations of the Pope
and Charles the Great; then the collision between the state and the Church. Gen-
erally speaking, the image of the Pope is still quite negative, because that is the
figure that, according to textbooks, wanted to control world Empires.96
The Crusades continue to be described through the same categories as in the
late Qing textbooks. The “Turkish” invasion in Jerusalem and the mistreatment of
Christians are revealed to be the main reason for the Crusades. FU Yunlin’s text-
book (LRJN) provides quite emotional descriptions of the Christians who were
“wildly excited” (kuangfen 狂奮) and could hardly wait to conquer the Turks and
overtake Jerusalem.97 The result of the Crusades named by the authors is the same
as the ones mentioned in the Qing textbooks.98
The concept of races (zhongzu 種族) is less discussed even though it does not
disappear altogether. Most likely because the idea of the nation was much more
important for the San-min Doctrine. The concept seems to become more general.
For instance, the textbook of FU Yunlin (LRJN) uses the concept of the “Asian race”,
and thus claims that “the ‘Turkish Empire’ was established by an Asian race, and
that all European states originally hated it (su xian e zhi 素 嫌 惡 之).” 99 The

92 The Republic of China calendar or Minguo calendar indicates the date since the estab-
lishment of the Republic (1912) or, consequently, before the Republic.
93 ZHANG Xiang (ed.): Xinzhi xiyangshi, vol. 1 (1914), pp. 25–27.
94 FU Yunlin (ed.): Gongheguo xiyangshi, vol. 1 (1923), p. 28.
95 ZHANG Xiang (ed.): Xinzhi xiyangshi, vol. 1 (1914), p. 30; FU Yunlin (ed.): Gongheguo
xiyangshi, vol. 1 (1923), p. 33, 34.
96 ZHANG Xiang (ed.): Xinzhi xiyangshi, vol. 1 (1914), pp. 30–35; FU Yunlin (ed.):
Gongheguo xiyangshi, vol. 1 (1923), pp. 47, 48.
97 FU Yunlin (ed.): Gongheguo xiyangshi, vol. 1 (1923), p. 40.
98 ZHANG Xiang (ed.): Xinzhi xiyangshi, vol. 1 (1914), p. 36; FU Yunlin (ed.): Gongheguo
xiyangshi, vol. 1 (1923), p. 41.
99 FU Yunlin (ed.): Gongheguo xiyangshi, vol. 1 (1923), p. 51.

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Aleksandrs DMITRENKO

textbooks mostly talk about nationality or ethnic groups (zu 族).100 The Mongols
again are viewed as a separate ethnicity/nationality, different from the Chinese.
Disagreement appears between different authors about the interpretation of
events and the role of the Mongols. The textbook by ZHANG Xiang (LRLQ) devotes
only one page to the Mongols and states that the Germanic people fled to the Ro-
man Pope and asked to send the Crusades to defend them from “the Mongols”. He
did not respond.101 FU Yunlin’s textbook (LRJN) states that the Pope saw the power
of the Mongols and wanted to preach Christianity to them, and also with the help
of them wanted to attack the Muslims from both sides (jiaji 夾擊).102
The authors stress the impact of the Mongols on the East-West contact, which
is revealed in the collaboration between the former and the Europeans to suppress
the Muslims. At the same time, the new concept of the “Chinese Mongols”
(Zhongguo mengguzu 中國蒙古族) appears. The Chinese historian JIN Zhaozi
speaks of the Mongol Western military campaign as the land operation to the West
completed by “the people of our country”.103
In the discussion of the Renaissance (wenyi fuxing 文藝復興, “the revival of
literature and art”), the Church continues to be represented as the power that im-
peded the development of sciences and progress. At the same time, the textbooks
indicate that philosophy was used for scholasticism, and thus was not completely

100 In discussing the Origin myths in republican-period textbooks Peter ZARROW indicates
that early Republican textbooks continued to speak of Huaren in racial terms, but I could
not find such extansive use of the term race (renzhong 人種/ zhongzu 種族) in the textbooks
discussing Western history, as it was in the late Qing textbooks. See: Peter ZARROW: Edu-
cating China (2015), pp. 164, 165. Here the term “nationality” will be applied, because the
textbooks do not talk specifically about White, Black or Yellow races, but about specific
nations/nationalities of China. For discussion of the use of the concept of race in China see:
Gotelind MÜLLER: “Are We ‘Yellow’ and Who is ‘Us’? China’s Problems with Glocalising
the Concept of ‘Race’” (around 1900), in: BJOAF 2008, pp. 153–180. LEIBOLD prefers not
to translate the term “minzu”, and sometimes applies the term “zhongzu” only with a trans-
lation in brackets as “race”. He indicates that several Chinese intellectuals employed both
terms interchangeably. See: James LEIBOLD: “Competing Narratives of Racial Unity in Re-
publican China: From the Yellow Emperor to Peking Man”, in: Modern China no. 2, April
2006, pp. 208, 212, 213 fn. 1. Hyung Il PAI indicates that the same way the Japanese colo-
nial period (1910–1945) publications “frequently do not distinguish between concepts such
as race, tribe, clan, ethnic group, and ethnic state.” Hyung Il PAI: “Japanese Anthropology
and The Discovery of Prehistoric ‘Korea’”, in: Journal of East Asian Archaeology, vol. 1,
1–4, 1999, p. 354, fn. 3.
101 ZHANG Xiang (ed.): Xinzhi xiyangshi, vol. 1 (1914), p. 37.
102 FU Yunlin (ed.): Gongheguo xiyangshi, vol. 1 (1923), p. 47.
103 JIN Zhaozi 金兆梓 (ed.): Xin xuezhi shiyong Xin xiaoxue jiaokeshu Lishi keben
jiaoshoushu, Gaoji di san ce 新 小 學 教 科 書: 歷 史 課 本 教 授 書 ， 高 級 第 三 冊
(Teacher’s manual for New Educational System. Historical Readers for Higher Primary
Schools, vol. 3), Shanghai: Zhonghua shuju 1923, p. 97.

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 The Image of the West in Chinese History Textbooks, pqrr–pqpp

neglected. The influence of the Arab civilization is still mentioned, but the focus
has shifted to Italian schools, artists, and writers. Besides that, the authors mention
Oxford and Bologna Universities, where people studied different disciplines.
Textbooks continue the discussion regarding the printing press as GUTENBERG’s
invention and, surprisingly for some, paper as an Italian invention. The section on
the Renaissance is followed by a rather short section on geographic discoveries.104
While naming the reign of Elisabeth (Lddc–LeSN) as “prosperous times” in Eng-
land, ZHANG Xiang also talks about the Western powers invading the East. Ac-
cording to the text, the Mongols lost their power in India,105 while Portugal, the
Netherlands, Spain, Britain, and France focused on America and Asia.106 Conse-
quently, these countries are represented as the main colonizers. The textbooks
have sections on the European colonies and vassal states, including those in Africa.
For the description of the colonies in Africa, the authors use the sensitive term for
the Chinese – guafen 瓜分 “to cut apart like a melon” (i.e. to dismember); which
is often used for China. ZHANG Xiang’s textbook also has a map of the colonies
in Africa managed by such Great Powers as Britain, France, Germany, Italy, and
Portugal (fig. L-N).107

Figure L-N: Map of the European colonies in Africa108

104 ZHANG Xiang (ed.): Xin-zhi xiyangshi, vol. 1 (1914), pp. 47–50; FU Yunlin (ed.):
Gongheguo xiyangshi, vol. 1 (1923), pp. 56–59.
105 In the context of “five races under one union” this sounds like “our country’s people”
lost the power in India.
106 ZHANG Xiang (ed.): Xin-zhi xiyangshi, vol. 2 (1914), pp. 6–11.
107 FU Yunlin (ed.): Gongheguo xiyangshi, vol. 2 (1923), pp. 126–130; ZHANG Xiang (ed.):
Xin-zhi xiyangshi vol. 2 (1914), pp. 70–73.
108 Source: ZHANG Xiang (ed.): Xin-zhi xiyangshi, vol. 2 (1914), p. 71.

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Aleksandrs DMITRENKO

The image of the USA changes at this period. The Puritans, who opposed the kind
of tyrannical rule exhibited by the King of England and migrated to North America,
have a more positive image, as the victims of the despotic reign. The image of the
USA is consequently also quite positive in this context.109 Nonetheless, in discuss-
ing a modern USA the textbooks pinpoint its aggression and fight for influence in
the Pacific Ocean. The textbooks mention the war with Spain (LcRc) and state that
the USA used the mistreatment of the Filipinos as an excuse (koushi 口實) to start
the war. Hence, the USA also seized Cuba, and, in LRSS, furthermore used the
revolt in Hawaii to annex the latter. In LRSS, together with Germany, it also sepa-
rated Samoa. In this regard, the USA is also represented as the superpower that
colonizes/annexes territories and, together with other Great Powers, participated
in cutting apart states and islands.110
The image of the French Revolution stays more or less the same as in the late
Qing textbooks. The authors name the following causes: the despotism of the ruler
and mistreatment of the people; high taxes; the clergy and aristocracy’s exemption
from paying taxes; new ideas of freedom and equality; independence of the USA
and constitution. The textbooks devote more than LS pages to this topic, which
again reveals the importance of it to the Chinese authors.111
Surprisingly enough, despite the fact of WWI (LRLQ–LRLc, as the “Great Euro-
pean War”, Ouzhou dazhan 歐洲大戰) standing in the LRJNs curricula outline,112
there is no separate chapter on WWI in the textbook by FU Yunlin. The war is
even barely mentioned in the chapter on the recent situation in some Western coun-
tries, including the USA.113
The Industrial Revolution is not separately discussed either, even though it is
named in the curricula outline (LRJN) as gongye gexin 工業革新.114 There are sep-
arate sections on culture and science: the authors discuss different achievements
in culture and science, but the very Industrial Revolution is not yet represented as
the main turning point. However, this changes in the LRNSs.
The textbook thus seems to barely correspond to many points indicated in the
course outline. Besides the aforementioned discrepancies with the curricula out-
line, there are many others. For instance, the Chinese printing press is not

109 ZHANG Xiang (ed.): Xin-zhi xiyangshi, vol. 2 (1914), pp. 14–16, 33, 34; FU Yunlin
(ed.): Gongheguo xiyangshi, vol. 2 (1923), pp. 1–15, 26–27.
110 ZHANG Xiang (ed.): Xinzhi xiyangshi, vol. 2 (1914), pp. 72, 73; FU Yunlin (ed.):
Gongheguo xiyangshi, vol. 2 (1923), pp. 120, 121.
111 ZHANG Xiang (ed.): Xinzhi xiyangshi, vol. 2 (1914), pp. 37–48; FU Yunlin (ed.):
Gongheguo xiyangshi, vol. 2 (1923), pp. 28–41.
112 Kecheng jiaocai yanjiusuo (comp.): 20 shiji. Lishijuan (2001), p. 20.
113 FU Yunlin (ed.): Gongheguo xiyangshi, vol. 2 (1923), pp. 108–129.
114 Kecheng jiaocai yanjiusuo (comp.): 20 shiji. Lishijuan (2001), p. 19.

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mentioned (instead, the printing press is mentioned as GUTENBERG’s invention);

the textbook uses the term wenyi fuxing 文藝復興 for the Renaissance, and not
fugu yundong 復古運動 (“the movement for the return to the ancients”) as in the
outline; and the textbook does not discuss any aspects of socialism in the context
of the Industrial Revolution; neither does it touch upon concepts such as Roman-
ticism, or Rationalism, and has many other discrepancies with the outline.115 In
discussing the LRJN curricula ZARROW, with reference to Robert CULP, states “it is
not clear if any history textbooks were actually written along these lines”.116
The “National” or “Chinese history” textbooks rather chose to elaborate on the
topic of the Mongols. ZHONG Yulong states that the Yuan’s military power came
to the West, and opened a new way to exchange and trade. The Europeans were
fighting with the Muslims and were astonished by the Yuan military power; they
wanted to form an alliance to suppress Muslims and for that reason sent represent-
atives to the Mongols to negotiate.117 At the same time, in the introduction the
author defines the Mongols as a separate nationality that conquered the Chinese,
but later five nationalities, including the Mongols, became “one family”.118 Here
one can see the principle commonly known as “Five Races Under One Union”
(wuzugonghe 五族共和) proclaimed by the Beiyang government (LRLJ–LRJc).
Some “new” historical figures appear in the textbooks on both “the national
history” and “the history of the West”. ZHANG Xiang does not mention Marco
POLO, but he appears in the textbook on “national history” by ZHONG Yulong as
well as in the textbook on “the history of the West” by FU Yunlin. ZHONG Yulong
states that POLO served in China and in his book described the richness (fuli 富麗)
of China; it was thus that the name of the Khitan became widespread (zao 噪) in
Europe.119 FU only mentions the fact that Marco POLO came from Venice, and was
treated as a favorite (chongyu 寵遇) for LJ years by the Yuan.120 JIN Zhaozi pro-
vides a whole section on Marco POLO with the map of his journey, a story of him
coming with his father to China, and writing a book about China after his return,
which has raised the interest of Europeans for China and influenced the discovery
of the new sea route as well as the “New World” (Xin dalu 新大陸).121 To a certain
degree, such interpretation made China a kind of contributor to the discovery of
the “New World” and partly to the development of the world. This, in particular,

115 See: Ibid., pp. 17–20.

116 Peter ZARROW: Educating China (2015), p. 153.
117 ZHONG Yulong (ed.): Xinzhi Benguoshi jiaoben, vol. 3 (1914), p. 6.
118 Ibid., p. 1.
119 ZHONG Yulong (ed.): Xin-zhi Benguoshi jiaoben, vol. 3 (1914), p. 6.
120 FU Yunlin (ed.): Gongheguo xiyangshi, vol. 1 (1923), p. 47.
121 JIN Zhaozi (ed.): Lishi keben jiaoshoushu, vol. 2 (1923), pp. 1, 2.

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Aleksandrs DMITRENKO

corresponds with the LRJN curricula, which discusses the development of the world
cultures, as well as the relations between China and Europe.122
Another historical figure, namely Matteo RICCI, is very briefly mentioned by
ZHONG Yulong as a missionary.123 PAN Wu mentions him, together with the Chi-
nese scholar and Catholic convert XU Guangqi 徐光啓 (LdeJ–LeNN), as the mis-
sionary who not only preached but also brought Western learning to China and
who contributed, among others, to the development of guns. Nonetheless, the tech-
nique was not perfect, and the Ming have consequently lost out to the Qing Man-
chus.124 JIN Zhaozi is much more positive about Matteo RICCI and Christianity in
general, but this is rather an exception to the huge amount of other textbooks. He
indicates that nowadays the Church builds schools, hospitals, and improves
preaching techniques. RICCI learned Chinese, wore Confucian clothes, preached
Christianity and brought with him the attributes of Western learning, with the help
of which he preached Christianity to intellectuals. At the same time, the text points
out that XU Guangqi has edited RICCI’s books and made improvements where he
has made mistakes. Thus, the text might indicate some kind of superiority of the
Chinese over Europeans.125 Talking about the image of the Western countries in
the “national history” textbooks in general, it barely changes, and the aggressive
nature of their arrival in China continue to be discussed.
The figure of ZHENG He became much more popular than in the Qing period.
His journey is described in detail. It is indicated that NS states paid tribute to the
Ming and that consequently mutual trade continued. The map of his journey is also
embedded in the text.126

LRLJ–LRJc: The Image of Russia

The textbooks produced in the LRLSs are less negative in the assessment of Russia
and its actions in the international arena. These textbooks definitely inherited cer-
tain features of the textbooks from the Qing era, for instance, a more detailed

122 Kecheng jiaocai yanjiusuo (comp.): 20 shiji. Lishijuan (2001), pp. 16–19.
123 ZHONG Yulong (ed.): Xin-zhi Benguoshi jiaoben, vol. 3 (1914), p. 64.
124 PAN Wu 潘武 (ed.): Gaodeng xiaoxuexiao yong Xinbian Zhonghua lishi jiaokeshu, si
高等小學校用新編中華歷史教科書，四 (New Chinese Historical Readers for Senior Pri-
mary School, vol. 4), Shanghai: Zhonghua shuju 1915, p. 2.
125 JIN Zhaozi (ed.): Lishi keben jiaoshoushu, vol. 2 (1923), pp. 25–30.
126 ZHONG Yulong (ed.): Xin-zhi Benguoshi jiaoben, vol. 3 (1914), p. 38; JIN Zhaozi (ed.):
Lishi keben jiaoshoushu, vol. 2 (1923), pp. 97–103.

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description of the Great Northern War. Russia before Peter the Great is not de-
picted as barbarous, and Tsar Ivan III is portrayed as a brave and powerful ruler.
The textbooks also remark that Russia’s expansion to Siberia started during the
reign of Ivan IV.127
In the case of FU Yunlin, the description of Russia before Peter the Great does
not differ much from that of the Japanese historian and educator HONDA Asajirō
(LceK–LRNR)128 and ZHANG Xiang. Nevertheless, FU specifically points out that Pe-
ter turned Russia from a barbarous into a civilized country.129
The most important difference between the textbooks from the LRLSs and LRJSs
concerning Russia before Peter is that in the LRLSs the textbooks indicate the bonds
of Russia with the Eastern Roman Empire (E.R.E., NRd–LQdN), stressing that the
Tsar viewed Russia as the successor of the E.R.E. and has married the niece of the
last Emperor of the E.R.E.130 In the LRLSs this was a topic, but later this was not
discussed at all.
What changes dramatically in comparison to the late Qing textbooks is the in-
terpretation of Russia’s role in the Holy Alliance. In this period the textbooks de-
fine the ideology of this alliance as suppression but also state that the Russian
Emperor Alexander I suggested this alliance as the Christian Alliance, where all
the state rulers are viewed as brothers and citizens of states as one family. Mutual
support and love in the name of peace were proclaimed as the core of this alliance.
The Austrian Chancellor METTERNICH (LKKN–LcdR) is claimed to be the one who
used the opportunity and made “suppression” (yazhi 壓制) the core of the ideology
behind the Holy Alliance.131 FU Yunlin states that “the meaning of this alliance

127 HONDA Asajirō 本多淺治郎 (ed.): Xiyang lishi jiaokeshu 西洋厯史教科書 (Textbook
on Western history), Shanghai: Qunyi shushe 1912, p. 262; ZHANG Xiang (ed.): Xinzhi
xiyangshi, vol. 2 (1914), p. 21.
128 HONDA Asajirō graduated from the Department of History of the Imperial University
[now: Tokyo University] in July 1893. He was a well-known and productive history edu-
cator, who specialized in writing history textbooks and focused on methods of education.
The most important characteristic of HONDA’s method of historical education was sanbun
hōron 三分法論 [i. e. splitting chapters, explanations etc. into three parts, to make them
easier to understand and remember, for example introducing a thought, developing it, and
then drawing a conclusion]. See: SUZUKI Masahiro 鈴木 正弘: “Honda Asajirō no ‘seiyōshi’
kyōju kōsō to kyōkasho, sankō shorui” 本多浅治郎の「西洋史」教授構想と教科書・
参考書類 (HONDA Asajirō’s “Western history” teaching concept and textbooks, reference
books). In: Sōgō rekishi kyōiku 総合歴史教育 (Comprehensive history education) no. 41,
July 2005, pp. 10–32.
129 FU Yunlin (ed.): Gongheguo xiyangshi, vol. 2 (1923), p. 18.
130 ZHANG Xiang (ed.): Xinzhi xiyangshi, vol. 1 (1914), p. 47; HONDA Asajirō (ed.): Xiyang
lishi jiaokeshu (1912), p. 262.
131 ZHANG Xiang (ed.): Xinzhi xiyangshi, vol. 2 (1914), p. 49; HONDA Asajirō (ed.): Xiyang
lishi jiaokeshu (1912), p. 357.

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Aleksandrs DMITRENKO

was quite unclear (po wei kongmo 頗為空漠) and METTERNICH got the real power
of this alliance to carry out his conservative policy of suppressing liberal move-
ments”.132
In terms of the Greek War of Independence, the textbooks of that period merely
interpret it as the opposition to the Holy Alliance (despite the fact that the Ottoman
Empire did not support this alliance), and the very independence is associated with
the end of the Holy Alliance. METTERNICH is viewed as the only supporter of the
ideology of suppression, while Nicholas I is described as the one who stood in op-
position to METTERNICH.133 Nevertheless, the whole Greek War of Independence
is discussed within the context of the opposition of the conservative policy pursued
by the world empires and liberal movements that appeared in the LRth century.
Regarding Russo-Turkish relations, the textbooks continue to talk about Rus-
sia’s ambitions to invade “Turkey”. At the same time, the textbooks indicate that
Christians in Jerusalem were abused by the Turkish and complained (su 訴) to the
Russian Emperor. Nicholas I seized the opportunity, and thus the Crimean War
started.134 Another textbook states that Napoleon III ordered “Turkey” to admit
protectorate rights of the Catholic Church over Jerusalem, and the Russian Em-
peror Nicholas I used this as an excuse to invade “Turkey”. Nonetheless, in the
preceding subchapter, the textbook indicates that the French Napoleon III had
close ties with the Pope and “wanted to enhance national prestige to strengthen his
position and therefore the Crimean War started”.135
With such a statement, the textbook claims that at least one of the reasons, or
probably the main reason, for the outbreak of the Crimean War was the ambitions
of Napoleon III. At the same time, in the description of the war, the text states that
the Russian army “defended itself to the utmost” (jieli fangyu 竭力防禦),136 which
in a certain sense describes Russia as “a victim” who gave all its power to defend
the state.
FU indicates that Russia had its own ambitions. “Turkey’s” decay is explained
by the growth of Russia. Russia is portrayed as an aggressor toward “Turkey” that
was willing to conquer it and even engaged in the defense of Christians in order to
inflict hardship on “Turkey” (yu yi ku Tuerqi 欲以苦土耳其). Subsequently, “Tur-
key” is described as the victim of the Crimean War. The text states that the

132 FU Yunlin (ed.): Gongheguo xiyangshi, vol. 2 (1923), pp. 44, 45.
133 HONDA Asajirō (ed.): Xiyang lishi jiaokeshu (1912), pp. 360, 361; ZHANG Xiang (ed.):
Xinzhi xiyangshi, vol. 2 (1914), p. 51; FU Yunlin (ed.): Gongheguo xiyangshi, vol. 2 (1923),
pp. 51–53.
134 HONDA Asajirō (ed.): Xiyang lishi jiaokeshu (1912), pp. 373, 374.
135 ZHANG Xiang (ed.): Xinzhi xiyangshi, vol. 2 (1914), p. 57.
136 Ibid.

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 The Image of the West in Chinese History Textbooks, pqrr–pqpp

Ottoman statesman and diplomat Reshid PASHA (LcSS–Lcdc) assisted the ruler with
all his heart and allowed religious freedom.137
In the discussion of the Russian policy in the East and China, in particular,
Russia is described as the aggressor, and its actions are compared to the action of
other imperialist powers. The textbooks pay due attention to the Anglo-Russian
competition and collisions in Afghanistan and Pakistan. They are presented as
competitors for the influence in Central Asia and in the Far East.138 In this context,
they also briefly mention Sino-Russian relations in the LRth century and indicate
that Russia used the British-French invasion of China (Zhina 支那) to seize (duo
奪) the left bank of the River Heilongjiang. During China’s peace discussion with
Britain and France, Russia seized the opportunity and acted as an intermediary,
later demanding the territory to the East from the Ussuri River as a reward for
mediation.139 In the domestic policy Russia is also depicted as an authoritarian
state. Alexander II, in particular, is described as an original adherent of liberalism
who allowed freedom of speech and in LceL proclaimed emancipation (peasant
reform) but later restored despotism.140 Alexander III is mentioned as a despotic
ruler who abused the Jews and forced Finland to submit. Nicholas II is suggested
to be an adherent of liberalism, who reduced the land tax and granted amnesty to
political criminals. After the loss in the Russo-Japanese War (LRSQ–LRSd), he pro-
claimed the constitution. However, Russia, as an initially despotic state, could not
design a good constitution besides that WWI (“European War”) influenced the
situation in the country, and therefore, the revolt ensued in LRLK.141 Such a depic-
tion of the last three emperors is very close to what we could see in Zuixin
zhongxue jiaokeshu, vol. J (LRSe) from the late Qing period. The October Revolu-
tion, however, is not discussed in detail. The text says that the House of Repre-
sentatives formed the government and made the Emperor resign. He was brought
to Siberia as a prisoner and was killed along with his entire family the next year.
The whole state was seemingly in disorder (yunrao 雲擾) and fell apart (sifen
wulie 四分五裂).142
In the textbooks concerning “national history” or “the history of China”, Rus-
sia continues to be presented as the aggressor. In the discussion of the border con-
flict of the LKth century and the Treaty of Nerchinsk (LecR), the textbooks state that

137 FU Yunlin (ed.): Gongheguo xiyangshi, vol. 2 (1923), p. 75.

138 ZHANG Xiang (ed.): Xin-zhi xiyangshi, vol. 2 (1914), p. 69; HONDA Asajirō (ed.): Xi-
yang lishi jiaokeshu (1912), pp. 402–404.
139 HONDA Asajirō (ed.): Xiyang lishi jiaokeshu (1912), p. 405.
140 FU Yunlin (ed.): Gongheguo xiyangshi, vol. 2 (1923), pp. 102–116.
141 Ibid., pp. 116–118.
142 Ibid., p. 118.

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Aleksandrs DMITRENKO

Russian Cossacks invaded the Qing Empire.143 The same image stays in the dis-
cussion of the Treaty of Aigun and Convention of Peking. Some authors portray
Russia as an even greater aggressor than Britain and France. The textbooks state
that Britain, France, and the USA received satisfactory treaties and some reward
while Russia’s wish was the most exceptional (E ze xuwang youshe 俄則蓄望尤
奢).144
To sum up, the reign of Peter the Great is depicted as a prosperous period of
time wherein Western civilization entered the country, and all the great and useful
reforms took place. At the same time, the idea of expansion, the invasion of Poland
and especially the policy toward “Turkey” are associated with the name and will
of Peter the Great. Russia’s role in the Partition of Poland and interpretation of it
stays more or less the same. FU also adds ideas of patriotism and states that people
blamed their government and were not patriotic (yuan qi zhengfu, haowu aiguo zhi
xin 怨其政府，毫無愛國之心).145 Alexander I is not viewed as a tyrant, but the
ideology of his suggested alliance was changed to suppression. In the description
of the relationship between “Turkey” and Russia, Russia continues to be regarded
as the aggressor, which uses the mistreatment of the Orthodox Christians in “Tur-
key” as an excuse to achieve its ambitions i.e., to invade and annex parts of “Tur-
key”. The three lost Russian emperors: Alexander II, Alexander III and, to some
extent, Nicholas II are claimed to be despots, and Russia is claimed to be a despotic
state.

143 ZHU Wenshu 朱文叔 (ed.): Xin jiaoyu jiaokeshu lishi gaodeng xiaoxue xiaoyong 新教
育教科書厯史六高等小學校用 (New Educational Historical Readers For Higher Primary
Schools, vol. 6), Shanghai: Zhonghua shuju 1922, p. 1; LI Yuerui 李岳瑞 (ed.): Xin xuezhi
zhongdeng xuexiao shiyong Pingzhu guoshi duben, shiyi ce 新學制中等學校適用 評注國
史讀本，十一冊 (New Educational System Secondary School Annotated State History
Reader, vol. 11), Shanghai: Shijie shuju 1926, pp. 76–80.
144 See: ZHAO Yulin 趙玉林 (ed.): Zhongxuexiao yong Gongheguo jiaokeshu Benguoshi,
juan xia 中學校用共和國教科書本國史，卷下 (Secondary School Republican Textbook
on the History of China, vol. 2), Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan 1915, pp. 56, 57; LI Yuerui
(ed.): Pingzhu guoshi duben, vol. 11 (1926), pp. 102, 103.
145 FU Yunlin (ed.): Gongheguo xiyangshi, vol. 2 (1923), p. 24.

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 The Image of the West in Chinese History Textbooks, pqrr–pqpp

LRJc–LRQR: The Image of the West

Already in the early LRJSs textbooks where “national history” was integrated into
“world history” started to appear. Such textbooks continued to appear in the LRNSs–
LRQSs. This shift to integrate all kinds of history was revolutionary, but it did not
hold for a long time. In discussing this period, the present chapter first of all fo-
cuses on such textbooks. Nonetheless, other textbooks will also be used to provide
more examples and reveal interpretive tendencies.
The curricular goals for LRNJ and LRNe are identical; therefore, we cannot speak
of any fundamental changes in textbooks throughout the LRNSs. The objectives for
LRQS and LRQL are also similar and do not differ much from those indicated in the
curricula for the LRNSs.146
During this period, the curricula first of all focus on the development of impe-
rialism. The LRNJ curriculum for senior high school sets the goal: “to describe the
development of modern imperialism, the general status of national movements and
the origin of important contemporary international problems”.147
In the curriculum, the commissions have set the goal to arouse students’ patri-
otism, to cultivate self-confidence, to teach them to take pride in their nation, to
provide a general knowledge of the states and nations which in their view are “im-
portant”, to highlight the history of national movements and to show the im-
portance of the fight for independence.148 It should be noted that throughout the
history textbooks (Lishi keben 歷史課本) one can sense a negative attitude toward
monarchy and imperialism on the one hand, and praise for revolutions and liberal
movements on the other. The image of Western countries in terms of national his-
tory does not change much in this period. Still, there are some changes related first
of all to the new ideas or patterns. The presence of such ideas as “capitalist impe-
rialism” or “class struggle” in the textbooks reveals the influence of Marxism-
Leninism. Another significant change is in the interpretation of the place of China
in the world. The authors often point out that China has contributed a lot to

146 Kecheng jiaocai yanjiusuo (comp.): 20 shiji. Lishijuan (2001), pp. 43–88.
147 Ibid., p. 50.
148 Ibid., pp. 43, 50.

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Aleksandrs DMITRENKO

Western scientific development.149 The “N great inventions of China” i.e., gun-

powder, the printing press150 and the compass151 are specifically mentioned.
The Great Western Powers and nations in the “national history” are generally
shown as ambitious, cunning and cruel; nations who came to China for their own
profit, mainly for the extraction of resources, for trade, and also Christian preach-
ing. The textbook for higher primary school education of LRQc states that the main
purpose for the arrival of the Europeans was trade, while Christian preaching and
“Western learning” came next in importance.152 The textbook also indicates that
the contacts with the West gradually developed since the Han (JSe BC–JJS AD)
and Tang (eLc–RSK) times and during the Yuan dynasty while communication es-
pecially developed due to the extension of the state territory.153 Hence, the authors
not only stress the early development of the Sino-West contacts but also might
imply that it was Yuan China that conquered some Western States including Rus-
sia. 154 ZARROW also remarks that the Yuan dynasty was, according to the

149 This objective is also indicated in the curriculum for junior secondary school students
in 1932: “to explain what the contribution of Chinese culture to world culture was so that
students are aware of the great deeds of our ancestors in order to develop noble aspirations
and self-improvement spirit in them”. See: Ibid., p. 43. The goals for the senior secondary
school curriculum indicate that “the above-mentioned goals complement the goals specified
in the junior secondary school curriculum”. The goals for the senior secondary school con-
tain a similar item: “to show the contribution of every nation to the world culture”. See:
Ibid., p. 50.
150 With regard to the printing press (printing technique), it is said that this invention came
to Europe from China and made a great contribution to the dissemination of culture. See:
CHU Hui 儲褘 (ed.): Beixin lishi jiaoben - Gaoji xiaoxue yong, di si ce 北新歷史教本—高
級小學用，第四冊 (Senior Primary school history textbook, vol. 4), Shanghai: Beixin
shuju 1932, p. 22.
151 According to CHU Hui, the Europeans admired Chinese culture, and after discovering
these “3 Chinese treasures”, they desired to bring the Chinese their greatest learning/science
(xueshu 學術), namely, Christianity. See: CHU Hui: Beixin lishi jiaoben, vol. 2 (1932), p.
36. The compass is repeatedly referred to as a Chinese invention, which gave a huge impe-
tus to the development of the shipping industry and, accordingly, the discovery of new lands.
See: CHU Hui: Beixin lishi jiaoben, vol. 4 (1932), pp. 22, 23. The textbook published in
1948 says that the Europeans used the “compass that came from China and the knowledge
of geography that came to them from the Arab Empire, and thus maritime navigation de-
veloped”. See: Guoli bianyiguan 國立編譯館 (ed.): Gaoji xiaoxue lishi keben, di san ce 高
級小學歷史課本，第三冊 (Senior Primary school history textbook, vol. 3), Shanghai:
Shangwu yinshuguan 1948, p. 1.
152 Guoli bianyiguan: Gaoji xiaoxue lishi, vol. 3 (1948), p. 5.
153 Ibid.
154 Cf. Similar idea by CHU Hui: “[Russia] got divided into small many states, the Chinese
Mongols have risen, expanded to the West, and many small states surrender to the Golden
Horde.” CHU Hui: Beixin lishi jiaoben, vol. 4 (1932), p. 28. On p. 23 the textbook states

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textbooks, an oppressive dynasty, but Khubilai is acknowledged as the ruler who

“unified China.”155 Although Chinese authors of textbooks distinguished between
the Chinese and outer territory (rest of Asia and eastern Europe), the Yuan were
considered by them to be the dynasty “under which the extent of Chinese territory
was at its greatest”.156
Marco POLO and Matteo RICCI are briefly mentioned in the context of Sino-
Western contacts. The textbooks provide the same set of information as in the pre-
vious period; POLO’s book raised European interest for the East and after the dis-
covery of the new sea route the European presence in the East increased. RICCI
preached Christianity and used the following method: following Chinese customs
and introducing Western learning.157
In discussing the migration period in Europe (NKd–dec AD), characterized by
the widespread invasions of peoples, CHU Hui states that there was a tyranny of
warlords (junfa hengxing 軍閥橫行) in Rome, and Germanic tribes started ex-
panding. This could serve as a reference to warlordism in China and the connota-
tions about the comparable situation in the unstable China at that time in order to
raise students’ concern. By stating that there was a northern expedition (bei zheng
北征) of the military general WEI Qing 衛青 (?–LSeBC) against the Xiongnu, the
result of which saw the Xiongnu invading Europe, he showed the connection be-
tween China and the West.158
The textbooks always pay due attention to England or Britain. The “Magna
Carta” of the LNth century England is referred to as the starting point (foundation)
of constitutions of all countries in the whole world.159 The authors praise the In-
dustrial Revolution that came from Britain and has changed the entire world, es-
pecially, in terms of the development of material culture and improvement in the
quality of life.160 According to their interpretation, the Industrial Revolution not

more clearly that the Chinese Yuan dynasty made a military campaign to the West
(Zhongguo Yuanchao juxing xiqin 中國元朝舉行西侵).
155 Peter ZARROW: Educating China (2015), p. 191.
156 Ibid., pp. 191, 192.
157 Guoli bianyiguan: Gaoji xiaoxue lishi, vol. 3 (1948), p. 5.
158 CHU Hui: Beixin lishi jiaoben, vol. 4 (1932), p. 9.
159 Guoli bianyiguan: Gaoji xiaoxue lishi, vol. 3 (1948), p. 10; Jiaoyubu bianshen
weiyuanhui 教育部編審委員會 (ed.): Gaoxiao lishi, di san ce 高小歷史，第三冊 (Senior
Primary school history textbook, vol. 3), Beijing: Zhongguo lianhe chuban gongsi 1944,
pp. 14–16.
160 Guoli bianyiguan: Gaoji xiaoxue lishi, vol. 3 (1948), pp. 17, 18.

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Aleksandrs DMITRENKO

only led to improving the standard of living and the development of science but
also contributed to the development of imperialism and colonial expansion.161
Highlighting the negative aspect of the Industrial Revolution, CHU expresses
to a moderate extent a utopian idea of assistance to “small nations”. Assistance
had to be provided by the Great Powers while extracting minerals in other coun-
tries. The textbook reads as follows: “However, they did not act upon the principle
of mutual assistance to help small nations develop but used the method of occupa-
tion to suppress them”, and this struggle for resources led to wars.162 Remarkably,
the chapters dedicated to larger wars as the First Opium War163 or even the WWI164
usually come directly after the description of the Industrial Revolution and its in-
fluence on imperialism.
The textbooks remain negative about the Pope and Christianity. CHU Hui states
that before the Crusades, the Pope promised people that those who took part in the
battle would atone for their sins (shu zui 贖罪) and those who were in debt would
be forgiven. This made Christians very excited, and all joined the Crusades be-
cause they were looking for their own benefit.165 Such negative depiction of the
Catholic Church might reveal the influence of Protestantism as well as British or
American teaching materials. At the same time, Christian leaders often shared
many diagnoses of China’s ills such as corrupt politics. Many Chinese intellectuals
considered Christianity to be superstition while there was belief in “science”.
There was also a widespread conviction that capitalism and imperialism influ-
enced China’s weakness, and Christian missionaries, since they actively collabo-
rated with the Western imperialist, were associated with it.166
In describing scientific progress, observation and experiment as the main re-
search methods are set against conservatism and implicit faith in what is said in
the books. The authors focus on DARWIN’s theory of evolution and state that “after
the evolutionary theory was developed, the statement that everything had been
created by God was rejected, and human thought could develop freely”.167 CHU
Hui also claims that before the Renaissance all people were intellectually tied by
Christianity, and no matter what the Pope said to be true was simply true. The

161 CHU Hui: Beixin lishi jiaoben, vol. 4 (1932), pp. 38–40; JIN Zhaozi 金兆梓 (ed.):
Xinbian gaozhong waiguoshi, xia ce 新 編 高 中 外 國 史 ， 下 冊 (New Edition Senior
Secondary school Foreign History, vol. 3), Shanghai: Zhonghua shuju 1941, p. 20.
162 CHU Hui: Beixin lishi jiaoben, vol. 4 (1932), p. 19.
163 Jiaoyubu bianshen weiyuanhui: Gaoxiao lishi, vol. 3 (1944), p. 31.
164 CHU Hui: Beixin lishi jiaoben, vol. 4 (1932), p. 45.
165 Ibid., pp. 14, 15.
166 Daniel BAYS: A New History of Christianity in China, Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell 2012,
pp. 107–109.
167 Guoli bianyiguan: Gaoji xiaoxue lishi, vol. 3 (1948), p. 21.

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Crusades, which introduced Arabian culture and knowledge to Europe, are men-
tioned in the text, but the text also discusses the development of national languages,
and the influence of the Renaissance on liberation and rationalism.168 This scope
of discussion was included already in the LRJN curricula but not yet directly men-
tioned and dealt with in the textbooks.
According to the textbooks, all Western imperialist powers, (just like the peo-
ple during the Crusades) were fighting for their own benefit. The outbreak of WWI
is claimed to be the result of a conflict of interests/profits (liyi 利益/lihai 利害) of
the Great Imperialist Powers. 169 The main Western imperialist countries men-
tioned in the textbooks are Britain, Germany, Russia, the USA, and France.170 CHU
Hui devotes a section to French imperialism mentioning its colonies in Africa,
fight for the influence in India and “swallowing China’s vassal state Annam”.171
Japan, while not being a “Western state” geographically, bears all the most im-
portant “attributes” of Western imperialistic states i.e., aggression (participating
in splitting up China) and technological progress, which proves it to be an imperi-
alistic state.172 Portugal, Spain and the Netherlands stay as representatives of co-
lonialism, but not as the representatives of modern imperialism. CHU Hui says,
“their policy of colonization was considered by the government only a means of
gaining wealth, and not the modern imperialism having a far-reaching plan, that’s
why they have lost (everything).”173
In the late Qing textbooks, the USA is mentioned as the country that helped
Mexico to gain independence; in the LRNSs it is mentioned as the state that “took
advantage of the United Mexican States’ civil strife to gain many economic rights
(privileges).”174 Nonetheless, it is difficult to define the image of the USA and its
role between WWI and WWII (LRNR–LRQd). The image changes most likely due to
the improvements in the relations between China and the USA: in LRQL, the USA
took part in WWII and fought against Japan; and in LRQN, the USA and China then
sign the Sino-American New Equal Treaty. In the textbook from LRQc, while dis-
cussing the Paris Peace Conference (LRLR–LRJS), after which Shandong was not
returned to China, the role of the USA is more negative. The USA is mentioned as

168 CHU Hui: Beixin lishi jiaoben, vol. 4 (1932), pp. 20–22.
169 Ibid., p. 45; Guoli bianyiguan: Gaoji xiaoxue lishi, vol. 4 (1948), p. 10. Similar
interpretation in JIN Zhaozi: Waiguoshi, vol. 3 (1941), pp. 95, 96.
170 JIN Zhaozi: Waiguoshi, vol. 3 (1941), pp. 95, 96.
171 CHU Hui: Beixin lishi jiaoben, vol. 4 (1932), p. 42.
172 Ibid., p. 43; JIN Zhaozi: Waiguoshi, vol. 3 (1941), pp. 237–246.
173 CHU Hui: Beixin lishi jiaoben, vol. 4 (1932), p. 25.
174 Ibid., p. 43.

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Aleksandrs DMITRENKO

one of the five countries that conducted (chi 持) this conference,175 while Britain,
France, and the USA “had the power superiority” (zuizhan shili 最占勢力). Yet,
in describing the Washington Naval Conference (LRJL–LRJJ), after which Shan-
dong was reverted to China, the USA is portrayed as an advocate of peace and
democracy that supported China’s sovereign rights and state’s integrity.176 In com-
parison, CHU Hui in LRNJ talks of this conference as no different from the Paris
Conference, after which the five Great Powers (including the USA) continued to
fight.177 JIN Zhaozi in LRQL talked of president WILSON, who suggested the Four-
teen Points (for peace negotiations to end WWI) before the Paris Conference, as
of an idealist.178 At the same time, the USA is portrayed as the imperialist country,
which, after WWI, wanted to control all countries of the world by means of their
dollar.179
While the interpretation of the French Revolution (LKcR) remains unchanged,
the interpretation of Napoleon is different. CHU Hui in LRNJ says that Napoleon
“grasped (zhangwo 掌握) military and political power”, “had big ambitions and
unexpectedly proclaimed himself emperor”, and “attacked all countries”.180 The
authors of the textbook from LRQQ state that all European Empires with absolutism
wanted to suppress the French Revolution and hence attacked France. Napoleon
is called “the big hero of France” (Faguo dayingxiong 法國大英雄), and it is
claimed that he was chosen (bei xuan 被選) to be the Emperor.181 JIN Zhaozi talks
of him as of the possible savior of France, whom people trusted and supported
(yonghu 擁護).182 The authors of the textbook from LRQc state that he “took up his
post ‘to keep the reign’ (churen zhizheng 出任執政), and monopolized power; and
he exploited the opportunity to restore the imperial system”.183 Surprisingly, the
Napoleonic Wars (LcSN–LcLd) are not discussed in the last textbook.
To sum up, the causes of the French Revolution do not differ, but the figure of
Napoleon, him coming to power and his role in the history of France and Europe
seem to be contested and controversial.
In this period such terms as “capitalism” and “working class” start to appear.
While explaining how the Industrial Revolution influenced imperialism, CHU Hui

175 Including Britain, the USA, France, Italy, Japan. See: Guoli bianyiguan: Gaoji xiaoxue
lishi, vol. 4 (1948), p. 15.
176 Guoli bianyiguan: Gaoji xiaoxue lishi, vol. 4 (1948), p. 16.
177 CHU Hui: Beixin lishi jiaoben, vol. 4 (1932), pp. 47, 48.
178 JIN Zhaozi: Waiguoshi, vol. 3 (1941), p. 119.
179 Ibid., p. 232.
180 CHU Hui: Beixin lishi jiaoben, vol. 4 (1932), p. 32.
181 Jiaoyubu bianshen weiyuanhui: Gaoxiao lishi, vol. 3 (1944), pp. 22, 23.
182 JIN Zhaozi: Waiguoshi, vol. 2 (1946), pp. 244–250.
183 Guoli bianyiguan: Gaoji xiaoxue lishi, vol. 3 (1948), pp. 15, 16.

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 The Image of the West in Chinese History Textbooks, pqrr–pqpp

uses the term “capitalist imperialism” (ziben diguozhuyi 資本帝國主義). Accord-

ing to the text, it came from Britain and influenced European countries and Japan.
Capitalism creates inequality between the capitalists and the working class. So-
cialists, such as Robert OWEN (LKKL–Lcdc), come up with peaceful measures on
how to improve the circumstances of the workers (utopian socialism and cooper-
ative movement); Marxists demand that means of production not be the private
property of capitalists but belong to society. The teaching of SUN Yat-sen is pre-
sented as the perfect method to save the economy because it harmonizes the col-
laboration of both classes.184 As ZARROW puts it, SUN’s San-min Doctrine became
“the heart of the Nationalist ideology”185 and hence it was implemented in the ed-
ucation system. The very first goal of the curricula standards for the LRNJ senior
secondary school calls for “elucidation of the historical foundation of the San-min
Doctrine.” 186 With the split between the GMD and Chinese Communist Party
(CCP) in LRJK in mind, the presentation of socialist (and in particular Marxist)
ideas in a textbook seems astounding. Nonetheless, here the author does not pre-
sent them as right, but describes the problem, shows how other ideologies suggest
dealing with it, and presents the San-min Doctrine as the best of all.
In the “national history”, i.e., “Chinese history”, the narrative of the Portuguese
bribing Chinese official appears for the first time. This narrative mockingly shows
Chinese officials and bureaucracy as corrupted and unpatriotic. The Chinese side
is represented in this narrative as partly responsible for the boldness of the Portu-
guese. The Portuguese are portrayed as cunning in their demands for territory and
privileges, and the Chinese as powerless to reject these demands, all of which let
the Europeans fulfill their ambitions of occupying China.187
Some textbooks also indicate that the general diplomatic policy of China was
not always correct; the existing domestic problems caused conflicts and defeats in
both diplomacy and wars.188 In general, China is depicted as a “victim” of the im-
perialist powers. Furthermore, the textbooks provide several interrelated aspects:
the defeat in both Opium Wars, the introduction of the term “unequal treaties” in
traditional Chinese historiography,189 the agendas of the Western Great Powers to

184 CHU Hui: Beixin lishi jiaoben, vol. 4 (1932), pp. 38–40.
185 Peter ZARROW: Educating China (2015), p. 35.
186 Kecheng jiaocai yanjiusuo (comp.): 20 shiji. Lishijuan (2001), p. 50.
187 CHU Hui: Beixin lishi jiaoben vol. 2 (1932), pp. 34–35; Jiaoyu zongshu bianshenhui 教
育總署編審會 (ed.): Chuzhong benguoshi 初中本國史，第三冊 (Junior Secondary
school China’s history textbook, vol. 3), Beijing: Xinminyin shuguan 1939, p. 2.
188 Jiaoyu zongshu bianshenhui (ed.): Chuzhong benguoshi, vol. 3 (1939), pp. 30–33.
189 According to the definition given in the textbook published in 1948 regarding the
Treaty of Nanking, this treaty is unequal, because Britain gained rights in China, while
China gained no rights in Britain. See: Guoli bianyiguan: Gaoji xiaoxue lishi, vol. 3 (1948),
pp. 23, 24.

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Aleksandrs DMITRENKO

dismember China and finally the outbreak of the Boxer Rebellion. The Boxers are
described as courageous and faithful sons of the homeland rebelling against the
arbitrary actions of the imperialist states.190

LRJc – LRQR: The image of Russia

Textbooks of this period of time focus even more than those of previous years on
the development of the imperialistic states, and Russia is mentioned as one of the
main representatives of the imperialistic powers. Some textbooks only focus on
the history of the West; others talk about world history with the focus on China.
Hence most of the countries are only mentioned in the context of relations with
China and the development of imperialism; in this case, the history of Russia is
not described in detail, but we can still analyze its image and the interpretation of
its role in certain historical events.
Russia is named as the country that was established by Rurik, a representative
of the Slavic tribes in the Rth century. The country was invaded by Mongols or
even by the Chinese Mongols in the LNth century.191 The backward nature of Russia
before Peter the Great continues to be stressed by the authors. While one textbook
says that “the king of the Muscovite Russia stood out, but Russia was not a
model”,192 another claims that Russia’s underdevelopment at that time stemmed
from the underdeveloped policy and culture of the Mongol state, which Russia
seemed to have adopted.193 Here one can see that the Mongols were considered to
be foreign (in race and culture) even though the Yuan dynasty was treated as a
Chinese dynasty.194
Peter the Great, just like in previous textbooks, is given a very positive image.
He is described as talented and bold, a reformer of the state policy, navy, and

190 The Boxers (Yihetuan 義和團) are shown as bold (haowu weiju 毫無畏懼 “absolutely
fearless”) and faithful (qian pu hou ji 前仆後繼 “one falls, the next follows”) fighters, while
the actions of joint forces are not viewed as heroic. When they invaded Beijing, they killed
and plundered, “making thousand-year-old jewels their souvenirs”. See: CHU Hui: Beixin
lishi jiaoben, vol. 3 (1932), pp. 18, 19.
191 CHU Hui: Beixin lishi jiaoben, vol. 4 (1932), p. 28.
192 Ibid.
193 HE Bingsong 何炳松 (ed.): Fuxing gaoji zhongxue jiaokeshu waiguo shi, xia ce 復興
高級中學教科書外國史，下冊 (Fuxing Senior Secondary school textbook on Foreign
History, vol. 2), Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan 1935, p. 23.
194 See: Peter ZARROW: Educating China (2015), pp. 191, 192.

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 The Image of the West in Chinese History Textbooks, pqrr–pqpp

customs. His victory over Sweden is mentioned as something positive that helped
Russia to develop.195
The Partition of Poland is briefly mentioned or if not, mentioned as something
natural as a result of domestic problems (differences in religions, the ruler without
real power, hard life of the common people) and ambitions of the neighboring
rulers, among which Catherine II is even entitled the cleverest woman (zui jing-
ming de nüren 最精明的女人) by the Chinese historian HE Bingsong 何炳松
(LcRS–LRQe).196 In the Napoleonic Wars, Russia is described as the country that did
not submit to Napoleon, and that was the reason for his military campaign against
it.197 HE Bingsong claims that after the Congress of Vienna (LcLQ–LcLd) Alexander
I, together with METTERNICH, became very vigilant (jiexin 戒心) toward the rev-
olution and changed his mind to despotism (zhuanzhi 專制).198 His successor –
Nicholas I is entitled “the most despotic ruler in the world” (shijie shang zui zhu-
anheng baonüe de junzhu 世界上最專橫暴虐的君主); his reign is described as
the despotic time of strict censorship.199 It also states that during the reign of Al-
exander II, peasants were abused and as the result of the Emancipation Reform
(LceL), they achieved nothing because they simply had no rights. People’s anxiety
and discontent led to revolts of peasants and terrorism, and finally Alexander II
was killed during a terrorist attack.200 Alexander III is also described as the ruler
who practiced despotism, and even the rule of Nicholas II is associated with des-
potism and tyranny, during whose reign an anti-Jewish riot arose in Kishinev
(LRSN). HE Bingsong also mentions “Bloody Sunday” (LRSd), when unarmed de-
monstrators were fired upon by soldiers, and this led to the LRSd Revolution and
made the Emperor Nicholas II declare a constitution.201 Thus Russia is represented
as a state despotic in its essence, and it is even called “the most despotic country
of Europe” (Ouzhou zui zhuanzhi de guojia 歐洲最專制的國家),202 where “suc-
cessive generations of emperors act despotically”;203 where even positive reforms
result in nothing positive. Even the Trans-Siberian railway, the biggest railway in
the world spreading from Saint Petersburg to Vladivostok, is claimed to be built

195 Ibid., pp. 25, 26.

196 HE Bingsong (ed.): Waiguoshi, vol. 2 (1935), p. 32. Also: CHU Hui: Beixin lishi jiaoben
vol. 4 (1932), p. 35; FU Binran, TAN Bitao 傅彬然, 覃必陶 (ed.): Waiguoshi, shang ce 外
國史，上冊 (Foreign History, vol. 1), Shanghai: Kaiming shudian 1948, p. 122.
197 HE Bingsong (ed.): Waiguoshi, vol. 2 (1935), pp. 114, 115.
198 Ibid., p. 229.
199 Ibid., pp. 229, 230.
200 Ibid., pp. 233–236.
201 Ibid., pp. 238–243.
202 FU Binran, TAN Bitao (ed.): Waiguoshi, vol. 2 (1948), p. 66.
203 Guoli bianyiguan: Gaoji xiaoxue lishi, vol. 4 (1948), p. 13. CHU Hui also talks of the
Russian Emperors as of despots: CHU Hui: Beixin lishi jiaoben, vol. 4 (1932), p. 46.

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Aleksandrs DMITRENKO

from LcRL to LRLe for military reasons in order to reach the Pacific Ocean and to
annex Manchuria and Mongolia.204
The interpretations of the Russo-Turkish relations remain unchanged. HE
Bingsong even claims that Britain, France and Austria did not let Russia occupy
“Turkey”, and this fight for the territory became the main reason for “the Great
European War” (WWI).205
The Russian Revolution of LRLK (with the start in February followed by the
seizure of political power by LENIN’s Communist Party in October) is generally
viewed as positive because LENIN promoted self-determination, and the revolution
led to the independence of small nations.206 The same way the establishment of
the USSR is generally viewed as positive. After the overthrow of the regime of the
Russian Emperors, the Soviet government immediately proclaimed armistice and
made peace with Germany. One of the textbooks indicates that since the revolution
was the result of socialism, it caused many difficulties, but after the New Eco-
nomic Policy (NEP) was carried out, the economic situation improved.207 LENIN
proclaimed that the land be returned to the peasants, and that sovereignty belong
to the craftsmen, peasants, and soldiers. In LRJc STALIN started implementing a
five-year plan, which was actually achieved in four years.208 As far as the difficult
relations between the GMD’s Republic of China and the USSR in late LRJSs until
early LRNSs as well as the situation after WWII are concerned, it seems unusual (to
say the least) that textbooks provide generally positive image of the USSR as op-
posed to other “imperialist powers”. Nevertheless, the Republic of China was
waiting for help from the USSR after Japan’s attack in LRNL; from LRNK until LRQL,
the USSR provided military support; in August LRQd, it carried out the Manchurian
Operation. Without question, it is not easy to determine which factors could or
could not influence the attitudes of the authors toward the USSR. The textbook
from LRNJ strictly follows the curricular guidelines, where topics such as the “fight
against imperialism” and “movements for independence” are emphasized. In this
sense, LENIN was fighting directly against imperialism, and the revolution led to
the independence of small nations. The LRQc curricula do not specify how the de-
velopment of international relations should be interpreted. The textbooks tend to
explain how the USSR became a powerful state, improved its own economic situ-
ation and gained the victory over Nazi Germany. Still, another textbook produced

204 CHU Hui: Beixin lishi jiaoben, vol. 4 (1932), pp. 42, 43; HE Bingsong (ed.): Waiguoshi,
vol. 2 (1935), p. 238.
205 HE Bingsong (ed.): Waiguoshi, vol. 2 (1935), p. 231.
206 CHU Hui: Beixin lishi jiaoben, vol. 4 (1932), p. 46.
207 Guoli bianyiguan: Gaoji xiaoxue lishi, vol. 4 (1948), p. 14
208 Guoli bianyiguan: Gaoji xiaoxue lishi, vol. 4 (1948), pp. 13, 14; FU Binran, TAN Bitao
(ed.): Waiguoshi, vol. 2 (1948), p. 68.

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 The Image of the West in Chinese History Textbooks, pqrr–pqpp

at the early stage of the Nanjing decade is extremely negative in assessing Russia
and even the Russian Revolution. It calls Russia, together with Britain, the most
outstanding among the European imperialistic powers which oppress small and
weak nations of the world.209 Regarding the Russian Revolution of LRLK, the text
says that it is totally different from all the other revolutions because they were pro-
democratic while the Russian Revolution is a socialist revolution.210
In the “National history” textbooks, Russia continues to be presented as the
aggressor both in the LKth century, when according to the textbooks, the Russians
invaded the Qing, and in the LRth century, when, as noted, the Russians “seized
the opportunity” and “made” China discuss the border as well as grant the territory
in gratitude for the mediation.211

Conclusion

Both Russia and the West are described through the use of the same categories.
Certain ideas continue to be interpreted as either positive or negative. At the same
time, there is a multiplicity of voices. Before the GMD came to power in LRJc,
textbooks were shaped by different forces, including publishing houses, individual
authors, teachers, etc. Although it must be pointed out that textbooks certainly
tried to meet the official curricular objectives.212 In contrast to some articles from
the Chinese reformist press of the late LRth and early JSth century, history text-
books do not state clearly that Russia “had never been fully Europeanized” or even
that the Russians are “half-Asian themselves”.213 However, certain topics or ideas
that were expressed in the reformist press are found in the textbooks such as: “Rus-
sia’s southward expansionism due to her need for ice-free ports”,214 the “autocratic
nature of Russia’s emperors and Russia’s expansion”, “Russia’s expansionism as

209 FU Linyi 傅林一 (ed.): Xin shidai lishi jiaokeshu, si ce 新時代歷史教科書，四冊

(New Era History Textbooks, vol. 4), Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan 1928–1932, p. 35.
210 Ibid., p. 41.
211 CHEN Dengyuan 陳登原: Chenshi gaozhong benguoshi, xia ce 陳氏高中本國史，下
冊 (Chenshi Senior Secondary School National History), Shanghai: Shijie shuju 1935, pp.
149, 254, 256; YING Gongjiu 應功九(ed.): Chuzhong Benguoshi, di san ce 初中本國史，
第 三 冊 (Junior Secondary School National history textbook, vol. 3), Shanghai:
Zhengzhong shuju 1936, pp. 48–50, 92–96.
212 Peter ZARROW: Educating China (2015), pp. 6, 7.
213 Don C. PRICE: Russia and the Roots (1974), p. 173.
214 Cf. Don C. PRICE: Russia and the Roots (1974), pp. 68, 168; Shangwu yinshuguan
bianyisuo (ed.): Zuixin zhongxue jiaokeshu, vol. 2 (1906), p. 287.

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Aleksandrs DMITRENKO

the legacy of Peter the Great”, and “Russia’s exploitation of an opportunity to

protect her own interests”.215 While some textbooks contrast Russia with the West
to a certain degree, it can be said on the basis of the structure of textbooks and the
content of chapters that Chinese textbooks certainly associate Russia with the
West. At the same time, it also plays a quite specific role as the most despotic and
most aggressive representative of the West. The textbooks do not discuss precisely
when Russia became part of the West, but they describe the country as barbarous
prior to the times of Peter the Great. With this historical figure, “western civiliza-
tion” entered Russia and make the country thus become “civilized.” It is often
portrayed as the main opponent of Britain in the fight for influence and the biggest
“troublemaker” in Europe. In this context, Russia stands in a certain opposition to
the West. At the same time, Russia is regarded as an East European state, and thus
different from the West European states. Defining whether Russia is the West or
not is a difficult task because it is a matter of interpretation. None of the textbooks
states a clear answer. There is this opposition of Russia to Europe or the West. As
in modern days, especially in mass media, Russia is opposed to Europe or the West,
so was it in history textbooks. If Russia is not part of the West or part of Europe,
then is it called with as part of Asia? Not really. In the textbooks of that time,
Russia is part of the history of the West and is associated with the West, but it is
not equal to the West. Otherwise, why would “western civilization” have entered
Russia? In this sense, Russia stands apart.
Through all the periods analyzed in this chapter, one can see a very negative
attitude toward Christianity in the textbooks.216 It is viewed as an obstacle to the
development of science and education. Textbooks stress that educated people al-
ways opposed despotism. Both in the case of Russia and the West, religion is as-
sociated with backwardness and blindness while the decrease of religious influ-
ence, as it is portrayed in the textbooks, enables people to develop science, educa-
tion and a sense of constitutionalism.
Positive “attributes” of the West are the constitution, civil rights, liberalism,
education and scientific progress. Since the LRNSs the Industrial Revolution has
played a central role in explaining the Western scientific and technological progress
as well as the development of western “capitalist imperialism”. From the Republi-
can era onward, the textbooks stress the importance of the republic and independ-
ence; Russia in this context bears only negative attributes of the West. It is seen to
have no constitution apart from absolute monarchy and to have no civil rights and

215 For details on the image of Russia in the Chinese press: see chapter 6 of Don C. PRICE:
Russia and the Roots (1974), pp. 164–192.
216 There are few exceptions. For example, JIN Zhaozi (ed.): Lishi keben jiaoshoushu,
vol. 2 (1923), pp. 25–30.

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 The Image of the West in Chinese History Textbooks, pqrr–pqpp

no liberalism, but only despotic rule; it is an aggressor as well as an imperialist state.

The “Western civilization”, which, thanks to Peter the Great, helped Russia to be-
come one of the Great Powers, which is good in general but on the other hand,
allow Russia to carry out aggressive policy toward neighboring countries.
The Western countries, as opposed to Russia, created a constitution; got rid of
the influence of religion; contributed to the Renaissance (and all cultural and sci-
entific developments associated with it) and scientific progress; dismissed abso-
lutism and got rid of despotic rule; and established republics and constitutional
monarchies. Almost none of these is attributed to Russia, and hence, until the be-
ginning of the Russian Revolution, all the most negative aspects of the West are
presented in this state.
Absolute monarchy is always criticized, in the discussion of both Russia and
the West. Even the image of Peter the Great has two opposing sides: he introduced
Western civilization and helped the state to develop, but the aggressive policy to-
ward “Turkey” and Asia in general as well as toward Poland, is associated with
his name. Similarly in vein, Charles the Great cared for education and established
schools, but also fought with the Pope for power.
In the later textbooks when they discuss the Russian Revolution and the estab-
lishment of the USSR, the image of these historical events is generally positive.
Russia finally got rid of the “despotic monarch”; people could attain land as well
as human rights. The USSR exited WWI, made peace with Germany, and thus
made significant progress.
Certain ideas that appear in the early Republic textbooks are present in the
discussions of both Russia and the West. For instance, the East-West Schism of
LSdQ in Christianity is mentioned, and the story of Ivan III marrying the niece of
the last emperor of the E. R. E. is described in textbooks of the same period. The
statement that the Chinese Mongols conquered certain Western states appears in
that period, and hence, it was the Chinese Mongols who conquered Russia.
While being diverse before LRJc, textbooks followed curricular guidelines and
a very concrete interpretive angle since the time of the GMD. The late Qing text-
books sometimes (but not always) talk of the revolutions as a source of unrest
(luan 亂),217 but in general support the opposition to “despotic rule”. The late Qing
textbooks focus on constitutionalism and the opposition to absolutism. The West
is associated with aggression and colonialism, but also with progress and develop-
ment. The early Republican textbooks do not change much in the interpretation of

217 As indicated by ZARROW in discussing the Taiping rebellion, the textbooks of the
Zhonghua Shuju regarded the Taipings as a source of “chaos” (luan 亂), and that “by using
this term, they delegitimized the rebels”. See: Peter ZARROW: Educating China (2015),
p. 185.

KL
Aleksandrs DMITRENKO

the West, but some new ideas and heroes come in. The whole interpretation of
history is first of all related to self-identification, the understanding of oneself and
one’s role in society; those are the things that more obviously change. The text-
books provide many visualizations of territories; nonetheless, in many cases, the
borders of China on the maps are quite vague or indistinct. The Mongols are now
presented as “our country’s people”, and hence it is the Chinese Mongols who
made a military campaign to the West in the times of the Mongol Empire. What
changes in the image of the West, however, is the image of the USA since the
LRLSs, which is also presented as an aggressor and colonizer in the description of
the modern state.
Since the LRNSs textbooks have become extremely nationalistic. They stress
China’s contribution to world culture, stating that many inventions came from
China and helped Europe develop. They detail more about the Sino-West contacts.
ZHENG He is now mentioned as the Chinese traveler who made geographical dis-
coveries before the Western travelers did so, which stresses the superiority of
China over the West. The focus is on ideas such as the Western capitalist imperi-
alism, movements for independence and republicanism. The Industrial Revolution
is now presented as the central event in the history of the West. On the one hand,
it is said to have facilitated scientific and technological progress. On the other hand,
it led to a form of capitalist imperialism. Given such an interpretation, many wars
are explained as the result of the fight of imperialistic powers for their own profit.
In discussing the world order and political philosophies, the San-min Doctrine is
presented as the most advantageous of all ideologies. The Yihetuan Movement is
presented as the movement of Chinese patriots who stood against the Western im-
perialists, and hence they are praised as national heroes. In the end, the textbooks
stress the necessity for China to stay unified, fight against foreign aggression and
lead China to a better future.

KJ
YANG Biao

J Portrayals of Soviet Russian History in

Chinese History Textbooks since LRQR

Abstract. Since the establishment of the People’s Republic of China in LRQR, Rus-
sian political history has always dominated the content of history textbooks in
China. This situation was particularly evident in the edition of textbooks before
LRRe. When it comes to economic history, it does not truly concern the economics
but mainly serves political needs. Even though the content of Soviet economic his-
tory was lengthened after LRRe, political history remained as the mainstream. It was
not until JSSN that the new edition of history textbooks elaborated on history in
terms of politics, economy, and culture. The economic history of Russia was then
truly equal to the political history. As for the description of Russian cultural history,
it was often also seen as marginal in textbooks until China brought in new history
textbooks in the late LRRSs. The new textbooks inherit the “truth seeking” con-
sciousness from the LRRe edition, adopting neutrality for the major events in Rus-
sian history and allowing readers to look at Russia’s gains and losses from both
positive and negative perspectives. With such consciousness in mind, it is likely to
become a new mainstream principle in China of how Russian history should be
portrayed in history textbooks in the future.

Keywords: Soviet Russian history, Chinese history textbooks, People’s Republic

of China, Teaching, History education.

Published in: Gotelind MÜLLER and Nikolay SAMOYLOV (eds.): Chinese Perceptions of
Russia and the West. Changes, Continuities, and Contingencies during the Twentieth Cen-
tury. Heidelberg: CrossAsia-eBooks, JSJS. DOI: https://doi.org/LS.LLdcc/xabooks.eeL.

KN
YANG Biao

Introduction

Russian political history has been playing a dominant role in Chinese history text-
books for more than KS years. Textbooks have become one of the main channels
for young students to understand the world since the establishment of the People’s
Republic of China in LRQR. Investigating the content and viewpoints of the history
of the development of Soviet Russia1 in Chinese history textbooks2, on the one
hand, can help to understand the recognition and changes of the image of Russia
in China’s mainstream value system under the current context. On the other hand,
through the history of Russia presented in textbooks, we can analyze the influence
of the era on writing historical textbooks.

The Description of Soviet Russia in Textbooks in Different

Periods

The Description of the October Revolution

The October Revolution, as a major event affecting Russia and the history of the
world, has always been a key component of world history in Chinese textbooks.
As an important leader, LENIN (LcKS–LRJQ) was highly praised. What role did STA-
LIN, an important historical figure after LENIN, play in the October Revolution?
How do the textbook of different editions evaluate this event and the figures con-
cerned?
In the LRdd edition of history textbooks, STALIN’s (LcKc–LRdN) role in the rev-
olution is considered praiseworthy. It repeatedly mentions his name as many as JK
times and says that “当列宁避难的期间，斯大林领导了布尔什维克党，领导
了关于武装起义的准备工作 (during the refuge of LENIN, STALIN led the

1 The history of the development of Soviet Russia includes the Soviet Russia period (1917–
1922) and the Soviet Union period (1922–1991).
2 Before 2001, the history textbooks published by People’s Education Press mentioned in
this paper are senior secondary school history textbooks. After 2001, in order to show the
latest research situation, history textbooks for junior secondary school and senior secondary
school published by the same press were selected. Among them, history textbooks for junior
secondary school include the newly one published by the ministry, and textbooks for senior
secondary school include both a Chinese and foreign history outline (I) (ii).

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 Portrayals of Soviet Russian History in Chinese History Textbooks since pqwq

Bolshevik Party and led the preparations for the armed uprising jobs)”.3 It can be
seen that the LRdd edition deliberately glorifies STALIN on the issue of the October
Revolution while the name of STALIN was not mentioned in the “great victory of
the October Socialist Revolution” in the LRdK edition and, therefore, can be seen
as downplaying STALIN on purpose.
The new textbooks issued under the guidance of the new curriculum standard
basically link LENIN with the October Revolution. For example, the elective text-
book Chinese and Foreign Historical Figures from JSLL takes one lesson to intro-
duce LENIN and suggests that LENIN was the leader of the October Revolution
making great contributions and having created the first socialist country.4 The new
textbook from JSLR objectively describes LENIN’s leadership in the October Rev-
olution: “1917 年 11 月 6 日晚，列宁秘密来到彼得格勒起义的总指挥宫—斯
莫尔尼宫，亲自领导起义 (On the evening of November e, LRLK, LENIN secretly
went to the Smolny (Smolʹnyĭ) Palace, the headquarters of the Petrograd Uprising,
and personally led the uprising)”.5
The significance of the October Revolution has always been the focus of Chi-
nese textbooks. The LRdd edition of The Modern History of the Soviet Union highly
praised the October Revolution: “动摇了帝国主义统治，还开启了民族解放运
动的新高潮，是马克思主义的巨大胜利 (That the imperialist rule has been
shaken and the new upsurge of the national liberation movement has been started
is a great victory for Marxism)”.6 The LRKe edition quotes Chairman MAO (LcRN–
LRKe) and advocates violent revolution: “只有通过暴力革命，才能夺取政权，
摧毁资本主义的国家机器，建立无产阶级专政 (Only through violent revolu-
tions can we seize power, destroy capitalist state machines, and establish a dicta-

3 LI Chunwu 李纯武 (ed.): Sulian xiandai shi 苏联现代史 (The Modern History of the
Soviet Union), Beijing: Renmin chubanshe 1955, pp. 5–7.
4 Lishi Kecheng Jiaocai Yanjiu Kaifa Zhongxin 历史课程教材研究开发中心 (ed.):
Putong Gaozhong Kecheng Biaozhun Shiyan Jiaokeshu: Lishi Xuanxiu 4: Zhongwai Lishi
Renwu Pingshuo 普通高中课程标准实验教科书:历史选修 4:中外历史人物评说 (Ex-
perimental Textbook of Curriculum Standards for Senior Secondary Schools: History Elec-
tive 4: Comments on Chinese and Foreign Historic Persons), Beijing: Renmin chubanshe
2011, pp. 89–94.
5 Jiaoyubu 教育部 (ed.): Yiwu Jiaoyu Jiaokeshu Qi Nianji Xia Ce 义务教育教科书七年
级下册 (Compulsory Education Textbook, the second volume of seventh grade), Beijing:
Renmin chubanshe 2019, p. 40.
6 LI Chunwu: Sulian (1955), pp. 15–17.

Kd
YANG Biao

torship of the proletariat)”.7 Although the LRcJ edition of the textbook does not
include the quotations of MAO, it still advocates the violent revolution.8
In addition to its international significance, the LRRe edition also sees the im-
pact of the revolution on Russia itself: “建立了世界上第一个无产阶级领导的、
工农联盟为基础的社会主义国家，为把俄国改造成社会主义工业强国创造
了重要前提 (The establishment of the world’s first socialist country, led by the
proletariat and the alliance of workers and peasants, created important premise for
the transformation of Russia into a socialist industrial power)”.9 The JSSL edition
of the senior secondary school textbook is more objective, pointing out that “使人
类进入探索社会主义发展道路的新时期 [...] 是世界现代史的开端 (Putting
mankind into a new era of exploring the path of socialist development [...] is the
beginning of modern world history)”.10 It also mentions the controversy of history
and mentions in the notes that “在史学界还有一种观点， 认为世界现代史开
始于 19 世纪末 20 世纪初 (There is also a point of view in the academic world
of history that modern world history began in the late LRth and early JSth centu-
ries)”.11 The textbook from early JSSd focuses on the impact of the October Rev-
olution on China: “十月革命的一声炮响，给我们送来了马克思列宁主义
(The explosion of the October Revolution brought us Marxism-Leninism)”.12 The
history textbook for senior secondary school level from JSLL, starting with the pos-
itive influence on the socialist revolution, sees its success “使得社会主义从理论
变为现实，同时也鼓舞了国际无产阶级和殖民地半殖民地人民的解放斗争
(making socialism turn from theory into reality, but also inspiring the liberation

7 Bejingshi Jiaoyuju Jiaocai Bianxiezu 北京市教育局教材编写组编 (ed.): “Shijie Jindai

Xiandaishi” xia ce《世界近代现代史》下册 (World Modern History, Part 2), Beijing:
Renmin chubanshe 1976, p.15. (Because it is in the period of the "Cultural Revolution",
there is no unified textbook compiled by the state, so the author chooses the senior second-
ary school history textbook of Beijing, which was widely used in the period of the Cultural
Revolution.)
8 YAN Zhiliang 严志梁 (ed.): Shijie Lishi Xia Ce 世界历史下册 (World History, Part 2),
Beijing: Renmin chubanshe 1982, p. 172.
9 Renmin Jiaoyu Chuban She Lishi Shi 人民教育出版社历史室 (ed.): Shijie Jindai Xian-
dai Shi 世界近代现代史 (World Modern History, Part 2), Beijing: Renmin chubanshe 1996,
p. 5.
10 Renmin Jiaoyu Chubanshe Lishishi 人民教育出版社历史室 (ed.): Shijie Jindai Xian-
dai Shi 世界近代现代史 (World Modern History, Part 2), Beijing: Renmin chubanshe 2001,
p. 4.
11 Ibid.
12 Kecheng Jiaocai Yanjiu Suo Lishi Kecheng Yanjiu Kaifa Zhongxin 课程教材研究所
历 史 课 程 研 究 开 发 中 心 (ed.): Yiwu Jiaoyu Kecheng Biaozhun Shiyan Jiaokeshu
Zhongguo Lishi Jiu Nianji Xia Ce 义务教育课程标准实验教科书中国历史九年级下册
(Compulsory education curriculum standard experimental Chinese history textbook, The
second volume of grade 9), Beijing: Renmin chubanshe 2005, p. 5.

Ke
 Portrayals of Soviet Russian History in Chinese History Textbooks since pqwq

struggle of the international proletariat and the colonized and semi-colonized peo-
ple)”.13 The narrative in the JSLR edition is basically the same and elaborates on
the positive role of the October Revolution in the proletarian movement: “是人类
历史上第一次胜利的社会主义革命，建立了第一个无产阶级专政国家，推
动了国际无产阶级革命运动，鼓舞了殖民地半殖民地人民的解放斗争 (It
was the first triumphant socialist revolution in human history. It established the
first dictatorship of the proletariat, promoted the international proletarian revolu-
tionary movement and inspired the liberation struggle of the colonized and semi-
colonized people.)”.14
The latest history textbook for senior secondary school level introduces the
October Revolution in Lesson Ld of the seventh unit “The Victory of the October
Revolution and the Socialist Practice of the Soviet Union.” It highly values the
October Revolution for world history: “是俄国与世界历史进程中的划时代事
件 […] 改变了 20 世纪的世界格局。从此，资本主义和社会主义两种社会
制度的并存与竞争，成为世界历史的重要内容 (It is an epoch-making event
in the historical process of Russia and the world [...] It changed the world pattern
of the JSth century. Since then, the coexistence and competition of capitalism and
socialism has become an important part of world history)”.15
In summary, the textbooks from the LRdSs to the mid-LReSs mainly describe the
world significance of the revolution and the great importance of Marxism-Lenin-
ism. From the Cultural Revolution period until the early LRRSs, the emphasis of
these textbooks was put on seizing power by violence. The textbooks in the JLst
century have become more objective and turned to praise the October Revolution
for creating a situation in which both capitalism and socialism could coexist in
world history.

13 Lishi Kecheng Yanjiu Kaifa Zhongxin 历 史 课 程 研 究 开 发 中 心 (ed.): Putong

Gaozhong Kecheng Biaozhun Shiyan Jiaokeshu: Lishi 1 (Bixiu) 普通高中课程标准实验
教科书:历史 1 (必修) (Experimental Textbook of Curriculum Standards for Senior Sec-
ondary Schools: History Compulsory 1), Beijing: Renmin chubanshe 2011, p. 91.
14 Jiaoyubu: Yiwu Jiaoyu Jiaokeshu Qi Nianji Xia Ce (2019), p. 42.
15 Jiaoyubu Zuzhi Bianxie 教育部组织编写 (ed.): Putong Gaozhong Lishi jiaokeshu Lishi
Bixiu Zhongwai Lishi Gangyao Xia 普通高中教科书历史必修中外历史纲要下 (Experi-
mental Textbook of Curriculum Standards for Senior Secondary Schools: History Compul-
sory: Outline of Chinese and foreign history, Part 2), Beijing: Renmin chubanshe 2019,
pp. 90–91.

KK
YANG Biao

Description of the Soviet Union During the Stalin Period

The construction of socialism during the Stalin period was mainly embodied in the
aspects of the Soviet Union; giving priority to the development of heavy industry
is a major feature of the Soviet Union. The LRdd edition of the textbook points out
that “苏联社会主义工业化的资金来源于公有制财产与生产率的提高 (the So-
viet Union’s funds for socialist industrialization came from the improvement of
public ownership of property and productivity)”.16 Although the LRcJ edition does
not mention it positively, it is mentioned in the Soviet Union’s objection to “The
TROTSKY-ZINOVIEV alliance”. The LRcJ edition states that “苏联积累资金的办
法已经使农民作出了最大的贡献，如果再按‘托——季联盟’的办法去做，
必将使农民破产，农业崩溃，工业化最后也必将失败 (The Soviet Union’s
method of accumulating funds has already made the peasants make the greatest
contribution. If it still goes on by following the way of the TROTSKY-ZINOVIEV
alliance, it will definitely cause the peasants to go bankrupt as well as the agricul-
ture to collapse, and the industrialization will eventually fail)”.17 The peasants
have made tremendous contributions to the accumulation of funds in the Soviet
Union, and agriculture has made sacrifices for the development of industry. The
LRRe edition directly discusses the damage to agriculture caused by the develop-
ment of industrialization: “国家从农民身上取走的东西太多，使农业长期处
于停滞状态 (There are too many things taken away from the peasants by the state,
which makes the agriculture stagnate for a long time)”.18 The JSSL textbook is rel-
atively objective, mentioning: “农业集体化虽然暂时有利于工业的发展，为苏
联工业化的实现提供了条件，但存在着严重的问题和错误 (The agricultural
collectivization is temporarily conducive to the industrial development, providing
conditions for the realization of industrialization in the Soviet Union, but there are
serious problems and mistakes)”.19 The JSSd edition for junior secondary school
level pinpoints that in the process of agricultural collectivization, there are prob-
lems of forcing farmers to fight against rich peasants.20 The JSLL edition for senior
secondary school level not only directly highlights that funds are accumulated
from agriculture for the industrial development but also presents specific figures
to prove it. At the same time, it also argues that this measure is intended to enhance
economic strength and national defense.21

16 LI Chunwu: Sulian (1955), p. 55.

17 YAN Zhiliang: Shijie Lishi (1982), p. 222.
18 Renmin Jiaoyu Chubanshe Lishi Shi: World Modern History (1996), p. 17.
19 Renmin Jiaoyu Chubanshe Lishi Shi: World Modern History (2001), p. 15.
20 Kecheng Jiaocai Yanjiu Suo Lishi Kecheng Yanjiu Kaifa Zhongxin: Yiwu Jiaoyu
Kecheng Biaozhun Shiyan Jiaokeshu (2005), pp. 8–9.
21 Lishi Kecheng Yanjiu Kaifa Zhongxin: Putong Gaozhong Lishi Jiaokeshu (2011), p. 96.

Kc
 Portrayals of Soviet Russian History in Chinese History Textbooks since pqwq

In comparison, the edition from JSLR is more comprehensive and better founded
as it introduces the background of the agricultural collectivization: “苏联发生了
严重的粮食收购危机，斯大林决心 [...] 解决粮食问题 [...] 多方面支持集体
农庄的建设，加快组建拖拉机站，为农庄提供机械服务 (The Soviet Union
has experienced a serious food acquisition crisis. STALIN is determined to [...]
solve the food problem [...] support the construction of collective farms in many
ways and the acceleration of setting up tractor stations, and provide farms with
mechanical farming)”.22 The textbook introduces the era and rationale behind the
agricultural collectivization policy as well as sees the damage to the interests of
farmers under the administrative means of planning and the problems caused:
“The interests of farmers were affected by serious problems which caused the stag-
nation of agricultural production in the Soviet Union”.23 In Lesson Ld, “十月革命
胜利与社会主义实践 (Victory of the October Revolution and Socialist Practice)”
under the fifth unit of the latest history textbook, the development model of the
Soviet Union in special national conditions can be seen, that is, industrialization
becomes the basis of Soviet industrial power that sacrifices agriculture for both
the light industry and heavy industry: “在农业集体化中采用强制手段导致国民
经济比例失调 (The use of coercive means in the collectivization of agriculture
has led to national economic disproportion)”.24
Discussion of the Stalin model principally differs between the textbooks before
and after the LRRe edition. The textbooks before the LRRe edition25 value its ad-
vantages of the Stalin model such as economic development and the “New Soviet
Constitution”, marking the Soviet Union’s entry into socialism. After LRRe, each
version is more objective that evaluation not only includes merits but also draw-
backs of the model. For example, the JSLR edition argues in a more neutral manner
that the Stalin model, have brought economic and political benefits to the Soviet
Union. At the same time, it also manages to dig out the setbacks which signify the
disadvantages the Soviet Union would face in the future: “苏联在较短时间实现
工业化，为日后赢得反法西斯战争的胜利奠定物质基础，显示了社会主义
制度的优越性 [...] 但苏联模式的弊端也使苏联付出沉重的代价。(The Soviet
Union achieved industrialization within a relatively short period of time, laying
the material foundation for the victory of the anti-fascist war in the future, showing
the superiority of the socialist system [...] but the drawbacks of the Soviet model

22 Jiaoyubu: Yiwu Jiaoyu Jiaokeshu Qi Nianji Xia Ce (2019), p. 49.

23 Ibid.
24 Jiaoyubu Zuzhi Bianxie: Putong Gaozhong Lishi Jiaokeshu Lishi Bixiu Zhongwai Lishi
Gangyao Xia (2019), p. 93.
25 Renmin Jiaoyu Chubanshe Lishishi 人民教育出版社历史室 (ed.): Shijie Jindaixian-
daishi 世界近代现代史 (World Modern History, Part 2), Beijing: Renmin chubanshe 1992,
pp. 71–72.

KR
YANG Biao

were also there to cause the Soviet Union to pay a heavy price)”.26 The latest text-
book for senior secondary school level also holds the same attitude toward the
Stalin model: “奠定了强大国家的基础，为后来取得卫国战争胜利创造了物
质条件。 [...] 但苏联模式排斥市场经济，片面发展重工业 [...] 导致国民经
济比例失调， [...] 影响了苏联的发展。(it laid the foundation of a strong coun-
try and created material conditions later for the victory of the Great Patriotic War.
[...] However, the development model of the Soviet Union rejected the market
economy and developed one-sided development of heavy industry [...] leading to
a disproportion of the national economy, [...] which affected the development of
the Soviet Union)”.27
The Chinese history textbook also describes that in the early period of STA-
LIN’s rule, some important Communist Party leaders were defeated by STALIN,
such as TROTSKY (TROTS͡ KIĬ, LcKR–LRQS), who played an important role in the Oc-
tober Revolution; BUKHARIN (Lccc–LRNc), who firmly supported LENIN’s new eco-
nomic policy; and ZINOVIEV (ZINOVʹEV, LccN–LRNe), the early leader of the Com-
munist International. The LRdd textbook presents TROTSKY as “人民的叛徒 [...]
是帝国主义与俄国地主、资本家的助手和代理人 (the traitor of the people [...]
the imperialist and Russian landlord as well as the assistant and agent of the capi-
talist)”.28 In addition, as it is mentioned that LENIN was injured by gunshot in LRLc,
the book reads: “人民最恶毒的敌人托洛茨基、布哈林、加米涅夫及其帮凶
们完全知道，并且参与其事 (The people’s most vicious enemies TROTSKY, BU-
KHARIN, KAMENEV, and their accomplices are fully aware and involved in the in-
cident)”.29 Referring to socialist construction, it states: “The TROTSKY, ZINOVIEV,
BUKHARIN and other counter-revolutionaries denied that the Soviet Union had the
chance of building socialism”.30 Moreover, the LReS textbook targets at TROTSKY
and opportunists: “托洛茨基和机会主义分子出来反对社会主义建设 (TRO-
TSKY and opportunists come out to oppose socialist construction)”.31 Moving on
to the edition from LRKe, for the first time TROTSKY and ZINOVIEV have been char-
acterized as “the T-Z anti-party alliance”32 and they are said to appear as the “ex-
treme left”. The LRKR edition is similar to the LRKe edition in the expression of this

26 Jiaoyubu: Yiwu Jiaoyu Jiaokeshu Qinianji xiace (2019), p. 50.

27 Jiaoyubu Zuzhi Bianxie: Putong Gaozhong Lishi jiaokeshu Lishi Bixiu Zhongwai Lishi
Gangyao Xia (2019), p. 93.
28 LI Chunwu: Sulian (1955), p. 5.
29 LI Chunwu: Sulian (1955), p. 23.
30 LI Chunwu: Sulian (1955), p. 86.
31 Renmin Jiaoyu Chubanshe 人民教育出版社 (ed.): Shijie Xiandai Shi 世界现代史
(World Modern History), Beijing: Renmin chubanshe 1960, p. 30.
32 Beijing Shi Jiaoyuju Jiaocai Bianxie Zu 北京市教育局教材编写组 (ed.): Shijie Jindai
Xiandai Shi Xia Ce 世界近代现代史下册 (World Modern History, part 2), Beijing:
Renmin chubanshe 1976, p. 61.

cS
 Portrayals of Soviet Russian History in Chinese History Textbooks since pqwq

issue that they all are given the labels of “左倾 (left-leaning)”, “右倾 (right-lean-
ing)”, “(反党联盟) anti-party alliance” and “投降主义分子 (capitulationists)”.
However, the difference is that the LRKR textbook does not label TROTSKY and
others as “bourgeois agents”. The edition three years later mentions the historical
facts but does not judge them. While it mentions that ZINOVIEV and others revealed
the plans for the October revolutionary uprising, no specific judgment is given in
the text. In addition, the textbook mentions BUKHARIN’s views on agricultural col-
lectivization, and it says that “BUKHARIN’s opinion has received sympathy and
support from many people... but because of STALIN’s dissatisfaction with BUKHA-
RIN, he was criticized and labeled as an “右倾机会主义，富农代理人 (Agent of
right-opportunism and rich peasants)”.33 Yet, these are no longer mentioned in
textbooks from LRRe and the subsequent editions.
In summary, the textbooks of the LRdSs and early LReSs are mainly negative
toward TROTSKY and others; the textbooks of the LRKSs remain basically un-
changed; the textbooks of the LRcSs and early LRRSs are more factual but of less
judgments. TROTSKY and the likes are no longer mentioned in history textbooks
for senior secondary school level since the midLRRSs.

Description of the Soviet Union History in World War II

Chinese textbooks basically provide positive points of view about the role of the
Soviet Union in World War II. The LRdd edition acknowledges that the Soviet Un-
ion was destroying the fascists by its power: “The Soviet armed forces defeated
the German fascists on the Western Front and defeated the Japanese fascists on
the Eastern Front”.34 The LRdK edition also emphasizes the Soviet Union’s crucial
role in the war: “In the war that determined the fate of mankind, the Soviet Union
played a decisive role”.35 Focusing on the outcome of the China’s war of resistance,
the LReS edition gives accounts of Japan’s surrender and thoughts that the Soviet
Union’s participation in the war accelerated Japan’s defeat. Additional content has
been given in the LRcJ edition that the Americans fought against Japan, which
signifies the beginning of mentioning and describing the roles of other countries.
The LRRe textbook details the Soviet Union’s defeat in the early days of the
war and analyzes the reasons: “A large number of outstanding commanders lost
their lives in internal persecution, and the Soviet military’s combat effectiveness

33 YAN Zhiliang: Shijie Lishi (1982), p. 224.

34 LI Chunwu: Sulian (1955), p. 116.
35 YANG Shengmao 杨生茂 and LI Chunwu 李纯武 (ed.): Shijie Jindai Xiandai Shi Xia Ce
世界近代现代史下册 (World Modern History, part 2), Beijing: Renmin chubanshe 1957,
p. 111.

cL
YANG Biao

was severely weakened [...] The Soviets made serious mistakes in their defense
strategy”.36 The first edition of the JLst century not only points out the Soviet Un-
ion’s initial defeat and its causes, but also uses concrete figures to prove the huge
losses suffered by the Soviet Union: “到 1941 年 11 月，德军已经占领了苏联
一百五十多万平方千米的土地，控制了苏联大约 40%的人口以及大部分工
业区 (In November LRQL, the Germans occupied more than L.d million square kil-
ometers of lands of the Soviet Union as well as controlled about QS% of the Soviet
Union’s population and most industrial areas)”.37 The JSSd version of the junior
secondary school textbook provides in-depth descriptions of the Soviet Union’s
great contribution to the Battle of Stalingrad. In addition, after the end of the war
against Germany, it sent troops to northeast China to fight alongside China against
Japan.38 The latest textbook reports that the Soviet Union “成为抵抗纳粹德国的
主战场 (became the main battlefield against Nazi Germany)”,39 and made great
contributions to the war.
With respect to the Soviet Union’s expansion of territory during the war, Chi-
nese textbooks of different eras provide very different angles on this issue. The
LRdd version mentions that the Soviet Union expanded its territory to the west
when the German army invaded Poland, but it was glorified.40 For instance, it says
that the eastern part of Poland and the Bessarabia of Romania were the territory of
the Soviet Union, and that the Soviet Union just made them return to the “home-
land”. Finland had to accept the peace agreement because of its failure to attack
the Soviet Union on its own initiative; Latvia and other countries joined the Soviet
Union because of the people’s referendum. The LRdK edition skips the territorial
issue of Romania but the rest of the content is consistent with the one from LRdd.
The first time that the Soviet Union’s occupation of the territories of these coun-
tries has been discussed is found in the LRRe edition: “When the German army
invaded Poland, the Soviet Union began to expand its territory to the west and
established the ‘Eastern Front’”.41 Meanwhile, the notes in the book explain the
components of the Soviet occupied territory in detail. The JSSL version further
shows the illegal occupation of the territories of these countries by the Soviet Un-
ion. It is not difficult to see that the textbooks of the LRdSs completely modified
the facts; afterwards, the issue was not touched upon in the textbooks until the

36 Renmin Jiaoyu Chubanshe Lishishi: Shijie Jindai Xiandai Shi (1996), p. 54.
37 Renmin Jiaoyu Chubanshe Lishishi: Shijie Jindai Xiandai Shi (2001), p. 51.
38 Kecheng Jiaocai Yanjiusuo Lishi Kecheng Yanjiu Kaifa Zhongxin: Yiwu Jiaoyu
Kecheng Biaozhun Shiyan Jiaokeshu (2005), pp. 36–40.
39 Jiaoyubu Zuzhi Bianxie: Putong Gaozhong Lishi Jiaokeshu Lishi Bixiu Zhongwai Lishi
Gangyao Xia (2019), p. 102.
40 LI Chunwu: Sulian (1955), pp. 82–84.
41 Renmin Jiaoyu Chubanshe Lishi Shi: Shijie Jindai Xiandai Shi (1996), p. 52.

cJ
 Portrayals of Soviet Russian History in Chinese History Textbooks since pqwq

edition of the midLRRSs represents the facts. Nonetheless, the new textbooks and
the new curriculum rid of mentioning the issue as the Soviet Union’s division on
other countries’ territory in the Soviet-German Non-Aggression Pact is indeed
mentioned but not the demands of the Soviet Union on the territory of other coun-
tries in the Yalta (I͡Alta) Conference.

Description of the post-war Soviet Union

In regard to the death of STALIN, three and a half pages are used in the LRdd text-
book with thorough appraisal of STALIN’s life. In contrast, the LRdK edition takes
only one third of a page with little evaluation and very simple narration: “斯大林
于 1953 年 3 月 5 日与世长辞了。斯大林逝世以后，苏联人民更加紧密的团
结在苏联共产党的周围，满怀信心地向建设共产主义的目标前进 (STALIN
passed away on March d, LRdN. After STALIN’s death, the Soviet people became
more united around the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, confidently march-
ing toward the goal of building communism)”.42 The textbooks of the LReSs and
the subsequent versions barely mention the death of STALIN. It can be seen that
the capacity of STALIN’s death in textbooks have become more and more dimin-
ished, from the initial multipage content and high evaluation to the subsequent
limited length, neutralization, and finally omission.
During the Khrushchevian era, China and the Soviet Union had a honeymoon
period and subsequently a hostile period. Therefore, the description of Khrush-
chevian times also reflects the reality to a certain extent. The LRdK textbook focuses
on achievements and vigor of the socialist construction movement under the lead-
ership of Nikita KHRUSHCHEV (LcRQ–LRKL) in the Soviet Union: “成功的进行了
洲际弹道导弹的实验。成功地发射了世界上第一颗人造地球卫星 [...] 标志
着苏联的科技成就达到了世界的顶峰 (Successfully conducted an interconti-
nental ballistic missile experiment; successfully launched the world’s first artifi-
cial earth satellite. [...] That marks that the Soviet Union’s scientific and techno-
logical achievements reached a world peak)”.43 “1958 年，苏联的工业总产值比
1913 年增加了三十五倍 (In LRdc, the industrial output value of the Soviet Union
increased by Nd times compared with LRLN)”.44 Both the LRRe and JSSL textbooks
talk about the reforms led by KHRUSHCHEV after the war. Although they point out

42 YANG Shengmao and LI Chunwu: Shijie Jindai Xiandai Shi Xia Ce (1957), p. 112.
43 YANG Shengmao and LI Chunwu: Shijie Jindai Xiandai Shi Xia Ce (1957), p. 66.
44 Ibid., pp. 88–89.

cN
YANG Biao

that the reforms had a certain effect but ended in failure. The JSLL edition for the
senior secondary school level introduces the Khrushchevian reform in detail, in-
cluding background, content, and evaluation. Note that the Khrushchevian reform
improved the Stalin model, but because of the lack in scientific understanding of
its drawbacks, it was impossible to make a fundamental breakthrough and eventu-
ally ended in failure.45 The JSLR textbook is more or less the same: “在批判斯大
林个人崇拜的同时，在经济上进行了一些改革。但是没有从根本上突破斯
大林时期形成的政治经济体制 (At the same time as criticizing STALIN’s per-
sonal worship, some economic reforms were carried out. Yet there is no funda-
mental breakthrough of the political and economic system formed during the Sta-
lin period)”.46

Conclusion

Textbooks of different periods bear different descriptions of the same content of

Soviet Russia history. Broadly speaking, Soviet Russia’s political history always
takes a dominant position in terms of the main content of textbooks. Chronologi-
cally speaking, specific content of this history changes from time to time in text-
books especially after the founding of the People’s Republic of China as the se-
lection of materials for the history of Soviet Russia has appeared to be different.
Since LRQR, the content of Soviet Russian history has undeniably been dominant
in history textbooks in China; particularly evident in all the editions until the LRRe
version. The description of economic history serves nothing more than as political
propaganda. This is largely reflected in the description of the issue of socialist
construction in the Soviet Union. Those editions before the LRRe publication
mainly focus on the competition between socialism and capitalism, as well as the
domestic political struggles. Although the range of discussing Soviet economic
history increased after LRRe, political history has still been the mainstream of con-
tent until JSSN that the new edition of history textbooks finally starts to elaborate
on history by covering not only politics but also economy and culture. The

45 Lishi Kecheng Yanjiu Kaifa Zhongxin 历 史 课 程 研 究 开 发 中 心 (ed.): Putong

Gaozhong Kecheng Biaozhun Shiyan Jiaokeshu: Lishi 2 (Bixiu) 普通高中课程标准实验
教科书: 历史 2 (必修) (Experimental Textbook of Curriculum Standards for Senior Sec-
ondary Schools: History Compulsory 2), Beijing: Renmin chubanshe 2011, p. 99.
46 Jiaoyubu: Yiwu Jiaoyu Jiaokeshu Qi Nianji Xia Ce (2019), p. 84.

cQ
 Portrayals of Soviet Russian History in Chinese History Textbooks since pqwq

economic history of Russia has become an equal part to the political history. How-
ever, the cultural part of Russian history still takes up the least capacity.
The textbooks of different versions of China since LRQR have been different in
the selection of angles and perspectives of the history of the Soviet Union. Some
details have been given in some editions, but not in others, such as those about
Leon TROTSKY. The description of Leon TROTSKY and those similar has gradually
been ignored since the LRRJ edition, and there is no description of these persons in
the LRRe edition and thereafter as a result. Two typical issues are presented in each
version of textbooks, that is, the October Revolution and the socialist construction
of the Soviet Union. Although the textbooks of different times place different em-
phasis on these two issues, these two aspects are often the key content of the nar-
ration in the description of historical content.
There are two versions of textbooks that can be regarded as the turning point
in the development of Chinese history textbooks with reference to Soviet Russian
history: one is the LRcJ textbook and the other is the LRRe textbook. Both have
great impacts on the presentation of content in their subsequent editions. For ex-
ample, the content about Russian history in textbooks in the Ld years after LRcJ is
based on the content in the LRcJ version; those from LRRe to the present are mainly
written with reference to the LRRe edition. Both the LRcJ and LRRe version share
one thing in common: showing more respect to history. For example, the LRcJ
version depicts a different Soviet Union by removing negative comments on BU-
KHARIN and others as well as adding more information about the history of the
Second World War; the LRRe edition allows readers to learn from new historical
knowledge and provides various aspects to understand the Soviet Union.
China has adopted brand new editorial history textbooks since JSLR. The new
textbook continues with the “truth seeking” consciousness takes a neutral stance
in the descriptions of the major events in Soviet Russian history, allowing readers
to look at Russia’s gains and losses from both positive and negative perspectives.
This principle of seeking truth from facts is reflected on the mention of the “Oc-
tober Revolution” and “World War II”, and thus showing a more objective meth-
odology in describing the historical image of Russia. The study of the content in
this edition appears to be more rigorous and concise. Compared with the textbooks
of previous editions, the new edition lays out the content in a more compact man-
ner. For some controversial issues such as “STALIN’s death” and “the struggle for
rights among Soviet Leaders”, the new edition takes no consideration and partly
omits them. The embodiment of the rigorous and realistic orientation has been a
general trend since the LRRe version of textbooks. To conclude, it is likely for such
trends to become the mainstream principle of presenting Soviet Russian history in
Chinese history textbooks in the foreseeable future.

cd
Lung-chih CHANG

N Strangers from the North: Russia in

History Textbooks of Postwar Taiwan

Abstract. This chapter is aimed at exploring the changing representation of Russia

in secondary school history textbooks of postwar Taiwan. The discussion is com-
prised of four main sections. Characterized by a mixture of anti-communism and
exoticism, the depictions of Russia in Taiwanese history textbooks can be taken as
an interesting case study in understanding nationalism and post-colonialism in mod-
ern China and East Asia. The first section offers a historical overview of the rela-
tions between Taiwan and Russia since the late LRth century. The second section
introduces institutional features of history education and changing images of Eu-
rope in postwar Taiwan. The third section provides analysis of various depictions
of Imperial Russia, the USSR, and contemporary Russia in secondary school cur-
riculum guidelines and textbooks. The fourth section presents interviews of history
teachers and their reflections of classroom experiences. The central argument of
this chapter is that the changing discourse of Russia not only reflects the transfor-
mation of the official ideology during and after the Martial Law era but is also in-
tertwined with the memory of the politics of the Second World War, the Chinese
Civil War, and the Cold War. Further reflections on the Taiwan case in a larger
context of modern Chinese and East Asian History are provided at the end of this
chapter.

Keywords. Taiwan, Russia, USSR, World history education, Pedagogy.

Published in: Gotelind MÜLLER and Nikolay SAMOYLOV (eds.): Chinese Perceptions of
Russia and the West. Changes, Continuities, and Contingencies during the Twentieth Cen-
tury. Heidelberg: CrossAsia-eBooks, JSJS. DOI: https://doi.org/LS.LLdcc/xabooks.eeL.

cK
Lung-chih CHANG

Taiwan-Russia Relations in a Historical Perspective

In May JSLR, the Royal Flight Airlines (RL) announced its direct charter flight
service between Moscow and Taipei. The first group of Russian tourists were
warmly received at the airport with souvenirs of Taiwan’s mascot bear. Meanwhile,
the Siberia Airlines (SK) also started its new Vladivostok-Taipei route service.1 It
was nearly one and half centuries after Russian Naval officer Paul IBIS (LcdJ–LcKK)
first set foot on the island and visited the indigenous tribes during the Japanese
expedition to southern Taiwan in LcKd. 2 From the late-Qing encounter to the
twenty-first century tourism, Russia has been a remote yet important presence in
the Taiwanese historical imagination of Europe and the world.

Early Encounters in the Late LRth Century

Separated by the Eurasian landmass, Taiwan did not draw much attention of Im-
perial Russia until the late LRth century. Sketchy and fragmented information about
the island can be found in early missionary reports of the Russian Orthodox
Church, before which the founding of the Russian Spiritual Mission in Beijing was
approved by Qing Emperor Kangxi 康熙 in LKLJ.3 After the treaty ports of the is-
land opened in LceS, a small number of Russians visited Taiwan for coal supply
and worked for the Chinese Maritime Customs Service.4
In May LcKQ, Taiwan became the focus of diplomatic crisis when the fleet of
Meiji, Japan occupied southern Taiwan and invaded the aboriginal territory. A Rus-
sian gunboat Gornostai was dispatched the following month to Fujian for

I would like to thank Prof. Gotelind MÜLLER-SAINI and the participants of Heidelberg
Workshop on Chinese Perceptions of Russia and the West for their comments on the draft.
The opinion and possible errors are the author’s sole responsibility.
1 “Tai e fuhang! Eluosi huangjia hangkong zhi hang banji mei zhou yi ban” 台俄復航！俄
羅斯皇家航空直航班機每週一班 (Taiwan-Russia Flight resumes! One flight per week by
Royal Flight), 2019, May 25. Available online: https://newtalk.tw/news/view/2019-05-
25/251474 (last access 2019, September 20).
2 Samuel STEPHENSON: “Paul (Pavel Ivanovich) IBIS 16 June 1852 – 1877 with a Supple-
mental Biography by M.F. Chigrinskii”. Available online: https://www.reed.edu/for-
mosa/texts/IbisBio.html (last access 2019, September 20).
3 “Russian Orthodox Church marks 300 years in China”, 2012, December 7. Available
online: https://www.ucanews.com/news/russian-orthodox-church-marks-300-years-in-chi
na/66785 (last access 2019, September 20).
4 Harold M. OTNESS (ed.): One Thousand Westerners in Taiwan, to 1945; A Biographical
and Bibliographical Dictionary, Taipei: Institute of Taiwan History, Academia Sinica 1999.

cc
 Strangers from the North: Russia in History Textbooks of Postwar Taiwan

monitoring the potential military confrontation between China and Japan. From
January to February LcKd, Paul IBIS was the first Russian who had travelled through-
out the island and later wrote an ethnographic account of the indigenous peoples.
Published first in Russian in LcKe and then in German in LcKK, IBIS’s work became
the first well-constructed source on Taiwan’s history, culture, and society.5

Limited Contacts in the Japanese Colonial Era, LcRd–LRQd

Although Taiwan was featured in the famous “Frontier Defense vs. Maritime De-
fense” debate of the Qing court, the modernization efforts by progressive officials
such as SHEN Baozhen 沈葆禎 (LcJS–LcKR) and LIU Mingchuan 劉銘傳 (LcNe–
LcRe) could not prevent the cession of the island as a result of the Sino-Japanese
War in LcRQ.6 The short-lived Taiwan Republic of LcRd proved to be a failed dip-
lomatic attempt by local officials and gentry elites to solicit support from Western
powers including Russia.7 The island and its J.d million inhabitants have since
then undergone significant changes of colonial modernization as the first overseas
colony of the Japanese empire.
Taiwan witnessed the celebration of Japan’s victory in the Russo-Japanese
War in LRSd, the founding of the Republic of China (ROC) in LRLJ, and the Russian
Revolution in LRLK. The Taiwanese Communist Party was established in LRJc in
Shanghai under the direction of the Comintern and the Japanese Communist Party.
In LRNK, all political and social movements in Taiwan were crushed by the colo-
nizing authorities when Japan declared a total war on China and the Allied Powers.
Some Taiwanese soldiers were detained in Siberian labor camps after Japan sur-
rendered in LRQd.
In the early JSth century, several Russian military personnel, journalists, and
scholars visited Japanese colonial Taiwan. Among them was historian S.G.
ELISEEV who graduated from the Tokyo Imperial University and came to Taiwan
in LRLJ. 8 However, most contemporary Russian newspaper and official reports

5 LIU Yuwei 劉宇衛 (Valentin GOLOVACHEV) and Moluojiakefu 莫洛賈科夫 (Vassily

MOLODYAKOV, eds.): Riben tongzhi shidai de Taiwan: Ewen shiliao yu yanjiu 日本統治時
代的臺灣: 俄文史料與研究 (Taiwan Under Japanese Rule: Russian Language Sources
and Studies), Taibei: Zhongyang yanjiuyuan Taiwan shi yanjiusuo 2018, pp. 24–28.
6 Lung-chih CHANG: “From Island Frontier to Imperial Colony: Qing and Japanese Sover-
eignty Debates and Territorial Projects in Taiwan, 1874–1906”, Ph. D. Dissertation, Har-
vard University 2003.
7 LIU Yuwei 劉宇衛 (Valentin GOLOVACHEV) and Moluojiakefu 莫洛賈科夫 (Vassily
MOLODYAKOV, eds.): Riben tongzhi shidai de Taiwan (2018), pp. 24–25.
8 ELISEEV’s manuscripts on Taiwan are now kept in the Institute of Oriental Manuscripts
of the Russian Academy of Science.

cR
Lung-chih CHANG

remained narrowly focused on Taiwanese peasant and communist movements be-

tween LRJSs and LRNSs. In LRNQ, an abridged, if not distorted, Russian translation
of Taiwan Under Imperialism by YANAIHARA Tadao 矢内原忠雄 (LcRN–LReL)
was published in Moscow in accordance with the orthodox Marxist doctrine of
Soviet Russia.9

Mutual Hostility in the Postwar Era, LRQd–LRce

In December LRQR, CHIANG Kai-shek (JIANG Jieshi 蔣介石, LccK–LRKd) and the
ROC government retreated to Taiwan after their debacle in the Chinese Civil War.
More than L.J million Kuomintang (Guomindang 國 民 黨, henceforth KMT)
troops, civilians, and refugees migrated to the island where Taipei became the new
capital city. CHIANG promulgated the Temporary Provisions for the Period of Na-
tional Mobilization which constrained the function of the ROC Constitution. The
imposition of martial law further consolidated the authoritarian rule of the KMT
regime in Taiwan.10 The fate of CHIANG Kai-shek and the KMT regime in Taiwan
was saved by the Korean War in LRdS–LRdN. The signing of the “Sino-American
Mutual Defense Treaty” in LRdQ and the U.S. military and economic aids helped
push Taiwan to the forefront of the anti-communist movement during the Cold
War period. The two Taiwan Strait Crises in the LRdSs testify to the military threat
from the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) on the mainland. Despite claiming her
sovereignty over mainland China, the ROC holds the de facto territory comprising
only Taiwan, the Pescadores and the offshore islands of Quemoy and Matsu.

9 Susan C TOWNSEND: Yanaihara Tadao and Japanese Colonial Policy: Redeeming Em-
pire, Richmond: Curzon Press 2000.
10 Dafydd FELL: Government and Politics in Taiwan (2nd ed.), London and New York:
Routledge 2018.

RS
 Strangers from the North: Russia in History Textbooks of Postwar Taiwan

In LRde, CHIANG published his work entitled Soviet Russia in China (fig. N-L) to
uphold the doctrine of anti-Communism and the ambition of retaking the main-
land.11

Figure N-L: Soviet Russia in China by CHIANG Kai-shek

Photo taken by Lung-chih CHANG

With anti-communist and anti-Russian aggression (fan gong kang E 反共抗俄)

being the official ideology of the KMT regime in the LRdSs, there was virtually no
Russian visiting Taiwan in the postwar era. People suspected of communist ties
were imprisoned or executed during “White Terror” political purges. It was not
until the Sino-Soviet split and border conflict in the late LReSs that the doctrine
was altered as anti-communism and restoration of the nation (fan gong fu guo
反共復國).
In the LRKSs, the KMT regime suffered a series of diplomatic setbacks and the
resulting legitimacy crises; first the withdrawal from the United Nations in LRKL,
followed by the severance of diplomatic relations with Japan in LRKJ and with the
U.S. in LRKR. It is against this background that the KMT regime adopted the new
policy of Taiwanization while Taiwanese politicians called for political reform and
greater participation in local and national elections. In LRKc, CHIANG Ching-kuo
(JIANG Jingguo 蔣經國, LRLS–LRcc), who was sent by his father CHIANG Kai-shek
to study in Moscow and married a Russian woman in the LRJSs, was elected as the
ROC president. In LRcS, he proposed a new doctrine of Reunification of China

11 CHIANG Kai-shek: Soviet Russia in China: A Summing-up at Seventy, New York: Farrar,
Straus and Cudahy 1957.

RL
Lung-chih CHANG

under the Three Principles of the People (sanmin zhuyi tongyi zhongguo 三民主
義統一中國).

Interactions in the Post-Martial Law Era, LRcK–JSLR

Taiwan underwent a transition from authoritarianism to democratization in the

LRcSs. The first Taiwanese opposition party (the Democratic Progressive Party,
DPP) was founded in LRce. In July LRcK, CHIANG Ching-kuo declared the lifting
of Taiwan’s decades-old martial law. After CHIANG passed away in January LRcc,
LEE Teng-hui (LI Denghui 李登輝, *LRJN) became the first Taiwanese president
of the ROC. He initiated a series of constitutional reforms and formally abolished
the Temporary Provisions for the Period of National Mobilization in LRRL. Direct
elections for Taiwan provincial governors and mayors of Taipei and Kaohsiung
were held in LRRQ. In LRRe, a majority of Taiwanese voters elected LEE in the first
direct presidential election amidst a Chinese military test in the Straits. The ROC
constitution went through seven revisions in post-martial law Taiwan that trans-
formed presidential and parliamentary elections, restructured local government,
and discarded the anti-communist ideology. In JSSS, the island witnessed the first
regime change when the DPP candidate CHEN Shui-bian (CHEN Shuibian 陳水扁,
LRdS– ) won in the tight presidential election. The second and third regime change
happened peacefully when the KMT candidate MA Ying-jeou (MA Yingjiu 馬英
九, LRdS– ) and the DPP candidate TSAI Ing-wen (CAI Yingwen 蔡英文, LRde– )
won the presidential elections in JSSc and JSLe respectively.12
Taiwan resumed interaction with Russia when president Mikhail GORBACHEV
(*LRNL) initiated his Perestroika (Perestroĭka) political movement in the late LRcSs.
In October LRRS, the mayor of Moscow paid his first visit to Taiwan after four
decades of separation of Taiwan and Russia. In the wake of the dissolution of the
Soviet Union in LRRL, Taiwan endeavored to develop relations with Russia,
Ukraine, Belarus, Kazakhstan, and other former Soviet Republics. In LRRN and
LRRe, representative offices were set up in Taipei and Moscow respectively for
economic and cultural cooperation.13 In LRRK, Russia joined the Asia-Pacific Eco-
nomic Cooperation (APEC). In JSSJ, the Taiwan-Russia Association was estab-
lished to promote commercial, technological, and cultural exchanges with the

12 Gunter SCHUBERT (ed.): Routledge Handbook of Contemporary Taiwan, London:

Routledge 2016.
13 “Representative Office of the MTC in Taipei”. Available online: http://www.mtc.
org.tw/new/ch/main.php (last access 2019, September 20).

RJ
 Strangers from the North: Russia in History Textbooks of Postwar Taiwan

Commonwealth of Independent States.14 The total volume of trade between Tai-

wan and Russia reached a record high in JSLQ.15 In terms of education, Russian
used to be a division of the Department of Oriental Languages in the LRdSs. As of
today, Russian is taught in the Departments of Slavic Languages and Literature at
three major Taiwan universities: The National Chengchi University, Chinese Cul-
ture University, and Tamkang University. Research on Russia related issues is no
longer a matter of political warfare and secrecy as it was in the Martial Law era
(fig. N-J), while academic exchanges between Taiwan and Russia have been facil-
itated in recent years.16

Figure N-J: Recent publication on Taiwan-Russia relations

Photo taken by Lung-chih CHANG

14 “Taiwan-Russia Association”, 2017, June 14. Available online: http://www.tra.org.tw/

(last access 2019, September 20).
15 “‘Zengjin Tai E guanxi’ keneng ma, zenme zuo? – Cong Tai E guanxi yanjin yu guoji
zhanlüe jiaodu tan qi” “增進台俄關係” 可能嗎，怎麼做？─從台俄關係演進與國際
戰略角度談起 (Is “promoting Taiwan-Russia relations” possible, and how? – from the per-
spective of the development of their relations and international strategy), 2018, January 25.
Available online: https://crossing.cw.com.tw/blogTopic.action?id=845&nid=9345 (last ac-
cess 2019, September 20).
16 Lin Chia-nan: “Interview: Taiwan-Russia ties promising, envoy says”, 2019, June 03.
Available online: http://www.taipeitimes.com/News/taiwan/archives/2019/06/03/
2003716251 (last access 2019, September 20).

RN
Lung-chih CHANG

History Education and Changing Perspectives of Europe in

Postwar Taiwan

During the four-decade Martial Law period, history textbooks were standardized
and issued by the National Institute of Compilation and Translation (NICT) under
the ROC Ministry of Education.17 Teachers offered courses on Chinese history and
Western history which followed the national curriculum standards. History educa-
tion in Taiwan emphasizes the KMT orthodoxy of Chinese nationalism and the
official doctrine of Three Principles of the People as exemplified in the following
goals of junior secondary school curriculum standards in LRec:18

L. To understand the development of the Chinese nation and its territorial

changes.
J. To understand the development of political institution and social life of our
nation.
N. To cultivate patriotic spirits by teaching the glorious history and culture of
our nation.
Q. To understand the development of major nations in the world, and interna-
tional status and duty of our nation.

The goals of senior secondary school curriculum standards from LRQc to LRcQ also
display similar features:

L. To understand the evolution of the Chinese Nation and the harmonious and
interdependent relations among the constituent groups.
J. To understand the glorious history and cultural achievements of our nation as
the inspiration to national revival.
N. To understand the history of major nations in the world and their interactions.
Q. To understand the development of world culture and modern trends to
strengthen the international role of our nation.

It was not until the removal of Martial Law in LRcK and the education reform
movement in LRRQ that textbook policy and curriculum guidelines were liberalized

17 The National Institute of Compilation and Translation was founded by the KMT gov-
ernment in Nanjing in 1931 and moved to Taipei in 1949. In 2011, the NICT was merged
with the National Academy of Education Research and renamed Research Center for Trans-
lation, Compilation and Language Education.
18 CHEN Yun-Shiuan 陳昀萱 and CHEN Hsiao-Lan 甄曉蘭: “Guo zhong lishi kegang
zhong de Ouzhou yixiang (國中歷史課綱中的歐洲意象 European Images in Taiwan’s
Junior Secondary School History Curriculum Guidelines)”. In: Jiaokeshu Yanjiu 教科書研
究 (Journal of Textbook Research) vol. 11, no. 2, 2018, p. 39.

RQ
 Strangers from the North: Russia in History Textbooks of Postwar Taiwan

and democratized. New curriculum guidelines no longer advocate anti-com-

munism or patriotism but emphasize civic values and a new worldview as shown
in the following goals of the LRRQ Junior Secondary School Curriculum Standards.

L. To help students understand the nature of historical knowledge.

J. To help students cultivate their own interest in learning history.
N. To help students understand the hardship in nation building and personal re-
sponsibility.
Q. To nurture students to become a modern citizen with open-mindedness and
worldview.

The history of Europe appears in both Chinese history and Western history text-
books. Although their main contents are mostly the same, there have been im-
portant changes in the narrative structure and perspectives. The changing perspec-
tives of Europe in secondary school history textbooks of postwar Taiwan can be
summarized as follows:19

L. Europe as modern Western civilization: This has been the most influential
and lasting image since the nine-year compulsory education was implemented
in LRec. It emphasizes the rise of the West as the model for Chinese modern-
ization while criticizing the aggression of Western imperialism.

J. Europe as a set of modern international powers: This image emerged in

LRRQ–Rd when the new knowing Taiwan curriculum guidelines were issued,
emphasizing a Taiwan-centered perspective. New contents such as Dutch and
Spanish regimes in seventeenth-century Taiwan were added.

N. Europe in the multicultural world: This image appeared between JSSS and
JSSc when the new Grade L-R curriculum guidelines were issued, emphasizing
world history and global connections in contrast to conventional nationalist
narration and Eurocentric viewpoints.

19 Ibid., pp. 38–47.

Rd
Lung-chih CHANG

Representation of Russia in Secondary School History

Textbooks of Taiwan

As mentioned earlier, history education in postwar Taiwan is closely linked to the

island’s political history and corresponds to the transition from authoritarianism
to democratization.20 Throughout the Martial Law era, Russian history was never
an independent subject and often appeared as part of Sino-Soviet relations. The
representation of Russia in textbook has been dominated by the official Chinese
nationalism and anti-communism advocated by CHIANG Kai-shek until the early
LRcSs when Taiwan began the process of political liberalization under CHIANG
Ching-kuo. A Taiwan-centered narrative structure was implemented in the
midLRRSs amid LEE Teng-hui’s indigenization efforts and new vision of global
history; and a multicultural perspective was introduced following Taiwan’s first
democratic regime change in JSSS.
Tables N-L to N-N summarize Russia-related topics in history curriculum stand-
ards and guidelines of postwar Taiwan. Worthy of note are the following textbook
depictions of Russian history. (Sources: Textbook Library and Center for Text-
book Research, National Academy of Education Research. Compiled by the au-
thor.)

L. The anti-Russian aggression propaganda in early versions of curriculum

standards was toned down after the Sino-Soviet split in the late LReSs and
completely disappeared in the early LRcSs.
J. The Cold War rhetoric of a bipolar world has been replaced by new word-
ings such as pluralization of international order that takes changing relations
among the U.S., Russia, and China in the LRKSs into account.
N. On account of Taiwan’s democratization and the liberalization of textbook
policy, Russian history was reconstructed according to the new Taiwan-cen-
tered narrative structure in the midLRRSs.
Q. New curriculum guidelines issued in the twenty-first century not only adopt
a global historical perspective but also include new contents of media, cul-
ture and society in the post-Cold War world.

20 Lung-chih CHANG, “Telling Histories of an Island Nation: the Academics and Politics
of History Textbooks in Contemporary Taiwan”. In: Gotelind MUELLER (ed.): Designing
History in East Asian Textbooks: Identity Politics and Transnational Aspirations, New
York: Routledge 2011, pp. 117–134.

Re
 Strangers from the North: Russia in History Textbooks of Postwar Taiwan

Table N-L: Russia-related topics in senior secondary school history curriculum

standards in the LRQSs, LRdSs, and LReSs

Subject Version Topic * Description **

Chinese History LRQc JS. Russia’s Eastward Russian’s invasion
Invasion
JJ. Loss of Tributary Russian, Japanese
States and British aggres-
sions
JQ. Boxer Rebellion Russia’s occupation
and Crisis in the North- of the northeast re-
east gion
JK. China in First Russia’s occupation
World War of the outer Mongo-
lia
NS. New Constitution Aggression of So-
and Anti-Communism viet Russia, peril of
and Anti-Russian Ag- Chinese Communist
gression Party, and anti-Rus-
sian aggression
History of For- LRdJ Ld. Soviet Russia’s Ag-
eign Countries gression Policy and
New International Situ-
ation
History of For- LReJ LL. Era of New Imperi- New imperialism
eign Countries alism and the redivision
of the world
LQ. Second World War Confrontation be-
tween dictatorship
and democracy
Ld. Contemporary New threats to
World world peace
* Showing topics that mentioned Russia directly.
** Showing descriptions that mentioned Russia.

RK
Lung-chih CHANG

Table N-J: Russia-related topics in senior secondary school history curriculum

standards in the LRKSs and LRcSs

Subject Version Topic * Description **

Chinese LRKL NS. New Constitution Aggression of Soviet Rus-
History and Anti-Communism sia and peril of Chinese
Communist Party
History of LRKL N. Era of Absolute England, France, Russia,
Modern Monarchs in Europe and Prussia
World
R. The World between Soviet Russia under com-
Two World Wars munist rule
LL. Contemporary Cold war and hot war
World
History of LRKL Q. Modern European Socialism and communism
Western and American Culture
Culture
Chinese Lc. Aggression of West- Russia’s eastward aggres-
History ern Powers sion
NS. Calamity of Chi- Aggression of Soviet
nese Communists Russia
History of LRcN N. Rise and Fall of Ab- Enlightened absolutism in
Modern solute Monarchy Austria, Prussia, and
World Russia
LL. Second World War Dictatorship of Russian
Communist Party
LJ. Pluralization of Red peril of communism,
Postwar International U.S.-Russia contest for he-
Order gemony, U.S.-Russia-
China tripartite relations
* Showing topics that mentioned Russia directly.
** Showing descriptions that mentioned Russia.

Table N-N: Russia-related topics in senior secondary school history curriculum

standards in the LRRSs and JSSSs

Subject Version Topic * Description **

History I LRRe LN. Impacts of Foreign Unequal treaties and
Powers and Changes in loss of territories
Late Qing Period
Ld. Internal Disturbances
and Foreign Invasions in
Early Republican Era

Rc
 Strangers from the North: Russia in History Textbooks of Postwar Taiwan

Subject Version Topic * Description **

History I JSSd d. The World in Second End of Cold War and
Half of the Twentieth the dissolution of So-
Century viet Union, the Comin-
tern, and the founding
of the CCP
History JSSR N. Spread of Information Invention and develop-
(elective) and Communication ment of modern cinema
Media
* Showing topics that mentioned Russia directly.
** Showing descriptions that mentioned Russia.

History Pedagogy on Russian History: Interviews of

Secondary School History Teachers

To gain insight into the perspective of history teachers in Taiwan on the represen-
tation of Russia in textbooks, two teachers were interviewed to share their
firsthand observations, which offer a glimpse of ideological and generational
changes in history textbook and pedagogy of postwar Taiwan.21

Interview of Teacher S

On History Curriculum Standards:

“In the past, history was considered as part of national spirit education. Chinese
history was dominated by linear and highly homogenous interpretations under the
theme of the Chinese nation. To strengthen this national myth, the subject of world
history was distorted as the history of foreign countries in contrast to Chinese his-
tory. This kind of conventional China-Foreign History is the product of Han cul-
tural chauvinism that emphasizes the Us-Other distinction.”

21 Interviews of Teacher S (born in 1959, female, retired history teacher from Taipei First
Girls’ Secondary School) and Teacher C (born in 1981, female, history teacher in Taipei
Song-shan Senior Secondary School) were conducted in written form in summer 2019. The
English translations by this author have been reviewed and approved by the interviewees.

RR
Lung-chih CHANG

On World History:

“As a result of the Sino-Foreign dichotomy and the homogeneous perspective of

Chinese history, world history has been reduced if not distorted as mirror images
of Chinese history. Generally speaking, the core narration of Europe before the
sixteenth century emphasizes the cultural inferiority compared with China, while
the key words for modern world history are ‘Western powers’ and ‘imperialism’.”

On History Textbooks:

“The earlier history textbooks on foreign countries emphasize the parallel devel-
opment between China and the West. In LRKL, the subject was renamed World His-
tory that focuses on Western Europe. It was not until the LRRd Curriculum Guide-
lines that major textbook revision was conducted.”

On Russia:

“The narrative structure of world history for early secondary school level was frag-
mented and inconsistent. Take Russia for example: Imperial Russia always ap-
peared in sections regarding China’s territorial issues while Soviet Russia ap-
peared in sections between the two World Wars. There is almost no mention of
Russia in the post-Cold War era.”
“The World History textbook did cover the westernization policy of Peter the
Great and the enlightened despotism and expansion of Catherine II. The Chinese
History textbook focused on Imperial Russia’s territorial ambition from the Treaty
of Nerchinsk during the reign of Kangxi, the atrocity during the Boxer Rebellion,
Russo-Japanese rivalry in Manchuria as well as Soviet Russia’s export of com-
munism to China, the Yalta (I͡Alta) Conference, and the Sino-Soviet unequal treaty
in WWII. There was no mention of Marxism. This narration pattern remained as
the standard version for decades.”

On Textbook Reform

“It was not until the liberalization of textbooks in LRRR that new efforts began to
emerge. The sections on Imperial Russia and territorial aggression was shortened
in Chinese History textbook. New information on Latin America and Africa was
added to the World History textbook. More emphasis has been put on modern and
contemporary history. The impacts of Marxism and the Cold War were discussed
in the history of world culture. The new JSLR curriculum guidelines are innovative

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 Strangers from the North: Russia in History Textbooks of Postwar Taiwan

in terms of topical teaching and hands on projects that focus more on multi-cultural
Taiwan and East Asian transnational migration and modern world civilizations.”22

Figure N-N: Russia in secondary-school history textbooks

Photo taken by Lung-chih CHANG

Figure N-Q: Russia in secondary-school history textbooks

Photo taken by Lung-chih CHANG

22 The curriculum guidelines of 12-year basic education took effect on August 1, 2019. For
more information, see Ministry of Education: Curriculum Guidelines of 12-year Basic Ed-
ucation, 2014, November. Available online: https://cirn.moe.edu.tw/Upload/file/946/
70456.pdf (last access 2019, September 20).

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Lung-chih CHANG

Interview of Teacher C

On History Curriculum Guidelines

“The key feature of the LRRd curriculum guidelines is the emphasis on strengthen-
ing students’ core capacity in historical thinking. It is an important breakthrough
compared with conventional emphasis on historical knowledge and political in-
doctrination. The following revisions do not alter this direction, and teachers now
have better awareness of historical methodology.”

On Students’ Learning Experiences of Russia

“Students nowadays will first learn the physical and human geography of Eurasia
in the second year of senior secondary school before taking the world history
courses. They will learn how to interpret historical sources. In terms of European
history, new sections on nomadic peoples and Asian empires were added to an-
cient Mediterranean civilizations to promote comparative perspectives on interac-
tion and connectivity among world cultures. In this new global history framework,
Russian history becomes more contextualized and integrated with discussions on
Nordic and Mongolian cultures.”

On Prospects of History Pedagogy in Taiwan

“The new JSLR history curriculum guidelines are a continuation of the LRRd version
that emphasizes the importance of historical literacy. A more dynamic narrative
structure for Taiwan’s connectivity with East Asia and the globe has replaced the
somewhat invariable concentric model23 of Taiwan subjectivity. New pedagogy is
required in order to build up the core capacity of inquiry and practice. The history
of Russia will be explored through elective courses and teaching projects on polit-
ical economic development, human migration, cultural communication, and social
movements.”

23 The “concentric view of history” (tongxin yuan shi guan 同心圓史觀) is a historical
concept proposed by former Minister of Education Tu Cheng-sheng. See “Taiwan zhuti
xing – Du Zhengsheng: Yao zuo dao xiang huxi yiyang ziran 台灣主體性 – 杜正勝：
要做到像呼吸一樣自然 (Taiwan Subjectivity – Tu Cheng-sheng: To be as natural as
breathing), 2016, March 10. Available online: https://news.ltn.com.tw/news/life/breaking-
news/1628255 (last access 2020, April 16).

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 Strangers from the North: Russia in History Textbooks of Postwar Taiwan

Conclusion

This article has offered a preliminary overview of textbook depictions of Russia

in secondary-school history education of postwar Taiwan. Though not mentioned
as much as the U.S. and Japan, Russia has been an important component in the
narration of Chinese History and World History textbooks. The case of ROC in
Taiwan can be compared with parallel developments in the People’s Republic of
China (PRC), Hong Kong, and Macau in the following ways.24
First, postwar Taiwan has been taken as an interesting case study in under-
standing Chinese perceptions of Russia and the West as a complex process char-
acterized by historical contingency and path dependency. For example, revisions
of the anti-Russia aggression propaganda between presidents CHIANG Kai-shek in
the late LRdSs and CHIANG Ching-kuo in the late LRKSs testify the transformation
of the KMT official ideology and the international relations among the U.S., So-
viet Russia, and communist China.
Second, the shifts and continuations of the representations of Russia in postwar
Taiwanese history textbooks also illustrate the construction and transformation of
“otherness” in different political and cultural contexts. The three major images of
Europe (as modern Western civilization, international powers, and multicultural
world) not only reflect the political process of Taiwan’s democratic transition but
also the politics of memory, as well as war legacies of WWII, the Chinese Civil
War, and the Cold War.
Finally, with Taiwan’s successful transition from authoritarian rule to a dem-
ocratic state, the growing and collective efforts with political and institutional re-
form also bore fruit in the field of history education. From Sinocentric nationalist
history, through Taiwan-centered island history and to transnational global history,
the paradigm of history pedagogy has shown shifts. Although it is yet to be seen
whether the new ideal of historical literacy and core competency can be realized,
promising young history teachers have bid farewell to the old slogans of patriotism
and national spirit, and endeavor to replace national history with the vision of a
connected history in post-colonial Taiwan. For future Russian visitors to the island,
it is certain that they will never be greeted with an anti-Communist and anti-Rus-
sian aggression song!

24 Claudia SCHNEIDER: “National Fortresses Besieged: History Textbooks in Contempo-

rary Mainland China, Taiwan, and Japan”. In: Steffi RICHTER (ed.): Contested Views of a
Common Past: Revisions of History in Contemporary East Asia, New York: Campus Ver-
lag 2008, pp. 245–270.

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Mariana MÜNNING

Q World History at the Service of the

Ruling Party: The Image of Russia and
the West in ROC and PRC History
Curricula and Textbooks LRQR–RS

Abstract. This chapter compares the history curriculum standards and textbooks in
the Republic of China (ROC) and the People’s Republic of China (PRC) from the
LRdSs to the LRcSs, focusing on world history at the junior secondary school level.
The image of the West and that of Russia/the USSR as the “other” are described as
a means to conceptualize the “self”. These images are embedded in an overall con-
cept of history varied in both countries. It will be analyzed how these images are
employed to legitimize the respective political system and ruling party. The find-
ings show how world history is employed to take sides in a bipolar world order.
The ROC books appropriate Western achievements and demonize Soviet Russia.
The PRC books begin with an idolization of the USSR in the LRdSs. With the split
of the PRC-Soviet ties, disenchantment with the post-Stalinist USSR ensues, and
the PRC styles itself as the only true proponent of communism. Western “progress”
and “achievements”, in contrast, are deconstructed by exposing their inhumane na-
ture, especially in the LRdSs. With the “Reform and Opening” politics and the “Four
Modernizations” beginning in the late LRKSs, the West is cautiously credited for
technological innovation. To a certain extent, world history is used as a prop to
legitimate domestic policies and should therefore be read as allegory. This may be
seen especially clearly from the changes in the PRC teaching material.

Keywords. Republic of China, People’s Republic of China, Taiwan, Russia, West.

Published in: Gotelind MÜLLER and Nikolay SAMOYLOV (eds.): Chinese Perceptions of
Russia and the West. Changes, Continuities, and Contingencies during the Twentieth Cen-
tury. Heidelberg: CrossAsia-eBooks, JSJS. DOI: https://doi.org/LS.LLdcc/xabooks.eeL.

LSd
Mariana MÜNNING

Introduction

With the establishment of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and the retreat of
the Kuomintang (Guomindang 國民黨, henceforth KMT) to the island of Taiwan,
the Taiwan Strait became the fragile and contested border not only between two
different political regimes that had previously clashed with each other in a turbu-
lent civil war over China, but also between the two major spheres of influence of
the Cold War – the USSR and the USA. Both of them supported their favorite part
of China with military and financial aid as well as through advice and teaching.
All aspects of life under the two rival political regimes, especially historical edu-
cation, had to cater to the legitimization and promotion of the respective party and
ideology: communism in the PRC, nationalism in the Republic of China (ROC,
Taiwan).
The ROC and the PRC, both authoritarian states during the period discussed,
exerted a high, if not the highest possible, level of state control over education, the
curriculum and the production of textbooks.1 The threat of the invasion of the re-
spective other party or the aim of reconquering the other part of China was con-
stantly in view. Students had to be educated in terms of a worldview that could
secure their loyalty to the ruling party. This was especially the case in history ed-
ucation as it has always provided the possibility to legitimize the polity. In order
to do so, history education conveys to the students a particular concept of history
(“Geschichtsbild”): a fixed idea and interpretation of the past which is (intended
to be) shared in a community. It serves to answer relevant questions such as “what
is history?”, “what or who ‘makes’ history?” and “where does history lead?”. It
fosters the formation of a collective identity and can be projected into the future.
For this reason, history education is used for nation building and also for commit-
ting the populace to the pursuit of a desirable future.2 It provides legitimacy to the

I would like to express my deepest gratitude to the Georg-Eckert-Institut (GEI, Leibniz-

Institut für internationale Schulbuchforschung) in Braunschweig, Germany and The Text-
book Library of the Center for Textbook Research of the National Academy for Educational
Research (國家教育研究院教科書研究中心教科書圖書館) in Taibei, Taiwan. Both li-
braries have granted me access to their collections and supported my research with their
expertise and advice.
1 Alisa JONES: “Toward Pluralism? The Politics of History Textbooks in South Korea, Tai-
wan, and China”. In: Gi-Wook SHIN and Daniel C. SNEIDER (eds.): History Textbooks and
the Wars in Asia: Divided Memories, New York: Routledge 2011, pp. 215–231, p. 215.
2 Karl-Ernst JEISMANN: “Geschichtsbilder: Zeitdeutung und Zukunftsperspektive”. In:
Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung (Federal Agency for Civic Education, ed.): Aus Po-
litik und Zeitgeschichte, December 2002, pp. 13–22.

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 World History at the Service of the Ruling Party

government, the party, and its policies as it is employed to show the validity of
state ideology.
This ideology, which may be made up of political (historical) myths, is em-
ployed to legitimate the rulership and to reach political goals.3 The “belief in le-
gitimacy” (“Legitimitätsglaube”) is crucial for the exercise of dominion
(“Herrschaft”), and schools are places where this belief in the legitimacy of the
ruling is cultivated,4 and where the myths and collective memory of the past are
transmitted.5 Such “politics of remembrance”, especially when they are used to
legitimize and solidify extant power structures, to construct a shared identity, to
increase the cohesion in society, and commit members of it to the pursuit of a
common goal, usually utilize and instrumentalize ones’ “own” past. These politics
narrate myths of the greatness and diachronic unity of the self. This chapter, in
contrast, focuses on the image of the other. The concepts of otherness6 are crucial
to the constitution of the self.7
In the textbooks, this other can play several roles. It can be a hostile enemy,
against which the self is demarcated, and thanks to which the ruling party can treat
itself as successful and hence the legitimate defender. If this “other” is an overly
powerful, omnipresent normative system, we may go as far as to call it LACAN’s
capitalized “Other” (“grand Autre”). If it is not hostile, we can conceptualize it as
authoritative but benevolent “Other”. In both cases, the “Self” gains its identity

3 Yves BIZEUL: Glaube und Politik (Belief and Politics), Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozi-
alwissenschaften 2009, pp. 139, 238. On page 26, BIZEUL gives the example of primitive
communism in prehistory as a political myth employed to legitimize Marxist governments.
This precisely explains what the PRC textbooks do.
4 Max WEBER: Economy and Society: An Outline of Interpretive Sociology, Guenther ROTH
and Claus WITTICH (ed.), Berkeley: University of California Press 1978, pp. 212, 215
5 Jan ASSMANN and Aleida ASSMANN, after BIZEUL: Glaube und Politik (2002), p. 251.
6 CHEN and CHEN choose the post-colonial reading of otherness: CHEN Yun-Shiuan 陳昀
萱 and CHEN Hsiao-Lan 甄小懶: “Guozhong lishi kegang zhong de Ouzhou yixiang” 國中
歷史課綱中的歐洲意象 (European Images in Taiwan’s Junior Secondary School History
Curricular Guidelines). In: Jiaokeshu yanjiu 教科書研究 (Journal of Textbook Research)
vol. 11 no. 2, 2018, pp. 27–55. They show the development of the ROC history curriculum
and how it emancipates itself from presenting the West as the norm. The present chapter
discusses sources during their first phase; therefore, this emancipation has not yet taken
place.
7 HEGEL (1770–1831) is seen as the primary thinker who defined self-consciousness as ex-
clusion of the other using the example of how servitude is most easily grasped in its relation
to lordship. Georg Wilhelm Friedrich HEGEL: System der Wissenschaft I: Die Phänomenol-
ogie des Geistes (System of Sciences I: The Phenomenology of Spirit), Bamberg / Würz-
burg: Joseph Anton Goebhardt 1807, pp. 117, 124. Available online through “Deutsches
Textarchiv”: http://www.deutschestextarchiv.de/book/show/hegel_phaenomenologie_1807
(last access 2020, February 13).

LSK
Mariana MÜNNING

via the gaze of this capitalized “Other”. 8 It can also be LACAN’s lowercased
“other”, i.e. an “other” that may represent a reflection, a possible development, a
(future) ideal version of the self.9 In that case, this “other” functions as a model,
as an idol. The ruling party gains legitimacy by identifying the self with it, by
providing evidence that this ideal state of the self will be reached under its rul-
ership. In that regard, the world history textbooks are only superficially concerned
with the “other”. They should, however, rather be read as allegory of the self. The
books are pervaded by ideology and legitimation narratives of current policy. This
makes them a parable of the here and now. The “Geschichtsbild” put forward in
them has the sole purpose of legitimizing and cementing the status quo.
In the curriculum standards and textbooks of the ROC and PRC during LRQR–
LRRS, the image of two important “others”, the West and Russia, is discussed.
Changes and consistencies in their depiction are analyzed against the backdrop of
coeval events and affairs. It will be demonstrated that the image of either the West
or Russia (or the Soviet Union) is employed to legitimize the ruling party and their
ideology. These images fit into the worldview that is taught to the students and
varies with its shifts.
It will also be demonstrated that the nationalist outlook of the KMT in the ROC
remains steady, as do the curricula and textbooks from LRdJ–LRRS. The initially
pronounced denigration and demonization of the Soviet Union was slightly wa-
tered down over time. Nationalism, however, remains the all-pervasive trope of
the world history textbooks, making the birth of nations the most important turning
point of history and neatly assigning distinct characteristics to all nations. The na-
tion is the main reference point for the identity of the individual. In the interaction
of the different nations of the world, Wilsonianism10 is the ideal. Projected into the
future, this concept of history will lead to peace among all nations, (scientific)
progress, and prosperity.

8 This argument is based on the adaptation of LACAN’s “grand Autre” for the analysis of
PRC historiography and its othering of the West by: Q. Edward WANG: “Encountering the
World: China and Its Other(s) in Historical Narratives, 1949–89”. In: Journal of World
History vol. 14 no. 3, 2003, pp. 327–358. LACAN himself utilizes the grand Autre to denote
the parents, teachers etc. of the self, a whole set of norms that preexists. In my analysis, the
West or the USSR may play the role of this grand Autre as they provide the framework of
norms.
9 Sean HOMER: Jacques Lacan, London and New York: Routledge 2005, p. 70.
10 Wilsonianism, named after the U.S. president behind the founding of the League of Na-
tions, Woodrow WILSON (1856–1924), encompasses the values of democracy, freedom,
human rights, capitalism, and the need of these values to be disseminated in the world. See
Lloyd E. AMBROSIUS: Wilsonianism: Woodrow Wilson and His Legacy in American For-
eign Relations, New York: Palgrave Macmillan 2002.

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 World History at the Service of the Ruling Party

The PRC, in contrast, narrates world history exclusively within the scope of his-
torical materialism to convey Marxist values. The peer group of the individual is
not the nation, but the class. International solidarity of the proletariat is invoked,
superficially internationalist, but actually instrumentalized to speak to the domes-
tic. World history in the PRC furthermore exhibits profound changes in its history
teaching material, reflecting the radical changes in policy. The LRdSs begins with
an idolization of the Soviet Union, followed by the emancipation or rather coming-
of-age, in the course of which the PRC promotes itself as the legitimate leader of
the communist camp and increasingly delegitimizes Post Stalin USSR leader-
ship.11 In terms of the image of the West, a rather opposite development takes
place. At the beginning of the PRC, the West is treated as an archenemy not only
of China but basically of the proletariat of the entire word. It is presented as the
inventor of capitalism, imperialism, colonialism, and described by a plenitude of
negative attributes. With the beginning of the “Reform and Opening” politics of
the late LRKSs, the image is bettered, and the textbooks provide a showcase for
Western technological achievements.
This chapter describes the main historical narrative of first the ROC, and then
the PRC textbooks (sections J. and N.). Noteworthy is how the overall narrative of
both regimes conveys a teleological concept of history.12 Section Q. offers the anal-
ysis of the images of Russia and the West with reference to the description of
major historical events as they are described in the textbooks. In all sections, it is
attempted to include the main directions of development.

11 WANG describes this emancipation from the Soviet model as the reemergence of nation-
alism. Cf. Q. Edward WANG: “Between Marxism and Nationalism: Chinese Historiography
and the Soviet influence, 1949–1963”. In: Journal of Contemporary China vol. 9 no. 23,
2000, pp. 95–111, https://doi.org/10.1080/106705600112074.
12 Conceptualizing history as progress, as “anticipation of the present” goes back to Eng-
lish liberal history or “Whig history”. “Marxist history is characteristically whig.” John
BURROW: A History of Histories: Epics, Chronicles, Romances & Inquiries from Herodotus
& Thucydides to the Twentieth Century, London: Penguin 2009, pp. 473–474.

LSR
Mariana MÜNNING

World History in the ROC: Nationalism, Progress, Wilsonian

Idealism and the Fight against Communism

To begin with, the investigation is undertaken into the Taiwanese history teaching
material in LRdJ when the first standardization took place. Before that, the KMT
had imported the heterogenous teaching material from the mainland.13 The ROC
history curriculum standards begin with neatly stating their teaching “aims” (mu-
biao 目標).14 They clearly exhibit a nationalist ideology. This nationalist outlook
refers on the one hand to the domestic realm and Chinese history, and on the other
hand to the international arena and world history.
Regarding the domestic situation, the major challenge faced by the KMT was
the Communist rule on the mainland and the KMT’s declared aim to reconquer it.
It was only abandoned in LRRL when the “Temporary provisions effective during
the period of communist rebellion” (動員戡亂時期臨時條款) were repealed. An-
other important challenge was the resistance of the Taiwanese populace to what
they perceived simply as new colonial rule15 and the fact that the island’s popula-
tion was just as multiethnic as the mainland. Therefore, the students were to study
the evolution (yanjin 演進) of the Chinese nation (Zhonghua minzu 中華民族)
and how the “different clans were on friendly terms with each other” (ge zongzu
jian rongqia 各宗族間融洽).16 Furthermore, the students were not only to under-
stand how ancient and venerable Chinese culture is, but also that an important
responsibility arises:

認識民族的傳統精神，以啓發復興國家責任之自覺 […]17
To know the consciousness of tradition of the nation in order to develop the aware-
ness of the responsibility to regain the mainland […]

13 Cf. DMITRENKO’s contribution to this volume.

14 For an overview of the development of the teaching aims in the ROC, see Lung-chih
CHANG’s contribution to this volume and CHEN/CHEN: “Guozhong lishi kegang zhong de
Ouzhou yixiang” (2018).
15 And less competent than Japanese colonization. Cf. Steven PHILIPS: “Between Assimi-
lation and Independence: Taiwanese Political Aspirations under Nationalist Chinese Rule,
1945–1948”. In: Murray A. RUBINSTEIN (ed.): Taiwan: A New History, Armonk, NY:
Sharpe 2007, p. 276.
16 Jiaoyubu 教育部 (Ministry of Education, ed.): Xiuding zhongxue gongmin, guowen,
lishi, dili ke kecheng biaozhun 修訂中學公民、國文、歷史、地理科課程標准 (Revised
Secondary School Citizen, Chinese, History, Geography Curriculum Standard), n. p. 1952,
p. 40.
17 Ibid., p. 20.

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 World History at the Service of the Ruling Party

In terms of an international perspective, the development of nations and national-

ism is the nexus between world history and the core value of KMT rule. Students
are expected to be able to understand the main points of the evolution of each
important nation of the world and China’s position and responsibility in the inter-
national arena.18 By this rather abstract imperative the curriculum means the fol-
lowing two points: The first is that Taiwan perceives itself as part of the worldwide
Cold War bulwark against communism; the second is that the KMT still felt enti-
tled to rule over all of China.
The emergence of national consciousness and the birth of nations in Europe
are depicted as a key turning point in world history.19 History as a whole is pre-
sented as a succession of achievements, progressing toward an ever-improving
state with better living conditions for the people. Listed as achievements are the
Western values that are to be adhered to in the ROC such as freedom, democracy,
and the rule of law. The fact that from LRQR (following the February Jc incident of
LRQK) until LRcK martial law and “White Terror”, during which many Taiwanese
were persecuted for alleged cooperation with the communists, reigned the island,
makes the praise of these values appear to be mere lip service.
National unity in the various European countries was achieved during the age
of absolutism (junzhu zhuanzhi shidai 君主專制時代, from the Ldth to the Lcth
century), implying that only a strong government can finally unite the people. Eng-
land, France, Spain, Prussia and Russia were all:

民族國家，由一羣語言文字相同、風俗習慣類似、屬於同一種族的人民、組
織而成。20
Nation-states [that] were formed by the people belonging to one race that had the
same language and script and similar customs.

Only after that were democracy and freedom established by the “revolutionary
movements for democracy and freedom” (民 主 與 自 由 的 革 命 運 動), which

18 Ibid.
19 See, as an early source: Zhongxue biaozhun jiaokeshu lishike bianji weiyuanhui 中學標
準教科書歷史科編輯委員會 (Secondary school standard textbook history compilation
committee) and XIA Deyi 夏德儀: Chuji zhongxue biaozhun jiaokeshu: Chuzhong lishi 初
級中學標準教科書：初中歷史 (Junior secondary school standard textbook: Junior sec-
ondary school history) vol. 5, Taibei: Taiwan sheng zhengfu jiaoyuting 1958, p. 85. Vol-
umes 1–4 deal with Chinese history; volumes 5–6 with world history.
20 XIA Deyi 夏德儀, QI Letong 祁樂同, LI Maixian 李邁先: Guomin Zhongxue Lishi 國
民中學歷史 (History for Junior Secondary School) vol. 4, Taibei: Guoli Bianyiguan 1971,
p. 69. Volumes 1–3: Chinese history. Volumes 4–5: world history. The fact that XIA
remains chief editor may serve as a further argument for the continuity of the ROC textbook
landscape.

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Mariana MÜNNING

consist of the Enlightenment, American Independence, and the French Revolution.

They established an ideology of freedom and equality. The establishment of citi-
zen’s rights and the nationalist movements led to technological innovation, pro-
gress, improvement of the living conditions via the Industrial Revolution,21 and
the advancement of modern European and American science (近代歐美科學之發
達).22 The future is implied to be as rosy as it can be if we believe in technological
progress and Wilsonian idealism which will unite the world under the wings of the
United Nations (or a similar institution). The KMT was highly dependent on U.S.
financial help (LRdQ–LRKR). Republican scholars were actually already far beyond
this teleological and didactic presentation of history. Many had studied progres-
sive historiography in the USA and would have approached their sources criti-
cally.23 However, history education in Taiwan under KMT conservatives was not
to form a critical, but an obedient student.24
How do these laudations of Western civilization relate to China having become
a victim of imperialism and colonialism? 25 Social Darwinism is the answer to this
question: a worldview that has shaped the thought of the early JSth century Chi-
nese intellectuals as well as KMT politics.26
Imperialism is explained as geographical discoveries and the opening up of sea
routes, combined with the needs for resources rising from the Industrial

21 Zhongxue biaozhun jiaokeshu lishike bianji weiyuanhui and XIA Deyi: Chuji zhongxue
biaozhun jiaokeshu: Lishi 初級中學標準教科書：歷史 (Junior secondary school standard
textbook: History), vol. 6, Taiwan shengzhengfu jiaoyuting 1958, p. 15.
22 Jiaoyubu (ed.): Xiuding zhongxue gongmin, guowen, lishi, dilike kecheng biaozhun
(1952), p. 53.
23 For example, the historian and textbook author HE Bingsong 何炳松 (1890–1946): He
studied in Princeton University and became an advocate of American progressive histori-
ography, influenced by James Harvey ROBINSON’s New History (which he used for the his-
torical methodology course at Peking University; it was published in Chinese in 1924) and
his New History School with James SHOTWELL, J. H. HAYES and William DUNNING. See Q.
Edward WANG: Inventing China Through History – The May Fourth Approach to Histori-
ography. Albany: State University of New York Press 2001, pp. 67–68. See also FANG
Xinliang 房鑫亮: Zhongxin dujing – He Bingsong zhuan 忠信笃敬——何炳松传 (Loyal
and respectful – Biography of HE Bingsong), Hangzhou: Zhejiang renmin chubanshe 2006,
p. 15.
24 WANG: Inventing China Through History (2001), p. 200.
25 CHEN and CHEN present 1968–1985 as a time period in which Europe was synonymous
with modernity and civilization. The fact that Europe was also the cradle of imperialism led
to an ambiguous feeling toward Europe. Cf. CHEN/CHEN: “Guozhong lishi kegang zhong
de Ouzhou yixiang” (2018), p. 40.
26 See James Reeve PUSEY: China and Charles Darwin, Cambridge (Massachusetts): Har-
vard University Press 1983 and YANG Haiyan: “Encountering Darwin and Creating Dar-
winism in China”. In: Michael RUSE (ed.): The Cambridge Encyclopedia of Darwin and
Evolutionary Thought, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 2013, pp. 250–257.

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Revolution in Europe leading to a “competition” (zhengduo 爭奪) for colonies

(zhimindi 殖民地) and trade monopolies (shangye longduan 商業壟斷).27 The re-
sulting imperialism (diguozhuyi 帝國主義), a policy of countries with an ad-
vanced industry (chanye 產業), aimed at seizing land, resources, the market, etc.
of other “backwards nations” (luohou minzu 落後民族), denying others the access
to them and sometimes ultimately swallowing (bingtun 併吞) them.28
The attack of imperialism toward China (Diguo zhuyi dui woguo de qinlüe 帝
國主義對我國的侵略) is explained by the fact that the country, despite being pros-
perous and rich in population, was “ignorant of the general world trends” (meiyu
shijie dashi 昧於世界大勢, i.e. not acting adequately in global politics), and its
politics and economy were not (yet) improved (gaijin 改進). After China’s defeat
in the First Opium War (LcNR–LcQJ), it became the object of a competition for he-
gemony of the Great Powers (lieqiang 列强), lost a number of territories and rights,
and was therefore attacked by many imperialist countries in the realms of politics,
economy and warfare, and found itself in great peril (weiwang 危亡). Only after
the end of the Second World War (LRNR–LRQd) could China shake off (baituo 擺脫)
the oppression of imperialism.29 The Taiwanese textbooks do not question imperi-
alist practices per se; they just convey the image that China in the past was too weak
or backwards to play the game of power struggle. Now (i.e. LRdSs–LRcSs), however,
national unity, progress, and a strong KMT rule enable the ROC to compete.
The depiction of Russia is divided into two parts. Peter the Great in Tsarist
Russia is lauded as a reformer, an image going back to KANG Youwei’s 康有爲
(Lcdc–LRJK) biography of the Russian Tsar30 handed to the Guangxu 光緒 emperor
(r. LcKd–LRSc). Peter’s strategy to modernize Russia was to travel and send inform-
ants to Western Europe to learn and bring their knowledge back to their own coun-
try. Soviet Russia and the Soviet Union, in contrast, are described as an aggressive,
dangerous force whose domestic economic policies failed, and thus bringing
havoc to the Chinese mainland by leading it astray toward communism.
The rule of the Communist Party on the mainland is one of the main concerns
of the KMT on Taiwan and shapes historical education decisively under the

27 Note how the description of the interdependence of trade monopolies and imperialism
is at its core not so different from the Marxist take on it.
28 Zhongxue biaozhun jiaokeshu lishike bianji weiyuanhui 中學標準教科書歷史科編輯
委員會 (Secondary school standard textbook history editing committee) and XIA Deyi 夏
德儀: Chuji zhongxue biaozhun jiaokeshu: Lishi 初級中學標準教科書：歷史 (Junior sec-
ondary school standard textbook: History) vol. 6, Taibei: Taiwan sheng zhengfu jiaoyuting
1958, pp. 22 –23.
29 Ibid., p. 23.
30 See Don C. PRICE: Russia and the Roots of the Chinese Revolution 1896–1911, Cam-
bridge (Massachusetts): Harvard University Press 1974, pp. 33 ff.

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Mariana MÜNNING

catchphrase “oppose communism, resist Russia” (fan gong kang E 反共抗俄).31

The aforementioned “Temporary provisions” were already added to the constitu-
tion in LRQc on the mainland during the Civil War.32 The KMT had also taken the
LRQc republican era curriculum standard (Xiuding zhongxue kecheng biaozhun 修
訂中學課程標準) with them to the island, and it already bore the nucleus of his-
tory education for the following decades. In so far, history education in Taiwan is
to be seen as a continuation of history education of the Republic before its retreat
to the island.
The LRdJ curriculum, as well as the standardized history teaching material
based upon it, incorporated the fan gong kang E policy. Apart from the abovemen-
tioned responsibility to reconquer the mainland, requirements are given that teach-
ers should:

説明共匪一面倒的投靠蘇俄。
Explain that the communist criminals have all sold themselves to Soviet Russia.
説明自由世界對共匪封鎖禁運之必要。33
Explain the need that the free world should cut off the communist criminals.

The blame for the communist rule over the mainland is assigned to Russia as the
“troublemaker”.34 The negative image of the Russians in China goes back to the
LKth century.35 The two countries look back on a long history of “cross-border dis-
trust”,36 during which Russia was perceived as expansionist and potentially threat-
ening. Putting the blame on Russia, however, the textbooks make a future reunifi-
cation with the mainland feasible and desirable. Russia is stylized as an archenemy,

31 This is not the first policy to protect the ROC in Taiwan from forces deemed threatening.
When the KMT took over Taiwan from the Japanese colonial rulers in 1945, they had begun
a policy of “removing Japanization” (qu ribenhua 去日本化, i.e. decolonization after Jap-
anese rule 1895–1945).
32 On the “mutual hostility” between Taiwan and Soviet Russia, see Lung-chih CHANG’s
contribution to this volume.
33 Taiwan sheng zhengfu jiaoyuting 臺灣省政府教育廳 (Taiwan provincial government
department of education): Taiwan sheng Guomin Xuexiao ge ke jiaocai tiaozheng shuoming
kecheng biaozhun 臺灣省國民學校各科教材調整説明課程標準 (Taiwan province pri-
mary school curriculum standard readjusted and explained for all subjects), Taibei: Taiwan
shudian 1952, p. 16.
34 Cf. Aleksandrs DMITRENKO’s contribution to this volume.
35 T. A. HSIA: “Demons in Paradise: The Chinese Images of Russia”. In: The Annals of the
American Academy of Political and Social Science vol. 349, Communist China and the
Soviet Bloc, Sep. 1963, pp. 27–37.
36 Sayana NAMSARAEVA: “Déjà vu of Distrust in the Sino-Russian Borderlands”. In: Car-
oline HUMPHREY (ed.): Trust and Mistrust in the Economies of the China-Russia Border-
lands, Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press 2018, p. 40.

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and the aggression of Western countries is played down. For example, in the dis-
cussion of the Opium Wars, teachers are motivated to lay special emphasis on the
attack of the Russian Tsar (俄帝侵略我國的史實).37 This is rather far-fetched as
Russia was not directly involved in the wars. Russia did, however, act as a medi-
ator between Britain, France, and the USA on the one side and the Qing dynasty
on the other, in the Second Opium War.38 The tradition of mistrust of Tsarist Rus-
sia becomes reinforced by the animosity toward communism, and the country was
thus scapegoated.
With respect to domestic history, it, too, becomes increasingly full of anti-
communist propaganda. The teachers are supposed to explain to the students on
many occasions how the “communist criminals” (gongfei 共匪) have gone astray.
Early instances of these misdemeanors allegedly happened as early as the genesis
of the Chinese people (中華民族的構成). The mainlanders “abandoned the con-
cept of [a] national population” (廢棄國家民族觀念), and made the mistake to
become the marionette of Soviet Russia (甘作蘇俄傀儡之錯誤). They also aban-
doned traditional morals and culture, replaced them by Marxism-Leninism and
affronted them by practices such as viewing STALIN as their father figure39 (「不
爱爸爸爱斯大林 」). 40 The “communist criminals […] enslaved the people”
(nuyi renmin 奴役人民), but their attack will ultimately fail.41 Domestic history
and world history are all equipped with the many mistakes the communists on the
mainland committed. The creation of the script, for example, is juxtaposed with
the mistakes to use abbreviated characters (jianhuazi 簡華字) and to write hori-
zontally from left to right (hengxie zuoqi 橫寫左起).42
After the Sino-Soviet split (discussed in greater detail below), the Fan gong
kang E policy was replaced by the policy of “resist communism, recover the [lost]

37 Jiaoyubu (ed.): Xiuding zhongxue gongmin, guowen, lishi, dilike kecheng biaozhun
(1952), p. 21.
38 S. C. M. PAINE: Imperial Rivals: China, Russia, and Their Disputed Frontier, Armonk
and London: M.E. Sharpe 1996, p. 60 ff.
39 On the personality cult of STALIN, which stylized him as the “father” of the citizens of
the Soviet Union, see: Graeme GILL: “The Soviet Leader Cult: Reflections on the Structure
of Leadership in the Soviet Union.” In: British Journal of Political Science vol. 10 no. 2
April 1980, pp. 167–86, https://doi.org/10.1017/S0007123400002088.
40 Literally speaking, not loving daddy but loving STALIN. Not loving the father is a severe
offense in Confucianism.
41 Taiwan sheng zhengfu jiaoyuting 臺灣省政府教育廳: Taiwan sheng Guomin Xuexiao
ge ke jiaocai tiaozheng shuoming kecheng biaozhun 臺灣省國民學校各科教材調證說明
(Explanation of the Taiwan province primary school all subjects teaching material regula-
tions), Taibei: Taiwan shudian 台灣書店 1952, p. 16. This is a handbook for textbook au-
thors and teachers aimed at fostering the students’ “national spirit” (minzu jingshen 民族精
神, cf. p. 1).
42 Ibid.

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country” (fan gong fu guo 反共復國). The hostility toward Russia in the ROC text-
books decreased as the USSR fell out of the equation, but the policy remained active
until LRcS, when CHIANG Ching-kuo (JIANG Jingguo 蔣經國, LRLS–LRcc), replaced
it with the policy of the “three principles of the people” (Sanmin zhuyi 三民主義).43
The general tone in Taiwanese education material remained anti-communist
and the description of the USSR remained focused on its failures, especially eco-
nomically. The LRKL textbook (after the introduction of compulsory R-year educa-
tion LRec) concludes that “Communism is not at all a good doctrine” (共產主義
絕對不是一種良好的學說).44 Let us now examine the main historical narratives
of these “communist criminals”.

World History in the PRC: All-encompassing Class Struggle

Narrative and the Development from a Soviet Protégée to
a Progress Oriented Technocracy

Since the early JSth century, Marxism had a wide appeal among Chinese intellec-
tuals. It offered the possibility to reject the West45 and instead of, as would have
been the case with nationalism, “being the laggard, following in western footsteps,
a communist China, with Russia, could seem to be at the head of the queue.”46
The establishment of the PRC came hand in hand with massive aid from the
Soviet Union, including the involvement of Russian teachers and professors in
historiography and the construction of the education system. The signing of the
Sino-Soviet Treaty of Friendship, Alliance, and Mutual Assistance (中蘇友好同
盟互助條約), which included that both sides agree to common ideological values,
that they shared a history of revolutionary cooperation, and that China would re-
ceive Russian aid, was followed by a “honeymoon period”.47 Soviet advisors were
sent to China. Educational specialists contributed significantly to building up the
educational system as a whole and especially tertiary education, including teacher
training. Chinese engineers, workers, and students traveled to the USSR to receive

43 Cf. Lung-chih CHANG’s contribution to this volume.

44 XIA et al.: Guomin Zhongxue Lishi vol. 4 (1971), p. 36.
45 As MARX and ENGELS were westerners, too, the West without communism is meant.
46 Joseph R. LEVENSON: Confucian China and its Modern Fate: The Problem of Intellec-
tual Continuity, London: Routledge and Kegan Paul 1958, p. 134.
47 Q. Edward WANG: “Between Marxism and Nationalism: Chinese Historiography and
the Soviet influence, 1949–1963”. In: Journal of Contemporary China 9 (23) 2000, pp. 95–
111, p. 97.

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 World History at the Service of the Ruling Party

training there48 and Marxist historiographical writings were translated into Chi-
nese. While the application of Marxist historiography to domestic history posed a
challenge in China,49 it was wholeheartedly adopted for world history.
The PRC history teaching aims (mubiao 目標, just like that in the ROC) in the
first PRC history curriculum standard clearly set the scene for a Marxist history
teaching. It states the students should:

[...] 懂得历史是劳动人民创造的，与阶级斗争是推动历史前进的动力；逐步
培养其历史唯物主义的观点与革命的战斗意志。
[...] understand that history is made by the working people, and that class struggle
is the force that pushes history to advance. [History teaching aims at] step-by-step
training [the students’] standpoint of historical materialism and [their] determina-
tion [to partake in] revolutionary struggle.50

World history textbooks in the LRdSs were compiled with Soviet help following
this maxim. The protagonists, of course, are the common people, the lower strata
of society, the peasants, the workers, and the proletariat. They are anonymous
(with rare exceptions of a few revolutionaries, such as Stenʹka RAZIN,51 LENIN)

48 Jan-Ingvar LÖFSTEDT: Chinese Educational Policy: Changes and Contradictions 1949–

79, Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell 1980, p. 62.
49 WANG: “Between Marxism and Nationalism” (2000), pp. 101–102, passim.
50 1950 “Xiaoxue lishi kecheng zanxing biaozhun (caoan)” 小学历史课程暂行标准（草
案） (Preliminary curriculum standard for primary school history teaching (draft)). In:
Kecheng jiaocai yanjiusuo 课 程 教 材 研 究 所 (ed.): 20 Shiji Zhongguo zhongxiaoxue
kecheng biaozhun jiaoxue dagang huibian, lishi juan 20 世纪中国中小学课程标准教学
大纲汇编, 历史卷 (Collection of 20th century Chinese secondary and primary school cur-
riculum standards and syllabi, History volume), Beijing: Renmin jiaoyu chubanshe 2001,
p. 104.
51 Stepan (“Stenʹka”) RAZIN (~1630–1671) and the uprising led by him are hailed by PRC
textbooks; just like in their Soviet models. The book concerns how the multiethnic and
multilingual oppressed (yazha 壓榨) common people of Russia united under RAZIN and
were able to kill rich merchants, nobles, and chase away the Tsar’s governors. They demo-
cratically elected leaders from among their ranks. Ultimately, the uprising was suppressed,
and RAZIN was killed by an enormous army of the Tsar. The 1957 textbook concludes that
the Russians will remember the heroic deeds of the rebels forever. Cf. WANG Zhijiu 王芝
九: Chuji Zhongxue Keben: Shijie Lishi 初級中学課本：世界历史 (Junior secondary
school textbook: World history) vol. 2, Beijing: Renmin jiaoyu chubanshe 1957, pp. 21ff.
On RAZIN’s image in the USSR, see Dietmar NEUTATZ: “Die Umdeutung von Razin und
Pugačev in der Sowjetunion unter Lenin und Stalin” (The reinterpretation of RAZIN and
PUGAČEV in the Soviet Union under Lenin and Stalin). In: Jahrbücher für Geschichte Ost-
europas, Neue Folge (Yearbooks for East European history) vol. 65.1 Kosakische Auf-
stände und ihre Anführer: Heroisierung, Dämonisierung und Tabuisierung der Erinnerung
(Cossack uprisings and their leaders: heroization, demonization and tabooing of memory)
2017, pp. 113–131.

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Mariana MÜNNING

and create an all-encompassing positive impetus on history. The peasants are a

mighty force, illustrated by peasant uprisings. While rebellions and revolutions are
emphasized in general, the peasants’ role in them is especially underlined. The
focus on peasants represents MAO Zedong’s ideology. He was aware of the im-
portance of the peasants for the Chinese revolution and gave them a key position
in his teachings as China did not have the large numbers of workers like industri-
alized Europe. Marxism was not only adapted to the situation in China in general,
but the textbook spoke to domestic current affairs in particular. MARTIN points out
that in the LRdSs, the reorganization of the Chinese peasants was underway, and
the textbooks were intended to encourage this process.52
The kings, feudal lords, landowners, the bourgeoisie as well as capitalists are
the antagonists, sometimes bundling several of these characteristics into one spe-
cific group of people. They are nameless and exploit and oppress the people for
their own benefit. If they make concessions to the people, they betray them later.
All this is especially true for Western, and also for Russian history.
The PRC textbooks and curricula make it clear that the greed of the Western
bourgeoisie and the capitalists does not stop at their borders. This is how interna-
tional conflicts are explained. The bourgeois and capitalists wrought havoc (eco-
nomic crisis), started the wars and established oppressive regimes (esp. fascism).
In the case of colonialism, the victims are outside of the country of origin, but in
the case of peasant serfdom etc., the victims are the compatriots, showing: you
cannot trust the bourgeois, capitalists, or the feudal lords; you should only trust
the members of your own (proletarian) class, whichever nation they belong to.
The PRC did not simply adopt the teaching of MARX and ENGELS as state doc-
trine, but subscribed to Leninism, which viewed imperialism as the highest stage
of capitalism. The liberation struggle of colonized countries is equated with the
liberation struggle of the proletariat. In this way, an international solidarity against
Western capitalist exploitation is created. Furthermore, Marxist internationalism
had already interested Chinese migrants and intellectuals decades before the proc-
lamation of the PRC.53 The class is presented to the students as reference group
that transcends all national borders. They should feel solidarity with the proletariat
all over the world. Admittedly, patriotism (“patriotic thinking” 爱国主义的思想)
is encouraged in the curriculum standards, but class belonging supersedes national

52 Dorothea A. L. MARTIN: The Making of a Sino-Marxist World View: Perceptions and

Interpretations of World History in the People’s Republic of China, Armonk / London: M.
E. Sharpe 1990, p. 49.
53 Ironically, MARX himself saw Chinese migration as a threat. Cf. Gregor BENTON: Chi-
nese Migrants and Internationalism: Forgotten histories, 1917–1945, London and New
York: Routledge 2007, pp. 5, passim.

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belonging. Although some enemies might be found outside of China, the most
important ones are actually inside of China, the landowners, the bourgeoisie, etc.
Just as it is the case with the ROC, so do the PRC textbooks and curricula
differentiate between Russia before and after the October Revolution of LRLK. The
common people of Tsarist Russia were tortured by an oppressive nobility like in
any other Western country. The Revolution, then, is a turning point. It established
socialism and transformed Russia into the only foreign country that the teaching
materials refer to as generally positive: The Soviet Union. While in the other coun-
tries, the respective classes act as separate agents in world history, the USSR can
now be referred to as being peaceful on the whole as it has overcome class differ-
ences.
The two main patriotic elements that exist in the LRdSs textbooks are the secu-
rity of the borders and the unity of a multiethnic and multilingual people. The
country is to be defended against foreign enemies (as mentioned above, this enemy
is never the foreign country’s common people, but the bourgeoisie or the ruling
elites); secure borders make the economy thrive. The people inside a country have
the ability to unite, transcending different ethnicities and languages. It is the greed
of the bourgeoisie, which keeps different countries in opposition.
Innovation only comes from the common people. No members of the elites can
act as reformers, and therefore, Peter the Great is not mentioned. In the life of
revolutionaries, their peasant or proletarian background is emphasized. This brings
us to the last important difference: What is listed as achievement for all people in
the Taiwanese textbooks is described as belonging to the bourgeoisie or benefit-
ting them in the PRC books, such as the Renaissance or all revolutions before LcQc.
While the Marxist stages of development (primitive society, slave society, feu-
dalism, capitalism, communism) are universal for all countries and are validated
in the textbooks, and the different classes are well differentiated in Western history,
the terms capitalism, imperialism, and colonialism appear in connection with the
term “West” (xifang 西方) in the curriculum standards, thereby implying that they
are Western inventions. 54 The curriculum standards, however, are much more
schematic and clear-cut black and white than the actual textbooks.
After all, this “honeymoon period” of the PRC and the USSR did not last long.
While in the realms of politics, De-Stalinization and the refusal to grant China
access to nuclear technologies led to the Sino-Soviet split (progressing gradually

54 Such as in the 1956 “Xiaoxue lishi jiaoxue dagang (caoan)” 小学历史教学大纲（草

案 ）(primary school history syllabus (draft)), pp. 118–119, or the 1963 “Quanrizhi
zhongxue lishi jiaoxue dagang (caoan) 全日制中学历史教学大纲（草案） (Fulltime sys-
tem secondary school history syllabus (draft)), p. 317. Both in: Kecheng jiaocai yanjiusuo
(ed.): 20 Shiji Zhongguo zhongxiaoxue kecheng biaozhun jiaoxue dagang huibian, lishi
juan (2001).

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Mariana MÜNNING

from LRde–LRee), in the realms of historiography, it was the inapplicability of

Marxist historiography to Chinese history that led to disenchantment with the
wholehearted adoption of all of Soviet-Russian historiography. While in the cur-
riculum standards of the LRdSs, the role of the USSR is idolized with keywords
such as “heroic” (or “hero” yingxiong 英雄) and their leadership is overly empha-
sized (“under the leadership of the Soviet Union” Sulian wei shou 蘇聯為首, the
USSR “leads” lingdao 領導, etc.), especially in the defeat of Fascism (Faxisi 法
西斯), these keywords disappear altogether in the LReN curriculum standard.55
WANG describes this “ideological rift” with the USSR and the liberation of the
Chinese Marxists “from the domination of Soviet culture” as the manifestation of
Chinese nationalism,56 especially because he discusses the discourse on the peri-
odization of Chinese history. With regard to world history, however, the general
Marxist interpretation inherited from the Soviet Union prevailed; only the role of
the USSR itself came to be estimated differently.
After the Cultural Revolution of LRee–LRKe (during which no curricula were
published) and the death of MAO Zedong, the next curriculum was published in
LRKc and shows the completion of a PRC self that is independent from the Soviet
Union and outspokenly criticizes the former idol. The USSR was no longer the
leader of the peaceful camp, but it became part of the problem by degenerating
into socialist imperialism. It is now being likened to the USA. While in the LRdSs,
an ideal image of the USSR as “grand Autre” was juxtaposed to a demonized im-
age of the USA, they are now depicted in an equally negative manner:

[…] 如苏联蜕变为社会帝国主义，美帝国主义日益衰落，苏美争霸是世界不
得安宁的根源，第三世界的觉醒和壮大等。57
[…] the transformation of the USSR into socialist imperialism, the increasing de-
cline of American imperialism, and the scramble of the USSR and the USA for
supremacy are the reason why the world cannot be at peace and why the third world
wakes up and becomes strong.

MAO Zedong is progressively characterized as the guardian of Marxism-Leninism.

Following the death of STALIN, a LRKR book explains, the USSR under

55 1963 “Quanrizhi zhongxue lishi jiaoxue dagang (caoan). In: Kecheng jiaocai yanjiusuo
(ed.): 20 Shiji Zhongguo zhongxiaoxue kecheng biaozhun jiaoxue dagang huibian, lishi
juan (2001), pp. 239 ff.
56 WANG: “Between Marxism and Nationalism” (2000), pp. 110–111.
57 1978 Quanrizhi shinianzhi xuexiao zhongxue lishi jiaoxue dagang 全日制十年制学校
中学历史教学大纲 (Secondary school history syllabus for the full-time ten-year school
system). In: Kecheng jiaocai yanjiusuo (ed.): 20 Shiji Zhongguo zhongxiaoxue kecheng
biaozhun jiaoxue dagang huibian, lishi juan (2001), pp. 327–385, p. 329.

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 World History at the Service of the Ruling Party

KHRUSHCHEV restored capitalism. Since LRde, the book continues, imperialists and
reactionaries in many countries turned against the people and the concept of so-
cialism. In order to protect the principles of Marxism-Leninism, chairman MAO
led the whole party and the whole population to stop revisionism (xiuzhengzhuyi
修正主义)58 and to stop the Soviet traitors. In this way, he leads the way for the
proletariat and revolutionaries of the whole world. This passage of the history re-
vision book is actually from the section on domestic history (Zhongguo lishi 中国
历史). I include it here because the world history section of the same book ends in
LRQd, and to show how the negative image of the USSR is employed to legitimate
Chinese domestic policy. The book specifically evokes this global conflict sce-
nario to come to speak of MAO Zedong’s speech “On the Correct Handling of
Contradictions among the People” (关于正确处理人民内部矛盾的问题) in
which he criticized the USSR for being too repressive, which was the starting sig-
nal for the Hundred Flowers Campaign.59
Multilayered metaphors in the PRC history textbooks do not stop there. Do-
rothea A. L. MARTIN demonstrates how the description of the English “Bourgeois”
Revolution (more details follow below) changed to accommodate criticism of the
USSR since the Sino-Soviet split from LReJ onwards. The restauration of the house
of Stuart, described as the “old ruling class seeking to regain power” became a
metaphor for Soviet “revisionism”. 60 After the end of the Cultural Revolution,
MAO’s death, the rehabilitation of DENG Xiaoping, and the beginning of the Reform
and Opening (gaige kaifang 改革开放) policy, the narrative changed. Textbooks
of the late LRKSs and early LRcSs cease to devote extra space to the restauration of
the house of Stuart, and in general, the “emphasis on the threat of class restoration
[…] is drastically toned down”.61 This change in the depiction of English revolu-
tionary history also reflected the amelioration of the relations with the USSR.
While still keeping its maximum distance to the USSR, the PRC began rap-
prochement with the West. In LRKL, MAO and U.S. president NIXON met. In the
same year, the PRC replaced the ROC in representing China at the United Nations.

58 HSIA argues that “Mao’s polemics against the ‘revisionists’ met with greater welcome
in Communist China than did his former policy of ‘leaning to one side’”, especially because
of the long record of hostilities between Russia and China. HSIA: “Demons in Paradise”
(1963), p. 27. The negative image of Russia (inherited from the Qing dynasty and the ROC)
was the rule while the short-lived friendship with the USSR is the exception.
59 Beijing jiaoyu xueyuan jiaocai jiaoyanbu 北京教育学院教材教研部 (Beijing Institute
of Education teaching material teaching and research office, ed.): Beijingshi zhongxue
keben: Lishi fuxi cankao ziliao 北京市中学课本：历史复习参考资料 (Beijing city sec-
ondary school textbook: History revision reference material), Beijing: Beijing chubanshe
1979, pp. 181–182.
60 MARTIN: The Making of a Sino-Marxist World View (1990), pp. 53, 55.
61 Ibid., p. 62.

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In LRKc, after MAO’s death, DENG Xiaoping’s Reform and Opening policy was
initiated, and the related “Four Modernizations” (si ge xiandaihua 四个现代化)
were inscribed in the curriculum standard in LRcS.62 Not only was the education
system reformed (beginning with the reinstallation of the college entrance exami-
nations gaokao 高考 in LRKK), the general climate for intellectuals improved,63 and
the image of the West in the textbooks also changed. The West was no longer only
seen as an imperialist and capitalist aggressor, but also as an important contributor
of technological and scientific innovations. The image of the Industrial Revolution,
for example, changed completely. The suffering of the workers took the backseat
while the invention of new machinery and the improvement of infrastructure were
praised.64 It was then that world history in the PRC was no longer used to legiti-
mize Soviet support, but Westernization. This Westernization, however, as Alisa
JONES demonstrates, was limited to the modernization of technology and science
and excluded the introduction of Western values.65

62 Abbreviated “si hua” 四化. 1980 “Quanri zhi shi nian zhi xuexiao zhongxue lishi jiaoxue
dagang” 全日制十年制学校中学历史教学大纲 (Secondary school history syllabus for
the full-time ten-year school system). In: Kecheng jiaocai yanjiusuo (ed.): 20 Shiji
Zhongguo zhongxiaoxue kecheng biaozhun jiaoxue dagang huibian, lishi juan (2001),
pp. 386–439, p. 386.
63 The reforms in the PRC education system after MAO’s death have been discussed by
Edward VICKERS and ZENG Xiaodong: Education and Society in Post-Mao China, New
York: Routledge 2017. They point out that PRC education system was not always homog-
enous. Especially in the first years, achieving universal education was a great challenge and
had to periodically be shelved to pursue the aim of elite schooling for the few. Differences
between the provinces or rural and urban environments persevere until today. See also:
Suzanne PEPPER: Radicalism and Education Reform in 20th-Century China: The Search for
an Ideal Development Model, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1996; Stewart FRA-
SER (comp., ed.): Chinese Communist Education. Records of the First Decade, New York:
Wiley 1965. The two juxtaposing forces or approaches in the Chinese government that also
compete in the management of the education system have been labeled “red” and “expert”
as they represent diehard communist ideologists versus utilitarian technocrats. Their com-
petition has been described as a main driving force behind policy changes in the PRC. See
Ann KENT: “Red and Expert: The Revolution in Education at Shanghai’s Teachers’ Uni-
versity, 1975–76”. In: The China Quarterly no. 86, 1981, pp. 304–321.
64 SHOU Jiyu 寿纪瑜, YAN Zhiliang 严志梁, CHEN Qi 陈其: Chuji zhongxue keben: Shijie
lishi 初级中学课本：世界历史 (Junior secondary school textbook: World history), Hubei:
Renmin jiaoyu chubanshe 1988, pp. 50–52.
65 Alisa JONES: “Changing the Past to serve the Present”. In Gi-Wook SHIN and Daniel C.
SNEIDER (ed.): History Textbooks and the Wars in Asia: Divided Memories, London and
New York: Routledge 2011, p. 84.

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 World History at the Service of the Ruling Party

Comparison of Historical Events

To illustrate the different images of Russia and the West presented in ROC and
PRC textbooks, the following pages attempt a comparison of individual historical
events in textbooks of the two regimes. The chosen events are described in both
the ROC and PRC textbooks and illustrate the different roles ascribed to the vari-
ous “others” in the respective “Geschichtsbild”. Another important difference be-
tween ROC and PRC textbooks lie in the choice of events. For example, the PRC
books place an important emphasis on the Paris Commune of LcKL,66 an event that
is not mentioned in the ROC books at all. However, only examples of historical
events that can be found in both are presented here.

Antiquity

Both the ROC and the PRC world history textbooks provide the students with ca-
nonical knowledge about antiquity. The striking difference, however, is the focus
on different agents in history, symbolized also by the use of different illustrations,
and different assessments. The ROC books do not question traditional authorities
and rely on a history of “great men”. The Marxist books of the PRC, in contrast,
provide the viewpoint of the lower classes and describe social and economic dy-
namics.
The discussion of antiquity in the ROC books is dominated by the description
of the national character of the historic groups and ethnicities and by a focus on
providing a nomenclature of Western achievements. The first great achievement
is democracy, introduced in the discussion of Greece. It does not mention, how-
ever, that the Greeks had slaves or that other certain prices that had to be paid in
order to keep up such a societal structure:

雅典人熱愛自由，實行民主政治，國家的大事由人民決定或由人民選出的代
表來管理。67
The Athenians loved freedom and practiced democratic politics. Important affairs
of the state were managed by the people or by representatives elected by the people.

66 MARTIN analyses it: MARTIN: The Making of a Sino-Marxist World View (1990),
pp. 67 ff.
67 XIA et al.: Guomin Zhongxue Lishi vol. 4 (1971), p. 15.

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As philosophy is discussed, it is made clear that “Greek culture is the major source
of Western culture” (希臘文化是西方文化的主要泉源).68 The students are then
introduced to the names of famous ancient Greek philosophers (the “three philos-
ophers” Socrates, Plato, and Aristotle) without learning anything about their teach-
ings. A parallel is drawn between the West and China:

蘇格拉底和我國的孔子約為同時，有人稱蘇氏為「西方的孔子」，稱孔子為
「東方的蘇格拉底」。他們兩人的學說，也有很多相似相通之處。69
Socrates and Confucius from China roughly lived at the same time, some people
call Socrates the “Western Confucius” and Confucius the “Eastern Socrates”. The
teachings of the two also have many common points.

This comparison of Socrates and Confucius goes back to FENG Youlan’s (LcRd–
LRRS) “History of Chinese Philosophy” (Zhongguo Zhexue Shi 中國哲學史, first
published in LRNL) in which he likens Confucius’ teachings with the teachings of the
Greek Sophists (zhizhe 智者) and the influence of Confucius in the Chinese histor-
ical perspective to the influence of Socrates for Western thought.70
As we proceed toward the culture of Rome, the category “Indo Europeans [!]”
(印歐民族) is introduced to describe not only Greeks and Romans, but also the an-
cestors of contemporary European nations. While the Greek are described as lively,
passionate, and imaginative (活潑熱情和富於幻想), the Romans are depicted as
earnest, down-to-earth, and said to determinedly put things into practice (腳踏實地，
著重於力行實踐). Therefore, volume Q from LRKL argues that the Romans’ contri-
butions lie mainly in the realms of law and politics as well as other practical issues
(所以羅馬人對於文化的貢獻，也偏重於法律和政治等實際問題).71
The aspect of law leads to a characterization of the Western world in general:

法律：西方人重視法治，各國皆有其成文法或不成文法，為全國人民所一致
遵守，這種習慣和觀念，全是導源於羅馬。72
Law: Westerners attach great importance to the rule of law. Each country has writ-
ten or unwritten law, by which all citizens completely abide. This habit and concept
originated entirely from Rome.

68 Ibid. p. 16.
69 Ibid. pp. 17–18.
70 FENG Youlan 馮友蘭: Zhongguo Zhexue Shi 中國哲學史 (History of Chinese Philoso-
phy) vol. 1, Beijing: Zhonghua shuju 1992, p 71. Compare also BODDE’s English translation:
FUNG Yu-Lan: A History of Chinese Philosophy, tr. by Derk BODDE, Princeton: Princeton
University Press 1952, p. 49.
71 XIA et al.: Guomin Zhongxue Lishi vol. 4 (1971), p. 24.
72 Ibid.

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 World History at the Service of the Ruling Party

The introduction of codified law is listed explicitly as an achievement. Implicitly,

it is added to the list of characteristics of a successful nation. The abidance by law
becomes an imperative for the Taiwanese students.
One of the illustrations is the Roman emperor Augustus (fig. Q-L),73 namely a
black-and-white picture of the Augustus of Prima Porta statue preserved at the
Vatican Museums. It illustrates how the Taiwanese books concentrate on a histor-
ical narrative of “great men” that does not put into question the power structures
in a state. They convey a classicist image of Western history (inherited from the
Renaissance and enlightenment historians) that sees these early achievements of
civilization as a basis of future progress.

Figure Q-L: Augustus of Prima Porta Figure Q-J: Spartacus

This photograph of August of Prima Spartacus the slave as cover image of the
Porta was taken by James ANDERSON PRC world history textbook by LI Gengxu.
(LcLN–LcKK) about LcQd–Lcdd. This or a The image goes back to a fresco in Pompeii75
similar photo must have been the tem- and can also be found in German Democratic
plate for the ROC textbook illustration, Republic history textbooks for the dth
as Augustus has the staff in his hand, grade.76
which is not part of the statue itself.74

73 Ibid., p. 23.
74 Digital image courtesy of the Getty’s Open Content Program. Available online:
http://www.getty.edu/art/collection/objects/41131/james-anderson-augustus-of-prima-
porta-british-about-1845-1855/ (last access 2020, March 3).
75 Brent D. SHAW (transl., ed.): Spartacus and the Slave Wars: A Brief History with Docu-
ments, Boston and New York: Palgrave Macmillan 2001, p. 15.
76 Cf. Dieter BEHRENDT, Hans FRIEDRICH and Hannelore IFFERT: Geschichte (History) 5,
Berlin: Volk und Wissen 1973, p. 115.

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The PRC books set a tone that is strikingly different. Already the title image of
“World history for junior secondary school”77 shows that in PRC history textbooks,
the lowest people in society are the heroes of history: The cover shows the image
of the slave Spartacus on a horse with shield, short sword, and helmet, the spear
that wounded him sticking in his thigh (fig. Q-J). Karl MARX himself had already
expressed his appreciation of Spartacus. LENIN expanded on this and constructed
a class struggle narrative for antiquity according to which ancient Rome was char-
acterized by a struggle between slaves and masters. Spartacus then began to play
a key role in Soviet historiography under STALIN.78
Following this Soviet take on antiquity in the framework of stages according to
historical materialism, slavery is the important characteristic of not only ancient
Rome, but also Egypt and Greece. This second stage of human development (after
primitive communism) is illustrated in the PRC books with a slave in shackles and
a Roman slave collar (fig. Q-N).79 The inhumane treatment of the slaves is discussed,
and it is explained that the ancient Roman society was very unequal with clear dif-
ferences between nobles, citizens and slaves. The achievements of the West that
are hailed in the ROC textbooks are deconstructed in the PRC books to show that
they happened because of the exploitation of the working (or later in history, colo-
nized) people. The slave uprising led by Spartacus is described, setting the scene
for the narrative focus of PRC history on the heroes among the commoners or low
strata of society, and their ability to rise as well as to start revolts and revolutions.

Figure Q-N: Slave collar

77 LI Gengxu 李赓序: Chuji zhongxue keben: Shijie lishi 初级中学课本：世界历史 (Ju-

nior secondary school textbook: World history) vol. 1, Beijing: Renmin jiaoyu chubanshe
1957 (first published 1955).
78 SHAW, Spartacus and the Slave Wars (2001), pp. 14–17.
79 LI: Shijie Lishi vol. 1 (1957), p. 72. The image of the slave collar bears striking resem-
blance to an illustration from Hutton WEBSTER: Ancient History, Boston, MA: D.C. Heath
& Co., 1913, see https://etc.usf.edu/clipart/80200/80292/80292_collar.htm (last access
2020, June 5).

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 World History at the Service of the Ruling Party

The (Italian) Renaissance

Also in the description of the Renaissance (wenyifuxing 文藝復興), striking dif-

ferences can be seen between the ROC and the PRC books. However, there is one
important similarity that shows how China in general wants to reclaim its im-
portance vis-à-vis the mighty West, whose hegemony rests on developments that
already began during the Renaissance. Both regimes highlight the stimulus by
China or Asia.
The LRKL ROC textbook writes that while Europe was dwelling in the Dark
Ages, Asian culture prospered:

如果把此時的東方和西方作一比較，顯然是亞洲超過了歐洲。80
If one were to compare East and West at that time, Asia would obviously have
surpassed Europe.

The Middle Ages ended thanks to the Crusaders and the campaigns of the Mongols,
who are clearly presented as a part of the Chinese nation. The travels of Marco
POLO and the influence of his travel report are also mentioned in this light. Alt-
hough both the Crusades and the Mongol invasions were acts of war claiming
many casualties, they are seen as positive, because they led to the contact between
European and Asian cultures. Indirectly, China takes credit for Europe’s progress
toward modernity:

十字軍東征和蒙古西征，[…] 使東西文化發生了密切的接觸。由於比較進步
的東方文化輸入西方，形成了一股動力，促成了啟迪近代歐洲文化昌明的文
藝復興運動。81
The eastward march of the Crusaders and the westward march of the Mongols, […]
made Eastern and Western culture come into close contact. The relatively advanced
culture of the East entered the West, which led to an impetus that facilitated the
Renaissance movement of the flourishing enlightened Modern European culture.

The Renaissance is, for the ROC, the beginning of “Modern Europe” and of a
development toward the Reformation, maritime navigation, colonialism and the
industrial revolution. These four “movements” lead Europe “from backwardness
to progress, from darkness to light, from reservation to openness, from poverty to
prosperity” (由落後轉為進步，由黑暗轉為光明，由閉塞轉為開放，由貧乏
轉為繁榮).82 Until the LRth century, Europe had reached a status of hegemony

80 XIA et al.: Guomin Zhongxue Lishi vol. 4 (1971), p. 39.

81 Ibid., p. 38.
82 Ibid., p. 50.

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over the entire world (世界的霸權地位). In short, the textbook argues that Europe
attained hegemony thanks to Asia as a whole and China in particular.
As in other sections of the ROC book, the reasons why a certain event or period
came into being, are neatly enumerated.83 The three reasons given for the Renais-
sance are the stimulus (ciji 刺激) by the Eastern Culture, the rise and prosperity of
the cities and commerce, and the introduction of paper making and printing tech-
nology from China (via the Arabs). A great number of achievements of the Re-
naissance are enumerated such as the new thought of Humanism (renwenzhuyi 人
文主義) that focused on man and not god. Other achievements such as art and
science are also noted while many Renaissance figures are enumerated with their
achievements (PETRARCH, Leonardo DA VINCI, etc.). Vernacular literature
(“topolect literature” fangyan wenxue 方言文學) developed and developed into
nowadays’ national languages (DANTE, CERVANTES, SHAKESPEARE, LUTHER).
Translating “Renaissance” as “再生 [zai sheng] Re birth [sic]” or “新生 [xin sheng]
New-birth [sic]”, the book explains that it was not only a movement to revive an-
cient times (fugu yundong 復古運動) but also wanted to be a movement of rebirth
(xinsheng yundong 新生運動), in the course of which the thought of the people
was liberated; literature, art, science, technology, and other more generalized
views of life (rensheng guan 人生觀) were renewed and opened up new pro-
spects.84
The PRC textbooks, in contrast, view the Renaissance as “bourgeois culture”
(zichan jieji wenhua 資产阶級文化). On the one hand, the book acknowledges
that science, technology and the arts were freed from the constraints of the church;
the “superstition” (mixin 迷信)85 of the church was overcome by “enlightenment”
(qifa 启发). As the bourgeoisie tried to revive the culture of antiquity, the term
“Renaissance” (wenyi fuxing 文艺复兴, different to the ROC books, no English
terms are used) was coined. Leonardo DA VINCI and his Mona Lisa are mentioned,
with pictures; a common ground of the PRC and ROC books.
On the other hand, as the PRC books lay out, the beginning of the division of
labor in the wool handicraft industry during the Renaissance constituted the earli-
est capitalist production mode and gave rise to the bourgeoisie (zichan jieji fenzi
資产阶級分子) who were in control of society. They wanted to use the developing

83 A characteristic of liberal “Whig” historiography.

84 XIA et al.: Guomin Zhongxue Lishi vol. 4 (1971), pp. 50ff.
85 This praise of overcoming “superstition” mixin 迷信 resonates with campaigns against
a wide range of popular (religious) practices that were either seen as potentially subversive
or simply a “misallocation of resources badly needed for industrial development”. The im-
pulse to limit or eradicate “superstition” precedes the PRC. John WILLIAMS: “Superstition”.
In: Christian SORACE, Ivan FRENCESCHINI, Nicholas LOUBERE: Afterlives of Chinese Com-
munism: Political Concepts from Mao to Xi, Acton: ANU Press 2019, pp. 270, 272.

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 World History at the Service of the Ruling Party

science and technology to increase their riches. The new culture86 and the liberated
science remained in the hands of the few members of the bourgeoisie, not in the
hands of the laboring people. As the workers (gongren 工人) were exploited, the
first uprising (qiyi 起义) of workers in history took place in Italy in LNKc.87
Another development which fell into the hands of the bourgeoisie and was thus
only used for the benefit of their own social class was the invention of printing by
the Chinese, of which the Europeans learned through the Mongols (a clear parallel
to the ROC books). In the Ldth century then, the German GUTENBERG improved
printing by developing a “hand printing machine” (shou yao yinshuaji 手摇印刷
机) for movable type.88
In contrast to the ROC textbooks, single achievements or artists (except Leo-
nardo DA VINCI) are not hailed in the PRC textbooks of the LRdSs as they concen-
trated on a rather dogmatic Marxist presentation of history. This view, however,
shifts notably during the Reform and Opening policy, when in the LRcQ World
history textbook, the scientific and cultural achievements of DANTE, SHAKE-
SPEARE, GALILEI, and COPERNICUS are lauded.89 The political rapprochement with
the West comes hand in hand with a convergence of PRC and ROC images of the
West and paves the way for a friendlier relationship between the two beginning in
the late LRcSs.

Reformation

In the ROC books the Reformation (zongjiao gaige 宗教改革, lit: “religion re-
form”) is described as leading toward the development of new culture and the rise
of nation states (minzu guojia de xingqi 民族國家的興起). The emergence of na-
tion states is one of the main narratives in the world history textbooks and is well
in line with the nationalist state ideology. That corrupt practices of an overly pow-
erful Catholic Church were exposed and ended by the Reformation is just one of
three outcomes. The other ones are the birth of national consciousness (minzu yishi
民族意識) as the sovereigns became independent of the Pope and the abolition of
certificates of absolution and other economic activities that had hitherto benefitted

86 I suspect this to also be a critique of the Republican May Fourth Movement / New Cul-
ture Movement and HU Shi and other liberals who equated it with the Renaissance.
87 WANG: Shijie Lishi vol. 2 (1957), pp. 6–8.
88 Ibid., p. 8.
89 SHOU Jiyu 寿纪瑜 (ed.): Gaoji zhongxue keben: Shijie Lishi 高级中学课本：世界历
史 (Higher level secondary school textbook: world history) vol. 1, Beijing: Renmin jiaoyu
chubanshe 1984, pp. 136–39.

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the Church. Now, the lords were able to acquire great wealth, which is seen as a
development toward self-determination.90
In stark contrast, in the PRC books, the Reformation is seen in the context of
social inequalities and exploitation and as a consequence of economic pressure. In
a scattered Germany, feudal lords raise many taxes and seize land of the peasants,
who then have to borrow money from loan sharks (gaolidaizhe 高利貸者) in order
to pay their taxes. Additionally, the Catholic Church forces the peasants to pay a
share of their harvest as taxes and uses several ways to cheat the people out of their
money (pianqian 骗钱, such as letters of indulgence) or to suppress them (such as
tribunes against heretics).
This leads to the people and Martin LUTHER opposing the church. As in other
passages, the role of workers and especially peasants and their revolutionary force
is emphasized. As the handicraft workers in the cities suffer from heavy taxation
by the nobles, they begin a revolt. They realize that they need to join forces with
the peasants.
The PRC book points out that it was especially the bourgeoisie who opposed
the economic practices of the Catholic Church and wanted their church to replace
it. As an outcome of the Reformation, the beneficiary of taxation and exploitation
changes while the injustice prevails. The Catholic “feudal church” is replaced by
a “new” “bourgeois” church: Protestantism (xinjiao 信教, lit. “new teaching”).91
By labelling Protestantism as “bourgeois”, the PRC book delegitimizes it. This
rhetoric of delegitimization is employed to virtually all events that are listed as
(Western) “achievements” in the ROC books. All social and political movements
before the establishment of Communism by MARX and ENGELS are labeled “bour-
geois”.

Seafaring and Colonialism

The description of seafaring and colonization (hanghai he zhimin 航海和殖民) is

discussed in a positive way in the ROC textbooks. The discovery of new routes,
establishment of trade relations and colonization elevated Europe from poverty,
made it prosperous and thus connected the continents. For Western history as a
whole, this meant that the Mediterranean period (Dizhonghai shidai 地中海時代)
ended and the Atlantic period (Daxiyang shidai 大西洋時代) began, in which the
countries bordering the Atlantic Ocean attained the superior status. With the rise
of the cities and the development of mercantilism, which replaced the manorialism

90 XIA et al.: Guomin Zhongxue Lishi, vol. 4, (1971), pp. 55ff.

91 WANG: Shijie Lishi vol. 2 (1957), pp. 13–16.

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of the feudal Middle Ages, the demand for products increased, which had to be
imported to Europe from elsewhere. Unlike in the PRC textbooks, the hardship
suffered by the colonized people is downplayed in the ROC books, that is, unless
it specifically concerns China.92
The PRC textbooks criticize colonialism as a whole. They make it clear that
the discovery of new sea routes to India and the Americas was, like most “achieve-
ments” in Western history, motivated by greed, as the Europeans were hoping to
find gold in India and China.93 A map shows “the Ldth and Leth centuries’ discov-
ery of new sea routes and the plundering of colonies” (shiwu shiji dao shiliu shiji
xin hanglu de faxian he zhimindi de lüeduo 十五世紀到十六世紀新航路的发現
和殖民地的掠夺).94 Not only the routes of the Western explorers Bartolomeu
DIAS, Vasco DA GAMA, COLUMBUS, and MAGELLAN are drawn on the map. They
are also put into perspective with reference to the routes that the Chinese explorer
ZHENG He 郑和 took LQSd–LQNN. Relevant places of origin and of destination are
marked, but not only the ones of the Western explorers (such as the European
countries of departure, Africa with the Cape of Good Hope or the Caribbean Island
of San Salvador), but also the Ming Empire with Liujiagang 刘家港, ZHENG He’s
point of departure.95 By inserting Chinese into Western history, the Chinese histo-
riographer validates the Marxist theory of history for China by showing that the
same historical stages were completed there (or even earlier) in order to legitimize
the rule of the Communist Party today. This was an important objective of the
Chinese historians and the reason for dispute with Soviet historians.96
The rhetoric describing the colonial activities of Spain and Portugal creates a
cruel and unjust image in the PRC books. The agents of wrongdoing who occupy
and plunder gold and silver are the kings, not the common people. Colonialism is
seen as a global phenomenon: The submission of the people in Central and South
America, the enslavement of Africans who are brought there to lead an inhumane
life (feiren de shenghuo 非人的生活)97, leads to the installation of the Portuguese
and Spanish in Asia (India, Macau, Philippines). In all these colonies in the “East”
(“Dongfang” 东方, the book uses quotation marks), exploitation (boxue 剝削),

92 XIA et al.: Guomin Zhongxue Lishi vol. 4 (1971), p. 60 ff.

93 WANG: Shijie Lishi vol. 2 (1957), p. 8.
94 Note the partially abbreviated orthography in the books that were published after the
“Chinese Character Simplification Scheme” (Hanzi jianhua fang’an 漢字簡化方案) of
1956 and before the promulgation of the “List of simplified characters” (Hanzi jianhua
zongbiao 汉字简化总表) 1964.
95 Ibid. p. 10.
96 Cf. WANG: “Between Marxism and Nationalism” (2000). The emancipation of the So-
viet view on Chinese history is labelled as “nationalism” by WANG.
97 WANG: Shijie Lishi vol. 2 (1957), pp. 11–12.

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persecution (pohai 迫害), and massacres (tusha 屠殺) take place. The resources
extracted from the colonies enabled the Europeans’ capitalist development.98
A striking difference of the ROC textbooks in comparison to the PRC text-
books is that the effects of colonialism on China are discussed in the books on
domestic history (usually titled Zhongguo Lishi or Benguo Lishi 本国历史). The
ROC books seem to aim at avoiding a connection with other oppressed people.
However, even in the ROC textbooks, the hardship suffered by the colonized, with
regard to China, is acknowledged. In the textbooks, becoming the victim of colo-
nialism is seen as an impetus for modernization and self-strengthening. In the PRC
textbooks, however, in accordance with Leninism, colonization is seen as the epit-
ome of the struggle against capitalist oppression and the aforementioned solidarity
among all colonized people is evoked. In so far, it is possible to say that the ROC
and the PRC history textbooks find different explanations for the Chinese trauma
of a hitherto “all under heaven” falling victim to the colonialism of “Barbarians”.99

England

English history provides a good example for the comparison of the view on polit-
ical and economic developments in the West. Already the placement within greater
historical dynamics stands for the different conceptions of the role of England for
world history.
In the ROC books, England features as an important element in the chapter on
absolutism (junzhu zhuanzhi 君主專制), which in turn is seen as an important
stepping stone toward the formation of nation states, as it fostered the development
of “national consciousness” (minzu yishi 民族意識). England is presented as a
“nation state” (minzu guojia 民族國家) that was mainly established by the Anglo-
Saxons.100 The section on the English monarchy is, like many other chapters in the
book, full of personal names. The Taiwanese students are introduced to the Tudors,
Henry VIII, and Elizabeth I, all with corresponding pictures. The Puritan Revolu-
tion (qingjiaotu geming 清教徒革命) and the English Revolution (“Glorious Rev-
olution”, adopting the British term: guangrong geming 光榮革命 Lecc/LecR) are
discussed, climaxing in the English Constitution (Yingguo de yihui zhengzhi 英國
的議會政治), with the parliament and constitutional monarchy as important

98 Ibid., p. 11.
99 Note CHEN and CHEN’s discussion of orientalism and the discursive Other (after SAID
and BHABA) in the ROC curriculum standards. CHEN/CHEN: “Guozhong Lishi Kegang
zhong de Ouzhou yixiang” (2018), pp. 27–55.
100 Ethnic categorizations play a prominent role in the ROC books, much unlike the PRC
books.

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(Western) political achievements.101 This is an important difference to the descrip-

tion in the PRC books.
In the PRC books, the rise of centralized nation states (zhongyang minzu guojia
中央民族国家) is acknowledged, too. However, social inequalities and economy
as well as class dynamics are part of the main focus. Even the concentration of
power in the hands of the English king is seen as an evil scheme of the “new no-
bility” (xin guizu 新貴族),102 industrials and landowners. As they acquired great
wealth, they stood against the nobles and feudalism in general. History is not nec-
essarily narrated as the ever-progressing enumeration of achievements as in the
ROC books, but as a struggle between the classes for economic resources.
In contrast to the ROC book, the Hundred Years’ War between England and
France plays an important role in the PRC book in order to show that peace is
impossible under feudalism or a monarchy. The classes and social inequalities
drive the main narrative. Something like national character or other ethnic specific
tendencies do not appear. Instead, the kings and the nobility, of both France and
England, appear as greedy and oppressive – which is the reason why France and
England found themselves in this long succession of wars. The general term of the
“ruling class” (tongzhi jieji 統治阶級) is employed. Especially the peasants, but
also the masses of the people in general, are portrayed as heroic. They are the
driving force behind upheavals, revolutions and innovation, and fight for their
equality and against constant oppression and precarious living conditions. The
unity of peasants103 and poor people is able to “terribly frighten” (xiahuai 吓坏)
the nobility (guizu 貴族), especially in France, but also in England. In English
history, the fact that the English king first accepted, but then did not grant the
peasants their demands, i.e. the “ruling class” “shamelessly” (wuchi 無恥) be-
trayed (pian 騙) the peasants, is a further example of the depravity of the elites
who continue to exploit the poor who in turn were forced to dwell in a state of
serfdom (nongnu 農奴).104
For the PRC books, the progression of history according to the Marxist stages
is key, and so is the establishment of capitalism in England. Three main conditions
(tiaojian 条件) enabled it, implying that capitalism was invented in England and
that capitalism is English per se. Those three conditions are: the manufacturers

101 XIA et al.: Guomin Zhongxue Lishi vol. 4 (1971), pp. 69–72.
102 I. e., merchants who were given titles and fiefs for their help in the civil war.
103 As mentioned above, MAO put special emphasis on the role of the peasants. MARTIN:
The Making of a Sino-Marxist World View (1990), p. 49.
104 LI: Shijie lishi vol. 1 (1957), pp. 136–137.

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(gongchang shougongye 工場手工业),105 the enclosure movement (quandi yun-

dong 圈地运动), and overseas plundering (haiwai lüeduo 海外掠夺).106 The birth
of capitalism heralds the beginning of Modern History:

近代历史是資本主义从确立到衰落，无产阶級从兴起到壯大的历史。資本主
义是在英国最先确立的，无产阶級是在英国最先出現的。107
Modern History is the history from the establishment to the decline of capitalism,
and from the rise to strength of the proletariat. Capitalism was first established in
England, and the proletariat also first appeared in England.

The question whether or not the birth of capitalism was to be considered the start-
ing signal for Modern History, had been matter of considerable debate among So-
viet historians of the early LRdSs, some argued for the French, some (like Alekseĭ
Vladimirovich EFIMOV, LcRe–LRKL) for the English Revolution. The PRC more or
less fortuitously decided to follow EFIMOV’s view, even before the matter was
officially decided in favor of the English (“Bourgeois”) Revolution in LRde.108
The PRC books describe the economic development in detail. The manufac-
turers, in the case of England especially in the wool industry, constitute the begin-
ning of capitalist production (英國的資本主文生产开始盛行) in the Leth century.
The enclosure movement is presented as an evil scheme of the government: (new)
nobles just take the land of the peasants, enclose it with fences and convert it into
pasture areas.109 The peasants, formerly able to earn a comfortable living by sell-
ing wool to the textile workshops,110 are forced to lead a vagrant life, are criminal-
ized (also branded and executed), and driven to the manufacturers in the cities to
work. In this way, the nobles not only acquire pastures for the sheep for the

105 Cf. “manufacture” (Manufaktur) in: Karl MARX, Das Kapital I.I. Hamburg: Otto
Meissner, 1867, pp. 318 ff. Accessed online: Deutsches Textarchiv, http://www.deutsch-
estextarchiv.de/book/view/marx_kapital01_1867/ (last access 2020, June 4).
106 WANG: Shijie Lishi vol. 2 (1957), pp. 16–17.
107 Zhejiangsheng zhongxiaoxue jiaocai bianji weiyuanhui 浙江省中小学教材編輯委员
会 (Zhejiang province secondary and primary school teaching material compilation com-
mittee, ed.): Chuzhong Lishi 初中历史 (Junior secondary school history) vol. 4: Shijie Jin-
dai Xiandaishi 世界近代现代史 (Modern and contemporary world history), Hangzhou:
Zhejiang jiaoyu chubanshe 1958, p. 1.
108 MARTIN: The Making of a Sino-Marxist World View (1990), pp. 45, 50. Compare with
EFIMOV’s textbook Novai͡a istorii͡a, pervai͡a chastʹ (Recent History, part one), described in:
U.S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare (ed.): Teaching the Social Sciences and
the Humanities in the U.S.S.R., 1959, pp. 10 ff.
109 WANG: Shijie Lishi vol. 2 (1957), p. 18.
110 Zhejiangsheng zhongxiaoxue jiaocai bianji weiyuanhui: Shijie Jindai Xiandaishi
(1958), p. 1.

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production of wool, but also cheap labor for their wool handicraft industry.111 Cap-
italist production and the accumulation of capital began in England on the ground
of bitter exploitation (从殘酷剝削中积累資金).112
The aforementioned described plundering of the overseas colonies by the Eng-
lish bourgeoisie is the last link in the chain to enable the development of capitalism,
as the PRC books point out. The trading companies (maoyi gongsi 贸易公司),
such as the East India Company, are just “overseas plundering organizations” (hai-
wai lüeduo jigou 海外掠夺机构). 113 In India, the English levied heavy taxes,
bought all the grain and sold it at an appallingly expensive price. Great famines
took place and millions of people starved to death in the Lcth century.114 The Eng-
lish furthermore “poisoned” (duhai 毒害) China with Opium. Silver from China
and other valuables were used by England to accumulate capital. Even as a victim,
China is credited for a contribution to the progression of world history.115
The economic dynamics now called for political change. Against the backdrop
of the birth of capitalism, the PRC books come to describe the English Revolution
as “English Bourgeois Revolution” (英国資产階級革命). According to the PRC
books, this revolution was not as positive as Western and Taiwanese historiog-
raphy would perhaps want us to believe. England was still in a political state of
backwards feudalism, reigned by a king who not only oppressed the workers, but
also extracted taxes from the bourgeoisie. Absolutism posed a serious impediment
to capitalism reaching the next level. Therefore, the bourgeoisie began to fight
with the king. Initially on their own, the bourgeoisie was easily defeated. But then,
they joined forces with the poor: peasants, workers of the manufactures. These
poor fought a heroic war, defeated the king’s army and arrested and executed the
king. The bourgeoisie depended on the masses of the people for their victory, feu-
dalism was smashed (cuihui 摧毁). Strong and pictorial language describes the
nameless heroes of the lower strata of society. The bourgeois government that was
established, however, was built on the enslavement of the people (却騎在人民头
上奴役人民). Although such a slave society is long gone, the vocabulary suggests
that the same inequality prevailed. The peasants who had helped the bourgeoisie
win still did not receive any land. Even worse, the enclosure movement sped up,
peasants who owned the land they tilled completely disappeared. English colonies

111 WANG: Shijie Lishi vol. 2 (1957), p. 18.

112 Zhejiangsheng zhongxiaoxue jiaocai bianji weiyuanhui: Shijie Jindai Xiandaishi
(1958), p. 1.
113 WANG: Shijie Lishi vol. 2 (1957), p. 18.
114 Zhejiangsheng zhongxiaoxue jiaocai bianji weiyuanhui: Shijie Jindai Xiandaishi
(1958), p. 2.
115 WANG: Shijie Lishi vol. 2 (1957), p. 18.

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were expanded, the bourgeoisie added to their riches by increasing their exploita-
tion and oppression of people in England and also, more generally, the world.116
The English Bourgeois Revolution is one of many examples of how the PRC
textbooks deconstruct and delegitimize Western “achievements” by arguing how
they were made possible by the lower classes of society but only benefitted the
ruling elites. These elites twisted the accomplishments of the common people to
make them serve their own needs. Be it in terms of the English Revolution or the
French Revolution, the resulting political changes are rejected by the PRC books
as “bourgeois”.

The World Wars, Soviet Russia, and U.S. Intervention

The ROC and the PRC name different reasons for breakout of the two world wars
(apart from the tangible event of Franz Ferdinand being murdered etc.). In the
ROC books, the preconditions for WWI were exaggerated nationalism, economic
competition, and the forming of alliances against other countries. This exaggerated
nationalism was, for example, Pan-Slavism and Pan-Germanism that aimed at
uniting these ethnic groups and expanding their territories. Economic competition
denoted the competition between the industrially advanced European nations for
the market, resources, and, as both were to be found there, colonies. The alliances
that many countries made for their own security finally drew everybody into the
war, as the allies were obliged to help each other.
The Wilsonian approach is rather obvious in this presentation by the ROC
books: All countries must be in one union, all kind of fragmentation, exclusion or
building of individual groups might lead to war. WILSON himself is credited as a
great idealist politician and the League of Nations initiated by him as a very posi-
tive idea that was simply not carried out well enough. The later success of the
United Nations is already foreshadowed. The blame for the negative outcome of
the Paris Peace Conference after WWI is seen on all politicians, excluding WILSON.
CLEMENCEAU and LLOYD GEORGE only saw the benefit of their own people and
selfishly sought revenge in the form of reparations.117
In the PRC history textbooks, the growing “contradiction” (maodun 矛盾) 118
between the imperialist countries eventually led to WWI.119 The textbooks state

116 Zhejiangsheng zhongxiaoxue jiaocai bianji weiyuanhui: Shijie Jindai Xiandaishi

(1958), p. 1.
117 XIA et al.: Guomin Zhongxue Lishi vol. 5 (1971), pp. 23–33.
118 Contradiction is a key concept in MAO Zedong’s teachings, cf. his essay “On Contra-
diction” (Maodun lun 矛盾論, 1937).
119 WANG: Shijie Lishi vol. 2 (1957), p. 75.

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that actors like the USA did not join the war to bring peace, but to contend for
supremacy. The common people, especially the workers and peasants who were
forced to fight or work in arms factories, did not win anything. Therefore, LENIN
called for turning the international war into a national one, i.e. into a revolution
against the capitalists.
The Russian Revolution is a crucial interlude before, and leading to the end of,
WWI120 and the main achievement in world history. This is illustrated by the LRQK
painting “V. I. LENIN proclaims Soviet power” (列宁宣布苏维埃政权成立) by
Vladimir SEROV (LRLS–LRec)121 which is also the cover image of the PRC world
history book remaining the standard for the next decades (fig. Q-Q). This painting
is also symbolic for Chinese-Soviet relations and their increasingly diverging in-
terpretations of Marxism. It was the first version of SEROV’s representations of
LENIN’s proclamation, and behind LENIN, we see STALIN, Felix DZERZHINSKY and
Yakov SVERDLOV. It was gifted to MAO Zedong by the USSR and the scene found
its way onto the face of numerous stamps, posters, and other media formats in both
China and the USSR. When the USSR de-Stalinized, and DZERZHINSKY and
SVERDLOV fell into disgrace, SEROV repainted the scene and replaced the three
with nameless figures.122 The first version of this painting, remaining on the cover
of the world history books and in the most important Chinese museum, symbolizes
how the PRC held fast onto Stalinism, developed its own Marxism “with Chinese
characteristics” and split ties with the USSR.

120 The PRC book states more precisely that the success of the October Revolution and the
establishment of socialism lead to the end of WWI because the Germans and the Austrians
hear about peace in Russia and “everybody opposed to continue fighting and demanded
peace” (大家都反对继续作战，要求和平), see WANG: Shijie Lihsi, (1957) p. 88.
121 Inside WANG: Shijie Lishi vol. 2 (1957), it is on page 85.
122 Chang-Tai HUNG: “Oil Paintings and Politics: Weaving a Heroic Tale of the Chinese
Communist Revolution”. In: Comparative Studies in Society and History vol. 49 no. 4, Oct.
2007, pp. 783–814, p. 807. The painting is now kept at the Chinese National Museum (中
国 国 家 博 物 馆). A digital reproduction can be accessed at: http://www.chnmu-
seum.cn/zp/zpml/201812/t20181218_25510.shtml. (last access 2020, June 5).

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Figure Q-Q: LENIN proclaims Soviet power

Title image of WANG Zhijiu’s Shijie Lishi (World history) after SEROV’s LRQK
painting “V. I. Lenin proclaims Soviet power”.

According to the PRC books, the establishment of Soviet Russia is crucial for the
end of WWI. The October Revolution marks the beginning of the section on con-
temporary (xiandai 现代) history. However, as a prelude to that, the emergence of
“scientific communism” with the works of MARX and ENGELS, as well as its tryout
in the Paris commune, which gives a first taste of the dictatorship of the proletariat,
is seen as one of the reasons why moribund capitalism enters the last stage and
with it, the War breaks out as some sort of final convulsion.
The inter-war period as described in the LRKL ROC-textbook is characterized
by the Great Depression and the establishment of dictatorships. The Depression
leads to the decline in democratic nations, such as England, France, and especially
the USA. The USA, terribly hit by the crisis, kept to itself, which only changed
after ROOSEVELT was elected president. This is a clear call for U.S. intervention.
The ROC books define dictatorships as states in which one person has all the
power, the people are restricted in their freedom and they aim at invading other
countries. The books talk about the Communist Party in Russia, the Fascist Party
in Italy, and the National Socialist party (Guoshedang 國社黨, also “Nazi” nacui
納粹) in Germany.123 It goes without saying that this alignment of Soviet Russia
with the Fascists and National Socialists is diametrically opposed to the presenta-
tion in PRC textbooks.

123 XIA et al.: Guomin Zhongxue Lishi vol. 5 (1971), p. 41.

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The anti-Soviet ROC-books present a negative view on the Soviet Union. They
imply that the Russian people were tricked into supporting the Soviets by promis-
ing them a dictatorship of the proletariat, while it really turned out to be a dicta-
torship with all the power in the hands of LENIN, and later STALIN, not even in the
hands of the Communist Party. Furthermore, the ROC books argue, communism
as an economic system did also fail. They describe how LENIN began to govern
according to communist theory, and how it failed to work; peasants and workers
became lazy and their work slowed down, the economy went bankrupt and many
people starved to death. Two aspects, however, are acknowledged, namely that
Soviet Russia sought to make peace with Germany toward the end of WWI, and
that the era of the Russian Empire, a longtime enemy of the ROC, came to an
end.124 This could be seen as an analogy to the end of the Qing empire, which is
undoubtedly seen in a positive light by the KMT.
According to the ROC books, the National Socialists in Germany were able to
rise to power because the Weimar Republican government did not rest on a secure
basis, and rightist conservatives and leftist communists fought for power. The Ver-
sailles Treaty humiliated and finally angered the Germans as the reparations they
were forced to pay led to the degradation of the economy, as well as the rise of
poverty and unemployment. Similar to China after the Versailles Treaty, Germany
suffered from “inner trouble and foreign aggression” (nei you wai huan 內憂外患:
This catchphrase is often used to describe China’s situation;125 using it for Ger-
many creates a certain solidarity), i.e. the treaty from the outside and the Com-
munists from the inside. Thanks to these preconditions, the Nazis were able to win
a mandate and form a government with HITLER.126
As presented in the ROC books, WWII had to take place to restore the Western
Democratic order and liberal economy – i.e. the ideal state of the world. The image
of ROOSEVELT being sworn as president127 resonates with the paintings of the proc-
lamation of kings and emperors of nation states earlier in the book, providing him
with legitimacy. With ROOSEVELT and his New Deal, the economic crisis was
ended, and the “Western traditional democratic system was not destroyed” (西方
的傳統民主制度未受破壞). The U.S. ended their separatism and found their
way back to Wilsonian idealism. The success of the USA proved that democracy
stood up to the challenge. Thanks to the U.S.’ participation in WWII, the atomic
bombs were launched, and Japan capitulated. The considerable anti-Japanism and
pro-Americanism are visible by the choice of images. They show one of the atomic

124 Ibid., pp. 34–37.

125 Cf. DMITRENKO’s contribution to this volume.
126 XIA et al.: Guomin Zhongxue Lishi vol. 5 (1971), p. 41.
127 Ibid., p. 46.

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bomb’s detonation, the signing of the capitulation by Japan, Eisenhower, Ameri-

can flags, and Allied airplanes. The KMT legitimizes its rule by siding with the
winners.128 The book ends with laudations of postwar achievements, such as the
founding of the United Nations and the progress of science and technology, illus-
trated by the landing on the moon.129 It leaps to the eye that these are all Western
achievements.
According to the PRC textbooks, in contrast, capitalism pulled the world into
WWII. The “contradiction” between the capitalist countries led to the economic
crisis and the Fascist “attack”. The Great Depression is depicted to have happened
because the capitalist countries’ markets were weakened due to the establishment
of socialism in Russia, and because of the liberation struggle of the colonized and
semi colonized countries. Economic reasons facilitate the rise of the Nazis in Ger-
many. They are called “fascist” (faxisi 法西斯) to avoid all association with so-
cialism. The decrease in industrial production, trade, and increase in unemploy-
ment hit Germany especially hard; the struggle of the German proletariat grew in
intensity day by day while the contradictions with other countries, such as England,
France and the U.S. also increased. The establishment of HITLER’s regime was a
scheme of the bourgeoisie to oppress the people:

为了加强压榨人民，为了准备新的战争，德国資产阶級捧出代表壟斷資本家
集团利益的希特勒， 他建立法西斯的恐怖性专政。130
In order to exploit the people and to prepare a new war, the German bourgeoisie
supported the representative of the interests of the monopolistic capitalist group,
HITLER, and let him establish a terror dictatorship.

The LRdSs PRC books clearly take sides with the USSR against the West; while all
Western countries either support or at least tolerate the fascists and their attacks
(Japan in China, for example), only the Soviets urge the League of Nations to

128 Japanese colonization was estimated differently by Taiwanese and KMT mainlanders
that came to the island after 1945. The former saw it in a much more positive light but were
not able to articulate that during martial law and White Terror. Today, after martial law was
lifted in 1987, and as Taiwan’s history education started to undergo “Taiwanization”, these
views can be expressed. Compare Polina RYSAKOVA’s contribution to this volume.
129 XIA et al.: Guomin Zhongxue Lishi vol. 5 (1971), pp. 62, 83, passim.
130 WANG: Shijie Lishi vol. 2 (1957), p. 98.

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restrain them. They also support the “Spanish people’s struggle against fascism”131
and the Chinese war of resistance against Japan.132
In the description of the outbreak of WWII, the PRC books unmask Western
(capitalist) hostility toward the USSR and reluctance to step in for world peace.
They argue that the West is only mindful of its own advantage. It is described how
the capitalist world was divided into two camps: Germany, Italy and Japan on one
side versus the USA, England and France on the other. The latter did not intervene
as Germany attacked Poland, in the hope that the Germans would eventually also
conquer the USSR. However, the contradictions between the capitalist countries
(i.e. all except the USSR) were so strong that war broke out between them. Poland
was overrun by Germany, but the Polish people continued their struggle against
fascism, the PRC book claims. The Soviet Union did not want to join the war as it
was peace loving but had no choice but to defend itself against Germany, which
the Red Army, in turn, did “heroically” (yingyong de 英勇地).133
In countries which were attacked by fascists, like in France, members of the
bourgeoisie act as traitors (maiguozei 卖国賊) and surrender to accept fascist mil-
itary rule and to establish a puppet regime. Only the people patriotically resist the
foreign invasion, mostly under the leadership of the communist parties and com-
munism in general.134 In this way, the PRC books also delegitimize the former
KMT rule on the mainland, alluding to the puppet regimes installed there by the
Japanese.
The Second World War is said to have ended when the Soviets take Berlin and
join the Chinese people to defeat Japan in China. The atomic bombs are not men-
tioned. After the war, the Soviet Union and China develop their socialist govern-
ments and societies further and make great progress. The oppressed nations in Asia
and Africa strive for and already partly achieve their freedom at that time.135 An
important characteristic of history textbooks in the PRC: Most of them end with
the Second World War and the establishment of the PRC. It is to be repeated that
the exaltation of Soviet activities decreases and comes to an end with the Sino-
Soviet split.

131 “西班牙人民的反法西斯斗争”. The book does not provide any detail, but from the
dates it is clear that the Soviet involvement in the Spanish Civil War (1936–39) is meant.
See: WANG: Shijie Lishi vol. 2 (1957), p. 99. On the Soviet activities in Spain, see: John
MCCANNON: “Soviet intervention in the Spanish Civil War, 1936–39: A Reexamination”.
In: Russian History, Vol. 22, No. 2 (summer 1995), pp. 154–180.
132 WANG: Shijie Lishi vol. 2 (1957), p. 99.
133 Ibid., pp. 99–102.
134 Ibid., p. 100.
135 Ibid., pp. 104, 107.

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Conclusion

Some important differences can be described in the description of world history

and the respective perceptions of Russia and the West in ROC and PRC textbooks.
If they had to be summarized in one keyword each, the fitting ones would be “ap-
propriation” vs “deconstruction” of the West (fig. Q-d, Q-e) and “demonization” vs
“idolization” of Russia.

Figure Q-d: Qianlong-era vase Figure Q-e: Slave in shackles

The cover of XIA et al.’s Lishi (History) for jun- The picture of a slave in shackles
ior secondary schools vol. d in the editions of from LI’s Shijie Lishi (World His-
LRKL and LRKN from the ROC bears a photograph tory) illustrates that in the PRC
of a copper-padded porcelain vase painted with books, Western achievements are
Western figures from the Qianlong era, Qing demasked as benefitting the ruling
Dynasty (清 - 乾隆 - 銅胎畫琺瑯西洋人物觀 classes and having been accom-
音瓶) preserved in the National Palace Mu- plished by exploiting the lower clas-
seum in Taiwan. The Western figures on it il- ses.137
lustrate the aspect of “appropriation”.136

136 XIA et al.: Guomin Zhongxue Lishi, vol. 5, title page. Image source: National Palace
Museum 國 立 故 宮 博 物 院 OPEN DATA, Taiwan, https://theme.npm.edu.tw/open
data/DigitImageSets.aspx?sNo=04014126 (last access 2020, March 3).
137 LI: Shijie Lishi vol. 1 (1957), p. 72.

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The ROC appropriates Western achievements by learning about them, internaliz-

ing them, and integrating them into their own worldview, such as democracy, law,
scientific, artistic, and technological progress and, most importantly, nationhood.
The ROC books not only accept the normative framework of the West as “grand
Autre” but also see it as a model for the future self, as LACAN’s lowercased “other”.
The PRC deconstructs Western wealth, power, and hegemony by showing that
they actually only belong to a tiny upper stratum of Western society; that they have
been achieved by brutal exploitation; and that they caused great pain to the world.
It aims at also deconstructing the power imbalance between “East” and “West”,
likening the exploitation of colonized peoples of the “East” to the oppression of
proletariat all over the world (Leninism). With the Reform and Opening policy,
however, Western technological innovation was increasingly seen in a positive
light.
For Soviet Russia, the situation is juxtaposed – in the LRdSs. The ROC demon-
izes the Soviet Union, while the PRC idolizes it. The demonization serves the aim
of legitimizing the recapturing of the mainland by the KMT whereas the idoliza-
tion caters to the legitimization of Marxism in China by a communist party that
identified the self with the USSR.
Considering Tsarist Russia, the ROC presents Peter the Great as a reformer, an
image that goes way back to the times in the LRth century when Qing intellectuals
demanded modernization. The PRC, in contrast, treats Tsarist Russia like all other
European countries and focuses on the exploitation of poor and working people
by the nobility. The books of both the ROC and the PRC, however, also show that
the Sino-Russian relationship had always been a difficult, if not dangerous one.
The image of the USSR in the PRC textbooks is subject to dramatic changes.
The curricula were significantly altered as policies and the Sino-Soviet relations
bettered or, for the most part, worsened. Marxism with Chinese characteristics
evolved into a doctrine of its own and led to severe clashes with the Soviet Union.
The PRC had a veritable “coming of age”, dropping the former laudations of the
USSR, and gradually bringing in overt criticism in the history books before styl-
izing itself as the only legitimate communist country. The LRcSs, however, were
to see an appeasement between the two powers.
In the long run, the different approaches to world history can be seen as differ-
ent reactions to the trauma of China’s forced opening to the West in the LRth cen-
tury, humiliated by the Opium Wars and the unequal treaties. The traditional con-
cept of a Chinese empire which literally represented “all under heaven” had to be
discarded. The ROC in Taiwan ultimately sided with the West as the winner and
accepted Western norms. The PRC, in contrast, rejected these values and presented
itself as the leader of the opposing camp.

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Polina RYSAKOVA

d The Images of Western Countries

and Russia in History Textbooks for
Secondary Schools in the PRC and
Republic of China on Taiwan in
LRRS–JSSSs

Abstract. This chapter deals with the analysis of the presentations of Western coun-
tries and Russia in mainland Chinese and Taiwanese history textbooks for second-
ary school level in LRRSs–JSLSs. The analysis of Western states and Russia’s images
in contemporary history books of the People’s Republic of China (PRC/ mainland
China) and the Republic of China (ROC/Taiwan/the Republic/the Island) serves to
demonstrate that in the academic and political environment of both societies, the
content of these textbooks reflects complex and multidirectional trends. In recent
decades, the image of the Western countries and Russia has been defined by main-
land Chinese and Taiwanese political and economic policies aimed at their integra-
tion into the world’s global institutions. For this purpose, previous history concepts
gave way to a new theoretical framework. From that perspective, mainland China
and Taiwan became considered an integrative part of the global historical process
led by the West to form a united world political and economic system. Western
countries received a much more positive appraisal as the main leading states con-
tributing to the formation of the world economy system. At the same time, this
global history concept is used in the history textbooks of mainland China and Tai-
wan as a tool for constructing national identity and supporting their domestic polit-
ical agenda.

Keywords. History textbooks, Modernization, Colonization, Globalization,

Global history.

Published in: Gotelind MÜLLER and Nikolay SAMOYLOV (eds.): Chinese Perceptions of
Russia and the West. Changes, Continuities, and Contingencies during the Twentieth Cen-
tury. Heidelberg: CrossAsia-eBooks, JSJS. DOI: https://doi.org/LS.LLdcc/xabooks.eeL.

LQd
Polina RYSAKOVA

Introduction

In recent decades, the educational systems of both the PRC and the ROC have
been a major newsmaker, arousing interest not only among educators, but also
experts in political science and international relations.1 This can be explained by
the Chinese and Taiwanese currently striving to redefine their political and ideo-
logical identities, which, in turn, impacts their education. In view of today’s glob-
alization of higher education, schools have taken the lead in communicating the
fundamental provisions of a state’s ideology as well as sociocultural and political
values of a nation upon teaching such subjects as history, civic education, and
social studies. For mainland China and Taiwan, where education has traditionally
been a priority for the government, the school reform is of particular importance.
School reform is aimed not only at its structure, but also at its philosophy, espe-
cially as far as history is concerned. Both political entities struggle to provide a
comprehensive ideological framework for interpreting historical events and cur-
rent affairs as well as explaining their position in the region and the world.
They are revising not only key events in the national history, but also the mile-
stones in world history and international politics. Today’s political and economic
contradictions among Asian countries are therefore revealed in the way the events
of the recent past – their joint history of the JSth century – are being interpreted.2
Thus, the so-called “history wars” illustrate how history education in the schools
of China, Japan, and Korea is in fact ideologically changed.3 It is worth mention-
ing that from schools, interpretations of the national, regional, and world history

1 Marie LALL and Edward VICKERS (eds.): Education as a Political Tool in Asia. Routledge
2009; ZAJDA J. (ed.): Nation-Building and History Education in a Global Culture, Springer
2015.
2 MORRIS-SUZUKI T., LOW M., PETROV L. and TSU T. Y.: East Asia Beyond the History
Wars: Confronting the Ghosts of Violence, Routledge 2013; Gi-Wook SHIN and Daniel C.
SNEIDER (ed.): History Textbooks and the Wars in Asia: Divided Memories, Routledge 2011.
3 However, it should be noted that the problem of interpretation and, to some extent, ideol-
ogization of history education was manifested in course of the national educational policy
implementation not only in Asia but also in Europe. For example, in 1937, 26 states under
the auspices of the League of Nations signed the Declaration Regarding the Teaching of
History (Revision of School Text Books). Meanwhile, representatives of the most powerful
states of the time refused to sign the document in view of external interference in the na-
tional educational policy. As a result, the principles set out in the Declaration have been
adopted by only a small number of countries, and the international debate on history school
education has been most productive between closely related states with long-standing rela-
tions, such as the Nordic and Latin American countries. See: Falk PINGEL (ed.) UNESCO
Guidebook on Textbook Research and Textbook Revision, Paris/Braunschweig: United Na-
tions Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization 2010, pp. 9–11.

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 The Images of Western Countries and Russia in History Textbooks

later, affect both interstate and interindividual relations in the globalized environ-
ment. For example, they define destinations for educational, labor, and tourist mi-
grations, as well as strategies for cultural and niche consumption.
The way Asian countries generate mutual images and deliver them in school
subjects has long interested experts, resulting in a number of topical studies.4 In
contrast, Western images are still under researched. This article targets the images
of the West and Russia in Chinese and Russian school textbooks featuring the
period LRRS to JSLS. The study analyses the history curricula for the junior and
senior grades of secondary school, as well as the most popular textbooks devel-
oped alongside their guidelines and issued by the largest publishing houses in
mainland China and Taiwan. This article discusses three issues: milestones in the
school history reform over the LRRSs–JSLSs; current trends in modern historical
studies in mainland China and Taiwan applied to textbooks in view; the image of
the West and Russia in history textbooks for high school level within this period.

Secondary School History Curricular Reform in PRC and

ROC in LRRSs–JSLSs

Before the analysis of Western countries and Russia’s images in Chinese and Tai-
wanese school textbooks of the LRRSs–JSSSs, it is necessary to outline the socio-
political environment to which the educational policy of PRC and ROC has been
introduced, later instigating the revision of new textbooks. Both in mainland China
and Taiwan, the issue of teaching history at school is an essential part of domestic
political agenda, which, in turn, is largely defined by ongoing self-determination
and development of the world outlook. Since the LRRSs to this day, school educa-
tion has undergone a number of significant changes affecting both its structure and
content. First of all, it should be noted that over the given period, the state policy
for curriculum and textbook development changed significantly.
China of the LRRSs continued the LRcSs’ shift from a centralized system of de-
veloping education and publication standards to higher autonomy for regions and
therefore greater diversity in teaching methods. The policy of “yi gang yi ben, 一
纲一本” (one educational plan, one textbook) was abandoned in favor of varying
textbooks. Moreover, LRRQ saw new regional educational plans, such as those in

4 Edward VICKERS, Paul MORRIS and Naoko SHIMAZU: Imagining Japan in Post-war East
Asia: identity politics, schooling and popular culture, London: Routledge 2013.

LQK
Polina RYSAKOVA

Shanghai and Prov. Zhejiang.5 Further, in the JSSSs, with the introduction of new
syllabi for junior and senior secondary schools, the main emphasis was placed on
diversifying textbooks for different regions of the country, while maintaining a
single curriculum6. This policy of “yi gang duo ben 一纲多本” (one curriculum,
many textbooks) allowed for several large regional publishers: Renmin Chubanshe
人民出版社 (People’s Publishing House); Yuelu Shushe 岳麓书社 (Yuelu Pub-
lishing House) in Prov. Hunan; and Daxiang Chubanshe 大象出版社 (Elephant
Press) in Prov. Henan. However, the publishing lead was maintained by the Bei-
jing-based publishing house Renmin Jiaoyu Chubanshe, 人民教育出版社 (Peo-
ple's Education Press), which issued textbooks closest to the state standard.
The trend for the JSSSs for more vigilant state control over development and
publication of textbooks for all grades of secondary school continued to grow over
the JSLSs. JSLJ witnessed the next stage in school textbooks reform, aimed at cen-
tralized development, compilation and publication of textbooks on such funda-
mental subjects in junior high school curriculum as the native language, history
and politics/morality. They started to develop new textbooks on these three sub-
jects in JSLJ only to introduce them in JSLK. A radical innovation at the time was
the final approval of textbooks by Guojia Jiaocai Weiyuanhui 国家教材委员会
(the Special State Committee on Teaching Manuals) established in JSLK. This es-
tablishment was meant to emphasize the centralized approach to development, re-
vision, and introduction of textbooks. After JSLK, textbook unification policy was
extended to senior secondary school. In JSLR, some regions of the country ventured
to introduce a single history textbook for senior high school. Thus, over the past
decades since LRRS, China's educational policy for textbooks aimed to limit region-
alism and promote centralization for the native language, history, politics/morality,
which are key subjects in terms of ideology.
The ROC showed similar trends for centralization and liberalization of state
policy in school textbooks regulation over the LRRSs–JSLSs. Starting from the LRdSs
and up to the LRKSs, the state had enjoyed the right to develop and publish uniform
versions of school textbooks for all levels of school education. In the LRKSs, there
was then a spell of minor liberalization – diversity of textbooks – which involved
only the natural sciences. When it came to humanities subjects, they continued to
use a single set of textbooks until the LRRSs. This practice stopped with the LRRd
reform introducing a single curriculum instead of a single textbook, which allowed

5 Alisa JONES: “Politics and history curriculum reform in post-Mao China”. In: Interna-
tional Journal of Educational Research, vol. 37, 2002, pp. 545–566.
6 Yunhuo CUI and Yan ZHU: “Curriculum reforms in China: history and the present day”,
Revue internationale d’éducation de Sèvres, Colloque: L’éducation en Asie en 2014: Quels
enjeux mondiaux?, 2014, June 05. Available online: http://journals.openedition.org/
ries/3846 (last access 2019, December 2).

LQc
 The Images of Western Countries and Russia in History Textbooks

for different textbooks.7 Later, it was the content of the curriculum which rival
political parties in Taiwan fought over in their ideological and political struggles.
Currently, Taiwanese schools employ several different textbooks published by
major publishing houses, such as Sanmin Shuju 三民書局 (San Min Book/ Sanmin
Publishing), Hanlin Chubanshe 翰林出版社 (Hanlin Publishing ), Nanyi Shuju 南
一書局 (Nanyi Publishing). To sum up, it should be noted that over the period of
LRRS–JSLS the main trend in school textbooks regulation was the introduction of
different school textbooks published by commercial publishers. However, the po-
litical and ideological struggle was mainly over the curriculum that could change
ideological attitudes of the dominant political party. Qualitative changes in the
educational policy of PRC and ROC between LRRS and JSLS were of similar im-
portance. These innovations had a direct impact on emphases made upon teaching
history in high school and, in particular, broadcasting images of Russia and West-
ern countries. The next discussion will consider how the concept of teaching his-
tory on both sides of the Taiwan Strait has changed over the LRRSs–JSLSs.

Reinterpretation of world history in China’s and Taiwan’s

history research

As far as ideological policy of modern mainland China is concerned, a growing

number of researchers note a trend for nationalism; citizens, especially the youth,
manifest power and importance of the Chinese nation. 8 Scholars attribute this
trend to changes in Chinese educational policy with new civil and history educa-
tion programs introduced to the schools of secondary and higher education level.
This long-term trend began in the LRRSs with the introduction of “patriotic educa-
tion”. The campaign for patriotic education was meant to deal with the challenges
associated with the geopolitical changes of the time: the collapse of the Soviet

7 Vladimir STOLOJAN: “Curriculum Reform and the Teaching of History in High Schools
during the Ma Ying-jeou Presidency”. In: Journal of Current Chinese Affairs, 2017, vol.
46, no. 1, p. 101–130; PENG Minghui 彭明輝: “Taiwan de lishi jiaoyu yu lishi jiaokeshu
(1945–2000)” 臺灣的歷史教育與歷史教科書（1945–2000） (Historical education and
historical textbooks in Taiwan (1945–2000)). In: Historiography East & West, vol. 2, no.
2, pp. 231–232.
8 Suisheng ZHAO: “A State-Led Nationalism: The Patriotic Education Campaign in Post-
Tiananmen China”. In: Communist and Post-Communist Studies, vol. 31, no. 3, 1998,
pp. 287–302.

LQR
Polina RYSAKOVA

Union and criticism of the socialist model. On top of that, it aspired to offer a new
unifying concept after the tragic youth protests in LRcR.
The key element to the patriotic campaign was the history reform in schools of
secondary and higher education level, which aimed at revising the very concept of
history education.9 In order to reinforce patriotism in LRRJ, it was decided to teach
national history in senior high school alongside the world history. Moreover, the
additional emphasis was made on modern and contemporary history of China,
from which the concept of history education originated. The centenary from LcQR
to LRQR was labeled as the “bainian guoru 百年国辱” (one hundred years of hu-
miliation), followed by a period of slow recovery for the Chinese nation.10 There-
fore, in respect of processing history materials, the focus shifted from the history
of interparty confrontation between the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and the
Kuomintang (Guomindang 国民党, the Nationalist Party) to the conflicts between
mainland China and foreign countries in the LRth and JSth centuries. In other
words, the principal innovation of LRRSs was a new “patriotic narrative” which
replaced the class struggle discourse. The modern and contemporary history of
China was no longer marked by the CCP’s triumph in interparty struggle. On the
contrary, it was marked by the time China suffered from the aggression of foreign
powers.
The erosion of the “class struggle” concept underpinning history education of
the past continued in the JSSSs with new historiographical concepts stated in new
curriculum. The new educational standard for junior high school was officially
launched in JSSL with a pilot session in selected provincial schools. By JSSd, the
new standard had been introduced everywhere.11 Meanwhile, the new standard for
the senior secondary school was underway. The latter was test launched in JSSQ in
four provinces and adopted as mandatory for all national schools in JSLS.12 The
new standard for history in senior secondary school involved a number of concep-
tual innovations: history was no longer defined by class struggle; the history of
China emerged with the world history. These novel aspects to historical presenta-
tion are of great importance for this research paper. Changes in history

9 Zheng WANG: “The Power of History and Memory: National ‘Patriotic Education’ and
China’s Conflict Behavior in Crises with the U.S., 1991–2001”. A dissertation submitted
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at George
Mason University 2005.
10 Ibid., p. 97.
11 An updated version of the Junior high school standard was published in JSLL. In: “Yiwu
jiaoyu lishi kecheng biaozhun (JSLL nianban)” 义务教育 历史课程标准 (JSLL 年版) (Com-
pulsory education. History curriculum standard, JSLL edition). Available online: http://matL.
gtimg.com/edu/pdf/edu/xkbJSLL/JSLJSLNSLddRLQLdJ.pdf (last access JSLR, December, J).
12 Hong-Biao YIN and John Chi-Kin LEE (ed.) Curriculum reform in China: Changes and
challenges, New York: Nova Science Publishers 2012, p. 18.

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 The Images of Western Countries and Russia in History Textbooks

interpretation have set a different perspective on the image of Western countries,

their role in world history and the history of China.13
As mentioned earlier, innovations in the standard of history education in school
were closely related to the main trends in Chinese history. China’s involvement in
the world economy and politics meant new approaches to interpreting history.
When revising the historical materialism, it was decided to rely on American and
European studies, which later laid the ideological and theoretical foundations for
such a modern historiographical concept as “global history”.14 Interest in these
studies as well as in the emerging “global history” concept was fueled by the fact
that their authors did not contradict Chinese scholars. The world history processed
in the global framework did not override historical materialism, which facilitated
the “global history” movement in China. In fact, “global historians” criticized Eu-
rocentrism, suggesting a new vision of regional actors in the world history. Ap-
parently, this idea became popular with Chinese historians. Eventually, the new
historiographical paradigm helped Chinese historians develop methodological
tools for studying globalization.15
One of the Chinese historians who popularized “global history” in the LRRSs
was Prof. WU Yuqin 吴于廑 (LRLN–LRRN). As a Harvard graduate later employed
at Wuhan University, he authored and helped to develop a number of major scien-
tific works and textbooks on world history.16 Modern Chinese historiographical
community praises Prof. WU Yuqin for his concept of “zhengti shijie shi guan 整
体 世 界 史 观” (complex world history) which is frequently cited in today’s

13 “Gaozhong lishikecheng baiozhun” 高中历史新课程标准 (History curriculum standard

for senior secondary school). Available online: http://www.zyyz.cn/%Ee%Rd%RR%Ed%
cA%AL%Ed%AQ%cQ/%Ee%Re%BS%Ec%AF%BE%EK%Ac%cB%Ec%AF%BE%EK%
Ac%cB%Ee%AS%cK%Ed%cK%ce%Ed%cF%cA%Ec%AK%AN%Ec%AF%BB/%Ec%A
F%BE%EK%Ac%cB%Ee%AS%cK%Ed%cK%ce/%ER%AB%Rc%EQ%Bc%AD%Ed%cE
%ce%Ed%cF%BJ%Ee%Re%BS%Ec%AF%BE%EK%Ac%cB%Ee%AS%cK%Ed%cK%c
e.htm (last access JSLR, December, J).
14 LIU Xincheng: “The Global View of History in China”. In: Journal of World History,
vol. 23, no. 3, 2012, pp. 491–511; Nicola SPAKOWSKI: “National aspirations on a global
stage: concepts of world/global history in contemporary China”. In: Journal of Global His-
tory, vol. 4, no. 3, 2009, pp. 475–495.
15 Ibid., pp. 499–500.
16 WU Yuqin 吴于廑, ZHOU Yiliang 周一良, QI Sihe 齐思和, ZHU Huan 朱寰, YANG
Shengmao 楊生茂, ZHANG Zhilian 張芝联 and CHENG Qiuyun 程秋原: Shijie tongshi 世
界通史 (World’s comprehensive history), Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 1962; WU
Yuqin 吴于廑 and QI Shirong 齐世荣 (ed.): Shijieshi 世界史 (World’s history), Beijing,
Gaodeng jiaoyu chubanshe, 1992–1994; XU Lan 徐蓝: “WU Yuqin xiansheng de shijie lishi
guan yu wo de shijie lishi jiaoxue” 吴于廑先生的世界历史观与我的世界历史教学 (Mr.
WU Yuqin's World History View and My Teaching of World History). In: Wuhan daxue
xuebao 武汉大学学报 (Journal of Wuhan University), vol. 6, no. 6, pp. 29–32.

LdL
Polina RYSAKOVA

historical research.17 According to the Chinese historian, the fundamental factor

for historical development was the mode of production, the quality of productive
forces. This allowed for a three stage model of world history: gudai 古代 (antiq-
uity), jindai 近代 (modern times), and xiandai 现代 (contemporary times ). An-
tiquity was mainly associated with the origin and development of the agricultural
society. This meant gradual involvement of formerly nomadic communities with
an agricultural lifestyle.
The world’s historical development took a turn in the Ldth–LKth centuries. LdSS,
the time of great geographical discoveries, opened a new era which eliminated the
former isolation of nations. This time period was also defined by capitalistic pro-
duction mode, which secured the future industrial revolution and the rise of indus-
trial society. The Ldth–LKth century marked the beginning of “world history” with
a “zhengti shijieti 整体世界体” (complex world system) gradually emerging as
well as the industrial society being established worldwide.18 The historical devel-
opment went horizontally, bringing capitalism to different parts of the world and
promoting industrial societies in various forms.
One of the challenges which both WU Yuqin and contemporary scholars have
been facing is to interpret a socialist model alongside the concept of global capi-
talization. WU Yuqin characterized the JSth century as a period of capitalist and
socialist confrontation as well as their mutual influence and mutual deterrence.
The collapse of socialism in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe meant new pro-
spects for the capitalist society. Nevertheless, the socialist model employed by the
developing states was not to be abandoned. The historian concluded that new so-
cialism would survive any transformation of capitalism.19
Interestingly, the concept of LRRSs by WU Yuqin is still relevant. Being an im-
portant milestone in “global history” studies, it attracts a growing number of Chi-
nese historians. In fact, the “global history” concept often receives political and
ideological support. At a special meeting on philosophical and social sciences in
China, May JSLe, president XI Jinping insisted on developing a philosophical and
social paradigm with Chinese characteristics (zhongguo tese zhexue shehui kexue,

17 LIU Jinghua 刘景华: “WU Yuqin xiansheng dui zhengti shijie shi guan xueshu yuanyuan
de tantao” 吴于廑先生对整体世界史观学术渊源的探讨 (Deep Discussion on the Aca-
demic Origins of the Overall World History View by Mr. WU Yuqin). In: Wuhan daxue
xuebao 武汉大学学报 (Journal of Wuhan University), vol. e, no. e, pp. NJ–QS; CHEN Zhi-
qiang 陈志强: “Lun WU Yuqin ‘zhengti shijie lishiguan’” 论吴于廑 “整体世界史观”
(On WU Yuqin's “Overall World History View”). In: Shijie tongshi 世界历史 (World’s
comprehensive history), no. J, JSLN.
18 CHEN: “Lun WU Yuqin ‘zhengti shijie lishi guan’” (2013), p. 55.
19 Ibid., p. 56.

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 The Images of Western Countries and Russia in History Textbooks

中国特色哲学社会科学)20. The subsequent academic discussion proved the pop-

ularity of XI’s idea with scholars working within the framework of “global his-
tory”. In fact, the concept of “world history” became an academic achievement of
Chinese scholars.21 Not only were new theoretical and methodological approaches
applied in the actual historiographical research, but also they were employed for
teaching history both in colleges and schools. This resulted in new standards of
history education and textbooks.
What was new about teaching history in high school in the JSSSs? Earlier it
was mentioned that the very concept of the historical development underwent re-
vision overshadowing the idea of class struggle as its main characteristic feature.
History was now thought to involve all regions of the world. This brought forward
the idea of the interconnectedness of different societies – the co-influence of Chi-
nese and foreign history (Zhong wai he bian 中外合编), as well as the concept of
continuous historical trends – and the link between past and present experiences
(guantong gujin 贯通古今)22. As a consequence, in terms of delivering historical
material, the emphasis was put on common features and similar processes. The
history of China was no longer separated from the world history, but rather the
former was viewed as an integral part of the latter. The amount of material con-
cerning the world and Chinese history finally equaled, which was not the case by
the previous standard.
The idea of Chinese history being in tune with the world history found its way
into academic material on the main topics covering different periods in the history.
Moreover, an attempt was made to abandon a restricted interpretation of history
as a series of political events. Sections on economic and cultural history were fi-
nally balanced out in terms of their volume.

20 XI Jinping. “Speech at the working meeting on Philosophy and Social Science (full
text))”, 2016, May 18. Available online: http://news.xinhuanet.com/politics/2016-
05/18/c_1118891128_3.htm (last access 2019, December 2).
21 ZHANG Xiang 张象. “Building a World History System with Chinese Characteristics”,
2016, September 5. Available online http://www.cssn.cn/zx/201609/t20160905_3188307_
2.shtml (last access 2019, December 2).
22 YU Xiuping俞秀萍: “Cong quanqiu shi guan kuitan gaozhong lishi xin jiaocai de xueshu
xing shiye – yi 2007 nian ren jiao ban jiaocai wei li” 从全球史观窥探高中历史新教材的
学术性视野—以 2007 年人教版教材为例 (Penetrating the academic vision of new high
school history textbooks from the perspective of global history – with the 2007 People’s
education publishing textbook as an example). In: Xin jiaoyu 新教育 (New Education),
2015, no. 4, p. 78; LI Yun 李昀: “Zhongguo shijie shi xueke tixi de goujian yu jiaoxue
moshi de gaige” 中国世界史学科体系的构建与教学模式的改革 (Construction of Chi-
nese World History as a Discipline System and Reform of Teaching Mode) In: Cangsang
沧桑, 2011, no. 1, pp. 141–142.

LdN
Polina RYSAKOVA

Surprisingly, the JSSSs’ curriculum, which emphasized global integration, was

used in the JSLSs to develop a set of textbooks. The latter were characterized with
the utmost attention to the issues of national identity. As this set of textbooks was
carried out under centralized state control, they are featured with the sociopolitical
discourse of the JSLSs under XI Jinping. Textbooks were introduced to junior high
schools in JSLK; they were taken up by senior high schools in JSLR as well.
The concept to be taken into account for analyzing the innovations in textbooks
of the JSLSs is “The Belt and Road Initiative”. Another characteristic trend in to-
day’s political and academic environment of China, which should be taken into
consideration, is the heated debates over the so-called “discourse power” (huayu
quan 话语权). This means China’s subjective position in formulating and com-
municating ideological provisions within the country and abroad. The recent de-
velopment of the “discourse power” concept testifies to ambitions of China to im-
pose its own sociopolitical outlook on the world and China’s disposition in it.
Clearly, this vision is meant to reinforce the real economic and political power of
the country in the world system. The ambition is to depart from “global” discourse
and to promote China’s interpretation of the context.
In this study, the most important component of the debate over the “discourse
power” should be mass media and education systems with their role in communi-
cating new terms and meanings. Educational institutions aim to develop new text-
books. As a result, the “system of textbooks” is a step toward new social and hu-
manitarian disciplines with Chinese characteristics, as well as a new system of
academic subjects, methods of scientific research and terminology.23 This context
for junior and senior high school textbook reform is part of the focus of this chapter
since it influenced three ideologically charged subjects: history, the native lan-
guage, and politics/morality.
History textbooks of the JSLSs were developed over five years from JSLJ and
put into use in JSLK–JSLR. According to the Editing Commission, the textbook was
to cover five aspects in terms of its content, structure, and pathos. Among these
were China’s historical and cultural accomplishments; Chinese revolution as a dif-
ficult way to statehood; China’s multinational character, shared destiny, national
sovereignty and the integrity of China’s territory as well as “oceanic conscious-
ness”, implying recognition of the island territories of China and the country’s role
as an ocean power; and finally the concept of the multipolar world and the com-
munity with a shared future for mankind (renlei mingyun gongtongti 人类命运共

23 “Academy of Social Sciences: Promote the Construction of Discipline System with Ex-
cellent Teaching Materials”, 2016, July 18. Available online http://www.gov.cn/xin-
wen/2016-07/18/content_5092364.htm (last access 2019, December 2).

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 The Images of Western Countries and Russia in History Textbooks

同体).24 Accordingly, the standardized textbooks published in JSLK–JSLR empha-

size China’s involvement in the world’s land and sea trade routes from the early
stages of its development, its exposure to cultural and trade contacts. At the same
time, they stress inviolability of China’s state borders; both land and especially
sea, which are claimed to date back to the early historical periods under Chinese
government.
The history syllabus integrated into the textbook of the new edition consists of
several distinctive features. The analysis of the textbook units covering the history
of China’s intercultural contacts and modern borders suggests two ideas to define
the national discourse of modern China, namely: China’s involvement in regional
and world trade as well as cultural exchange, along with the emphasis on national
sovereignty. Audience within the country receives these messages through the ed-
ucation system and mass media while external audience perceives this discourse
as a number of statements and foreign policy initiatives, such as “Belt and Road”.
According to LAMS, many analysts argue that the combination of political in-
volvement and national sovereignty is a very characteristic paradox for modern
Chinese political ideology, a combination of contradictory attitudes.25 Meanwhile,
this paradox is easily removed if the attempts of Chinese ideologists to offer their
own view of the world, as discussed earlier, are taken into account. China is eager
to see itself open to the world and involved in the world’s political, economic, and
cultural management. However, this openness and involvement should be
achieved on the conditions set by China. Among these are national sovereignty
and a zealous attitude to its land and sea borders.
Moving on to the ideological and political context for Taiwanese history text-
books of the LRRSs–JSLSs, Taiwan focuses on self-determination and its opposition
to China rather than conflicts with other countries, unlike the leading trend in
China’s reform in history education of the same period, which covered national
aspirations alongside China’s involvement in globalization. At the present stage,
political history of Taiwan is characterized with self-determination discourse. The
extreme points of this discourse are “Sinicization”, which refers to close economic,
cultural, and political contacts with mainland China; and “Taiwanization” of Tai-
wan as an independent cultural, historical, and political actor with loosened con-
tacts with mainland China. In some way, each of these ideological and political
attitudes is articulated by a certain political force, which, in turn, sets the direction

24 “Interpretation of three compulsory education textbooks”, JSLK, August JR. Available

online http://www.jyb.cn/zgjyb/JSLKSc/tJSLKScJR_KdJKNJ.html. (last access JSLR, Decem-
ber J).
25 Lutgard LAMS: “Examining Strategic Narratives in Chinese Official Discourse under Xi
Jinping”. In: Journal of Chinese political science, 2003, vol. 23, no. 3, pp. 387–411.

Ldd
Polina RYSAKOVA

for political development of Taiwan. The Kuomintang (KMT), which ruled from
LRQK to JSSS, has been in favor of maintaining ties with mainland China whereas
its rival the People’s Democratic Party supports “Taiwanization”.
The political leadership of either party was associated with an educational re-
form, curricula and textbooks revision. First of all, the reform involved historical
education in junior high school, and later it was extended to senior high school.
This followed a fierce political and public debate aimed at defining the historical,
cultural, and current political status of Taiwan and accordingly choosing the best
way of teaching the history of Taiwan. The origins of this debate were rooted in
the program of Taiwan’s history under the KMT. Starting in LRdJ, when the first
reform of history textbooks published outside mainland China was carried out,
Taiwan was positioned as a province of the Republic established in the aftermath
of the Xinhai Revolution of LRLL. The major part of the historical material was
dedicated to the history of mainland China, which was conceptualized as the his-
torical territory of the Republic temporarily under the CCP. After the loss of offi-
cial international status and UN membership, the leaders of the Republic acknowl-
edged that regaining control over the mainland rendered an almost unattainable
prospect. This meant addressing the history of Taiwan and the Republic of China
within that history
The most significant innovations in teaching history were introduced in the
LRRSs with the start of liberalization and democratization after martial law was
abolished in LRcK, and president LEE Teng-hui (李登輝) known for his Pro-Taiwan
views came into power. The curriculum for the history course in junior high school
underwent a major update. The new syllabus was approved in LRRQ and imple-
mented in LRRK, which had a pronounced unit entitled “Knowing Taiwan” (renshi
Taiwan 認識台灣). This was a section dedicated to the history of the Island that
had to be studied alongside the history of mainland China and other foreign coun-
tries. Thus, the history of Taiwan’s region went beyond random references to the
Island as a remote province of mainland China which was involved in two histor-
ical events: the establishment of the Qing dynasty and Japanese colonization of
the first half of the JSth century.
In the JSSSs, the focus of political and ideological struggle shifted to history
education in senior high school when a “joint nine year plan” (jiu nian yiguan
kecheng 九年一貫課程) of junior high school and primary school curricula came
into force in JSSQ. The updated plan did not have a course titled “Knowing Tai-
wan”, since it was extended and emerged with a number of related subjects. The
history of Taiwan was integrated with the general history course. Despite all the
public criticism, the policy of “Taiwanization” in history education initiated fur-
ther changes in the senior secondary curriculum. As a result, political leaders of

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 The Images of Western Countries and Russia in History Textbooks

the JSSSs–JSLSs were involved in the somewhat chief task in the field of education,
which was to develop and approve a new curriculum. However, the political strug-
gles of the time, such as changes of the ruling parties and policies as well as aca-
demic and public criticism resulting in street protests, led to numerous reforms and
revisions of the history curriculum in senior high school.26
Today’s textbooks for senior high school sprang from the JSLJ curriculum
called “Plan LSL” based on the number of the years, i.e. LSL years, in the political
tradition of Taiwan that the first year of the establishment of the Republic of China
was LRLJ. The plan was approved under president MA Ying-jeou, leader of the
KMT. Since the curriculum was criticized by both “Sinicization” and “Taiwani-
zation” advocates, JSLQ saw another updated version of the plan (“Plan LSQ”),
which resulted in major student and public protests in JSLd. After the JSLe presi-
dential elections, TSAI Ing-wen, the new head of state from the Democratic Peo-
ple’s Party (DPP), announced to keep the “LSL curriculum” and only to drop it in
view of another revision under a twelve-year compulsory education reform sched-
uled for JSJS.27
The continuous reform of history curricula under the KMT and DPP in the
JSSSs and JSLSs resulted from ongoing political and ideological debate at the aca-
demic and public level, that was launched as early as the LRRSs. The focus of the
debate was the relations between mainland China and Taiwan as a historical, cul-
tural, and political actor. The actual historiography of Taiwan has also played an
important role in developing key arguments in this debate. A brief description of
the two viewpoints will allow for improved analysis of the images of Western
countries and Russia in current history textbooks for high school level.
In the JSSSs, under the DPP administration of president Chen Shui-bian, there
were two curricula for senior high school: one of JSSQ (“plan Rd”) and another of
JSSR (“plan Rc”). Basically, these two education plans communicated the same
concept of teaching history as that implemented in junior high school. Both syllabi
had a separate section on the history of Taiwan as an independent region rather
than a province of China. The curricula relied on actual Taiwanese historiography
for methodology. Since the LRcSs when the Republic of China was stripped of its
official international status, Taiwanese historians have been studying the island’s
history in various periods. Their ideological and political aspirations were to de-
liver the unique culture and history of Taiwan and to diminish its ties with main-
land China.

26 Vladimir STOLOJAN: “Curriculum Reform and the Teaching of History” (JSLK).

27 “History curriculum review starts today”, 2018, August 11. Available online http://
www.taipeitimes.com/News/taiwan/archives/2018/08/11/2003698324 (last access 2019,
December 2).

LdK
Polina RYSAKOVA

One of the leading historians developing this trend in Taiwanese historiography

was TSAO Yung-ho (曹永和 LRJS–JSLQ). In his theoretical settings, he relied on
the “annals” school and Fernand BRAUDEL. The long term research into the history
of Taiwan’s early colonization by European powers in the LKth century brought
about the concept of “Taiwan dao shi 台灣島史” (Taiwan’s island history). Ac-
cording to TSAO Yung-ho, it was Taiwan’s location which exposed itself to vari-
ous cultural influences and numerous trade contacts but also turned the island into
an independent and strategically important center of regional trade. In addition,
the continuous intercultural interaction of the native population, migrants from the
continent along with immigrants from various Asian and European countries,
formed a special “island” identity open to communication on a global scale. 28
Later, TSAO Yung-ho’s work on Taiwan’s “island history” was incorporated into
the broader discourse of “Haiyang Zhongguo 海洋中國” (oceanic China). Tai-
wanese history research was thus in keeping with a major Japanese and American
trend for studying maritime trade interregional contacts between countries of the
Asia-Pacific region. This was authored by both historians TAKESHI Hamashita and
Paul COWAN.29
In general, the island concept for Taiwan implies its historic independence
from mainland China. The Island’s extensive economic and intercultural ties,
interethnic relations, succession of rulers have been opposed to the mainland’s
dominant ethno-cultural tradition. The concepts of “oceanic China” and “island
Taiwan” characterize mainland China as one of the external political forces that
temporarily established their dominance over Taiwan, just as Europeans in the LKth
century, and the Japanese in the early JSth century. The historiographical ap-
proaches in view impacted both curricula on history and history textbooks in the
LRRSs–JSSSs when Pro-Taiwanese advocates were in office. First of all, it is nec-
essary to mention the concept of “the concentric view of history” by TU Cheng-
sheng (DU Zhengsheng 杜正勝) and a new history periodization.
The concept of “the concentric view of history” was put forward in the late
LRRSs by TU Cheng-sheng, a Taiwanese historian who also worked as head of the
state committee revising textbooks for senior high school. Later, under the then
president CHEN Shui-bian he was appointed Minister of Education. The concept
implied that historical material should be delivered as a gradual development of
the historical timeframe: from the history of Taiwan to Chinese history and then
to world history (“take root in Taiwan's history; with attention to mainland China;

28 Ann HEYLEN: “The Transnational in Taiwan History: A Preliminary Exploration”. In:

Concentric: Literary and Cultural Studies, JSLS, vol. Ne, no. L, pp. Lc–LR.
29 TAKESHI Hamashita, Linda GROVE and Mark SELDEN (ed.): China, East Asia and the
Global Economy: Regional and Historical Perspectives, New York: Routledge 2008.

Ldc
 The Images of Western Countries and Russia in History Textbooks

enter the external world”). The first textbook with this approach was on the history
of Taiwan for junior high school – “Knowing Taiwan”. This textbook opened the
history course for junior high school with the “native land” history, followed the
history of China and the rest of the world. The concentric circle involving Taiwan-
ese, Chinese, and global history was then made into a framework for the “unified
nine year plan” for junior high school as well as the JSSQ and JSSR curricula for
senior high school. As a clear result, these textbooks not only set out the history
of Taiwan as a separate unit but also put extra emphasis on it as a core aspect to
any other section. The history of China, on the other hand, was presented as the
history of a more remote and alienated region.
The cultural and historical alienation from mainland China was further stressed
by a new interpretation of chronology. The public resented the way material was
presented with the history of China after LdSS included in the world history section.
Proponents of such periodization believed that this would finish the isolation of
individual countries and foster global contacts. In contrast, the opponents believed
that attributing the history of late Imperial China to a section of world history
would deteriorate cultural ties with China, which had become alienated from Tai-
wan.30 The curricula and associated textbooks developed in the LRRSs–JSSSs under
the DPP thus relied on the latest developments of Taiwanese historiography. They
were characterized not only by the Taiwanese specifics but also by the revision of
Taiwan’s relations with the neighboring countries and the outside world. Mainland
China was seen as an adjacent country which made some historical, economic and
cultural impact on Taiwan. However, the plan to use this methodology in teaching
was short-lived.
The change of political leadership in the JSLSs led to another revision of his-
torical curricula and textbooks. The Kuomintang in office meant partial restoration
to historiographical assessments typical of the KMT government of the LRdSs–cSs.
This influence can be traced in the history curriculum for the senior secondary
school, approved in JSLJ (“plan LSL”). The history of Taiwan was presented as a
separate section. Meanwhile, the proportion of the content to that on the history of
China is far from even. The focus shifted to the Republic of China as the historical
successor of Imperial China. Taiwan was characterized as a region involved in the
sociocultural model typical of China’s government. Therefore, the JSLJ curricu-
lum sought to emphasize the cultural and historical unity of the Island and Main-
land. According to Taiwanese researchers, the JSLJ curriculum and concomitant
textbooks for high school marginalized the idea of “ocean Taiwan”. The way that

30 Bi-yu CHANG: “From Taiwanisation to De-sinification”. In: China Perspectives, JSSQ,

vol. de, Available online DOI: LS. QSSS/chinaperspectives. QNc. (last access JSLR, Decem-
ber J).

LdR
Polina RYSAKOVA

both the Dutch and Japanese governance were assessed, and some crucial events
in the history of Taiwan were covered is not in keeping with contemporary Tai-
wanese historiography.31
On the whole, it should be noted that the continuous political struggle, aca-
demic and public opposition, lack of a compromise between the irreconcilable
supporters of the pro-Chinese or pro-Taiwanese concept of history teaching have
had a detrimental effect on the quality of educational standards and textbooks. As
a result, the history textbooks in modern Taiwan high school have three sections:
the history of Taiwan, China, and foreign history. Meanwhile, there is no concep-
tual framework or evaluation, rather we find detailed descriptions of historical
events.

The Image of the Western Countries and Russia in Chinese

textbooks

The discussion moves on to images of Western countries and Russia in Chinese

textbooks of the LRRSs–JSLSs. One should not forget that the history teaching over
the given period has been featured with a gradual departure from the concept of
social conflict and struggle in favor of continuity, mutual influence, and globali-
zation trends. Chinese historians still adhered to materialism, making emphasis on
global economic development. The list of key subjects in the history of Western
countries and Russia has remained almost unchanged. The narration covers mostly
modern history, the period associated with the new most ambiguous phenomena,
among which are great geographical discoveries, the development of capitalistic
systems across the world, the rise of nation states, socialist revolution, confronta-
tions of socioeconomic systems in the second half of the JSth century.
The textbooks of LRRSs are based on a formational approach and highlight class
struggle and populace as key factors in the history of China and Western countries.
In modern and contemporary times, the main role is given to economically devel-
oped countries, such as Britain, France, and the United States. Their economic

31 LIN Yinshun 林琮舜: Taiwan shi yanjiu zai gaozhong jiaokeshu zhong de luoshi yu luo-
cha 臺灣史研究在高中教科書中的落實與落差 (The Practice and Disparity between Ac-
ademic Research of Taiwan History and High School History Textbooks), Shuoshi lunwen
碩士論文 (A dissertation submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for the Master de-
gree), Guoli taiwan daxue lishi yanjiu suo 國立臺灣大學歷史學研究所 (Taiwan National
university, History Department) 2014.

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 The Images of Western Countries and Russia in History Textbooks

leadership manifests itself as early as the industrial revolution, later they introduce
a large number of countries to capitalist framework. Germany and the United
States are trying to quickly overcome the economic lag and embark on the path of
modernization. They are followed by Russia and Japan, with their state reforms
aimed to bridge the economic gap. Economic ambitions push European countries
to foreign expansion, which marks the beginning of the world colonial system,
victimizing China. These tendencies exacerbate internal contradictions in Western
societies, and act as a breeding grounds of Marxism and proletarian movement.
The October revolution in Russia becomes a turning point in the history of
mankind, which shows an alternative way to a capitalist development. The postwar
era with the USSR and the United States confrontation implies a higher probability
of a new world war. The collapse of the Soviet Union and the economic decline
of the United States means prospects for a multipolar world with new centers of
economic development, such as Germany and Japan. Over the LRRSs, most Chinese
history textbooks for high school described Western countries as colonizers and
aggressors who sought the economic exploitation of the rest of the world and im-
posed a colonial system. It’s of no doubt that Japan belonged to the list of eco-
nomically developed countries alongside the rest of the Western world. In other
words, Japan was positioned as a “Western”, economically developed, and aggres-
sive country. Nonetheless, due to the innovations in historiography and history
education, the image of European countries and Russia in contemporary Chinese
textbooks for high school was changing in JSSSs. These changes in the image of
Western states in Chinese textbooks have already drawn the attention of Chinese
researchers, who have established that textbooks of the LRcSs and LRRSs present a
negative vision of Western countries as colonizers and exploiters. In comparison,
textbooks of the JSSSs provide a neutral and rather positive assessment. Western
countries are described as advanced capitalist powers, whose economic develop-
ment not only led to colonization of other parts of the world but also contributed
to building world economic and political ties, making room for the capitalist world
system.32
A more tolerant Western rhetoric with an emphasis on interaction with Western
countries was employed in the JSSSs as economic ties strengthened and mainland
China was gradually integrating in the global economic system. The JSSSs corpus

32 HE Yingfei 何英菲: Gaozhong lishi jiaokeshu zhong de yiguo xingxiang. Yi ren jiao ban
lishi jiaokeshu wei li 高中历史教科书中的异国形象.以人教版历史教科书为例 (Images
of the other states in high school history textbooks. Taking People’s education’s textbooks
as an example), 2009 jie yanjiusheng shuoshi xuewei lun 2009 届研究生硕士学位论 (A
dissertation submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for the Master degree in 2009
school year), Huadong shifan daxue 华东师范大学 (East China Normal University) 2009,
p. 19.

LeL
Polina RYSAKOVA

of textbooks for senior high school developed against the JSSQ educational stand-
ard did not plot interclass struggle but rather put forward new global economic
relations within “integrated global system”. The historical material in the textbook
featured similar developmental patterns for different parts of the world, primarily
Europe and China. The whole history course was divided into one compulsory
syllabus and several electives. The mandatory part included twenty-five topics ar-
ranged in three clusters: politics, economics, and culture. The “politics” cluster
included nine topics covering the political history of China and Western countries
from ancient times to the present day, the rise and development of socialism,
China’s foreign policy contacts, and the system of international relations. The
“economics” cluster consisted of eight topics related to China’s economic devel-
opment at different stages up to the period of the PRC and the present, as well as
issues of capitalism and socialism in Western countries and Russia, the features of
economic globalization. The “culture” cluster included eight topics observing
trends in culture and science of China and the Western world.
By and large, the compulsory syllabus maintained the chronological principle
of narrating the history as well as treating Chinese and world history as separate
entities. In comparison, electives featured separate cross-cutting topics related to
different countries and regions. The optional part included six major overlapping
topics designed to compare “Chinese and foreign perspectives” as well as “antiq-
uity and modernity”. Among those six topics were the world experience of reforms,
democracy, and its implementation; war and peace in the twentieth century; per-
sonalities in world and Chinese history; the mysteries of history (vanished civili-
zations); and the world cultural heritage. Attention should be paid to the main top-
ics of both compulsory and optional parts. The authors of the standard textbook
focus on the following issues: the development of democracy, the rise of capital-
ism and promotion of industrial society; with the Ldth–LKth centuries, the socialist
experience, the multipolar system of international relations, and worldwide imple-
mentation of reforms represented as key milestones. In fact, the world and Chinese
history are defined by the topics that were the most popular in the Chinese political
and public discourse of the time, which results in corresponding slogans and pro-
grams: integration of China into the world economic system; globalization and
China’s involvement in it; position of China in the multipolar world system; the
rule of law and democratic concepts; and finally the role of scientific and technical
progress.
While historical development is interpreted as the world capitalist development,
the images of Russia and the Soviet Union become of particular interest. There are
several reasons for this. First, Russia is the largest Northern neighbor of mainland
China, with a large and long border. Disputes over border territories have been one

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 The Images of Western Countries and Russia in History Textbooks

of the popular topics in Chinese historiography for a long time. These have had a
direct impact on Russia’s perception by both professional historians and ordinary
citizens of mainland China. It is crucial to analyze how this topic is observed in
school textbooks since school education often becomes the main source of
knowledge about the country and communicates a number of concepts relevant to
the public. Additionally, the accounts of Russian history in Chinese textbooks can
be beneficial to historiography by bringing in innovations discussed earlier. Those,
in turn, can explain how the image of the country fits into the concept of history
as the world capitalist movement.
Next, here comes the analysis of the main components of Russia’s image (the
Soviet Union), which are delivered in the history textbook for high school issued
by the publishing house “People’s Education”. This textbook in view is fully com-
pliant with the requirements of the standard that was introduced nationwide. Rus-
sian and Soviet history is covered in four main topics: the reform of the second
half of the LRth century and the abolition of serfdom; the October revolution; so-
cialist experience in politics and economics; and Russia’s confrontation with the
United States in the Cold War. Moreover, there is an elective on global reforms
including reforms under Alexander II, with a brief insight into the history of earlier
periods and a more detailed account of the country’s history from the Lcth century.
Special attention should be given to Russia and China’s territorial disputes over
the so-called territorial gains of Russia in the second half of the LRth century. This
topic is touched upon in the section of modern China’s history dedicated to the
Opium wars and Qing’s clash with Western countries. Accordingly, when describ-
ing the events of the Second Opium War, the textbook says: “the United States
and Russia took advantage of China and forced the Qing government to sign une-
qual treaties with them. The main benefiting party was Russia which occupied
most of China’s northern lands.”33 It should be noted that this subtle topic is cov-
ered in a rather concise and restrained manner, especially when compared with
earlier editions of textbooks. Therefore, in the textbooks of LRcS and LRRL, Russia
is characterized as a state with aggressive foreign policy aimed at territorial ex-
pansion. They highlight territorial acquisitions at the expense of China in the Far
East and the military occupation of the Ili district in the west of the country.34
Evidently, this problem, rooted in the Chinese modern historiography of Russian-

33 Putong gaozhong kecheng biaozhun shiyan jiaokeshu: lishi (bixiu) 普通高中课程标

准实验教科书：历史（必修） (General High School Curriculum Standard Experiment
Textbook: History (Required)), vol. 1, Beijing: People’s Education Press 2007, p. 53.
34 HE Yingfei: Gaozhong lishi jiaokeshu zhong de yiguo xingxiang (2009), pp. 30–31.

LeN
Polina RYSAKOVA

Chinese relations, is no longer urgent or acute due to improved relations between

the two countries and a multifaceted partnership.35
The account of Russia and the Soviet history in the compulsory course starts
with a chapter on the October Revolution of LRLK, following the section on Marx-
ism in Europe. The events of LRLK can thus be interpreted as another stage in Marx-
ism development, which brought about its main theses. Interestingly, the events
are set out very succinctly. The language itself is devoid of emotional evaluative
utterances, unlike that used in earlier versions of the LRcSs and LRRSs, which de-
scribe the revolution as “a set example for the international proletariat which leads
it in a new era.”36 The JSSK textbook focuses on the historical background for the
revolution and its historical significance. It suggests that the revolution resulted
from Russia economically falling behind more developed capitalist countries in
the aftermath of the First World War. Social contradictions turned the country into
the weakest link in the chain of imperialism, which made the revolution inevita-
ble.37 According to the editors of the textbook, the LRLK revolution is a significant
historical event since it was aimed to create the first socialist state and set a new
path for Russia. At the same time, the revolution revealed a loophole in the world
capitalist system, allowing for the socialist movement and the anti-colonial and
anti-imperialist struggle.38
The next topic in the history of the Soviet Union deals with the features of the
socialist economic model, which is why the unit is part of the economic section of
the history course. It is noteworthy that the material is presented in a way that the
economic development of the USSR could serve as a historical lesson for other
socialist states. Covering economic reforms and starting with the New Economic
Policy (NEP) by the USSR in LRJSs up to the transient LRcSs, it is stressed that the
Soviet model was innovative and unprecedented, and in this sense, the Soviet lead-
ers had to develop reforms by trial and error. However, despite all the achieve-
ments, the Soviet model was not devoid of significant drawbacks: excessive cen-
tralization, prioritizing heavy industry, and the military industrial complex. As a
consequence, the most hard-hit were agriculture, light industry, and the public
welfare. The main problem of the Soviet model was its rigidity. This thesis is sup-
ported by a quote of DENG Xiaoping that the Soviet model in the late stages was

35 At the same time, it should be noted that the textbook for junior secondary school de-
scribe in detail China’s territorial loss in favor of Russia. The dates of major acquisitions
and the territory itself are marked on the map.
36 Putong gaozhong kecheng biaozhun shiyan jiaokeshu: lishi (bixiu), vol. 1, 2007, p. 33.
37 Ibid., p. 88.
38 Ibid., p. 91.

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 The Images of Western Countries and Russia in History Textbooks

obsolete.39 Unsuccessful economic and political reforms in the late LRcSs led to
the collapse of the Soviet Union. Meanwhile, the editors of the textbook state that
the Soviet experience of socialist development teaches valuable historical lessons,
and the collapse of the USSR only stimulates the search for new ways to imple-
ment the socialist model of development.40
The history of today’s Russia is by far less interesting. In the section on the
current international situation, Russia is only mentioned as the successor to the
Soviet Union and one of the centers in the multipolar world. The authors of the
textbook note that the international position of the country strengthens as eco-
nomic reforms unfold. 41 At the same time, the economic section and units on eco-
nomic integration and globalization clearly indicate that the direction of history is
aimed at further world integration and globalization. In this respect, the events of
the JSth century – the Cold War and the confrontation between the capitalist and
socialist models – are deemed to slow down the integration processes significantly.
On the other hand, the collapse of the bipolar world and promotion of market re-
forms worldwide are believed to contribute significantly to economic globaliza-
tion, as well as to introduce new economic and trade relations.
Economic globalization and integration first mentioned in textbooks of the
JSSSs is further developed in textbooks for junior and senior high school intro-
duced in JSLK and JSLR. They set out the period of great geographical discoveries
as not only overriding isolation of certain world regions but also paving the way
for building global ties.42 The textbooks also emphasize the importance of eco-
nomic relations, the impact of the industrial revolution and technological advance-
ment in capitalist relations. The most remarkable feature about the colonial expan-
sion of Western countries in the textbooks is the emphasis placed on the issue of
monetary relations and trade exchanges rather than colonial exploitation. At the
same time, in view of fostering economic ties, the unit on Marxist doctrine is given
in great detail, which could have resulted from the latest trends in Chinese domes-
tic policy with its focus on the historical role of the CCP and Marxism.
To draw some intermediate results of this analysis, it can be said that the im-
ages of Western countries and Russia in modern Chinese textbooks for high school
are largely affected by internal ideological, political, and economic trends in China

39 Putong gaozhong kecheng biaozhun shiyan jiaokeshu: lishi (bixiu), vol. 2, 2007, pp. 98–
101.
40 Ibid., vol. 2, 2007, p. 94.
41 Putong gaozhong kecheng biaozhun shiyan jiaokeshu: lishi (bixiu), vol. 1, 2007,
pp. 128–129.
42 Putong gaozhong jiaokeshu. Bixiu. Zhong wai lishi ganyao. 普通高中教科书. 必修.
中外历史纲要 (General High School Textbook. Compulsory. Chinese and Foreign History
Outline), vol. J, Beijing: People’s Education Press JSLR, p. QS.

Led
Polina RYSAKOVA

itself. The desire to bridge social gaps and produce a unifying idea for the divided
Chinese society has forced China’s leaders to abandon the rhetoric of struggle and
conflict. Being largely integrated into the world economic processes, it is sug-
gested that China should search for historiographical concepts that can justify the
inclusion of their socialist economy in the world capitalist system. The materialist
approach to history is needed when speaking about world economic development
and the history of such leading Western countries as the UK, France, and the USA.
However, the history of these Western countries is discussed and becomes relevant
only through the lenses of China’s domestic agenda and social issues that are im-
portant for the PRC government, such as national sovereignty, economic cooper-
ation, the legal system and reforms. Therefore, Western countries are thought to
unite the disparate parts of the world into a single capitalist system while Russia
is praised for living up to Marx’s teaching with the mistakes that should be avoided
in socialist development.

The Image of Western Countries and Russia in Taiwanese

Textbooks

As previously noted, the key issue in the LRRSs–JSLSs, which defined domestic
political life and public discourse of the island state, has been the self-determina-
tion of Taiwanese society and its place as opposed to mainland China. As a result,
the history of mainland China and Taiwan in current textbooks has undergone a
significant revision and has been prioritized over the history of the Western world.
It is the history of China that defines the role of some Western countries, which
have been in relation to Taiwan over different historical periods. Keeping in mind
that Taiwan’s historical relationship with China and the intention to distance its
history from China was the background for taking Western history consideration;
to prove that China was not the only source of cultural influence.
Today in Taiwanese school, the history is broken down into three major sec-
tions: world history, Chinese history, and Taiwanese history. All the sections as-
sess political actions of Western countries and Russia. However, as it will be
demonstrated further, they are not fully consistent with each other, resulting in
contradictory images of the West and Russia to some extent. Similar to that in
Chinese continental textbooks, the world history is represented by the leading
powers: Britain, France, and the United States. Moreover, the textbooks cover
modern times with their radical structural changes in the political, economic and

Lee
 The Images of Western Countries and Russia in History Textbooks

socio-cultural areas affecting the modern global structure. Also chosen as the wa-
tershed in the history of Western countries was the Ldth–Leth centuries; the era of
great geographical discoveries, which gave rise to these radical shifts.43 The lead-
ing trend in the Lcth century, early modern times, is thought to be the rise of the
nation state, i.e., a political unity of the nation with ethnic, linguistic and cultural
affinity. The first nation states emerged in the United Kingdom, France, Portugal,
and Spain. Then, they spring up in other parts of Europe. Later, according to the
editors of the textbook, the nation state as a political structure develops worldwide,
thereby inducing a system of international relations.44 Starting with the nation state
concept the authors go on to discuss its evolution and gradual democratization,
namely: restrictions to the absolute power of the monarch, the so-called “enlight-
ened despotism” under Russian emperors Peter I and Catherine II and Prussian
king Frederick II the Great; the French Revolution; and the war for independence
in the United States.45
Special attention is also given to the Lcth century as the age of the industrial
revolution with new technologies and socioeconomic relations. It was the indus-
trial revolution that then instigated further social changes: urbanization, mass me-
dia and public education. 46 Whereas the main political changes took place in
France, the economic innovations were most pronounced in the UK.
In regards of the descriptions of the political and economic changes in Europe
in the LKth–Lcth century, the issue of nation state is highlighted, and subsequent
events are presented in the textbooks of LRRSs to illustrate the nation state devel-
opment in Europe and beyond. The same concept of nation state development un-
derpins the world colonial system, which is regarded as a result of European eco-
nomic and political dominance, the demonstration of their national superiority.47
On the other hand, the concept of “nation state” in the textbook of the late
JSSSs in accordance with the syllabus approved by the KMT is used less often by
far. In fact, there is no definition of the term. Political and industrial revolutions
are associated with the new concept of “modernity”. Likewise, the concept of “mo-
dernity” implied changes in the values and normative system of European societies.

43 XIONG Bingzhen 熊秉真 (ed.): Guomin zhongxue. Lishi 國民中學. 歷史 (National

secondary School. History), vol. 4, Guoli bianyiguan, 1991, pp. 68–69; GU Weiying 古偉
瀛 and WANG Shizong 王世宗 (eds.): Putong gaoji zhongxue. Lishi 普通高級中學. 歷史
(General senior secondary school. History), vol. 3, Sanmin Book 2007, pp. 220–221.
44 Ibid., p. 57.
45 XIONG Bingzhen: Guomin zhongxue. Lishi (1991), pp. 76–78; GU/ WANG: Putong gaoji
zhongxue. Lishi (2007), pp. 20–21.
46 XIONG Bingzhen: Guomin zhongxue. Lishi (1991), pp. 93–97; GU/ WANG: Putong gaoji
zhongxue. Lishi (2007), pp. 51–52.
47 WANG Zhizhi 王芝芝 (ed.) Guomin zhongxue. Lishi 國民中學. 歷史 (National sec-
ondary School. History). vol. 5, Guoli bianyiguan 1991, p. 28.

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Polina RYSAKOVA

Technological advancement and the age of enlightenment are seen to have estab-
lished new ideals: faith in the progress and power of science and rationalization of
activity. Humanism, rationalism, and liberalism are considered the most important
modern values, which emerged in Europe thanks to the revolutionary processes,
primarily those in France. At the same time, imperialism is interpreted as a result
of rapid industrial growth, which mainly took place in Britain, a great economic
power.48
Through the analysis and the interpretation of European and American history,
the Taiwanese textbooks of LRRSs–JSLSs have embodied the framework commonly
used by Taiwanese historians. Their focus on the development of the nation state,
democratic and industrial revolutions, the rationalization of culture, and special
characteristics of “modernity” indicates that the history of Western countries is
processed through the concept of modernization, which was once popular with the
Taiwanese academic community under the influence of post-war American soci-
ology.49 The history of Europe is presented as a transition from a traditional soci-
ety to a modern one with democratic institutions, capitalist economy, public edu-
cation and concepts of rationality and progress. The progress from tradition to mo-
dernity sets the direction of world development, and allows Taiwan to position
itself as a modern democratic state in Asia. The desire to gain independent state-
hood is the driving force for Taiwanese historians editing textbooks of the LRRSs
to focus on the rise of the nation state. In contrast, with the lingering ambiguity of
Taiwan’s international status in the JSSSs and JSLSs, the desire to deal with Tai-
wan's independence is reflected by a shift of discourse from the issues of nation
building to the analysis of a less specific concept of “modern society”.
For the further consideration of the image of Western countries in Taiwanese
history textbooks it is crucial to observe Taiwan’s own cultural interaction with
foreign countries, which is featured in the section of the history of China. Based
on Taiwanese topical studies, most events in Chinese history, especially those of
the LRth century – the period of direct confrontation between China and the West-
ern world – are associated with imperialist aggression of the leading world powers
toward neighboring regions. With this in mind, the history of Europe is opposed
to the history of China and that of the Republic of China. The latter have to interact
only to survive Western imperialist aggression causing great economic and

48 GU Weiying/WANG Shizhong: Putong gaoji zhongxue. Lishi (2007), p. 96.

49 Mau-kuei CHANG, Ying-hwa CHANG and Chih-chieh TANG: “Indigenization, Institution-
alization, and Internationalization: Tracing the Paths of the Development of Sociology in
Taiwan”. In: Michael Burarwoy, Mau-kuei Chang and Michelle Fei-yu Hsieh (eds.): Facing
an Unequal World: Challenges for a Global Sociology, vol. 2, Taipei: ISA-CNA, Academia
Sinica, Institute of Sociology 2010, pp. 158–191.

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 The Images of Western Countries and Russia in History Textbooks

political damage to China’s part.50 The similar view on Western countries in the
modern history of China seems to be preserved in the JSSSs–JSLSs textbooks.51
Without question, mainland Chinese historians sympathize with this approach to
describing the historical contacts with Western countries.
However, when it comes to the Taiwanese history itself, the image of Western
countries is significantly altered. In the LRRSs and JSSSs, Taiwanese historiography
under the DPP government was revised in regard to the assessments of the impact
of Western countries on the national history. Over the given period, historians of
Taiwan added a considerable number of European countries to the list of those to
be featured in the modern history of the Island. Colonial conquests by Portugal,
Spain, Holland, and Japan; but also their trade, economic, social, and cultural in-
teraction with the islanders were now rendered crucial for the development of Tai-
wan. Moreover, the once negative assessments of colonial presence of both Euro-
peans and Japanese in Taiwan were also revised. This resulted in terminological
replacements for Japanese governance that a more neutral term “zhi 治” (control)
was introduced instead of “ju 據” (capture), which also caused heated discus-
sions.52
As the JSLSs textbooks show, the arrival of the Dutch and Spanish in Taiwan,
the competition of European Maritime states to gain control over the Island was
considered helpful in Taiwan’s integration into the world system and its transfor-
mation into an important transport hub in East Asia, which allowed further in-
volvement of the Island in the world processes starting in modern times.53 The
Dutch rule, for example, is associated with the introduction of Taiwan-specific
models of public administration and interaction with local elites. Furthermore, the
textbooks of the JSSSs as “pro-Taiwanese” ones provide positive assessments of
Japanese governance and emphasize Japan’s socio-economic and cultural contri-
bution to the earlier modernization of Taiwanese society. Taiwan’s openness to
foreign relations and its inclusion in the world system manifest themselves in the
appreciation of post-war political, financial and economic aid from the United

50 CHEN Yunxuan 陳昀萱 and Zhen Xiaolan 甄曉蘭: “Guozhong lishi kegang zhong de
ouzhou yixiang” 國中歷史課綱中的歐洲意象 (Europe’s Image in the History Standard
for Junior Secondary School), In: Jiaokeshu yanjiu 教科書研究 (Textbooks Research),
vol. 11, no. 2, 2008, pp. 39–41.
51 XUE Huayuan 薛化元 (ed.) Putong gaoji zhongxue. Lishi 普通高級中學. 歷史 (Gen-
eral senior secondary school. History), vol. 2, Sanmin book 2007, pp. 220–230.
52 Yoshihisa AMAE: “Pro-colonial or Postcolonial? Appropriation of Japanese Colonial
Heritage in Present-day Taiwan” In: Journal of Current Chinese Affairs, vol. 40, no. 1,
2011, pp. 19–62; LEE Ming-tsung: “Discoursing ‘Japan’ in Taiwanese Identity Politics: The
Structures of Feeling of the Young Harizu and Old Japanophiles”. In: Taiwan Journal of
East Asian Studies, vol. 12, no. 2, 2015, pp. 49–103.
53 XUE Huayuan: Putong gaoji zhongxue. Lishi (2007), p. 34.

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Polina RYSAKOVA

States and later from Japan.54 Alongside such positive “pro-Taiwan” assessments
of economic and cultural interaction with other countries, the textbooks broaden
the notion of “world history” by no longer limiting it to a selected group of Euro-
pean countries. They tend to introduce to students the traditions and important
events in the historical development of various regions of the world, including the
Middle East, Africa, and Latin America.
It should be noted that positive assessments of foreign influence on the histor-
ical development of Taiwan, as well as the extended list of countries in long rela-
tion to Taiwan are primarily aimed at weakening the (mainland) China centric his-
toriography of the past. It is necessary to prove that mainland China has not been
the one and only influence on the Island, but rather one of many sources of cultural
influence. Apart from that, Taiwanese historians seek to identify socio-economic
and political institutions which emerged in Taiwan through Europeans and dif-
fered from those of mainland China. Of particular interest for this research is the
way these new historiographical approaches have impacted the image of Russia
and the Soviet Union in modern Taiwanese textbooks. The restoration of relations
between the Russian Federation and Taiwan took place several decades ago in the
LRRSs. In the LRdSs–cSs due to conflicts with the CCP with its support from the
Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the consequent defeat in the civil war
and forced displacement to the island of Taiwan, the ruling Kuomintang party pur-
sued a specific ideological and educational policy. The essence of the policy was
ideological rejection and harsh criticism concerning the communist doctrine and
those advocating the countries which followed such a doctrine: China, North Ko-
rea, and the USSR.
This ideological struggle reached its climax in the LRdSs and eSs when the CCP
still seemed rather vulnerable, and the return of the KMT to the mainland was
feasible. The KMT aimed at promoting hostility toward such communist countries
as China and North Korea. However, the key slogan of this struggle mentioned
Soviet Russia as well: “fan gong kang E, 反共抗俄” (oppose communism, resist
Russia). The corresponding ideological education was introduced to the main sub-
jects of primary and secondary schools. Among those were the national language,
history, geography and social studies. Still, it was most characteristic that Russia
was never heavily criticized for its adherence to Communist ideology, but rather
for the territorial acquisitions of Tsarist Russia at the end of the Qing rein, which
were regarded as unfair. The curricula of the LRdSs and eSs urged to “stress sei-
zures of national territories by Russia, to promote anti-communist and anti-

54 Frances CHAN: “How Liberal Korean and Taiwanese Textbooks Portray their Countries’
‘Economic Miracles’” In: Student Work, vol. 3, 2016. Available online http://elischolar.li-
brary.yale.edu/ceas_student_work/3 (last access 2019, December 2).

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 The Images of Western Countries and Russia in History Textbooks

Russian sentiments”.55 In fact, even though the anti-communist and anti-Russian

rhetoric was dropped by the LRKSs–cSs, its influence on historiographical assess-
ments of Russia was still evident in the forthcoming years and thus cannot be ig-
nored.
The next step in the given analysis is to trace topics and events in the textbook
for secondary school associated with the Soviet Union and Russia. The first to
mention would be the textbooks of the LRRSs–JSLSs, which mention Russia in the
units on mainland China and world history, but not in those on the history of Tai-
wan. The section dedicated to traditional China and the Republic of China before
LRQK features Russia and the Soviet Union in relation to three key topics, namely:
Russia’s territorial acquisitions in the late Tsarist period, the Soviet Union’s rela-
tionship with the CCP and the KMT respectively; military and technical assistance
at an early stage as well as political ties between the USSR and the PRC.
It should be noted that the issue of territorial conquests of Chinese territories
by Russia in the late Tsarist period is described in great detail in the textbooks of
both the LRRSs and JSLSs.Thus, the unit on imperialist conquests in the LRRSs text-
book lists Russia as one of the major aggressors, alongside the UK. Since the be-
ginning of the Leth century, Russia is said to have been advancing from the Central
part of Eurasia toward the Pacific coast. First, it subjugates Siberia. By the LRth
century, its aspirations are reported to be aimed at the North-East of China, Korea
and the North-Western regions of the Qing Empire. They had to fight over the
latter with Britain.56 Russia is believed to act treacherously, violating previous
agreements. It is the weakness of China during the Opium wars that allowed Rus-
sia to “bite like a mulberry worm and swallow a significant part of China’s terri-
tory like a whale” (canshi jingtun, 蚕食鲸吞), causing it to be the greatest damage
compared to other territorial losses.57
Similarly, these events are narrated in the textbook of the JSLSs. The text is
illustrated with many map insets of allegedly seized territories in the size that vis-
ually looks equal to a significant part of China itself. The textbook emphasizes that
Russia annexed not only the territories in the Northeast of mainland China, but
also those in the Northwest. Overall, as the textbook reveals, L.J million kmJ of

55 WANG Enmei 王恩美: “Lengzhan shiqi xuexiao jiaoyu zhong de fan gong xingxiang: yi
Taiwan yu Hanguo liang di xiaoxue jiaokeshu wei zhongxin de fenxi” 冷戰時期學校教育
中的反共形象：以臺灣與韓國兩地小學教科書為中心的分析 (Anti-Communist Im-
ages in School Education during the Cold War: An Analysis Centered on Primary School
Textbooks in Taiwan and Korea). In: Si yu yan 思與言 (Thoughts and words), vol. 48, no.
2, 2010, pp. 49–117.
56 WANG Zhizhi: Guomin zhongxue. Lishi (1991), p. 34.
57 HU Pingsheng 胡平生 (ed.): Guomin zhongxue. Lishi 國民中學. 歷史 (National sec-
ondary School. History). vol. 3, Guoli bianyiguan, 1991, pp. 7–8.

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Polina RYSAKOVA

Qing territory were ceded to Russia, of which about S.Q million kmJ was to the
west of Lake Balkhash.58 Later, apart from the appropriation of land, Russia took
advantage of the weakness of the then Republican China on the mainland and in-
terfered with the political processes on the outskirts of the country, in Mongolia
and Tibet, not to mention its interference in Xinjiang during the Sino-Japanese
War. As a result, Outer Mongolia declared independence and China lost sover-
eignty over its historical region.59 The image of Russia as an invader is supported
by a visual series. In the historical cartoon from the Hong Kong newspaper of LcRc,
featuring the division of China into zones of influence between Western countries
and Japan; Russia is depicted as a massive growling bear.60
It is noteworthy that the textbooks of the LRRSs and the JSLSs provide different
assessments of Russia’s role in Chinese history of the twentieth century. The anti-
communist rhetoric of the previous period is employed in the earlier textbooks;
and the connection between Soviet Russia and the CCP, but not the KMT, is em-
phasized. Meanwhile, Russia’s assistance to the CCP is said to be limited to mili-
tary aid in World War II.61 The textbooks of the JSLSs offer a fuller picture of
Russia supporting the KMT by means of the Soviet Union and the Comintern
(Communist International) movement. Here Russia is acting as a source of inter-
national support and specific military and technical assistance. In the textbooks it
also mentions Adolf JOFFE, a representative of the Soviet government in Beijing,
who together with Sun Yat-sen published the “Declaration of SUN Yat-sen and
JOFFE”. It was this document that laid the foundation for a temporary cooperation
between the CCP and the KMT. A military school in Huangpu built under the
supervision of M. BORODIN from Russia, a political adviser to the KMT, became
an important step in this cooperation.62 Unlike textbooks of the LRRSs, later edi-
tions stress the role of the Soviet Union to explain the essence of the PRC’s do-
mestic and foreign policies. On the one hand, the political experience of the Soviet
Union is believed to have had a direct impact on the CCP as a party type, which
in the textbooks is called the Leninist party with all critical characteristics. On the
other hand, it is viewed not only as inter-party relations, but also as an interstate
cooperation with the USSR. The Soviet Union was the first to recognize the PRC
after its proclamation in LRQR and to establish diplomatic links with it. It also pro-
vided substantial financial, military, and technical aid, granted a big loan, and sent
some skilled workers to rebuild the industry. Additional historical material is

58 XUE Huayuan: Putong gaoji zhongxue. Lishi (2007), pp. 230, 239.
59 GU Weiying/WANG Shizhong (eds.): Putong gaoji zhongxue. Lishi (2007), pp. 15–16.
60 XUE Huayuan: Putong gaoji zhongxue. Lishi (2007), p. 238.
61 HU Pingsheng (ed.): Guomin zhongxue. Lishi, vol. 3 (1991), pp. 66, 88–89.
62 GU Weiying/WANG Shizhong: Putong gaoji zhongxue. Lishi (2007), p. 28.

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 The Images of Western Countries and Russia in History Textbooks

illustrated with photographs: a shot of the signing ceremony of the Treaty of

Friendship between STALIN and MAO Zedong, as well as a photo of a Soviet spe-
cialist surrounded by Chinese workers at a factory.63
At the same time, the editors of the textbook explain in detail the development
of Soviet-Chinese relations: from close and friendly cooperation in the LRdSs; to
the deterioration after STALIN’s death, which resulted in a military conflict on
Damansky Island in LReR; and later to improvement from the late LRcSs. It should
be noted that today the countries once involved in the conflict are trying not to
address these events directly. In fact, the dSth anniversary of the collision was
hardly remembered in JSLR in both countries, as well as the fact this memorable
date has never been mentioned in the textbooks.64 In stark contrast, the incident is
portrayed in the Taiwanese textbooks, which seems to be set as a pathway to the
subsequent events. The clashes on Damansky Island are set to be the turning point
of PRC’s relation with the USSR, but also with the United States. An improvement
in Sino-American relations results in Taiwan losing its legitimate status in the UN
and revising its domestic and foreign policy. Finally, with another improvement
of Soviet-Chinese relations in the LRcSs and RSs, Russia becomes a significant po-
litical partner of the PRC, only so willing to provide military and technical assis-
tance. As cited in the Taiwanese textbook of LRRSs, Russia provided the PRC with
arms supplies for the PLA’s modernization.65 Therefore, in the section on the his-
tory of China and the Republic of China, Tsarist Russia is portrayed as a very
aggressive state taking advantage of its neighbors’ weakness for the sake of terri-
torial expansion. However, in the Soviet period, Russia acts as an ally providing
the necessary support such as economic and military assistance.
There is a small paragraph about Russia in the world history section which
shows a concise and neutral layout of the main events in Russian history in the
second half of the LRth century and the first half of the JSth century. Among those
are the abolition of serfdom and the reforms of Alexander II, the First World War
involvement, the February and October Revolutions of LRLK and STALIN’s indus-
trialization. While Russia acts as an economically and technically obsolete state,
it is one of the main actors in significant pan-European events, especially those
related to military clashes. Therefore, the Crimean War and the defeat of Russia

63 Ibid., p. 101.
64 Mikhail KOROSTIKOV: “Ostrov izmenenii͡a mirovoĭ istorii. Kak konflikt na Damanskom
povernul istorii͡u Kitai͡a, SSSR i SSHA” (World history’s Island of changes. How the con-
flict on Damansky Island turned the history of China, the USSR and the USA), 2019, March
15. Available online https://www.kommersant.ru/doc/3909917 (last access 2019, Decem-
ber 2).
65 GU Weiying/WANG Shizhong: Putong gaoji zhongxue. Lishi (2007), pp. 103–107.

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Polina RYSAKOVA

are presented before the unit on the causes of the First World War. The focus is
put on Russia encroaching on neighboring territories.
Attention is drawn to the account of the October Revolution, a key event in the
history of Russia with global implications. In the LRRSs, the revolutionary events
were interpreted as social upheavals caused by hostilities, which did not afford the
people any relief. Although the industrialization brought the USSR to a leading
economic position, it was carried out at the expense of depriving people of their
freedom and normal working conditions. Textbooks of the JSLSs provide similar
assessments of the LRLK Revolution. Moreover, the very name of the new state, the
Soviet Union, which involved other countries apart from Russia, is seen as a crafty
plan to further world revolution.66 In general, Russia, and then the Soviet Union
are shown as active participants in both World Wars, taking both diplomatic and
military tasks. The Cold War is described as a time of confrontation between the
capitalist and socialist camps. The Soviet Union acted as a strong opponent to the
United States. The competition between the two in terms of politics, economics,
military technologies, and space exploration involved both European and Asian
countries. The suggested reasons for the Soviet Union’s collapse are poor quality
of life for the population, conflicts within the socialist camp, and upward demo-
cratic trends. A brief account of the collapse is given in the textbook with the coup
of LR August LRRL followed by the ban on the Communist Party and dissolution of
the Soviet Union in December LRRL. Typically, there is no mention of Russia and
the Soviet Union throughout LRRL, and descriptions of modern Russia are not found
in the textbook either.
According to the modern Taiwanese textbook, all relations with Russia are re-
stricted to those in the history of mainland China during in the Qing period, the
Republic of China, or the PRC. The Taiwanese textbook characterizes Tsarist Rus-
sia as a state driven by the desire to seize foreign lands. The world history unit
suggests that Russia’s territorial claims are addressed to both Eastern and Western
countries. At the same time, the Soviet Union is believed to be a major ally provid-
ing military and political aid, leaving aside any trade, financial or cultural assis-
tance. Therefore, Russia is presented as a strong military partner rather than a trade
counterparty.

66 WANG Zhizhi: Guomin zhongxue. Lishi (1991), pp. 63–65; GU Weiying/WANG Shi-
zhong: Putong gaoji zhongxue. Lishi (2007), pp. 126–127.

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 The Images of Western Countries and Russia in History Textbooks

Conclusion

There are several characteristic features to be seen with respect to the images of
Western countries and Russia in modern Chinese and Taiwanese history textbooks
for high school. First of all, it should be noted that Chinese and Taiwanese socie-
ties are still struggling to solve problems associated with teaching history in
schools. Now and then, this struggle shifts into public debate. The reform of school
history education has become a core aspect to largescale ideological and political
transformations resulting in major state projects. Although the LRRSs saw more
liberal regulations for history education, the last decades have witnessed a growing
trend for stricter control over the subject by the state. This trend is most evident in
today’s mainland China, where the reform of school history education is part of
the ideological agenda targeting at control and consolidation of the society by the
Communist Party and the state.
It should also be noted that innovations introduced to the school history course
in both mainland China and Taiwan are in keeping with the key theses of the cur-
rent domestic political and public agenda. On both sides of the Taiwan Strait, the
main challenge of LRRSs–JSLSs is globalization that urges the countries in view to
define their own status in the world community and prove their unique role in
world political and economic development. Meanwhile, integration into the global
community should be consistent with the local-national specialty. Mainland China
focuses on building the image of a strong nation state with indisputable national
sovereignty, inviolable state borders, cultural continuity, and socialist ideology
while acting as an active participant on the global scale. On the other side, Tai-
wanese political and academic communities stress the island’s position in relation
to its mainland neighbor and differences between their cultural and political tradi-
tions. These non-trivial items on home ideological agenda have predetermined the
direction for the school history reform: changes in curricula and standards, new
editions of textbooks in the LRRSs–JSLSs. As a result, both national and world his-
tory courses in school have been aimed at highlighting the key theses of the do-
mestic agenda.
Both in mainland China and in Taiwan, changes in the school history course
have to do with the latest sound achievements of the national scholars in historical
research. China’s desire to abandon the rhetoric of social protest and struggle, and
to integrate into the world community has brought about historiographical ap-
proaches which accentuate trends for world economic integration. As early as the
LRRSs, school textbooks started to drop class theory in favor of the “complex world
system” concept authored by the Chinese historian WU Yuqin. The textbooks from

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JSSS–JSLS present world history as a steady development of a single economic

world system, which is based on the capitalist mode of production. Unsurprisingly,
mainland Chinese textbooks focus on the materialistic view of history and pay
primary attention to economic processes.
In comparison, Taiwanese textbooks of the LRRSs–JSLSs employ an earlier con-
cept of modernization to explain the world history development and focus on Tai-
wan’s political progress as the nation state, the democratic political system and the
rational culture. The most characteristic feature of these textbooks is the “Taiwani-
zation” of historical research and history education with emphasis on the local his-
tory of the island and its cultural and political difference from mainland China. One
of the leading historiographical concepts of the time is TSAO Yungho’s idea of the
“island history of Taiwan”, which presents Taiwan as an oceanic island located at
the intersection of trade routes and exposed to various sociocultural influences. The
“pro-Taiwan” trend results in major alterations which mainly follow the way Tai-
wanese history is presented. These trends in domestic politics and historical studies
of mainland China and Taiwan have made a direct impact on how the image of
Western countries and Russia evolves in the textbooks of LRRSs–JSLSs.
References to Western countries and Russia are made in units on both world
history and national history of China. However, since the midLRRSs, Taiwanese
textbooks have been mentioning Western countries in the section on Taiwanese
history of the Leth century and onward. Schools of both the PRC and ROC share
a similar approach to modern periods of world history, which is associated with
the key trends in the modern world, such as the nation state, capitalism, colonial-
ism, integration of world regions into a single economic system, and consolidation
of inequality between the West and the rest of the world. The world development
has been defined by the leading countries of the West, among which are the UK,
France, the USA, Italy, Germany, and Russia. At the same time, France and the
United States take leading positions in political development since they have con-
solidated democratic forms of government. The United Kingdom plays a major
role in economic development with the Industrial Revolution which led to the es-
tablishment of capitalism, imperialism, and the world colonial system.
Textbooks of mainland China seem to fail to provide consistent interpretation
of the Chinese-Western military-economic clash in the LRth century. Traditionally,
Chinese historiography blames Western countries for inflicting the economic and
political losses on China in the Opium Wars. However, the single fiercely critical
rhetoric against the Western powers has notably improved in view of China’s in-
tegration into the global economy. While the textbooks stress the inflicted damage,
the authors argue that clashes with Western countries refer to the end of China’s
isolation and new prospects for integration into the world economic system.

LKe
 The Images of Western Countries and Russia in History Textbooks

Taiwanese textbooks kept the section of Chinese history almost intact while major
changes can be found in the Taiwanese historical narration. The list of important
countries was extended with the introduction of Holland and Spain as well as extra
emphasis on the United States in the recent history of the Island. However, a more
significant innovation is the way earlier Dutch and Spanish colonial governance
and American economic aid in the LRdSs–eSs are regarded as a positive factor con-
tributing to Taiwan’s modernization, special social and economic environment,
and global integration.
Surprisingly, the account of Taiwan’s relations with foreign colonizers in the
unit on the history of Taiwan differs from that of the relations with European pow-
ers and Japan in late Qing period and Republican China units. Modern Taiwanese
historiography values the colonial experience as the one fostering modernization
and global integration. By contrast, the section on late Qing history of China heav-
ily relies on the popular rhetoric of China being taken advantage of and economi-
cally oppressed by foreign powers. Therefore, the section on the history of Taiwan
in the given textbook must have been written with the new historiographical as-
sessments and the changing political context of Taiwanese society of the JSSSs in
view. Meanwhile, the narrative in the units on mainland China was largely bor-
rowed from the textbooks of previous periods with dated assessments of foreign
activities. The image of Russia in modern Chinese and Taiwanese textbooks seems
slightly different from that of rather positively assessed Western countries. Text-
books on both sides of the Taiwan Strait tend to characterize Tsarist Russia as a
state with the development strategy of outward expansion. They provide a detailed
coverage of land appropriation by Russia in the Far East.
Interestingly, Taiwanese textbooks include even more negative assessments in
the section on the history of China even though there has been a steady improve-
ment in bilateral relations between Russia and Taiwan since the LRRSs. This might
be attributed to the anti-Soviet and anti-communist rhetoric of the LRdSs–KSs,
which is left unattended since the main focus is placed on the revision of Taiwan’s
proper history. Similarly, Chinese and Taiwanese textbooks show different assess-
ments of the LRLK Revolution, the key event in the history of Russia with world
implications. Chinese textbooks describe the October Revolution as a turning
point in world history, which produced a non-capitalist model of social develop-
ment. The later Soviet experience of socialism is seen as an example of bad im-
plementation, a warning against mistakes that could be made on the way. In Tai-
wanese textbooks, the LRLK Revolution is persistently shown as the result of mili-
tary upheavals, which did not bring relief to the people, but rather deprived the
country of democracy and freedom.

LKK
 Part II

LITERATURE
Viatcheslav VETROV

e Coming to Terms with Evil

Abstract. The paper is conceived as a study of the concept of evil in the process of
mutual perceptions of the West and China since the early JSth century until today.
It begins with a discussion of the theory according to which the “otherness” of Chi-
nese civilization, the specific course of its development, and the difficulties China
faced in coming to grips with Western powers in the LRth century are largely due to
the fact that the idea of radical personified evil was known to the Christian world
but not to China.
The debate among Western sinologists on this theory is investigated along with the
study of the parallel reception process of the Western idea of evil among Chinese
intellectuals. First of all, it was the Faustian tradition, one of the promising achieve-
ments of the European Renaissance, making this idea become so attractive to China
in the previous century. While this article reflects upon China’s reception of the
significant elements of this tradition as ideas such as creation, originality, negation,
Chinese discussions of GOETHE’s Faust etc., focus is put on Chinese readings of
three Russian classical writers who centrally employ the motif of personified evil
in their works: Nikolai GOGOL, Fyodor DOSTOEVSKY, and Mikhail BULGAKOV. The
decided selection of Russian classics was motivated by the highly ambivalent posi-
tion of Russia in the process of intercultural dialogue between the East and the West
- not only as part of the West but also as a culture which at many crucial stages of
its history distanced itself from the West in search for some original unique path
into future.

Keywords. Motif of evil, Christianity, Gogol, Dostoevsky, Bulgakov.

Published in: Gotelind MÜLLER and Nikolay SAMOYLOV (eds.): Chinese Perceptions of
Russia and the West. Changes, Continuities, and Contingencies during the Twentieth Cen-
tury. Heidelberg: CrossAsia-eBooks, JSJS. DOI: https://doi.org/LS.LLdcc/xabooks.eeL.

LcL
Viatcheslav VETROV

Introduction

Academic studies on cultural differences between China and the West in regard to
the idea of evil have always rested on the assumption of a fundamental mutual
otherness of both cultures: Their focus lies on the peculiarities of the other and on
an intensive investigation of them which is seen as helpful in the construction of
one’s own cultural identity. The most important one among all the initial works in
this area was Max WEBER’s (1864–1920) Economy Ethics of World Religions
(Confucianism and Taoism, 1911–1915); and among later influential studies there
were Alfred FORKE’s (1867–1944) The World Conception of the Chinese (1925),
Frederick MOTE’s (1922–2005) The Cosmological Gulf between China and The
West (1972) as well as François JULLIEN’s (b. 1951) L’Ombre au tableau. Du mal
ou du négatif (2004).1 Among the most recent works, Adrian CHAN’s monograph
Orientalism in Sinology (2012) deserves special attention as it combines the We-
berian tradition of discussing the idea of evil with the post-colonial discourse and
with all the political critiques in Sinology that have been inspired by Edward
SAID’s (1935–2003) Orientalism (1978). CHAN’s monograph is also conceived as
a political critique and pursues the liberation of China related studies from ele-
ments of Western ideology projected upon it. One of the most important ideolog-
ical projections discussed by CHAN is the concept of sin. According to him, it is
one of the most crucial mistakes in Sinology to interpret the Chinese concepts of
guo 过 and zui 罪 as sin,2 because it makes the idea of Christian transcendence
which is foreign to Chinese cosmology and cosmogony appear as something in-
digenously Chinese. While discussing this topic of “sin in a cross-cultural com-
parison”, CHAN resumes one of the key arguments of Max WEBER3 and demon-
strates that studies of evil do not only remain important for academic discourse,
but also are highly relevant from a political standpoint, reflecting the post-modern

1 See also Livia KÖHN: “Zur Symbolik des Bösen im alten China”. In: Ingrid KRÜSSMANN
(ed.): Der Abbruch des Turmbaus: Studien zum Geist in China und im Abendland. Fest-
schrift für Rolf Trauzettel, Nettetal: Steyler Verlag 1995, pp. 113–133; Fabian VÖLKER:
“Der Ursprung und Sinn des Bösen und des Seins der Welt: Zu einer theodiceeanalogen
Frage im Vedānta und Buddhismus”. In: Zeitschrift für Religionswissenschaft, 2014,
pp. 330–374; Franklin PERKINS: Heaven and Earth are not Humane: The Problem of Evil
in Classical Chinese Philosophy, Bloomington: Indiana University Press 2014.
2 Adrian CHAN: Orientalism in Sinology, Bethesda: Academica Press 2012, pp. 2–4.
3 For Max WEBER’s study of the idea of sin in Western-Chinese comparative frame, see his
Die Wirtschaftsethik der Weltreligionen: Konfuzianismus und Taoismus, Tübingen: J. C. B.
Mohr 1991, pp. 145, 194–195, 205, 213.

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 Coming to Terms with Evil

issue of a global over-communication as well as the problematics of ties between

knowledge and power.
For the present paper, all these theoretical cultural studies of the evil East and
West represent an important discursive frame. However, my core issue would be
not the idea of evil as it is reflected in Western academic discourse, but rather the
interpretations of the Western ideas of evil by broader strata of Chinese intellec-
tuals and the connections between these interpretations and Chinese politics.
The first decisive phase in China’s coming to terms with Western idea of rad-
ical evil resulted in a confrontation of Chinese intellectuals with Christian mis-
sionaries, not in the early stage of the mission, but rather in the 18th and 19th
centuries, when Chinese saints and sages were increasingly perceived by Christian
missionaries as sinful and for this reason were systematically banned to Christian
hells.4 In this dramatic dialogue, too, cultural differences pertaining to the idea of
sin were a crucial factor. The spiritual background of coming to terms with West-
ern evil at this early stage has been thoroughly discussed in Sinology.5
The second phase, roughly between the late 19th century and 1949, took its
course under a general conviction of the necessity of modernizing China after the
model of the militarily and technologically superior West. It was the time of an
active reception of the history of Western thought and Western concepts, such as
the Renaissance, the Faustian tradition which originated from the Renaissance6
and GOETHE’s (1749–1832) Faust with its philosophical elaboration of the theme
of radical evil. It seems important that the reception of GOETHE7, as well as that of
many other figures associated with the genealogy of Western modernity (DANTE
(1265–1321) LUTHER (1483–1546), etc.), was only marginally connected to Chi-
nese translations of these works and real acts of reading them either in the original
or in translation. Both the Renaissance and the Faustian spirit had become part and
parcel of Chinese political discourse long before the first translation of Faust (part
one) by GUO Moruo 郭沫若 (1892–1978) appeared in 1928. The idea of evil came
to the fore in its constant deep interrelation with such other concepts as creation,

4 For more details, see the chapter “Damnation des Saints et dieux de la Chine” in Jacques
GERNET, Chine et christianisme, action et réaction, Paris: Gallimar 1982, pp. 238–247.
5 See, for example, the monographs by Paul A. COHEN, China and Christianity: The Mis-
sionary Movement and the Growth of Chinese Antiforeignism, 1860–1870, Cambridge,
Mass.: Harvard University Press 1963, and by Jacques GERNET, Chine et christianisme,
action et réaction (1982).
6 For the ideological background of the boom of the Renaissance idea during the May
Fourth, see Jerome GRIEDER: Hu Shih and the Chinese Renaissance, Liberalism in the Chi-
nese Revolution 1917–1937, Cambridge: Harvard University 1970.
7 For the reception of GOETHE’s Faust in East Asia, see Adrian HSIA (ed.): Zur Rezeption
von Goethes „Faust” in Ostasien, Bern: Peter Lang 1993.

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Viatcheslav VETROV

negation, negation of negation, individuality and geniality, all of them becoming

a subject of new intercultural interpretations within the current political discourse.
Reflections on creation as one of the most ambivalent concept in Chinese cul-
tural tradition were central for such seminal sinological studies as Kirina
GOLYGINA’s “Kont͡sept͡sii͡a tvorcheskoĭ lichnosti v konfut͡sianskoĭ ėsteticheskoĭ te-
orii” (On the creative personality in the Confucian aesthetic tradition, 19738) and
Michael PUETT’s The Ambivalence of Creation (2001.) In Western tradition, cre-
ation is also a highly ambivalent concept which is documented as early as in the
Book of Genesis: by committing the original sin, man puts himself in a competing
position with God. The ability to judge on good and evil, which man attains
through the original sin, is closely associated with the act of divine creation. Cre-
ation, creativity, individuality, geniality, all these concepts, since the Renaissance
and most essentially in the age of Enlightenment, developed to underscore the am-
bivalent position of man before God. Man is seen as a creation of God, but he is
himself also a creator who increasingly aspires to affirm himself as a competitor
to God, i.e. as the subject of an individual, independent, and progressive creation.
The topoi of creation9, creativity, and the Renaissance, dominated the Chinese
intellectual discourse since the beginning of the 20th century. The metaphysical
ambivalence of these concepts in the Western cultural tradition10 was not in the
focus of debates among Chinese intellectuals. Neither were the changes in the spir-
itual atmosphere of the West which marked the transition from the Middle Ages
to the Renaissance in the focus of debates among Chinese intellectuals. The focus
was, instead, on the perception of the Renaissance as a symbol of rapid scientific,
economic, and technical growth, of rising national strength and of consolidation
of political power. Renaissance came to be one of the most popular political slo-
gans which united ideologically different thinkers such as HU Shi 胡适 (1891–
1962), ZHOU Zuoren 周作人 (1885–1967), XU Zhimo 徐志摩 (1897–1931), and
LIANG Shuming 梁漱溟 (1893–1988) etc. For this reason, it was no coincidence

8 In: Izuchenie kitaĭskoĭ literatury v SSSR (Soviet Studies on Chinese Literature), Moskva:
Nauka 1973, pp. 194–205.
9 Ironically, it is this very concept of creation which is among the primary aims of Adrian
CHAN’s critical study. In his scathing polemics against Western sinologists – first of all
against James LEGGE (1815–1897) – these are constantly addressed as “created people”, as
for example in the following passage: “The lack of sin [in China – V. V.] has led to conflicts
and misunderstanding, not only in sinology but … also in the contemporary international
political relations between China and the Created people.” (Adrian CHAN: Orientalism in
Sinology (2012), p. 9.)
10 For more details see Viatcheslav VETROV: “Zur Dekonstruktion des Un/Gesunden in
philologischen Taxonomien: Westlich-chinesischer Renaissance-Diskurs”. In: Oriens Ex-
tremus vol. 51, 2012, pp. 331–368.

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 Coming to Terms with Evil

that the combination of the concepts of evil and creation became a focal point in
the general self-strengthening discourse.
It was in 1927 that CHENG Fangwu 成仿吾 (1897–1984) presented in his essay
“Cong wenxue geming dao geming wenxue” 从文学革命到革命文学 (From Lit-
erary Revolution to Revolutionary Literature), published in 1928 in the Chuang-
zao yuekan 创造月刊 (Creation Monthly), a political manifesto in which leading
Chinese intellectuals of the May Fourth were scathingly criticized for being alien
to the masses and unable to carry out the overdue revolutionary mission. In a la-
conic form, CHENG formulates his own mission as a negation of negation (fouding
de fouding 否定的否定).11 This remarkable fruit of negation spirit was brought
forward in the middle between two great events in the modern Chinese history:
the New Culture movement, within which the Creation Society (Chuangzaoshe 创
造社, 1921–1930) was formed; and the political triumph of the Chinese Com-
munist Party (1949.) The Creation Society12 which produced this prominent com-
munist ideologist and translator of the Communist Manifesto into Chinese, was on
its part very much concerned with the topic of coming to terms with Western evil,
which can be illustrated by the examples of GUO Moruo’s translation of GOETHE’s
Faust (Part One) and QUAN Ping’s 全平 Satanic Project (Sadan de gongcheng 撒
但的工程.)
GUO Moruo’s translation of GOETHE’s Faust on which he worked from 1919
until 1928 was not the beginning of Chinese intellectuals’ reception of GOETHE.
GOETHE had been a major figure of Chinese political debates since the Yangwu
movement (Yangwu yundong 洋务运动 , Western affairs movement), and the
early decades of the 20th century are often called the age of the Faustian spirit in
China. Among the early Chinese works which discussed GOETHE was GU
Hongming’s 辜鸿铭 (1857–1928) chapter Zi qiang bu xi 自强不息 (On unswerv-
ing self-strengthening) from his ZHANG Wenxiang mufu jiwen 张文襄幕府记闻
(Recollections from the Quarters of ZHANG Wenxiang, 1910.) In this chapter,
GOETHE’s work is discussed not as a tragedy, but as a triumph of an unswerving
aspiring mind which is interpreted in terms of, and assimilated to, the indigenous
Chinese tradition by a quotation from the Book of Changes – Zi qiang bu xi; being

11 CHENG Fangwu 成仿吾: “Cong wenxue geming dao geming wenxue” 从文学革命到
革命文学 (From Literary Revolution to Revolutionary). In: Cheng Fangwu wenji 成仿吾
文 集 (Collected works of CHENG Fangwu), Jinan: Shandong daxue chubanshe 1985,
pp. 241–247, here p. 246.
12 For the significant role of the Creation Society in the politics of Republican China, see
TANG Xiaobing and Michel HOCKX, “The Creation Society (1921–1930)”. In: Kirk A. DEN-
TON, Michel HOCKX (eds.): Literary Societies of Republican China, Lanham: Lexington
Books 2008, pp. 103–136; YIN Zhiguang: Politics of Art: The Creation Society and the
Practice of Theoretical Struggle in Revolutionary China, Leiden: Brill 2014.

Lcd
Viatcheslav VETROV

an allusion to the sentence: Tian xing jian, junzi yi zi qiang bu xi 天行健，君子

以自强不息 (Just as the heaven is constant in its motion, the sage never ceases
from strengthening himself.)13 It is significant that in this interpretation GOETHE
comes to personify the unity of man and the cosmos; he is placed within the im-
manent natural order; and there is no reference to the Christian transcendence, to
the symbolic accompaniment of Faust both by Mephistopheles and by God. GOE-
THE who thus is seen as representing an immanent world vision, is interpreted as
a key figure who demonstrates the unity of Chinese and Western cultures. As an-
other prominent intellectual FENG Zhi 冯至 (1905–1993) summarized the attrac-
tive force of the Faustian evil to Chinese intellectuals of the 1920s and 1940s, the
evil was seen as an effective stimulus to action, as something which in the end is
positive and good, which he supports by the following quotation from GOETHE’s
Faust: Wo shi na liliang de yi bufen, ta yongyuan yuanwang e er yongyuan
chuangzao le shan 我是那力量的一部分，它永远愿望恶而永远创造了善 (I’m
part of that power which wills forever evil, yet does forever good).14 Thus, the
Faustian good and evil come to be seen as complementary, just like the categories
of yin and yang in Chinese cosmology and completely in accordance with the tra-
ditional Chinese interpretations of evil, for example by ZHU Xi 朱熹 (1130–1200)
or by WANG Yangming 王阳明 (1472–1529).15
Both for GOETHE’s Faust and for the whole European Faustian genealogy
(from Christopher MARLOWE up to Thomas MANN and Mikhail BULGAKOV),
Christianity was a very important spiritual source. In this tradition, evil always
shows itself in its intentionality (as an explicit ethical choice, “that always wishes
evil”16), which is reflected upon in terms of the transcendence idea. It is also this
metaphysical Christian context which is missing both in the first translation of
GOETHE’s Faust by GUO Moruo and in most of other acts of Chinese reception of
the Renaissance and the Faustian problematics at that stage of the cultural dialogue
with the West.17

13 GU Hongming 辜鸿铭: Zhang Wenxiang mufu jiwen 张文襄幕府记闻 (Recollections

from the Quarters of Zhang Wenxiang, 1910), Taiyuan: Shanxi guji chubanshe 1996, p. 76.
14 FENG Zhi: “Fushide li de mo” 浮士德里的魔 (The Evil in GOETHE’s Faust, 1943). In:
FENG Zhi xueshu lunzhu zixuan ji 冯至学术论著自选集 (Self-selected academic works of
Feng Zhi), Beijing: Beijing shifan xueyuan chubanshe 1992, pp. 292–313, here p. 312.
15 For the Neo-Confucian perspective on the problem of evil, see the essay by CHEN
Lisheng and HUANG Deyuan: “Research on the issue of ‘evil’ in WANG Yangming’s
thought”. In: Frontiers of Philosophy in China vol. 2 no. 2, April 2007, pp. 172–187.
16 Note that BULGAKOV used this self-introduction of Mephistopheles as an epigraph to
The Master and Margarita.
17 From the very outset, the Western Renaissance discourse was marked by extreme am-
bivalence: alongside the optimistic view of its emphasis on the beautiful and healthy body,
freedom of personality, creativity, etc., there was a very strong pessimistic attitude to it,

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 Coming to Terms with Evil

Among the statements of Mephistopheles concerning his identity, one of the most
important is the sentence which I have just quoted from the essay by FENG Zhi’s
concerning evil in Faust. In GUO Moruo’s translation, this phrase reads as follows:
wo shi zuo e zao shan de li zhi yi ti 我是作恶造善的力之一体 (I am a part of that
force which commits evil and creates goodness).18 The intentionality of evil which
is so important in the German original is completely neutralized by GUO; working
good deeds is complementary to committing evil, which is also an assimilation of
GOETHE to the Chinese conceptual system and an alienation from the original
Western one. A further characteristic of GUO’s strategy and role as the translator
is an almost complete renunciation of commentary and notes on especially im-
portant parts in the text, for example in the Prologue in Heaven, in which GOETHE
alludes to the Bible, the bet between God and Mephistopheles in the Prologue is
thought as parallel to the story of Job, which is made unrecognizable by GUO
Moruo.19 It is neither the tragedy of Faust, nor the highly complex positioning of
Faust within the ethical coordinate system that is important to GUO Moruo, but the
triumph of an aspiring mind. His interpretation is therefore similar to that of GU
Hongming. It is not the original context or the original conceptual frame, which
they try to grasp in coming to terms with evil; the Western classic is rather assim-
ilated to the indigenous conceptual frame, and no commentary is deemed neces-
sary for its understanding.
The Satanic Project by QUAN Ping illustrates how far Chinese intellectuals of
the early 20th century were driven in their discussions of the practical application
of the idea of evil. This essay, with which the periodical Hongshui 洪水 (Deluge)
– a direct offspring of the Chuangzao-Journal – was started in 1924, represents a
manifesto of the Creation Society. Satan is conceived as a symbol of progress and
of an effective struggle against stagnation and ugliness; the Satanic Project is a
call for destruction of all that had been responsible for this stagnation in Chinese
traditions. The negation (destruction) idea is as complementary to the idea of cre-
ation – the central idea of the Creation Society – as in GUO’s interpretation of good
and evil in the auto-reflections of Mephistopheles. In QUAN Ping’s words on the
division of labor: “所以我们不妨说：美善的创造是上帝的本能。真正的破坏

which was first expressed by Jacob BURCKHARDT in his Die Kultur der Renaissance in
Italien (1860). This classical study of Renaissance was hardly known in China in the early
20th century. For more details, see my above-mentioned essay.
18 GUO Moruo 郭沫若 (tr.): Fushide 浮士德 (Faust) vol. I, Beijing: Renmin wenxue chu-
banshe, 1987, p. 65.
19 GUO Moruo: “Tian shang xumu” 天上序幕 (Prologue in Heaven). In: Fushide (1987),
pp. 13–20.

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Viatcheslav VETROV

是撒旦的天职。”20 (That’s why we should say that the creation of what is good
is the ability of God and the destruction is the righteous task of Satan.) It is not
only the self-identification with Satan which is placed in the focus of this mani-
festo, but also a twofold critical attitude of its author both to his own tradition and
to Christian ethics:

所以我们固然不愿抹去良心，做假守祖宗律法，立在街头祈祷的法利赛人；
但也没有那种伟大的愿力去学牺牲一己，钉死十字架，为恶人赎罪的救主。
我们只凭着我们的良心，顺着我们的感情，来做被人咒诅被人憎厌的撒但…。
21

Therefore, we are not willing to eradicate our conscience sticking to the laws of the
ancestors and reciting Pharisee prayers. But we do not possess the willingness to
sacrifice ourselves on the cross or to be redeemers for the sins of others. We lean
only on our conscience, we follow only our feelings, in order to fulfil the satanic
task which is condemned and hated by ordinary men etc.

In this second phase, we can see Chinese intellectuals coming to terms with West-
ern evil was a process of an assimilation of Western concepts to the Chinese cul-
tural context and the current political agenda, rather than a confrontation with the
West which was characteristic of the 18th and 19th centuries. Cultural “othering”
was now replaced by an effective Sinicization. CHENG Fangwu’s above mentioned
essay Cong wenxue geming, in which the negation of negation – an augmentation
of the negation spirit of GOETHE’s Mephistopheles – and the Hegelian dialectics
of Aufheben were projected upon the current political agenda in China, was a va-
riety of instances of Sinicization within the influential ideology of the Creation
Society. CHENG’s text, which anticipates all the basic points of the state ideology
of the communist regime, is a logical continuation of the interpretations of GOE-
THE and HEGEL within the Creation Society; but on the other hand, it overcomes
the predominance of aesthetic problems characteristic of the creationists and fo-
cuses on the purely political issue of class struggle.
Between 1949 and 1977, Marxism became the predominant religion in China
and the notions of good and evil were no more under free debates among intellec-
tuals. What was to be perceived as good or evil, was clearly sanctioned from above.
It was only in the 1980s – after the beginning of the “Reform and Opening” era 改
革开放 – when Chinese intellectuals resumed discussions of many inter-cultural
issues which had been of central concern to the intellectuals prior to 1949. One of

20 QUAN Ping 全平: Sadan de gongcheng 撒但的工程 (The Satanic Project, 1924). In:
Chuangzaoshe ziliao 创造社资料 (Material of the “Creation Society”) vol. I, Fuzhou: Fu-
jian renmin chubanshe 1985, pp. 493–495, here p. 493.
21 Ibid., p. 495.

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 Coming to Terms with Evil

these issues was the Western concept of evil, which was now approached in a
strikingly different manner from that characteristic of the earlier stages: among the
most significant intellectual productions of this period were new translations of
GOETHE’s Faust (among them QIAN Chunqi’s 钱春绮 Fushide 浮士德 (1982), 22
which in stark contrast to the above-mentioned translation by GUO Moruo was a
minutely commentated rendering of the original text, as well as the first transla-
tions of Mikhail BULGAKOV’S Master i Margarita (The Master and Margarita).
The present study focuses on Chinese readings of three Russian writers, all of
whom take a firm position in the tradition of Christian faith as well as in the tradi-
tion of literary elaboration of the motif of Faust and the personified evil: Nikolai
GOGOL (Nikolaĭ GOGOLʹ, 1809–1852), Fyodor DOSTOEVSKY (Fedor DOSTOEVSKIĬ,
1821–1881), und Mikhail BULGAKOV (1891–1940). The choice of Russian writers
was motivated by the fact that in the history of the cultural dialogue between China
and the West, Russia played the role of a very special partner: On the one hand,
Russia is itself part of the West, on the other hand, it has experienced quite a long
history of confrontations with the West. Of the three authors chosen for the present
analysis, this ambivalent position to the West is especially characteristic of GOGOL
and DOSTOEVSKY. Both of them participated in the debates between Westernizers
and Slavophiles – two major political camps with different programs for answer-
ing the question which way Russia should follow in the future: that of the West or
its own peculiar way. The participation in these debates strongly influenced the
manner in which both authors conceptualized the problem of evil: from the psy-
chologically rather simple figure of the Devil in GOGOL’s Noch’ pered Rozh-
destvom (Christmas Eve, part of the Vechera na khutore bliz Dikanʹki (Evenings
on a Farm Near Dikanka, 1831–1832)) to the far more sophisticated incorporation
of evil in CHICHIKOV (Mërtvye Dushi (Dead Souls), 1841) and to the highly com-
plex idea of evil elaborated in DOSTOEVSKY’s Grand Inquisitor (the Antichrist) in
Bratʹi͡a Karamazovy (The Brothers KARAMAZOV, 1875–1880). The following
words of DOSTOEVSKY testify to the prominence of this theme in GOGOL’s work:

Byli u nas i demony, nastoi͡ashchie demony...Odin iz nikh vse smei͡alsi͡a; on sme-

͡ialsi͡a vsi͡u zhiznʹ i nad soboĭ i nad nami, i my vse smei͡alisʹ za nim, do togo smei͡alisʹ,
chto nakonet͡s stali plakatʹ ot nashego smekha.23

22 QIAN Chunqi 钱春绮 (tr.): Fushide 浮士德 (Faust), Shanghai: Shanghai yiwen chu-
banshe 1982.
23 Fedor DOSTOEVSKIĬ: Ri͡ad stateĭ o russkoĭ literature (A Series of Essays on Russian Lit-
erature, LceL). In: Polnoe sobranie sochineniĭ v tridt͡sati tomakh (Complete works in thirty
volumes) vol. Lc, Leningrad: Nauka LRKc, pp. QL–LSK, here p. dR.

LcR
Viatcheslav VETROV

Among other things, we had demons, real demons…One of them laughed all the
time; throughout all his life, he was laughing at himself as well as at us, and we
followed him in this laughing and laughed, too, till the laugh turned into a cry.

In these words, GOGOL himself is said to be one of the demons of Russian literature.
This demonic quality refers both to the demonic figures in his works as well as to
GOGOL’s capacity to hit the audience’s nerves and make his readers laugh and cry
over his demonic literary productions. The idea that GOGOL by himself regarded
his major aim as deriding the Devil was also central to one of the most profound
studies on GOGOL: Dmitry MEREZHKOVSKY’s (Dmitriĭ MEREZHKOVSKIĬ, 1865–
1941) Gogolʹ i chort (GOGOL and the Devil, 1906.)
In MEREZHKOVSKY’s eyes, the artistic elaboration of evil in GOGOL’s work
went through some powerful transformations, from the first initial stage when it
was conceptualized as a fantastic force – a Devil from Dikanka Tales who steals
the moon from the sky in his desire to harm people – to a stage in which all fan-
tastic elements were eliminated, and evil appeared as something quite ordinary.
This ordinary manifestation of radical evil possesses, in MEREZHKOVSKY’s de-
scription, the following traits: as flatness it is the negation of all human depths and
heights; as the face of the crowd it is all too familiar to us, especially in the mo-
ments when we lose the courage to be ourselves and thus willingly become part of
the crowd; there is nothing tragic about radical evil however, on the contrary, it
manifests itself in the absolute absence of any tragedy, as the infinite vulgarity of
the human race.24 CHICHIKOV is among the most successful incarnations of evil
and as such he receives a most detailed analysis by MEREZHKOVSKY.
At the end of his study, he turns to discussing one of GOGOL’s books which
only at first sight has little to do with its main topic (evil): (Vybrannye mesta iz
perepiski s druzʹi͡ami (A Selection of Letters to My Friends, 1847.) This publica-
tion was a milestone in GOGOL’s life and belonged to the most controversial intel-
lectual productions of the 19th century.
In these letters, GOGOL tried to fulfil what he perceived to be his direct civil
duty to make public his ideas concerning the future of Russia; its unique destiny
as a Christian country, the necessity to preserve its spiritual heritage, and the di-
vine significance of monarchy. It goes without saying that such ideas were met
with sharp criticism by the Westernizers. The possibly most famous reaction to
this publication was the letter by Vissarion BELINSKY (Vissarion BELINSKIĬ, 1811–
1848) – one of the leading ideological figures under the future Soviet regime – to
GOGOL in which the following was said:

24 Dmitriĭ MEREZHKOVSKIĬ: GOGOLʹ i chort (GOGOL and the Devil), Moskva: Skorpion
LRSe, pp. J–Q.

LRS
 Coming to Terms with Evil

Rossii͡a vidit svoe spasenie ne v mistit͡sizme, ne v asketizme, ne v pietizme, a v

uspekhakh ͡tsivilizat͡sii, prosveshchenii͡a i gumannosti. Eĭ nuzhny ne propovedi
(dovolʹno ona slyshala ikh!), ne molitvy (dovolʹno ona tverdila ikh!), a probuzhde-
nie v narode chuvstva chelovecheskogo dostoinstva, stolʹko vekov poteri͡annogo v
gri͡azi i navoze, prava i zakony, soobraznye ne s ucheniem ͡tserkvi, a s zdravym
smyslom i spravedlivostʹi͡u...25

Russia sees its salvation not in mysticism, not in asceticism, not in pietism, but in
the progress of civilization, enlightenment and humanism. It needs no sermons (it
has heard enough of them!), no prayers (it has repeated them long enough!), what
it needs is the awakening of the sense of human dignity in its people that for centu-
ries were lost in the mud and dung. It needs rights and laws which would satisfy not
the Church teachings but common sense and righteousness.

From this point onwards, an unbreachable gulf in the perception of good and evil
divided the traditionalist GOGOL and the reformer BELINSKY. This gulf was caused
by the book which was barely discussed during the Soviet era. It was only in the
last twenty years that Russian readers began to show interest in the patriarchal –
still practically unknown today – aspects of the psychology of one of Russia’s
greatest writers, aspects which heavily influenced GOGOL’s conceptualization of
good and evil. The fact that GOGOL saw the future of Russia in further practice of
Christian (Orthodox) belief rather than in pursuing comforts produced by the tech-
nical achievements of the West had great impact on Chinese reception of this work
(very much like the reception in the Soviet Union and later in post-Soviet Russia).
Chinese discussions of the Letters to My Friends are in themselves a symbolic
milestone and mark a turning point in the intellectual atmosphere after the begin-
ning of the “Reform and Opening” reforms.
DOSTOEVSKY was GOGOL’s direct spiritual follower in the expression of his
own concerns about the global future of Christianity as well as in the literary elab-
oration of evil in the discussion of these concerns. For him just as for GOGOL,
Western civilization was primarily associated with a beginning alienation from
Christianity. The main causes for this alienation were seen in intellectual currents
which acted in the name of universal happiness and turned man into an object of
almost religious worship, eventually replacing God by man. Vasilij ROZANOV’s
(Vasiliĭ ROZANOV, 1856–1919) Legenda o velikom inkvizitore F. M. Dosto-
evskogo (The Legend of the Grand Inquisitor by F. M. DOSTOEVSKY) is a well-
known study which focused on DOSTOEVSKY’s criticism of these spiritual devel-
opments in the West. ROZANOV recognizes a deep relationship between

25 Vissarion BELINSKY’S (Vissarion BELINSKIĬ) letter to GOGOL (on Ld June LcQK, Salz-
brunn). In: In: Nikolaĭ GOGOLʹ: Polnoe sobranie sochineniĭ (Complete Works) vol. c, Len-
ingrad: Izdatelʹstvo Akademii Nauk LRdJ, pp. dSS–dLS, here p. dSL.

LRL
Viatcheslav VETROV

Catholicism and the boom of the socialist idea as one of the intuitions which were
central to the poetics of DOSTOEVSKY: the formicary (muraveĭnik), the crystal pal-
ace (khrustalʹnyĭ dvoret͡s), the henhouse (kuri͡atnik) are among the most frequent
figurative expressions for this intuition which ROZANOV discusses at large.26 The
Grand Inquisitor is DOSTOEVSKY’s most significant philosophical elaboration of
radical evil. As in the case with GOGOL, the exposition of this theme is inseparable
from DOSTOEVSKY’s concerns about the future of Christian faith. For this reason,
it is self-explanatory that the developments in Chinese discussions of evil in DOS-
TOEVSKY’s work followed similar patterns as in GOGOL’s case.
Compared with GOGOL and DOSTOEVSKY, BULGAKOV displays a significantly
different approach to the problem of evil. His exposition is an open political par-
ody of the Soviet reality and of communism. The incorporation of evil is concep-
tualized in a quite different manner from the Devil and CHICHIKOV by GOGOL and
the Grand Inquisitor by DOSTOEVSKY: BULGAKOV’s Voland comes to Moscow to
carry out a task which in effect – “normally” – he is considered to manage in the
afterworld. He punishes all possible manifestations of evil in humans: envy, greed,
cruelty, etc. He emerges as a gentleman who is able to recognize great personali-
ties and helps them struggle through all the horrors of the socialist reality. BULGA-
KOV’s The Master and Margarita is therefore first and foremost a socio-critical
psychological parody. However, he operates with similar visions of evil – against
the background of Christianity – as GOGOL and DOSTOEVSKY did before him. The
epigraph which he has chosen for the novel – the self-introduction of Mephistoph-
eles from GOETHE’s Faust27 – already clearly indicates the adherence to the same
spiritual tradition as both of his predecessors. Yet ironically, precisely in spite of
this epigraph and in marked contrast with Mephistopheles, Voland does not dis-
play even the slightest intent of acting out evil. Evil is alien to him, and hence this
is maybe the greatest metamorphosis of evil if one compares BULGAKOV’s novel
with all other literary elaborations of evil in Western and Russian literature.
Another essential difference between BULGAKOV and his two predecessors can
be observed from the perspective of their attitude to the West. BULGAKOV is much
more positive in this respect, which is reflected in many episodes of his novel:
Margarita is not only said to be a queen at Satan’s ball, but is made far more spe-
cific in her royal qualities – as a direct descendant of the French court28; KANT is

26 Vasiliĭ ROZANOV: Legenda o Velikom Inkvizitore F. M. Dostoevskogo (The Legend of

the Grand Inquisitor by F. M. DOSTOEVSKY, LcRQ), Moskva: Respublika LRRe, p. cK.
27 “Ein Teil von jener Kraft, die stets das Böse will und stets das Gute schafft.” (Johann
Wolfgang von GOETHE: Faust, Weimar: Volksverlag 1958, p. 52.) Mikhail BULGAKOV:
Master i Margarita (The Master and Margarita), Moskva: Golos 1999, p. 156: “I͡a - chastʹ
toĭ sily, chto vechno khochet zla i vechno sovershaet blago.”
28 Mikhail BULGAKOV: Master i Margarita (1999), p. 387.

LRJ
 Coming to Terms with Evil

said to have attained access to the Paradise for developing his own way of proving
the existence of God29; alone the fact that BULGAKOV takes a passage from GOE-
THE as the epigraph for the novel is sufficient to prove his inner self-identification
with the culture of the West.
The present study aims at an analysis of the Chinese reception of all the above
mentioned affinities and differences in the work of three Russian classics, and is
intended as a contribution to better understanding the complex process of intercul-
tural communication and the exchange of ideas between China, Russia, and the
West.

GOGOL

In the history of the Chinese reception of GOGOL, LU Xun 鲁迅 (1881–1936)

played a remarkable role both as an active propagator of GOGOL and as the first
translator of Dead Souls into Chinese, on which he worked in 1935/1936. Raoul
FINDEISEN who made this translation – one of the last works of LU Xun – the
subject of a separate study, lists considerable complexities LU Xun was confronted
with while preparing it. Among other things, FINDEISEN mentions a letter written
by LU Xun to his younger colleague HU Feng 胡风 (1902–1985) in the year 1935,
in which the following statement may be found: “My head and brain are confused
because I have read too little of GOGOL in the past. I thought it would be easy to
translate and did not imagine it so difficult.”30 This is a remarkable complaint if
one considers that prior to this letter LU Xun often referred to GOGOL as one of his
own literary authorities, a person who exerted great influence on his own career
as a writer: in this sense GOGOL was mentioned in his essay Wo zenme zuo qi
xiaoshuo lai 我怎么做起小说来 (How I Began to Write Fiction, 1933)31 as well

29 Ibid., p. 163.
30 Raoul David FINDEISEN: “A Translator’s Testament: Lu Xun’s Si hunling (Dead Souls,
LRNd–LRNe)”. In: Raoul D. FINDEISEN, Gad C. ISAY (et al., eds.): At Home in Many Worlds:
Reading, Writing and Translating from Chinese and Jewish Cultures, Essays in Honour of
Irene Eber, Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz JSSR, pp. LcR–JSJ, here p. LRQ. LU Xun quan ji 鲁迅
全集 (Complete works by LU Xun), Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe JSSd, p. Qdc: “这
几天因为赶译《死魂灵》 vol. c，弄得昏头昏脑，我以前太小看了ゴーゴリ，以为
容易译的，不料很难…” Literally, “tai xiaokan le” should be more accurately translated
as “underestimated” (rather than “read too little”), but the reason for underestimating
GOGOL should actually have been LU Xun’s insufficient experience of reading GOGOL.
31 LU Xun quan ji (2005) vol. 4, pp. 525–530, here p. 525.

LRN
Viatcheslav VETROV

as in the work of his youth, a literary manifesto of modern China Moluo shi li shuo
摩罗诗力说 (On the Power of Mara Poetry,32 1907). For the present study, the
manifesto on Mara Poetry is especially relevant because it signaled the beginning
of the Chinese reception of GOGOL and listed GOGOL’s name alongside various
other poets all of whom were called by LU Xun Mara or Satanic poets. The fol-
lowing passage from this work in the translation by Shu-ying TSAU and Donald
HOLOCH may illustrate what exactly he meant by this designation:

I cannot detail each varied voice, but none has such power to inspire and the lan-
guage as gripping as Mara poetry. Borrowed from India, the term “Mara” – celestial
demon, or “Satan” in Europe – first denoted Byron. Now I apply it to those, among
all the poets, who were committed to resistance, whose purpose was action but who
were little loved by their age…They’d bellow an audience to its feet, these icono-
clasts whose spirit struck deep chords in later generations, extending to infinity.33

One mutual trait is shared by all Satanic poets who are brought together in this
piece of writing by LU Xun is that all of them are loud poets. The pictures LU Xun
resorts to in describing them constantly underline this loud disposition: voices,
bellowing, striking deep chords, etc. Loud voices – especially those from the West
– are reported to be necessary in order to shake China from its perilous dream and
develop a strong national spirit. According to LU Xun, China has to recognize that
any state of peace is yet an illusion, and Satan (sadan 撒但) is regarded as someone
who can help China arrive at this realization: Satan is opposed to any harmony
between man, God, and nature; he is the very personification of the impossibility
of a peaceful existence:

Consider Nature: woods caressed by soft breezes, everything moist with sweet rain,
as though all things were meant to bless humanity; yet flames raging underneath
make vents in the earth and erupt one day to destroy all things. The frequent breeze
and rain are passing phenomena, not an eternal idyll as in Adam’s native
place…The killer instinct is born with life; “peace” is a name for what is not.34

The destruction is the reality of Satan which is opposed by the force of LU Xun’s
imagination to the illusory harmony of Adam. All the poets who are associated
with this reality are said to have the same ability: to erupt end rebel. GOGOL figures
among the first of these powerful eruptions and is introduced in the following

32 LU Xun quan ji (2005) vol. 1, pp. 65–120.

33 LU Xun: “On the Power of Mara Poetry”, tr. by Shu-ying TSAU and Donald HOLOCH.
In: Kirk A. DENTON (ed.), Modern Chinese Literary Thought: Writings on Literature p|q}–
pqw~, Stanford: Stanford University Press LRRe, pp. Re–LSR, here p. RR.
34 Ibid., p. 100.

LRQ
 Coming to Terms with Evil

characteristic manner: “十九世纪前叶，果有鄂戈理者起，以不可见之泪痕悲

色，振其邦人。”35 (In the early 19th century, GOGOL appeared and struck his
countrymen by the force of unimaginable tears and suffering.)
All the figures from the huge melting pot of LU Xun’s Mara school (Mo-
luozong 摩罗宗, or Satanic school/Satanic poets, as it is sometimes called by his
interpreters36) including PUSHKIN, BYRON, SHELLEY, LERMONTOV, and GOGOL
are quite simple symbols, all of them meaning nothing more than “a storm”, “an
upheaval”, “a revolt”, “an eruption”,37 all mutually interchangeable, in spite of any
actual differences existing in their worldviews. The very idea of a “complicated
worldview”, of inner conflicts and philosophical quests which could have accom-
panied these authors in the course of their lives is negated by LU Xun from the
outset, as – according to him – “no principles are pursued (in literature)” (jiuli fu
cun 究理弗存).38
LU Xun’s idealization of liberation powers associated here with Satan is com-
pleted by explicitly neutralizing any rationality. The poetry theorist is literally en-
chanted by feeling, intuition, and Satanic inspiration which in the first place allows
him to equalize such aesthetically different writers such as PUSHKIN and GOGOL.
This methodology also explains why some thirty years later he would complain to
a colleague about not having had enough reading experience of GOGOL: the emo-
tional emphasis and the negation of rationality allowed him that in his youth he
could bring forward judgments on literature without sufficiently relying on pri-
mary sources. However, in spite of all the irrationality of this approach to literature
and arts, or maybe exactly due to this irrationality and intuition, LU Xun had un-
derstood the prominence of evil and the Satanic as a major constituent of GOGOL’s
poetics. Ironically, it would take almost a whole century to revise the sometimes

35 LU Xun quan ji (2005) vol. 1, p. 66.

36 Cf. OU Li: “Romantic, Rebel, and Reactionary: The Metamorphosis of Byron in Twen-
tieth-Century China”. In: Alex WATSON, Laurence WILLIAMS (eds.), British Romanticism
in Asia: The Reception, Translation, and Transformation of Romantic Literature in India
and East Asia, Singapore: Palgrave Macmillan JSLR, pp. LRL–JJS, here p. LRc; SONG Qing-
bao: “The Different Views of Women of Lord Byron and Su Manshu”. In: Peter COCHRAN
(ed.): Byron and Women [and men], Cambridge: Cambridge Scholars JSLS, pp. cL–cc, here
pp. cK–cc.
37 A much more thorough analysis of the psychology of BYRON’S revolting “Satanic heroes”
is provided by Fred PARKER: “Their consciousness is withdrawn, inflamed and brooding;
the pain they carry within is never fully communicated, but expressed in part by the attitude
of disdain, severe and superb…” (Fred PARKER: “Between Satan and Mephistopheles: By-
ron and the Devil”. In: The Cambridge Quarterly vol. 35 no. 1, 2006, pp. 1–29, here p. 2.)
38 Shu-ying TSAU and Donald HOLOCH (“On the Power of Mara Poetry” (1996), p. 105)
provide a more expressive translation for this passage: “no philosophy is to be dug out of
it.”

LRd
Viatcheslav VETROV

too simplistic sentimental judgments made by the classic of modern Chinese liter-
ary theory.
The present paper cannot provide an exhaustive picture of Chinese translations
of GOGOL39 and studies on his work. Instead some turning points in the history of
GOGOL’S reception have to be highlighted here, i.e. the most important stages in
China’s coming to terms with GOGOL’s evil. During the first of these stages –
roughly between the May Fourth era and the 1960s – GOGOL was seen primarily
as a great satirist and social reformer. Therefore, Chinese readings of GOGOL of
the time can be interpreted as quite in tune with LU Xun’s exposition of his Satanic
qualities. A good overview for this particular stage is provided by WANG Zhigeng
王志耕 in his essay Guogeli zai Zhongguo de bashi nian licheng 果戈理在中国
的八十年历程 (Eighty Years of GOGOL in China).40 WANG begins his discussion
with LU Xun and the May Fourth and approaches GOGOL as a romantic author
whose main intent was to call people to freedom (dui ziyou de nahan 对自由的呐
喊).41 He, too, interprets GOGOL as a critical reformer, and it is striking that for the
whole period of eighty years of Chinese readings of GOGOL, which he discusses,
the religion is practically not mentioned at all. The problem of evil is mentioned,
but only as the evil(s) of the epoch (dangdai de zuie 当代的罪恶,)42 which is (are)
in need of corrections. Another striking feature of this analysis is the predomi-
nantly negative approach to spiritual components in GOGOL’s thought: as early as
in the 1920s Chinese intellectuals were said to have avoided any discussions on
the supernatural (shengui de shijie 神鬼的世界) as something alien to them for
the following reason: “而中国人需要的是写实主义的旗帜，是对黑暗的揭露
与控诉，而不是带有中国传统味的轮回报应故事“ (What people in China
need[ed], was the banner of realistic writing by which darkness is revealed and
denounced rather than stories about retribution which are reminiscent (lit.: which
smack) of Chinese tradition).43 In other words, he makes it clear that the early re-
ception of GOGOL in China was accompanied by a serious contradiction: on the
one hand, GOGOL the reformer was welcome, but on the other hand, a critical dis-
tance was taken to some of his major themes, among other things, to the demonic

39 The above-mentioned article by Raoul D. FINDEISEN lists a large number of further trans-
lations of Dead Souls which appeared after that of LU Xun (FINDEISEN: “A Translator’s
Testament” (JSSR), p. JSJ). A good review of other works of GOGOL translated into Chinese
up to LRRS is provided in the essay by WANG Zhigeng 王志耕, “Guogeli zai Zhongguo de
bashi nian licheng” 果戈理在中国的八十年历程 (Eighty Years of GOGOL in China). In:
Waiguo wenxue yanjiu 外国文学研究 (Foreign Literature Studies), no. J, LRRS, pp. LRQ–
LRR.
40 WANG Zhigeng: “Guogeli zai Zhongguo de bashi nian licheng” (LRRS).
41 Ibid., p. 194.
42 Ibid., p. 195.
43 Ibid.

LRe
 Coming to Terms with Evil

and supernatural and to the religious component which in the eyes of Chinese lit-
erati smacked of their own obsolete cultural past.
That this contradictory attitude lasted for quite a long time can be corroborated
by an essay of another GOGOL specialist PENG Ke 彭克 from 1959: Jinian weida
de Eluosi zuojia Guogeli dansheng yi bai wu shi zhou nian 纪念律大的俄罗斯作
家 果 戈 理 诞 生 一 百 五 十 周 年 (Commemorating the 150th Anniversary of
GOGOL’s Birth).44 He, too, begins his commemoration with GOGOL’s impact on
many pioneers of the May Fourth, among others on LU Xun und QU Qiubai 瞿秋
白 (1899–1935) and approaches the motif of evil as social evils (shehui de choue
社会的丑恶, p. 121). Nonetheless, until the time of PENG writing this essay, noth-
ing seemed to have significantly changed about this approach:

在解放了的中国，果戈理的作品受到广大人民的热爱。他的主要作品，从
《狄康卡近乡夜话》直到《死魂灵》，都已经有了较好的译本。《钦差大臣》
经常在舞台上演出，加深观众对于旧社会的仇恨和对于果戈理所追求的光明
的新社会的热爱。45

In the liberated China, the works of GOGOL were met with universal love. Fairly
good translations were produced for all of his major works, from Dikanka Tales up
to Dead Souls. The Government Inspector was staged several times: it has deepened
the audience’s hatred of the old society as well as its love for an enlightened new
society which GOGOL had sought.

Dikanka Tales – a product of distinctly religious thinking – are not only mentioned
by PENG, but receive a rather detailed description. Among other things, he reports
on the doings of the Devil in Christmas Eve, how he tries to steal the moon from
the sky in order to hinder the protagonists’ meeting and how Wakula (Vakula) –
the main character of the tale – circumvents the Devil’s schemes. The work is said
to be imbued with folk intonation (minjian koutou 民间口头) and romanticism
(langman zhuyi 浪漫主义), etc.46 However, nothing is said about the real motives
of the Devil’s action (it is Wakula’s religiosity that highly disturbs the Devil) or
about the friendly reception of Wakula by Empress Katharina at her court in St
Petersburg. Popular and romantic features play the dominant role in this reception
of evil in GOGOL’S early work: evil is equal to darkness, which is understood
purely in socio-critical terms, not as part of a religious program. The religious
motives are also cut out in PENG’s analysis of Peterburgskie povesti (The

44 In: Beijing daxue xuebao 北京大学学报 (Journal of Beijing University), LRdR, no. J,
pp. LJL–LJc.
45 PENG Ke, “Jinian weida de Eluosi zuojia Guogeli dansheng yi bai wu shi zhou nian”
(1959), p. 121.
46 Ibid., p. 122.

LRK
Viatcheslav VETROV

Petersburg Tales, pp. 124-125), and of all the tales it is Portret (The Portrait) which
is omitted completely, a tale which hardly allows any socio-critical approach and
is filled with reflections on evil against a predominantly religious background. The
role of GOGOL as a progressive reformer is fortified by the authority of BELINSKY:
“别林斯基并且指出果戈尔创作的巨大的革命意义，经常利用他的作品进行
反对专制农奴制度的斗争。”47 (BELINSKY also mentions the great revolutionary
idea in the works of GOGOL who often used them to struggle against the traditional
system of serfdom.)
As mentioned in the introduction of this article, in the course of time BELINSKY
had developed a much more critical view of GOGOL than is shown in PENG’s study.
The reason for such a critical reevaluation of his views on GOGOL was primarily
the publication of Selected Letters to my Friends (1847) in which GOGOL was em-
phatically portraying to his contemporaries the great mission of the Orthodox
faith; the needs to preserve the national spiritual heritage; and the sacred nature of
the monarchy, which eventually caused a wave of scathing criticism against
GOGOL primarily among Westernizers like BELINSKY. The book marked a turning
point in GOGOL’s career, but in the history of Chinese reception of GOGOL and his
ideas of evil, discussions of this book were also a significant milestone. They be-
gan relatively late, and a prominent role in them was played by REN Guangxuan
任光宣 who in effect opened the eyes of Chinese readers on the very existence of
this book. In the year 1999 REN published his complete Chinese translation of it,48
but already in his earlier publications he explored the extreme importance of the
religion for GOGOL’s thought. In his essay “On the Religious Vision in GOGOL’s
Work” (1993), he introduced this theme as follows: Unlike religious mystics,
GOGOL did not plunge into any kind of religious romanticism to describe a super-
natural world. From the very beginning to the end, his work was dedicated rather
to the realities of life in Russia. Still, it was exactly his religious vision that helped
him come to grips with that real life. The best picture of his religious thought may
be gained from his Excerpts from Letters to My Friends (Yu youren shuxin xuan
与友人书信选, 1847).49 In REN’s exposition, the main idea behind The Letters is
similar to that of Dead Souls: the evils of reality can be overcome only by means
of faith, because it is only in the realm of religion that man can gain an exact
picture of evil’s nature and provenance. If in The Letters the prominence of this

47 Ibid., p. 127.
48 REN Guangxuan 任光宣 (tr.): Yu youren shuxin xuan 与友人书信选 (Excerpts from
Letters to My Friends), Anhui wenyi chubanshe 1999.
49 REN Guangxuan: “Lun Guogeli chuangzuo zhong de zongjiao guannian” 论果戈理创
作中的宗教观念 (On the Religious Vision in GOGOL’s Work). In: Waiguo wenxue pinglun
外国文学评论 (Foreign Literature Review), no. Q, LRRN, pp. LSd–LLL, here p. LSd.

LRc
 Coming to Terms with Evil

theme is discussed directly, Dead Souls provides the aesthetic elaboration of the
relationship between evil and reality:

果戈理认为，恶不是一个抽象的概念，而是具有本体论实质。就是说，每个
人本质里含有恶的因素，纯洁的无恶的人是没有的…《死魂灵》展示俄国生
活的邪恶和弊端，是从揭示人身上的恶开始的。在第一部里，各种人物表现
出俄罗斯这座“地狱”里人的种种邪恶欲望，表现出人物内心的黑暗。50

In GOGOL’s thought evil is not an abstract category. It has its own ontological status,
i.e. everybody carries inside themselves an element of evil, and no one is absolutely
free from it… Dead Souls demonstrates some of the evils pertaining to life in Russia
and begins with the evil within man himself. Every figure in the first part of the
novel displays various evil aspirations of this “hell (on Earth)” and makes visible
the darkness of the human mind.

Within the Earthly hell of life, CHICHIKOV is said to be an evil spirit or the Devil
(e mo 恶魔),51 an observation which is quite in tune with MEREZHKOVSKY’s judg-
ment on the nature of the Devil in GOGOL’s work. REN informs his readers that
according to GOGOL’s design of the complete novel, this Devil stands in the center
of both parts. Sin is his essential nature, and as a personification of it, it appears
not only in the center of Dead Souls, but also in a number of other works by GOGOL,
such as The Grand Inspector and The Portrait.52 REN abstains from a detailed dis-
cussion of transformations which the motif of evil went through in GOGOL’s
thought but he captured the essence of what was characteristic of it from the be-
ginning to the end: it is not a purely ethical or socio-critical motif but one which
is firmly rooted in religion, i.e. in the Christian frame of reflections on good and
evil. This is a completely different way to approach GOGOL compared with what
had been the case in the early stage of his reception. REN’s analysis neither rests
on omissions, adaptations, and concealments nor does it pursue any officially pre-
scribed ideological correctness. On the other hand, this new approach does not
appear to be something accidental, but is rather in accord with a general search for
new ways of communication with the world which began with the “Reform and
Opening” reforms, i.e. it is in accord with a radical re-evaluation of one’s own
cultural past and with an active consciousness of peculiarities of one’s cultural self.
In the context of this new spiritual atmosphere, a significant event was the re-
evaluation of the exact relationship between BELINSKY and GOGOL, and the dis-
covery of deep complexities pertaining to this relationship. It was again REN
Guangxuan who informed Chinese readers about these complexities in one of his

50 Ibid., p. 108.
51 Ibid.
52 Ibid., p. 110.

LRR
Viatcheslav VETROV

later essays, which refers directly to GOGOL’s The Letters already in its title:
“GOGOL’s Spiritual Testament: Reading Excerpts from Letters to My Friends”
(2001).53 In this work, REN focuses on one of GOGOL’s fundamental concerns:
What way shall Russia follow in the future? REN explains the main tendencies of
GOGOL’s time to approach this question, reports about the tension between Rus-
sia’s two major intellectual camps – the Westernizers (xioupai 西欧派) and Slav-
ophiles (silafupai 斯拉夫派) – and describes the reasons for GOGOL’s sympathies
with the latter:

为了净化心灵和完善道德，果戈里认为必须了解自己的心灵，需要自我的构
建。…果戈理认为为国家服务就是为天上的君主 – 上帝服务的愿望。这的确
是一个基督徒在谈自己的服务思想。54

In order to purify the soul and to bring one’s morality to perfection, GOGOL thinks
it is necessary to know one’s own soul; an identity structure is needed… GOGOL
thinks that the desire to serve one’s country is equal to the desire to serve the Lord
in Heaven – God. This thinking is really characteristic of a Christian who is reflect-
ing on his personal duties.

REN elaborates on GOGOL’s consciousness of deep connections between the love

of God and the love of Russia, also a country that enjoys God’s special love be-
cause of the unprecedented piety of her people.55 This patriotic love is said to be
no impediment for a fruitful exchange with other cultures. On the contrary, GOGOL
was convinced that Russia also had to learn from others, but not at the cost of
abandoning one’s own cultural self: “这里果戈理首先论述了接受外来文化与
继承自己民族文化传统的辩证关系；其次，他暗示出俄罗斯人性格中的宗
教性。”56 (GOGOL develops here the principle of a dialectical relationship be-
tween accepting elements of foreign cultures and going on to foster the traditions
of one’s own national culture; furthermore, he alludes to the religiosity peculiar to
the Russian character.)
In this particular instance of interpreting GOGOL, the word “dialectics” (bian-
zheng 辩证) is by no means accidental. In my opinion, it acts as a powerful signal
and points at some present-day problems with which China’s intellectuals them-
selves are directly confronted. All the numerous studies in which GOGOL’s The

53 REN Guangxuan 任光宣: “Guogeli de jingshen yizhu – du ‘Yu youren shujian xuan’”
果戈理的精神遗嘱——读《与友人书简选》 (GOGOL’s Spiritual Testament: Reading
Excerpts from Letters to My Friends). In: Waiguo wenxue jikan 外国文学季刊 (Foreign
Literature Quarterly), JSSL. no. Q, pp. LSL–LLS.
54 Ibid., p. 103.
55 Ibid., p. 104.
56 Ibid., p. 108.

JSS
 Coming to Terms with Evil

Letters have been discussed here since the early 1990s make a point highlighting
the great dilemma of GOGOL’s time and his answer to it which is met with criti-
cisms of many of his contemporaries for its apparent backwardness: for the de-
fense of Russia’s old patriarchal way of living, traditions, and religiosity.
Looking once more back on the early stage of the Chinese reception of GOGOL,
for example, on the analysis provided by WANG Zhigeng for the 1920s in which
any discussions of supernatural and spiritual are said to have been avoided by Chi-
nese intellectuals because of the possible “smack of Chinese tradition” (chuantong
wei 传统味), it is possible to see what a radical reversal has taken place in the
conceptualization of values in the last thirty years. REN Guangxuan’s discussion
of GOGOL’s concept of universal love may serve as a further illustration of this
process: by displaying universal love (“li͡ubovʹ ko vsemu chelovechestvu” 57 yi
pian aixin 一片爱心) of his subjects a monarch follows one of the most essential
principles of God.58 GOGOL is said to have regarded the religious destination – and
not simply a justification – of monarchy in terms of exactly this principle, which
also presupposes a divine quality; in this essential ability, God’s own presence is
incorporated, and nobody but a monarch is ever able to come into its possession.
In the clear difference from other monarchy discourses that highlight the idea
of modernization, as for example those of constitutional monarchy and enlight-
ened absolutism, GOGOL’s approach to monarchy and his conceptual elaboration
of universal love are patriarchal to the core; and within current discussions of
GOGOL it is striking how much interest they find in China, and how close these
readings occasionally come to indigenous Chinese conceptuality, when for exam-
ple “universal love” is translated by terms like “boai” 博爱 (universal love).
ZHENG Weihong’s 郑伟红 essay “On the Religious Thought of GOGOL”59 follows
this way in discussing the religious thought of GOGOL. By choosing the indigenous
Chinese concept “boai”, he constructs an ideal bridge between Russia and China,
but simultaneously it functions as a call-sign to evoke the idea of a confrontation
with the West and searching for an alternative for something the West is not able
to offer. It is not surprising that ZHENG’s analysis of GOGOL’s religious thought is
introduced by a discussion concerning the fourteen years GOGOL spent in Europe
and, for his pessimistic impressions, gained from this travelling experience. For

57 Nikolaĭ GOGOLʹ: Vybrannye mesta iz perepiski s druzʹi͡ami (Selected Letters to My

Friends). In: Polnoe sobranie sochineniĭ (Complete Works) vol. 8, p. 256.
58 REN Guangxuan, „Lun Guogeli chuangzuo zhong de zongjiao guannian“ (1993), p. 106.
59 ZHENG Weihong 郑伟红: “Lun Guogeli de zongjiao sixiang” 论果戈理的宗教思想 (On
the Religious Thought of GOGOL). In: Baoding xueyuan xuebao 保定学院学报 (Journal of
Baoding University) vol. JN no. L, Jan. JSLS, pp. Ld–LK, here p. Ld.

JSL
Viatcheslav VETROV

example his thoughts on Europe not having a future; the only possible way for
Russia’s future prosperity is in its Orthodox belief.60
“The primary deception of modernity” (“xiandaixing de zhuyao huangyan” 现
代性的主要谎言) is nothing else than turning its back on religion. In spite of all
its technical and artistic achievements, Europe lacks a spirit of love (“queshao
guan’ai jingshen” 缺少关爱精神)61 which is said to be among the central ideas of
GOGOL’s The Letters. One of the obvious results of Europe’s not duly cherishing
Christian religion is the neglect of the divine mission of monarchy and the neglect
of universal love. ZHENG approaches this concept as follows:

道德高尚纯洁的人固然值得尊敬，但那些下等人，心灵被恶习浸染的人更需
要去爱，更值得去爱。用爱去帮助他们，用爱使他们高尚起来，这就是基督
的博爱精神。62

It goes without saying that people of high morality deserve respect, but those who
are inferior to them and those whose souls are stained by evil need and deserve even
more love. Caring for them with love in order to help them elevate themselves is
exactly the spirit of Christian universal love (boai).

GOGOL returns to the discussion of the theme of universal love (istinnoe chelove-
koli͡ubie) at the end of The Letters in the section which he calls “The Glory of
Resurrection” (Svetloe Voskresenie),63 to which ZHENG pays special attention.64
In GOGOL’s view, the lack of sincere Christian universal love which is peculiar to
the average modern Westerner manifests itself most clearly – and again in stark
contrast to Russia – during Easter festivities; no enthusiasm comparable with Or-
thodox Easter can be perceived at this time in the West.65 In this context again
ZHENG’s translation of universal love by “boai” is likely to exert, at least to some
degree, a suggestive power on Chinese intellectuals and make them think of con-
texts in which it was employed by thinkers of Chinese antiquity.66 Yet simultane-
ously it refers to reflections about the West, being explicitly critical about

60 Ibid.
61 Ibid., p. 16.
62 Ibid.
63 Nikolaĭ GOGOLʹ: “Vybrannye mesta iz perepiski s druzʹi͡ami” (Selected Letters to My
Friends). In: Polnoe sobranie sochineniĭ (Complete Works) vol. 8, pp. 409–418.
64 ZHENG Weihong: “Lun Guogeli de zongjiao sixiang” (2010), p. 16.
65 Ibid., p. 409.
66 For the indigenous Chinese concept “boai”, see for example the article by XIANG Shiling
向世陵 and XIN Xiaoxia 辛晓霞: “Rujia boai guannian de qiyuan ji qi yunhan” 儒家博爱
观念的起源及其蕴含 (On the Confucian notion of boai, its origin and meaning). In: Bei-
jing daxue xuebao 北京大学学报 (Journal of Beijing University) vol. 51 no. 5, Sep. 2014,
pp. 35–43.

JSJ
 Coming to Terms with Evil

abandoning traditional spiritual values and reflecting on the lessons one can learn
from GOGOL’s personal experience of the West.
To sum up, it can be said that current Chinese readings of GOGOL and the theme
of evil in his work testify a far deeper and more complex level of understanding
of his ideas than it was in the case in the May Fourth era and before the beginning
of the opening reforms. Certainly not all of the numerous studies dedicated to
GOGOL in China display the same quality. Apart from perceptive psychological
analyses67 of GOGOL’s thought, there are also studies which do no justice to the
subject (e.g. the interpretation of the Devil in Christmas Eve as a lovely (keai de
可爱的68) being). Despite all the qualitative differences, however, most of the cur-
rent studies of GOGOL display one significant common feature: they all recognize
that GOGOL’s evil cannot be reduced to the pragmatics of social reforms; that it is
primarily a religious concept; and any search for ways to overcome this kind of
evil refers the reader not only to ways of securing a splendid future, but also of
necessity to the realm of one’s cultural past.

DOSTOEVSKY

Esli estʹ na svete strana, kotorai͡a byla by dli͡a drugikh, otdalennykh ili sopredelʹnykh
s nei͡u stran bolee neizvestnoi͡u, neissledovannoi͡u, bolee vsekh drugikh stran
neponi͡atoi͡u i neponi͡atnoi͡u, to ėta strana estʹ, bezuslovno, Rossii͡a dli͡a zapadnykh
sosedeĭ svoikh. Nikakoĭ Kitaĭ, nikakai͡a I͡Aponii͡a ne mogut bytʹ pokryty takoĭ taĭnoĭ
dli͡a evropeĭskoĭ pytlivosti, kak Rossii͡a, prezhde, v nastoi͡ashchui͡u minutu i dazhe,
mozhet bytʹ, eshche ochenʹ dolgo v budushchem.69

67 For example, the analysis of evil in GOGOL’s The Portrait in: FENG Xiaoqing 冯小庆:
“Guogeli zhongpian xiaoshuo Xiaoxiang de zongjiao shenmizhuyi qianxi” 果戈理中篇小
说 《 肖 像 》 的 宗 教 神 秘 主 义 浅 析 (Some Remarks on the Religious Mysticism in
GOGOL’s Novel The Portrait). In: Xiboliya yanjiu 西伯利亚研究 (Siberian Studies) vol. NR
no. d, Oct. JSLJ, pp. dL–dQ.
68 YU Xianqin 余献勤: “Cong ‘Dikangka jin xiang yehua’ guan Guogeli” 从《狄康卡近
乡夜话》观果戈理 (A View on GOGOL from the Perspective of his Evenings on a Farm
Near Dikanka). In: Jiefangjun Waiguoyu xueyuan xuebao 解放军外国语学院学报 (Jour-
nal of PLA University of Foreign Languages) vol. Je no. L, JSSN, pp. RR–LSJ, here p. LSL.
69 Fedor DOSTOEVSKIĬ: Ri͡ad stateĭ o russkoĭ literature (A Series of Lectures on Russian
Literature, LceL). In: Fedor DOSTOEVSKIĬ, Polnoe sobranie sochineniĭ v tridt͡sati tomakh
(Complete Works in Thirty Volumes) vol. Lc, Leningrad: Nauka LRKc, pp. QL–LSK, here
p. QL.

JSN
Viatcheslav VETROV

If there exists a country in the world which is the most unknown and unexplored by
other countries, either its neighbors or not, the least understood and the least com-
prehensible one, that country would certainly be Russia in the eyes of her Western
neighbors. No other place in the world like China or Japan could ever be covered
by a comparable mystery for European inquisitiveness as Russia has been before,
remains to be now, and will continue to be probably for quite a long time in the
future.

Meanwhile the great mystery of Russia is being explored not only by Europe, but
also by other cultures which DOSTOEVSKY mentions only on the margins of his
Lectures on Russian Literature, as well as by China and Japan. DOSTOEVSKY him-
self may be called one of the greatest mysteries worldwide to which not everybody
has access. In her study on the parallels between The Brothers KARAMAZOV and
The Book of Job, WU Shan 吴珊 complains about the pertaining complexities and
states that “it has never been easy [to read DOSTOEVSKY]” (conglai bu shi yi jian
rongyi de shi 从来不是一件容易的事). 70 HE Huaihong 何怀宏, specialist in
cross-cultural ethics, suggests that reading DOSTOEVSKY should be reserved for a
special kind of people: “接受陀思妥耶夫斯基确实需要某种气质和机缘。” (A
special disposition as well as special circumstances are really required in order to
accept DOSTOEVSKY.)71 That the circumstances have not always been favorable
for China’s approaches to DOSTOEVSKY is testified by numerous instances in
which he was condemned as a reactionary (fandong 反动) and obscure (heian 黑
暗) author.72 As in the case with GOGOL, an active reception of his work began in
the May Fourth era, 73 and it was, again like in GOGOL’s case, the religious

70 WU Shan 吴珊: “Yuebo ji dui Tuosituoyefusiji wenxue guan de yingxiang” 《约伯记》

对对陀思妥耶夫斯基文学观的影响 (On the Influence of The Book of Job on DOSTOEV-
SKY’s Literary Thought). In: Henan keji xueyuan xuebao 河南科技学院学报 (Journal of
Henan Institute of Science and Technology) no. K, JSLJ, pp. KS–KN, here p. KN.
71 HE Huaihong 何怀宏: Daode, Shangdi yu Ren: Tuosituoyefusiji de wenti 道德·上帝与
人：陀思妥耶夫斯基的问题 (Ethics, God and Man: On the Problems of DOSTOEVSKY),
Beijing: Xinhua chubanshe 1999, p. 189.
72 See for example a review article by DING Shixing 丁 世 鑫: “20 shiji 80 niandai
Zhongguo de Tuosituoyefusiji yanjiu” 20 世纪 80 年代中国的陀思妥耶夫斯基研究 (“On
Studies on DOSTOEVSKY in China in the 1980s”). In: Zhejiang ligong daxue xuebao 浙江
理工大学学报 (Zhejiang Sci-Tech University) vol. 38 no. 4, Aug. 2017, pp. 312–317, here
p. 314.
73 A detailed review of this reception is provided in: LI Wanchun 李万春: “Tuosit-
uoyefusiji yu Zhongguo wenxue” 陀思妥耶夫斯基与中国文学 (DOSTOEVSKY and Chi-
nese Literature). In: Shehui kexue zhanxian 社会 科学战线 (The Front of Social Sciences)
no. 1, 1989, pp. 342–346.

JSQ
 Coming to Terms with Evil

Christian idea that stood in the way of a sympathetic understanding of the motif
of evil before the “Reform and Opening” reforms.74
The first complete Chinese rendition of The Brothers KARAMAZOV was issued
in 1981.75 For the present study, it is especially the reception of this particular
novel which can prove illuminating in terms of understanding DOSTOEVSKY’s
ideas on evil because it represents a synthesis of these ideas as a sum of all that he
had said on this subject. The personified evil is part of the novel’s key chapters; it
is always an open adversary of figures who have faith, as well as of the Christian
God himself.
In itself evil is a theme that finds a place in all of DOSTOEVSKY’s writings, but
it is not as optically sharply positioned within an interplay of questions generally
concerning individuality, nation, and humanity in any other work as in this novel.
DOSTOEVSKY gives us some illuminating hints that are helpful for approaching
this complex subject in the Lectures which I have just cited. He does not simply
formulate the great puzzle, i.e. the mysterious nature of Russian psychology in the
eyes of the West but regards it as his own direct duty being a Russian writer to
offer a solution to the puzzle. He defines the essence of Russian psychology as
follows:

V russkom kharaktere zamechaetsi͡a rezkoe otlichie ot evropeĭt͡sev, rezkai͡a osoben-

nostʹ, chto v nem po preimushchestvu vystupaet sposobnostʹ vysokosinteticheskai͡a,
sposobnostʹ vseprimirimosti, vsechelovechnosti. V russkom cheloveke net
evropeĭskoĭ uglovatosti, nepronit͡saemosti, nepodatlivosti. On so vsemi uzhivaetsi͡a
i vo vse vzhivaetsi͡a. On sochuvstvuet vsemu chelovecheskomu vne razlichii͡a
nat͡sionalʹnosti, krovi i pochvy. On nakhodit i nemedlenno dopuskaet razumnostʹ vo
vsem, v chem khotʹ skolʹko-nibudʹ estʹ obshchechelovecheskogo interesa. U nego
instinkt obshchechelovechnosti.76

A striking difference can be observed between the Russian character and its Euro-
pean counterparts. A striking peculiarity of the Russian character is its being pri-
marily marked by a highly synthetic ability of an all embracing tolerance and

74 For China’s criticisms of some “unhealthy elements” (bu jiankang de sixiang 不健康的
思想) peculiar to DOSTOEVSKY’s work, of his Orthodox belief among other things, which
were expressed by Chinese intellectuals prior to the opening reforms, see pp. Qc–QR of TIAN
Quanjin 田全金 and WANG Shengsi 王圣思: “Tuosituoyefusiji de san fu miankong: Dui
Zhongguo Tuoshi yanjiu de pipanxing kaocha” 陀思妥耶夫斯基的三副面孔——对中国
陀氏研究的批判性考察 (Three Faces of DOSTOEVSKY: A Critical Examination of Chinese
Studies on DOSTOEVSKY). In: Wuhan keji daxue xuebao 武汉科技大学学报 (Journal of
Wuhan University of Science and Technology) vol. c no. J, JSSe, pp. Qe–dL.
75 GENG Jizhi 耿济之 (tr.): Kalamazuofu xiongdi 卡拉马佐夫兄弟, Beijing: Renmin wen-
xue chubanshe 1981.
76 Fedor DOSTOEVSKIĬ: Ri͡ad stateĭ o russkoĭ literature (1978), p. 55.

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Viatcheslav VETROV

universal humanism. There is nothing of European clumsiness, impenetrability or

rigidness in a Russian. He agrees with everyone and comes to terms with everything.
He sympathizes with everything that is humane regardless of nationality, blood, and
origin. He admits the rationality of all that bears at least some traces of a universal
human concern. He possesses an instinct of universal humanism.

DOSTOEVSKY’s discussion of national issues displays, as it shall be illustrated later,

the same methodology as the discussion of evil: in both cases he heavily relies on
antinomies, i.e. such logical operations in which contradictions are not only con-
ceded but regarded as a necessary precondition of knowledge; a thesis and an an-
tithesis are not eventually resolved in a synthesis but constitute a logical contin-
uum without any neutralization (Aufheben). As for the above problem of Russian
national character, it is evident that the “universal humanism” which he regards as
the general aspiration of Russians is being opposed to something which is quite
recognizable for any reader: qualities associated with the West, Western rational-
ism, as well as Western Christianity. What is claimed to be universally humane is
thus simultaneously counterbalanced against those aspects of humanity treated as
the aim of an open critique and thought of as an antithesis. The thesis (the Russian
instinct for what is universally humane) cannot be formulated without the exist-
ence of its opposite counterpart. Neither is the case with DOSTOEVSKY’s theory of
freedom and evil. In his famous work on the worldview of DOSTOEVSKY, BER-
DYAEV (Nikolaĭ BERDIA ͡ EV, 1874–1948) begins his discussion of The Poem on the
Grand Inquisitor by observing that it was more than unusual of the author to make
no one but Iwan KARAMAZOV (Ivan KARAMAZOV), an outspoken atheist, pro-
nounce this poem which is an unprecedented praise of Christ (nebyvalui͡u po sile
khvalu Khristu 77) and the peak of DOSTOEVSKY’s entire literary career (vershina
tvorchestva Dostoevskogo78). BERDYAEV himself interprets this contradiction di-
alectically: “Light is being brought forth in darkness” (svet vozgoraetsi͡a vo
tʹme).79 Exactly just as the highest possible goodness is brought forward by the
force of a dialectical principle (out of darkness) the nature of radical evil which is
personified in the figure of the Grand Inquisitor follows similar intricate dialectics:
“Light is being brought forth in darkness” (svet vozgoraetsi͡a vo tʹme).80 Exactly
just as the highest possible goodness is brought forward by the force of a dialecti-
cal principle (out of darkness) the nature of radical evil which is personified in the
figure of the Grand Inquisitor follows similar intricate dialectics:

77 Nikolaĭ BERDI͡AEV: Mirosozert͡sanie Dostoevskogo (The Worldview of DOSTOEVSKY),

Moskva: Iskusstvo 1994, p. 124.
78 Ibid.
79 Ibid.
80 Ibid.

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 Coming to Terms with Evil

On soblaznen zlom, prini͡avshim oblichʹe dobra. Takova priroda antikhristova

soblazna. Antikhristovo nachalo ne estʹ staroe, gruboe, srazu vidimoe zlo. Ėto —
novoe, utonchennoe i soblazni͡ai͡ushchee zlo, ono vsegda ͡iavli͡aetsi͡a v oblichʹe dobra.
V antikhristovom zle vsegda estʹ podobie khristianskomu dobru, vsegda ostaetsi͡a
opasnostʹ smeshenii͡a i podmeny. Obraz dobra nachinaet dvoitʹsi͡a. Obraz Khrista
perestaet ͡iasno vosprinimatʹsi͡a, on smeshivaetsi͡a s obrazom antikhrista.81

He is being tempted by evil that has taken the appearance of goodness. It is such a
nature of the temptations by the Antichrist. This is not the old, crude, immediately
visible evil. This is rather a new, sophisticated, and tempting evil that always ap-
pears as goodness. The Antichrist’s evil always displays a similarity to Christian
goodness. The danger of mixing up good and evil is ever present. The picture of
what is good becomes blurred. The figure of Christ can no longer be perceived
clearly and merges with the figure of the Antichrist.

The sophisticated nature of radical evil manifests itself in the concern about man’s
happiness which is made possible by depriving man of God and freedom. The
worldly power over the happy formicary82 is founded on nothing but these two dep-
rivations. One of the most prominent features of the Grand Inquisitor which he
shares with all the happy inhabitants of the formicary is the absence of faith. Just
like Iwan who pronounces the Poem, the Inquisitor is an atheist: he believes neither
in God nor man. In his philosophical analysis of the Poem, BERDYAEV admits how
important it is for the Inquisitor that man should be deprived of the freedom of will
while freedom would imply a possibility of a way to God but simultaneously would
be a way across sin and suffering. It is only by virtue of an immense effort that man
can display his greatness in overcoming evil. This is the antinomic quality of free-
dom, that it offers a way to God through the experience of evil. The eventual suc-
cess in finding one’s own way to God is possible only for great personalities; it
cannot be promised to everyone, but everyone who is free has access to it.83
Most relevant Chinese bibliographies make references to BERDYAEV even if
they sometimes are not explicit about which passages from his work have been
taken to be revealing in approaching DOSTOEVSKY. The following essay by JING
Jianfeng 景剑峰 may serve as an illustration: “Yi ‘Zongjiao Dafaguan’ san zhang
wei ju tanxi Tuosituoyefusiji de ziyou sixiang” 以“宗教大法官”三章为据探

81 Ibid., p. 133.
82 “The common happy formicary” (obshchiĭ soglasnyĭ muraveĭnik) – one of the central
metaphors used by the Grand Inquisitor for the man’s world under his power, a world with-
out God and freedom. Fedor DOSTOEVSKIĬ: Bratʹi͡a KARAMAZOVY. In: Polnoe sobranie so-
chineniĭ vol. 14, Leningrad: Nauka 1976, p. 235.
83 BERDYAEV’s most detailed analysis of the concepts of freedom and evil in DOSTOEV-
SKY’s work is provided in Chapters III “Svoboda” (Freedom) and IV “Zlo” (Evil) of his
“The Worldview of DOSTOEVSKY” (Mirosozert͡sanie Dostoevskogo).

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Viatcheslav VETROV

析陀思妥耶夫斯基的自由思想 (An Analysis of the Freedom-Idea in DOSTOEV-

SKY’s Work on the Material of Three Great-Inquisitor Chapters.)84 In this study,
the author relies on two works by BERDYAEV: Novoe religioznoe soznanie i ob-
shchestvennostʹ (The New Religious Consciousness and the Public, 1907) and
Mirosozert͡sanie Dostoevskogo (The Worldview of DOSTOEVSKY, 1923).
The analysis is introduced by pointing out significant contradictions pertaining
to DOSTOEVSKY’s idea of freedom as they are observed in the latter work by BER-
DYAEV: she reproduces BERDYAEV’s interpretation according to which freedom of
will that makes man able to choose between good and evil is given to him by God,
but being confronted with evil makes man raise the question about God’s existence,
because, as far as Iwan KARAMAZOV’s idea of ethics is concerned, it cannot be
accepted that God concedes evil and lets innocent children suffer.85 In The Poem
of the Grand Inquisitor, the Inquisitor is given the role played by the Devil in the
Bible and exposes Christ to three temptations86 by asking him to turn stones into
bread, to perform miracles, and to gain power over the world. The great value of
freedom of will which makes it possible to overcome suffering is seen by the fact
that Christ could withstand all temptations:

陀思妥耶夫斯基的自由(Свобода)依然在基督教神学家的理解范围之内，需
要放置到自我和上帝的关系中来理解，是自我趋向于全知全能全善的上帝，
既是一种内在的驱动力又是这种趋向上帝的精神轨迹图示。87

DOSTOEVSKY’s concept of freedom (svoboda) remains within the framework of

Christian theology and has to be understood within a personal relationship between
an individual self and God, as a self in its striving for an omniscient, almighty,
absolutely good God, both as an inner moving force and as a spirit looking for God.

Yet on the other hand, the idea of freedom suggests that – as Iwan puts it – “eve-
rything is allowed” (yi qie dou keyi 一切都可以), which in turn is an effect of the
original sin, of the ability to tell fair from evil and of an alienation from God. The
Grand Inquisitor divests man of freedom and constructs a godless kingdom of al-
leged happiness:

84 JING Jianfeng 景剑峰: “Yi ‘Zongjiao Dafaguan’ san zhang wei ju tanxi Tuosituoyefusiji
de ziyou sixiang” 以“宗教大法官”三章为据探析陀思妥耶夫斯基的自由思想 (An
Analysis of the Freedom-Idea in DOSTOEVSKY’s Work on the Material of Three Great-In-
quisitor Chapters. In: Shijie wenxue pinglun 世界文学评论 (The World Literature Criti-
cism) no. J, JSLS, pp. LeJ–Lee. The number “three” refers here to Chapter V (“The Grand
Inquisitor”) of Book V (Pro and Contra) as well as to the two preceding Chapters III (“The
Brothers Meet”) and IV (“Rebellion”).
85 JING Jianfeng: “Yi ‘Zongjiao Dafaguan’ san zhang” (2010), p. 163.
86 MATTHEW 4; LUKE 4 (“Jesus is Tested in the Wilderness”).
87 JING Jianfeng: “Yi ‘Zongjiao Dafaguan’ san zhang” (2010), p. 164.

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 Coming to Terms with Evil

在《宗教大法官》一章中，人们听从于专制主义代表的大法官，就是因为大
法官那里有面包、奇迹、神秘、权威等所谓的幸福，这样他们宁肯不要自由，
甚至会把能为他们带来真正自由的基督放置到‘艳丽夺目的火堆上’，并争先
恐后地去添柴。…那么一切都交给教皇，交给大法官是人类的理想状态
吗？88

In the chapter ‘The Grand Inquisitor’, people take orders from the absolutist inquis-
itor because he provides the joys of bread, miracles, mysticism, and power; doing
so, they prefer to have no freedom, are even ready to throw Jesus who can make
them really free into a blazing fire and rush on to be the first to put more firewood
on to it…Is it the ideal state of humanity that everything is given over to the Pope
and to the Grand Inquisitor?

In the novel which JING Jianfeng traces in the light of the contradictory nature of
freedom, the major opposition is that which exists between “a Man-God” (renshen
人神 chelovekobog), i.e. a titanic man who is dependent entirely on himself be-
cause of his denial of God, and a really free “Man-in-God” (shenren 神人 bo-
gochelovek).89 The first is the Inquisitor himself; the second is Christ who is lis-
tening to him in The Poem. This observation, too, is in line with BERDYAEV.90 One
substantial difference from BERDYAEV, however, is her extension of the above
opposition to that between Catholicism (tianzhujiao 天主教, Inquisitor) and Or-
thodoxy (dongzhengjiao 东正教, Jesus).91
While JING Jianfeng is certainly correct in stating DOSTOEVSKY’s critical atti-
tude to Catholicism and in perceiving a projection of this critique on the figure of
the Grand Inquisitor, she seems to pose a great simplification by equating the fig-
ure of Christ in The Poem with the Orthodox Church. In my opinion, this last fig-
ure was not conceived by DOSTOEVSKY to reproduce any positive religious dogma
but rather represents that instinct of universal humanism which he discusses in the
abovementioned Lectures: as an ideal construction and God’s sacred gift of free-
dom to all humanity. In other words, the novel does not reproduce a confrontation
between two confessions, but rather attests to a personal inner confrontation of the
writer with Catholicism, a Western belief which in his opinion usurped the free-
dom of man in order to exert power over the world. The following passage from
Idiot (The Idiot, 1867–1869) may illustrate the prominence of this theme in DOS-
TOEVSKY’s work:

88 Ibid., p. 165.
89 Ibid.
90 Nikolaĭ BERDI͡AEV: Mirosozert͡sanie Dostoevskogo (1994), pp. 133–134.
91 JING Jianfeng: “Yi ‘Zongjiao Dafaguan’ san zhang” (2010), p. 165.

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Viatcheslav VETROV

Katolichestvo – vse ravno chto vera nekhristianskai͡a!...katolichestvo rimskoe

dazhe khuzhe samogo ateizma. Ateizm tolʹko propoveduet nulʹ, a katolit͡sizm idet
dalʹshe: on iskazhennogo Khrista propoveduet, im zhe obolgannogo i porugan-
nogo...On antikhrista propoveduet.92

Catholicism is as good as an unchristian religion! ...Roman Catholicism is even

worse than atheism itself, in my opinion! Yes, that’s my opinion! Atheism only
preaches zero, but Catholicism goes further: it preaches a distorted Christ, a Christ
calumniated and defamed by itself, the opposite of Christ! It preaches the Antichrist,
I swear. I assure you!93

For DOSTOEVSKY, Catholicism is a Christian faith which was unable to withstand

the third temptation of Christ by Satan, i.e. power. This was the reason for the
establishment of the Vatican state as well as for the institution of the Inquisition
as a special group within the Church to control its power and condemn dissidents.
Even if Orthodoxy has never resorted to such radical forms of control and punish-
ment as the Catholic Inquisition, it does not mean that it denies direct relations
with state power. The problem may be illustrated by consulting the official site of
the Russian Orthodox Church where the following is said:

T͡serkovʹ ne tolʹko predpisyvaet svoim chadam povinovatʹsi͡a gosudarstvennoĭ

vlasti, nezavisimo ot ubezhdeniĭ i veroispovedanii͡a ee nositeleĭ, no i molitʹsi͡a
za nee, «daby provoditʹ nam zhiznʹ tikhui͡u i bezmi͡atezhnui͡u vo vsi͡akom
blagochestii i chistote» (L Tim. J. J).94

The Church does not only prescribe the obedience to state power for its children,
regardless of the convictions and confessions of its (i.e. state power’s) possessors,
but also prays for it “so that we may have a calm and quiet life in all fear of God
and serious behavior.” (I Timothy J/J)

BERDYAEV must have had similar official statements in mind when he wrote:

Dli͡a chisto pravoslavnogo soznanii͡a on, konechno, bolee priemlem, chem dli͡a soz-
nanii͡a katolicheskogo, no i konservativnoe pravoslavie dolzhna pugatʹ dykhovnai͡a
revoli͡ut͡sionnostʹ Dostoevskogo, ego bezmernai͡a svoboda dukha.95

92 Fedor DOSTOEVSKIĬ: Idiot. In: Polnoe sobranie sochineniĭ vol. 8, Leningrad: Nauka 1973,
p. 450.
93 Fyodor DOSTOEVSKY: The Idiot, tr. by Constance GARNETT, New York: The Heritage
Press 1956, p. 485.
94 Emphasis by bold characters as in original, see https://mospat.ru/ru/documents/social-
concepts/iii/ (last access 2020, May 25).
95 Nikolaĭ BERDIA ͡ EV: Mirosozert͡sanie Dostoevskogo (1994), p. 131.

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 Coming to Terms with Evil

To a purely Orthodox mind, he (DOSTOEVSKY) is certainly much more acceptable

than to a Catholic one, but the conservative Orthodoxy should also be alert to the
spiritual revolutionary character of DOSTOEVSKY as well as to the infinite freedom
of his spirit.

Despite some seeming simplifications in the analysis by JING Jianfeng, in general

her essay provides a careful study of DOSTOEVSKY’s religious thought and of the
close and contradictory relationship between freedom and evil within his ethical
theory. Her study may be considered exemplary of a large number of works pro-
duced by Chinese intellectuals in the last twenty years.96 They often draw on BER-
DYAEV as an expert who approaches DOSTOEVSKY from the standpoint of Russian
religious philosophy. Another important authority in what specifically regards
DOSTOEVSKY’s aesthetics is Mikhail BAKHTIN (1895–1975), the author of Prob-
lemy poėtiki Dostoevskogo (The Poetics of DOSTOEVSKY, 1929) and of the theory
of dialogism (dialogizm) or polyphony of voices (polifonii͡a golosov) in DOSTOEV-
SKY’s work. In China, too, BAKHTIN’s theories belong to the standard instrumental
set in approaching DOSTOEVSKY. The polyphony of voices is occasionally also part
of the discussions of the problem of evil, as is the case with the above-mentioned
essay by WU Shan 吴珊 “Yuebo ji dui Tuosituoyefusiji wenxue guan de yingxiang”
《约伯记》对陀思妥耶夫斯基文学观的影响 (On the Influence of The Book of
Job on DOSTOEVSKY’s Literary Thought)97 which interprets Iwan’s “soliloquy”,
i.e. the dialogue with the Devil in his own possession who is a part of Iwan’s own
self, from Book XI/xi “The Devil. Iwan‘s Nightmare” as an example of “poly-
phonic words” (“fudiao” xing de yuyan “复调”性的语言). The polyphony is said
to be a perfect means of auto-reflections of a character whose inner self is split

96 Among other in-depth studies of DOSTOEVSKY’s religious thought and the problem of
evil which have been recently produced in China are WANG Manli’s 王曼利 “Zhiyi yu
zhuixun: lun Tuosituoyefusiji chuangzuo zhong de yuanzui yu jiushu” 质疑与追寻：论陀
思妥耶夫斯基创作中的原罪与救赎 (Questioning and Pursuing: The Original Sin and
Salvation in DOSTOEVSKY’s Work). In: Zhejiang gongshang daxue xuebao 浙江工商大学
学报 (Journal of Zhejiang Gongshang University) no. LQQ, May JSLK, pp. QR–de; WANG
Zhigeng’s 王志耕 “Zongjiao renbenzhuyi shiye zhong de Tuosituoyefusiji” 宗教人本主
义视野中的陀思妥耶夫斯基 (DOSTOEVSKY from the Perspective of Religious Humanism).
In: Jilin shifan daxue xuebao 吉林师范大学学报 (Jilin Normal University Journal) no. e,
Dec. JSSd, pp. JL–Je; HE Lihua’s 贺立华, JIANG Guixu’s 姜桂栩 “Ren de youxianxing,
shangdi de kenengxing: Lun Tuosituoyefusiji fudiao xiaoshuo de zhengjiu zhuti” 人的有
限性与上帝的可能性——论陀思妥耶夫斯基复调小说的拯救主题 (On the Limits of
Man and the Possibility of God: On the Salvation Motif in Polyphonic Novels by DOSTO-
EVSKY). In: Qilu xuekan 齐鲁学刊 (Qilu Journal) no. d, JSSK, pp. LSe–LLS.
97 Henan keji xueyuan xuebao 河南科技学院学报 (Journal of Henan Institute of Science
and Technology) no. K, JSLJ, pp. KS–KN.

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Viatcheslav VETROV

(xin zhong ling yi ge ziji 心中另一个自己) and represents a reproduction of one

voice by means of another (jilu shengyin de shengyin 记录声音中的声).98
In a broader frame, BAKHTIN’s theory of dialogism is discussed by SHA Mei
沙湄 in her essay “Zongjiao Dafaguan yu Bachejin de shixue wenti” 《宗教大法
官》与巴赫金的诗学问题 (The Grand Inquisitor and the Problems of Poetics
Discussed by BAKHTIN)99 in which the motif of evil in the novel is interpreted as
participating in a multi-layered dialogue and takes on quite different identities:
Catholicism, Socialism, and Western Rationalism.100 As a product of the Anti-
christ, who divests humanity of freedom, Socialism is also investigated in one of
SHA Mei’s further studies, where it receives the following explanation: “他（宗
教大法官）“修正”了基督的事业，接管了人的自由并将世界建造为一个幸
福的、无争议的蚁窝。” (He (the Grand Inquisitor) ‘corrected’ the work of Jesus,
brought the freedom of men under his own influence and constructed a happy har-
monious formicary.)101 In this study, SHA Mei’s main concern is the dialogical
quality of evil in the novel, i.e. its appearance as an opposition, primarily directed
against faith, which allows her to come up with a complex psychological portrait
of atheism and of motivation behind its metaphysical revolt:

形而上学反叛者也不是无神论者，而是渎神者，以人类生存秩序的名义辱骂
神明者，正如宗教大法官和伊凡所作。102

98 WU Shan: “Yuebo ji dui Tuosituoyefusiji wenxue guan de yingxiang” (JSLJ), p. KJ. The
author relies in her study on the following translation of BAKHTIN: Bahejin 巴赫金: Tuosi-
tuoyefusiji shixue wenti 陀思妥耶夫斯基诗学问题 (The Poetics of DOSTOEVSKY), Shang-
hai: Sanlian shudian LRcc.
99 SHA Mei 沙湄: “Zongjiao Dafaguan yu Bachejin de shixue wenti” 《宗教大法官》与
巴赫金的诗学问题 (The Grand Inquisitor and the Problems of Poetics Discussed by
BAKHTIN). In: Wenxue pinglun 文学评论 (Literature Review) no. 3, 2004, pp. 47–55.
100 The deconstruction of these great ideological enemies of DOSTOEVSKY is indebted to
Romano GUARDINI’s essay “The Legend of the Great Inquisitor”. In: CrossCurrents vol. N
no. L, Fall LRdJ, pp. dc–ce. A study which focusses of DOSTOEVSKY’s critical attitude to
Western rationality and in particular to the philosophy of the Enlightenment is provided by
HUANG Ruijie 黄锐杰: “Qimeng ji qi xiandu: ‘Kalamazuofu xiongdi’ zhong Yiwan de san-
chong mianxiang” 启蒙及其限度：《卡拉马佐夫兄弟》中伊万的三重面相 (On the
Limits of Enlightenment: Three Portraits of Iwan in The Brothers KARAMAZOV). In:
Changjiang xueshu 长江学术 (Yangtze River Academic) vol. QN no. N, JSLQ, pp. cN–RS.
101 SHA Mei 沙湄: “Xinyang qishilu: Qian xi Tuosituoyefusiji Kalamazuofu xiongdi
‘Zongjiao Dafaguan’” 信仰启示录: 浅析陀思妥耶夫斯基《卡拉马佐夫兄弟·宗教大法
官》 (An Apocalypse of Faith: A Preliminary Study of ‘The Grand Inquisitor’ Chapter
from The Brothers KARAMAZOV). In: Xinan minzu xueyuan xuebao, Zhexue shehui kexue ban
西南民族学院学报。哲学社会科学版 (Journal of Southwest Institute for Ethnic Groups.
Philosophy and Social Sciences) vol. 19 no. 1, 1998, pp. 77–101, 140, here p. 99.
102 SHA Mei: “Xinyang qishilu” (LRRc), p. LSS.

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 Coming to Terms with Evil

Metaphysical rebels are not atheists, they are rather blasphemers who offend God
in the name of the human life order (literally: the life order of the human race, ren-
lei). That is exactly what the Grand Inquisitor and Iwan are doing.

A similar psychological study on the atheism in The Brothers KARAMAZOV was

produced in LI Junjun’s 李君君 “Lun Tuosituoyefusiji zuopin zhong de gete
xiaoshuo yinsu” 论陀思妥耶夫斯基作品中的哥特小说因素 (On Some Gothic
Features in DOSTOEVSKY’s Work):103 in the study, Iwan’s doubts about God’s ex-
istence are said to result in a negation of God, which makes him represent a very
special kind of atheism because he has recognized that religious worship (chong-
bai 崇 拜 ) counts among the eternal perplexities of the human race (renlei
yongheng de kunhuo 人类永恒的困惑).104
Such explicit psychological studies on DOSTOEVSKY’s aesthetics display one
common feature in terms of the analysis of evil as an ethical problem in which
they all are engaged in closely examining his religious concepts and they all link
these concepts with that of humanity (renlei 人类). Even if it is not made explicit,
the authors of the above essays are in general quite sensible of the antinomic qual-
ity peculiar to DOSTOEVSKY’s international problematics: the search for what is
universally human (freedom, the nature of evil, and ways in which to overcome it)
is embedded in a critical dialogue with a civilization which has generated the
Grand Inquisitor, the West, its Church, and its rationality.

BULGAKOV

As mentioned in the introduction, from the standpoint of literary tradition, BUL-

GAKOV plays a very specific role both in regard to the modifications of the motif
of evil, its symbolic positive reversal in a force which punishes men for evil doing,
and in regard to his overall overtly more positive attitude to the West than that
found in the work of GOGOL and DOSTOEVSKY. From the perspective of political
and cultural history, however, he must have posed a very specific case for Chinese
readers as well: the direct butt of mockery in his satire is not simply a pettish man
who commits himself to evil but one who is representative of ideas of a political

103 LI Junjun 李君君: “Lun Tuosituoyefusiji zuopin zhong de gete xiaoshuo yinsu” 论陀
思妥耶夫斯基作品中的哥特小说因素 (On Some Gothic Features in DOSTOEVSKY’s
Work). In: Yuxi shifan xueyuan xuebao 玉溪师范学院学报 (Journal of Yuxi Normal Uni-
versity) vol. 32 no. 2, 2016, pp. 29–34.
104 Ibid., p. 33.

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Viatcheslav VETROV

regime (socialism) with which China herself was more than familiar. Other than
DOSTOEVSKY, who interpreted socialism as one of the most terrible possible man-
ifestations of evil (the happy formicary), for BULGAKOV socialism was not a vision
but evil reality with which he was directly and tragically confronted. Therefore,
Master i Margarita (The Master and Margarita , 1928–1940) may be seen for Chi-
nese readers as suggestive of two oppositional schemes: a classical one, in which
a gentleman appears alongside petty men (this would correspond to classical Chi-
nese opposition between a junzi 君子 and a xiao ren 小人), and a modern one:
between universal humanism and ethical abuses prevailing within a society which
identifies itself with socialism.
Chinese translations as well as Chinese readings and interpretations of The
Master and Margarita show continuity and changes in the intellectual atmosphere
between 1980s and the present time. One of the earliest Chinese publications on
BULGAKOV’s novel was the essay by TONG Daoming 童道明 from 1977: “Sulian
zuojia Buerjiakefu ji qi Dashi he Majialita” 苏联作家布尔加科夫及其《大师和
玛加丽塔》 (The Soviet writer BULGAKOV and his The Master and Margarita).105
Tong approaches BULGAKOV’s work as follows:

它不能在无产阶级专制的苏联出版，而只能在资本主义全面复辟的苏联出笼。
容许《大师和玛加丽塔》出笼，就等于承认对列宁斯大林时代进行恶毒攻击
是正当的，就等于承认丑化、诬蔑十月革命的反动宣传是合理的。106

(The novel) could not be published in the Soviet Union of proletarian dictatorship;
it could only come out after a comprehensive restoration of capitalism by Soviet
revisionists. The permission to publish this novel is tantamount to the recognition
that vicious attacks against the epoch of LENIN and STALIN are justified; that the
reactionary propaganda of vilifying the October Revolution is reasonable.

In TONG’s essay, sharp criticism of BULGAKOV’s work is accompanied by that

against the first officially permitted public performance of the novel on the Ta-
ganka stage in 1977. TONG relies on the review of it issued on the pages of the
official periodical of the communist party in the Soviet Union: the newspaper
Pravda on 25 May 1977 under the title “Seans chjornoĭ magii na Taganke” (Per-
forming Black Magic on the Taganka Stage). One of the critical points within this
relatively positive review by Nikolai POTAPOV (Nikolaĭ POTAPOV) referred to the
historical atmosphere of the 1920s which he had missed in the theatrical

105 TONG Daoming 童道明: “Sulian zuojia Buerjiakefu ji qi Dashi he Majialita” 苏联作
家布尔加科夫及其《大师和玛加丽塔》 (The Soviet writer BULGAKOV and his The Mas-
ter and Margarita). In: Waiguo wenxue dongtai 外国文学动态 (World Literature Recent
Developments) no. 8, 1977, pp. 1–11.
106 TONG Daoming: “Sulian zuojia Buerjiakefu ji qi Dashi he Majialita” (1977), p. 10.

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 Coming to Terms with Evil

presentation; its stage director Yuri LUBIMOV (I͡Uriĭ LI͡UBIMOV) created instead an
atmosphere which reminded the audience of the contemporary times (1977, the
60th anniversary of the October Revolution). On his side, TONG Daoming accuses
the author of the review of not having demonstrated clearly enough that BULGA-
KOV’s novel was imbued with shameless aggression (wuchi gongji 无耻攻击) and
defamation (feibang 诽谤); the novel was nothing but an assault on the very es-
sence of the October Revolution (geming de benzhi 革命的本质).107
This critique, largely inspired by the righteous indignation of a communist ide-
ologist, appeared ten years before the first Chinese translations of the novel. The
political changes during these ten years that ushered in the “Chinese thaw period”
appear visually sharp if the critique by TONG is compared with the corresponding
judgment by the first translators of the novel. In the year 1987, two translations
were published in China: QIAN Cheng’s 钱诚 Dashi he Magelite 大师和玛格丽
特 and XU Changhan’s 徐昌翰 Mosike guiying: Dashi he Magelite 莫斯科鬼影：
大师和马格丽特. QIAN’s preface108 and XU’s afterword109 contain pieces of in-
formation ranging from the complexities in BULGAKOV’s career and his dramatic
conflict with the existing totalitarian regime, through STALIN’s political play with
the uneasy dissident BULGAKOV to the official prohibition to publish and perform
BULGAKOV’s dramatic works. All of these serve for Chinese readers’ better un-
derstanding of the novel as well as the political and cultural background in which
it was created. On the other hand, they certainly called to mind events from the
history of the Chinese totalitarian regime, not only in terms of parallels (the sad
lot of intellectuals under the dictatorship of the party), but also in terms of contrasts
with the Soviet past: for instance, references to the fact that the first Russian edi-
tion of the novel appeared in 1966,110 after a long-term period of the “Soviet thaw”,
were very likely to remind Chinese readers of the outbreak of the Great Cultural
Revolution in the same year.
The commentaries on BULGAKOV’s text are not only free from ideological crit-
icism peculiar to TONG Daoming’s essay but also display a deep sympathy with
the Russian writer. XU Changhan explains the great difficulties confronted with
the first Russian edition and accompanies it by a complete Chinese translation of

107 Ibid., p. 11.

108 QIAN Cheng 钱诚: “Yizhe xu” 译者序 (Translator’s Preface). In: QIAN Cheng (tr.),
Dashi he Magelite 大师和玛格丽特 (The Master and Margarita), Beijing: Waiguo wenxue
chubanshe 1987, pp. 1–15.
109 XU Changhan 徐昌翰: “Yi hou” 译后 (Translator’s Postface). In: XU Changhan (tr.),
Mosike guiying: Dashi he Magelite 莫斯科鬼影：大师和马格丽特 (Moscow ghost: The
Master and Margarita), Shenyang: Chunfeng wenyi chubanshe 1987, pp. 467–469.
110 QIAN Cheng: “Yizhe xu” (1987), p. 8.

JLd
Viatcheslav VETROV

Konstantin SIMONOV’s Russian preface111 to it. SIMONOV’s name deserves to be

mentioned for at least two reasons: his preface to the first Russian edition of the
novel in the journal Moskva had made it possible in the first place that it could be
published under the regime of that time. SIMONOV exercised the necessary author-
ity among Soviet literati to persuade the censorship that a publication would mean
no threat to the Soviet ideology. However, his eventual victory over the apparatus
was not without its price: the first edition of the novel is also the one that is marked
by enormous omissions. All the passages which might have appeared ideologically
unsafe had been cancelled. 112 SIMONOV’s preface was marked by considerable
caution in regard to the fantastic and the satirical in the novel:

Trudno skazatʹ, kak by vygli͡adel ėtot roman, esli by i tak rasti͡anuvshai͡asi͡a na

dvenadt͡satʹ let rabota dlilasʹ eshche i eshche. Mozhet bytʹ, v romane byli by isprav-
leny nekotorye nesovershenstva, mozhet bytʹ, bylo by dodumano chto-to eshche ne
do kont͡sa dodumannoe ili vycherknuto chto-to iz togo, chto neset na sebe seĭchas
pechatʹ neumerennoĭ, izbytochnoĭ shchedrosti fantazii.113

It is hard to say what this novel would have looked like if the work on it, which
lasted for twelve years, had continued. Maybe some of the shortcomings of the
novel would have been omitted, maybe the author could have thought to the end
something he had not managed to do, maybe something would have been cancelled,
which in its present form bears the mark of an unrestrained and superfluous gener-
osity of imagination.

These words anticipate quite probable reactions of many Soviet readers whose
commitment to the communist ideals would make them feel very much like TONG
Daoming while reading the work of a dissident, even in this shortened form. The
preface was therefore an expression of SIMONOV’s good command of Soviet psy-
chology. XU’s decision to translate this preface may have originated in the same
editorial tactics. His version as one of the first two Chinese translations114 of the

111 XU Changhan (tr.): “Ximengnuofu xu” 西蒙诺夫序 (Preface by SIMONOV). In: XU

Changhan (tr.): Mosike guiying, pp. 1–4.
112 This first publication appeared in the journal Moskva (1966 no. 11 and 1967 no. 1). The
commentary by Irina BELOBROVTSEVA (Irina BELOBROVTS͡ EVA) and Svetlana KULJUS (Svet-
lana KULʹIU
͡ S) reports about 159 text passages left out of the original which is equal to 12%
of the whole text. (See their Roman Bulgakova Master i Margarita: Kommentariĭ (BULGA-
KOV’s Novel The Master and Margarita: A Commentary), Tallinn: Argo 2006, p. 27.) The
first complete edition of the novel was issued in Paris, at the YMCA-Press in 1967.
113 Konstantin SIMONOV: “Predislovie k romanu Master i Margarita” (Preface to the novel
The Master and Margarita). In: Moskva no. 11, 1966, pp. 6–7, here p. 7.
Preface to the novel. In: Moskva no. 11, 1966, p. 7.
114 Among later complete translations of the novel into Chinese, there are: HAN Qing’s 寒
青 Sadan qiwu 撒旦起舞 (Satanic Dance), Beijing: Zuojia chubanshe 1997 and GAO

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 Coming to Terms with Evil

novel is automatically the more cautious one in regard to its fantastic satire and
political critique. QIAN’s version, on the contrary, was not only complete, but also
a translation that documented a desire to reveal the maximum of its symbolic
meaning, among other things the nature of Voland and the relationship of good
and evil. The following lines from QIAN’s preface may serve as an illustration:

他认为，可恶而又可怕的并不在于相信耶稣和撒旦的存在与否，而在于不应
由此得出结论：既然没有上帝和魔鬼，人便可以为所欲为，并从而否定一切
文化传统、精神价值和人们心中的‘上帝’ – 最根本的善恶观念。115

According to the author, the worst and the most horrible thing is not the question of
whether one believes in the existence of Jesus and Devil or not but in the inferences
one draws from (discussing) these questions: as neither God nor Devil exists, man
can act just as he likes and therefore he denies altogether the cultural tradition, spir-
itual values and God within his own heart; the most fundamental notions of good
and evil.

In QIAN’s view, the significant difference between GOETHE’s Mephistopheles and

BULGAKOV’s Voland is that Voland does not defend the evil, nor does he tempt
people to commit evil deeds. Instead, he observes actions of evil people and ad-
ministers their destiny which he has to do because of the division of labor between
God and himself.116 Thus, Voland is not opposing the good but supports the coor-
dinate system of ethics in which everyone gains a chance to approach God, to
develop necessary spiritual and creative forces within themselves for approaching
God and to withstand all the petty vulgar materialistic impulses that would impede
this approach.
Few studies on BULGAKOV refrain from providing interpretations of parallels
between him and his predecessors in the elaboration of the Mephistopheles motif.
A study which focuses on connections between BULGAKOV and GOETHE is, for
example, XU Zhiqiang’s 许志强 “Buerjiakefu ‘Hei Misa’ dui Gede Fushide de
jicheng yu gaizao” 布尔加科夫“黑弥撒”对歌德《浮士德》的继承与改造
(BULGAKOV’s ‘Black Mass’ and GOETHE’s Faust: Continuities and Transfor-
mations).117 The author concentrates on the first five chapters of the second part

Huiqun’s 高惠群 Dashi he Majialita 大师和玛加丽塔 (The Master and Margarita), Shang-
hai: Shanghai yiwen chubanshe 2007.
115 QIAN Cheng: “Yizhe xu” (1987), p. 10.
116 Ibid., p. 11.
117 XU Zhiqiang 许志强: “Buerjiakefu ‘Hei Misa’ dui Gede Fushide de jicheng yu gaizao”
布尔加科夫“黑弥撒”对歌德《浮士德》的继承与改造 (BULGAKOV’s ‘Black Mass’ and
GOETHE’s Faust: Continuities and Transformations). 117 . In: Waiguo wenxue 外国文学
(Foreign Literature) no. Q, JSLN, pp. eR–Kd.

JLK
Viatcheslav VETROV

of The Master and Margarita, specifically the Margarita plot line in which she
transforms into a witch and attends the ball of Satan. These developments are com-
pared with the Walpurgis Night from the first part of Faust. Among differences
between these works, XU observes BULGAKOV’s refusal to provide any rational
explanation of Margarita’s transformations. Another difference refers to the rela-
tionship between fiction and reality which merge in BULGAKOV’s novel (xianshi
he shenhua huxiang ronghe 现实和神话互相融合). According to XU, this merge
results in the fact that the whole of the Margarita plot should be interpreted as an
allegory (fengyu 讽喻.) Nevertheless, still the more striking difference from GOE-
THE’s elaboration of the pact with the Devil is said to be the absence of a clear
positioning of Margarita within the realm of religion:

玛格丽特没有照浮士德传统公开否认基督教信仰，鉴于苏联社会的无神论背
景也是解释得通的，以此确认她的基督教象征性似乎显得较为牵强。魔鬼以
‘玛戈王后’的名义为玛格丽特加冕，这就清楚地表明其象征世俗权能的身份。
118

Margarita does not follow the Faustian tradition in openly rejecting Christian faith,
which is quite understandable in view of the atheist background of the Soviet soci-
ety. For this reason, it seems too farfetched to affirm her symbolic adherence to
Christianity. The Satan crowns her in the name of ‘Queen Margo’, which quite
clearly displays the secular character of the symbolism.

XU’s comparative study seems to ignore the fact that the whole of the Moscow
plot, including the ball of Satan, represents a direct counterpart to the Jeshua-plot
and that it is nobody else but Voland who – similarly to the Master – is able (and
willing) to reproduce events which culminated in the execution of Christ. In BUL-
GAKOV’s novel, the religious meanings are greatly different from those in GOE-
THE’s Faust: BULGAKOV’s hero is not an aspiring mind ready to scarify everything
including his faith in order to attain the ability of an all-encompassing experience
of being but one who regards the faith as a chance of which he has been once
robbed by the state and which he ironically regains through the Devil’s help. The
ideal atheist background of the Soviet society to which XU is referring here can
hardly explain anything about Voland’s and Margarita’s attitude toward religion
exactly because both of them directly oppose the realities of the atheist state.
A more convincing examination of parallels between BULGAKOV and GOETHE
was provided by ZOU Hongjin 邹洪锦 in his “Fushide ticai de bianyi: Fushide yu
Dashi he Magelita duochong shijiao yanjiu” 浮士德题材的变异 ——《浮士
德》与《大师和玛格丽塔》多重视角研究 (Transformations of the Faust-

118 Ibid., p. 73.

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 Coming to Terms with Evil

Theme: A Multi-Perspective Analysis of Faust and The Master and Margarita).119

According to ZOU, the Faustian theme continues throughout the whole of BULGA-
KOV’s novel: beginning with the epigraph which is taken from the self-presenta-
tion of Mephistopheles in Faust up to the last conversation between the Master
and Voland in which Voland describes the charms of the life in the afterworld that
awaits the heroes after leaving the horrors of the Soviet reality: “Can it be that you
do not want to hear SCHUBERT’s music at night? Wouldn’t you enjoy writing with
a goose-feather in the light of candles? Wouldn’t you wish to be like Faust, sit
over a test tube and hope to produce a new homunculus?” 120 In spite of all the
obvious parallels, ZOU states that both works display different ideals: whereas
Faust represents man’s untiring spiritual search for a complete self-realization, for
BULGAKOV it is the idea of salvation (zhengjiu 拯救) which is central to the novel:

玛格丽塔愿意接受魔鬼的考验既是出于他对大师的拯救，也是出于对自己无
爱婚姻的拯救；大师写小说是出于对社会的道德沦丧而实施的内心的自我拯
救，而小说《本丢·彼拉多》中总督杀死出卖耶稣的犹太…也可看作是对自
己杀死耶稣的愧疚的赎罪和拯救。121

Margarita is willing to accept the test of the Devil because he can save the Master,
but also because of her own escape from a marriage without love; the Master writes
his novel because he wants to save the fulfilment of his inner self in spite of the
moral crisis of the society. The procurator from the novel Pontius Pilatus gets Juda
killed for having betrayed Jesus, which can also be interpreted as a desire of salva-
tion and atonement for his own execution of Jesus.

It is true that salvation is also one of the themes of Faust (Faust is eventually taken
by angels into the paradise and thus escapes Mephistopheles’ powers), but BUL-
GAKOV’s elaboration of this theme is more complex and serves as a constant per-
spective for reflections on good and evil. According to ZOU, GOETHE’s distribu-
tion of roles in the coordinate system of good and evil is made completely une-
quivocal, but such a clear distinction is not characteristic of BULGAKOV. Making
these observations, ZOU continues a relatively young tradition of deep psycholog-
ical analysis of the motif of evil in BULGAKOV’s work which began with the

119 ZOU Hongjin 邹 洪 锦: “Fushide ticai de bianyi: Fushide yu Dashi he Magelita

duochong shijiao yanjiu” 浮士德题材的变异 ——《浮士德》与《大师和玛格丽塔》
多重视角研究 (Transformations of the Faust-Theme: A Multi-Perspective Analysis of
Faust and The Master and Margarita). In: Suihua xueyuan xuebao 绥化学院学报 (Journal
of Suihua University) vol. 33 no. 2, 2013, pp. 72–76.
120 BULGAKOV: Master i Margarita, p. 510; quoted by ZOU Hongjin: “Fushide ticai de
bianyi” (2013), p. 72.
121 Ibid., p. 73.

JLR
Viatcheslav VETROV

abovementioned preface by QIAN Cheng in the first complete Chinese translation

of The Master and Margarita. The psychological perceptiveness is accompanied
by a historical analysis which opposes a spiritual crisis of the socialist society of
the early 20th century to the optimistic humanism of the early 19th century as it is
documented in GOETHE’s work.122
One of direct manifestations of the described crisis may be seen in the life of
intellectuals who would not sacrifice their individual will to the reigning regime.
BULGAKOV himself was beyond any doubt among these intellectuals, and one of
his direct experiences of evil was the impossibility to publish most of his works.
QIAN Cheng was among the first to point out a personal communication which had
taken place between BULGAKOV and STALIN. He mentions the famous letter of
BULGAKOV from 28 March 1930 in which he asked STALIN for permission either
to work and realize himself freely in Soviet Russia or to emigrate, as well as the
telephone call from STALIN that ensued upon this letter.123
Being more than uneasy, the relations between BULGAKOV and power holders
in the Soviet Union were also subject of examination in various studies by TANG
Yihong 唐逸红, among others in her essays “Buerjiakefu he Sidalin” 布尔加科夫
和斯大林 (BULGAKOV and STALIN)124 and “Qian xi Dashi he Magelite zhong de
zhishi fenzi xingxiang” 浅析《大师和玛格丽特》中的知识分子形象 (A Pre-
liminary Analysis of the Image of Intellectuals in The Master and Margarita).125
Here I will limit myself to a short discussion of the latter essay as it vividly repro-
duces the links between the motif of evil and the lot of intellectuals. She begins
with clearing the meaning of the term intelligenzija (intelligent͡sii͡a, zhishi fenzi 知
识分子), its Russian origin and its reference to a country’s spiritual elite: having
specialized knowledge or working as an intellectual did not qualify a person to be
part of it. Belonging to intelligenzija suggested rather a leading critical role in so-
ciety and the ability to perceive the origins of its problems and openly proposing
means for overcoming them. TANG traces the history of this phenomenon in Russia
back to the dekabristy (Decembrists) of the 19th century. BULGAKOV is said not
only to be situated in the same tradition (like other dissidents such as Boris PAS-
TERNAK, 1890–1960), the deep cultural and political role of the intelligenzija is
also a central motif of his work. In The Master and Margarita, the literal society

122 Ibid., p. 75.

123 QIAN Cheng: “Yizhe xu” (1987), p. 5–6.
124 TANG Yihong 唐逸红: “Buerjiakefu he Sidalin” 布尔加科夫和斯大林 (BULGAKOV
and STALIN). In: Eluosi wenyi 俄罗斯文艺 (Russian Literature) no. N, LRRR, pp. eR–KL.
125 TANG Yihong and LI Zhe 李哲: “Qian xi Dashi he Magelite zhong de zhishi fenzi
xingxiang” 浅析《大师和玛格丽特》中的知识分子形象 (A Preliminary Analysis of the
Image of Intellectuals in The Master and Margarita). In: Wenhua xuekan 文化学刊 (Cul-
ture Journal) no. 6, Nov. 2011, pp. 139–142.

JJS
 Coming to Terms with Evil

Mossolit may be regarded as the caricature of intelligenzija displaying all the pos-
sible vices of greed, vanity, gluttony, etc.; these intellectuals represent an exact
opposite of what real intelligenzija should be like. Among figures discussed by
TANG as its real representatives are on the other hand the Master, Margarita, Pon-
tius Pilatus, but an especially prominent position among this group is given in her
study to the most peculiar intellectual (zui guaidan de zhishi fengzi xingxiang 最
怪诞的知识分子形象126) Voland. She examines him in detail as the first in the
group: he is the professor of black magic who is invested with the role of a just
punisher (zhenli chengfazhe de juese 真理惩罚者的角色) and of doing good
works by open denial (tongguo gongkai de fouding lai chengjiu shan 通过公开的
否定来成就善)127. Besides these ethical functions, one of the primary duties of
Voland is seen in his religious mission of restoring the faith of which people have
been divested:

沃兰德这一形象就是要告诉无知的人们，如果抛弃了信仰，丧失了精神支柱，
那么价值观将被颠覆。所以作为一名知识分子，沃兰德不仅坚持自己的精神
追求，充分利用其话语权来证明上帝的存在，甚至以极端的手段维护其道德
的纯洁性…128

Voland’s message to those ignorant men is that if the faith is rejected, and the spir-
itual foundations lost, then all values will be ruined. This is the reason why Voland
as an intellectual does not only stick to the pursuit of his own moral principles and
fully uses the power of his words to prove God’s existence but also takes extreme
measures to defend the moral purity.

TANG Yihong refrains from any direct observations on the possible relevance of
Voland’s religious ethical mission for Chinese readers, as all other above exami-
nations of BULGAKOV do, but all of them provide their studies with suggestive
callsigns that are likely to evoke in readers’ consciousness associations with their
own cultural past and present. For example, in the quoted essay by TANG Yihong,
as the analysis of evil accompanies the theme of Voland’s punishment of atheism
and materialism129 which is one of the central themes in BULGAKOV’s work, this
is more than suggestive of the experiences which China and Chinese intelligenzija
went through in the recent past: the dangers of losing one’s cultural values and the

126 TANG Yihong, LI Zhe: “Qian xi Dashi he Magelite zhong de zhishi fenzi xingxiang”
(2011), p. 140.
127 Ibid.
128 Ibid.
129 TANG Yihong: “Buerjiakefu bi xia de mogui xingxiang” 布尔加科夫笔下的魔鬼形象
(The Devil in BULGAKOV’s Work). In: Eluosi wenyi no. N, LRRK, pp. dQ–de, here p. de.

JJL
Viatcheslav VETROV

eventual realization of one’s full dependence on oneself within a complete spir-

itual vacuum.

Conclusion

The major purpose of the present study was to trace prevailing tendencies in Chi-
nese interpretations of the motif of evil within the work of three Russian classical
writers as well as to illustrate them by some representative examples. In the orig-
inal discourse, which is outlined in the introduction, Western ideas on absolute
evil were usually met with suspicion by Chinese literati and up to now continue to
fuel studies focusing on cultural differences between China and the West (for ex-
ample in Adrian CHAN’s ironical treatment of the West as the place of origin of
Created people), whereas the transformations that have developed within this dis-
course in the last hundred years attest to a considerable mutual rapprochement of
these cultures.
The selection of Russian classics for discussing these rapprochement processes
was motivated by the fact that in the history of contacts with the West, Russia
played for China an ambivalent specific position: on the one hand it was one of
the powers of the West which identified directly with Western philosophy, science,
and Christian faith, but on the other hand also one that critically distanced itself
from the West in many crucial instances at the same time. All the complexities
pertaining to Russia’s construction of her own cultural identity was an experience
which proved to be of unique importance for Chinese intellectuals. However, from
the standpoint of political history, the Russian experience of evil was also of great
significance for China: the success of socialism, the construction of a totalitarian
state, the abolishment of the traditional scale of values, the eventual crisis of so-
cialist ideas, and the beginning of a positive reevaluation of traditional values; with
all these epochal transformations China was more than familiar, and her interest
for this shared historical experience is easily explained. GOGOL, DOSTOEVSKY,
and BULGAKOV were among the authors who either had a strong intuition of the
aforementioned ideological shifts – an intuition which caused GOGOL’s need to
defend the sacred nature of Russian monarchy and was responsible for DOSTOEV-
SKY’s critique of the happy formicary (socialism) – or experienced them directly
(BULGAKOV).They all closely associated these historical shifts with the ideas of
absolute evil which they elaborated in their literary works.

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 Coming to Terms with Evil

In relevant studies produced by Chinese intellectuals, three general ways of ap-

proaching the idea of evil could be observed. First, it was a welcoming gesture for
ideological import from the West which rested mainly on an acutely perceived
necessity of social, political, and cultural reforms as well as intuitions of great
utility of the authors discussed for these reforms but not on an active direct analysis
of the texts discussed. This way of a rather superficial literary reception was char-
acteristic of the May Fourth era. The present study illustrated this with reference
to LU Xun’s discussions of GOGOL within a large group of the so-called Satanic
writers, but it was by no means LU Xun alone who occasionally displayed insuffi-
cient knowledge of primary sources: the same occurred in the case with generally
praising discussions of DANTE, GOETHE, and LUTHER as the symbolical figures.
Used as slogans, their names were often automatically associated with successes
of social reforms and the necessities of abandoning one’s cultural past. Close read-
ing of their works was not meant to be the prerequisite for achieving these aims.
A different way in coming to terms with the ideas of evil was demonstrated in the
studies which illustrate a much better grasp of primary sources and an overall pos-
itive attitude to the classics discussed but are extremely cautious at the same time
in regard to some central ideas of these works. This approach was characteristic
of reading GOGOL and DOSTOEVSKY between the May Fourth and roughly the
1990s. Both classics were regarded as grand literary figures, but the strong reli-
gious component of their thought was not in the spirit of the time and therefore
remained either tacitly ignored, explicitly avoided, or openly criticized. Finally,
the third way of literary approach to discussions of evil manifests itself in free and
thorough readings of texts in all their complexity. This method is characteristic of
the last thirty years of ideas exchanged between China and the West. Even in view
of the fact that not all of them display the same high quality of literary examination,
they all testify to one great achievement of our time: the freedom of raising ques-
tions and searching for answers which is equally free of any ideological constraint.

JJN
Hsiang-Yin Sasha CHEN

K Russia as Master and Monster:

Absorbing GOGOL’s Madness and the
Chinese “Little Tradition” in the Prose
of LU Xun

Abstract. In the light of FOUCAULT’s theory, this chapter examines the association
between the theme of madness and the consciousness of darkness in the works of
Nikolai GOGOL (Nikolaĭ Vasilʹevich GOGOLʹ, LcSR–LcdJ) and LU Xun 魯迅 (LccL–
LRNe), showing how the two writers inherit Russian literary legacy and Chinese “lit-
tle tradition” of the dark world, respectively. A comparative analysis of GOGOL’s
Vechera na khutore bliz Dikanʹki (Evenings on a Farm near Dikanka) and PU
Songling’s 蒲松齡 (LeQS–LKLd) story collection Liaozhai Zhi Yi 聊齋志異 (Strange
Tales from a Chinese Studio) demonstrates not only a Chinese modernity acquired
from Russia, as many scholars have done, but also the Russian Eurasian mentality
resembling Chinese transcultural characteristics. Similarities in the two works ac-
count for LU’s admiration and appreciation for GOGOL and motivate both writers to
create the image of madness through absorbing the imagination of the strange and
of others, which originated correspondingly from Ukrainian folklore and Chinese
“little tradition”. With juxtaposed texts and a comparative analysis, it can thus be
better understood that the crazed is the product of the “self and others” that echoes
the phenomena or the spirit in the Classical era and Age of Reason. FOUCAULT’s
theory reveals, particularly when both GOGOL and LU, and meanwhile Russia and
China respectively, face the challenges of westernized civilization.

Keywords. Lu Xun, Gogol, Foucault, Madness, Chinese “little tradition.

Published in: Gotelind MÜLLER and Nikolay SAMOYLOV (eds.): Chinese Perceptions of
Russia and the West. Changes, Continuities, and Contingencies during the Twentieth Cen-
tury. Heidelberg: CrossAsia-eBooks, JSJS. DOI: https://doi.org/LS.LLdcc/xabooks.eeL.

JJd
Hsiang-Yin Sasha CHEN

Literary Relationship between GOGOL and LU Xun

The prominent Chinese writer LU Xun (LccL–LRNe) narrates in his prose work
“How I came to write fiction” that he has never read any theoretical book about
such literary theme before his first published story “Diary of a Mad Man”
(Kuangren riji 狂人日記).1 The most beneficial factor of finishing his first collec-
tion Nahan 呐喊 (The Scream) is, as LU Xun suggests, the experience of reading
a wide range of foreign short stories, literary history, and criticism during his stay
in Japan.2 He continues to expound that the writers he adores the most are GOGOL
(LcSR–LcdJ) and Henryk SIENKIEWICZ (LcQe–LRLe). Such narration also explains
why LU Xun acknowledges his literary debts to GOGOL when he describes the
inspiration of creating his own short stories:

Since May in LRLc, my works “Diary of a Mad Man”, “Kong Yiji”, “Medicine” and
so on have been published one after another, showing the achievements of the lit-
erary revolution. They were reviewed as works with “profound presentation and
distinguishable form” so that they could touch young readers. However, such stim-
ulation was one of the results of neglecting the introduction of European literatures.
Russian writer GOGOL created “Diary of a Mad Man” in LcNQ. NIETZSCHE speaks
by means of Zarathustra that “you have evolved from worm to man, but much
within you is still worm. Once you were apes, yet even now man is more of an ape
than any of the apes.” Furthermore, the treatments and ending of “Medicine” are
3
clearly inherited from ANDREEV’s gloomy and grim style.

The literary relationship between him and GOGOL, on top on being acknowledged
by LU Xun himself, is further reinforced by the memoirs of his younger brothers
ZHOU Zuoren and ZHOU Jianren. 4 Like his elder brother, the prominent writer

This chapter mostly includes the essence of my Chinese article: “Fengkuang de qianzouqu
– chutan guogeli yu lu xun zuopin de ‘he´an sijie’” 瘋狂的前奏曲──初探果戈理與魯迅
作品的「黑暗世界」(The Prelude to Madness: The Dark World of GOGOL and LU Xun).
In: Zhongguo wenzhe yanjiu tongxun 中國文哲研究通訊 (Newsletter of the Institute of
Chinese Literature and Philosophy) no. 85, 2012, pp. 151–176.
1 LU Xun 魯迅: “Wo zenme zuoqi xiaoshuo lai” 我怎麼做起小說來 (How I came to write
fiction). In: Lu Xun Quanji 魯迅全集 (Complete Works of LU Xun) vol. 4, Beijing: Renmin
wenxue chubanshe 2005, p. 525; Patrick HANAN: Chinese Fiction of the Nineteenth and
Early Twentieth Centuries, New York: Columbia University Press 2004, p. 218.
2 Ibid.
3 LU Xun: “Zhongguo xinwenxue daxi xiaoshuo er ji xu”《中國新文學大系》小說二集
序 (Preface to the second collection of short stories in “The great compendium of new Chi-
nese literature”). In: Lu Xun Quanji (2005), vol. 6, pp. 246–247.
4 ZHOU Zuoren 周作人 and ZHOU Jianren 周建人: Nianshao cangsang: xiongdi yi LU Xun
年少滄桑:兄弟憶魯迅 (Time brings great changes since childhood: memoirs of LU Xun’s

JJe
 Russia as Master and Monster

ZHOU Zuoren, who lived under the same roof with LU Xun during their stay in
Tokyo, specifies that GOGOL is the first foreign writer motivating LU Xun to create
works,5 resulting in the production of the Chinese version of “Diary of a Mad
Man”. For that reason, eminent scholars, such as Leo Ou-fan LEE, 6 Patrick
HANAN,7 V. I. SEMANOV8 and FUJII Shōzō9 in their studies in different languages,
all demonstrate how LU Xun reads, identifies, imitates and absorbs the literary
theme and writing techniques of GOGOL to represent and embody the Chinese mad
man. Their research also indicates the multilingual influence (Chinese, Japanese,
and German) and the characteristics of intertextuality of foreign works in LU
Xun’s writings. Some of these studies further trace the literary heritage of Chinese
classics, showing how LU Xun combines and contrasts the two different genres,
wenyan 文言 (literary Sinitic) and baihua 白話 (vernacular), in order to transform
the former and transcend its longstanding tradition.10
These aforementioned scholars, however, rarely deliberate the literary ties
linking LU Xun with his favorite writers GOGOL, SIENKIEWICZ, NIETZSCHE and
ANDREEV (Leonid Nikolaevich ANDREEV). What bonds LU Xun with these for-
eign writers is neither a simple relationship of imitation, identification and inspi-
ration, nor an oversimplified question about supply and demand; or to illustrate
the economic conditions in the writers’ different life stages and thus to determine
the motivations and motifs of their evolutions. In fact, it is problematical to cate-
gorize the two writers’ motivations, philosophical thoughts and inner worlds into
a pure, simple and lucid characteristic.
The literary creation of both GOGOL and LU Xun is analogous to holding a
masquerade, sharing similarities under varied masks in their works, particularly
when the text queries the nature of human beings and the characters interact or
conflict with one another. The most common technique employed in their works

brothers), Shijiazhuang: Hebei jiaoyu chubanshe, vol. 1, 2001, p. 193. (LU Xun was the pen
name of ZHOU Shuren 周樹人).
5 ZHOU Zuoren: “Guanyu LU Xun” 關於魯迅 (About LU Xun) and “Guanyu Lu Xun zhi
er” 關於魯迅之二 (More about LU Xun II). In: ZHI An 止庵 (ed.): Zhou Zuoren ji 周作人
集 (Collection of Zhou Zuoren), Guangzhou: Huacheng chubanshe, vol. 2, 2004, pp. 604–
623.
6 LEE Leo Ou-fan: Voices from the Iron House: A Study of LU Xun, Bloomington and Indi-
anapolis: Indiana University Press 1987.
7 HANAN Patrick: Chinese Fiction (2004), pp. 217–244.
8 SEMANOV V. I.: LU Sin’ i ego predshestvenniki (LU Hsun and His Predecessors), Moskva:
Nauka 1967; Lu Hsun and His Predecessors, trans. and ed. by Charles J. ALBERT, London:
Routledge 2016.
9 FUJII Shōzō 藤井省三: Roshia no kage: Natsume Sōseki to Ro Jin ロシアの影:夏目漱
石と魯迅 (The Shadow of Russia: NATSUME Sōseki and LU Xun), Tokyo: Heibonsha 1985.
10 LEE: Voices (1987); HANAN: Chinese Fiction (2004), pp. 217–244.

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Hsiang-Yin Sasha CHEN

is to display the multilayers of chaotic conflicts and intellectual arguments be-

tween the inner worlds (i.e. self-imagination, illusion, delusion, and dream) and
the external environments (i.e. reality, patriarchal society, system, and authority).
In addition, the conflicts buckle themselves with one of the most vital themes dur-
ing the Chinese May Fourth Movement: humanity and humanism, both of which
are to explore the deep bottom of unknown souls and probe the unreasoned power,
in order to question and even criticize the constructed code of etiquette and the
norm of reason. Adopting the words, phrases and ideas by FOUCAULT from his
book Madness and Civilization, this chapter defines the “irrational” in the works
of GOGOL, SIENKIEWICZ, NIETZSCHE, ANDREEV and LU Xun as elements that can-
not be understood or managed via reason (brightness and day are usually the in-
carnations of normality). Furthermore, ingredients of the “dangerous” mind, such
as passion, loneliness, solitude and strangeness, as FOUCAULT suggests, are all
“excluded” and demarcated into categories of mysticism, heresy, atheism, or
“madness”.11 In their respective scrutiny of GOGOL and LU Xun’s writings, K.
MOCHULʹSKIĬ and Tsi-an HSIA designate the “irrational” mental and psychological
phenomena as “night consciousness” (nochnoe soznanie)12 and the spirit opening
“heian zhamen” 黑暗閘門 (the gate of darkness), 13 correspondingly. The so-
called “irrational” and the “dangerous” mind is exactly the leitmotif that forms a
solid chain connecting the oeuvre of GOGOL, SIENKIEWICZ, NIETZSCHE, ANDREEV
and LU Xun, beyond the peripheral and mere relationship of reading, identifying,
and learning. Among these writers, GOGOL and LU Xun predominantly share sim-
ilarities of inherent perception of the cosmos easily summoned by the inspiration
and stimulation of the so-called “night consciousness” and “darkness”, both of
which are merged and termed as “the consciousness of darkness” in this article.
Based on the above studies of the consciousness of darkness, several questions
are thus raised. How are the inherent perception and the consciousness of darkness
shaped in their works? How are formations, symbols, masks, and incarnations of
such perception and consciousness represented in the writings of GOGOL and LU
Xun? What are the similarities and differences between the works of the two writ-
ers? Furthermore, what do these similarities and differences indicate? Would new
denotations and perspectives be found through a comparative analysis apart from
the study of the individual original text? All these questions are taken into consid-
eration in this article.

11 Michel FOUCAULT: Madness and Civilization, London and New York: Routledge 2002,
p. 4.
12 Konstantin MOCHULʹSKIĬ: GOGOL’. SOLOV’EV. DOSTOEVSKIĬ. (GOGOL. SOLOVYOV. DOS-
TOYEVSKY), Moskva: Respublika 1995, p. 49.
13 HSIA Tsi-An: The Gate of Darkness: Studies on the Leftist Literary Movement in China,
Seattle and London: University of Washington Press 1968, pp. 101–145.

JJc
 Russia as Master and Monster

Association between Madness and Consciousness of Darkness

in the Classical Era and Age of Reason

Almost all researchers on GOGOL and LU Xun have noted that the theme of mad-
ness in their works is significant and meaningful because insanity perpetuates
throughout the plot and atmosphere or simply in words, phrases and incarnations
of the entire creation. Meanwhile, literary factors of madness are often linked with
the imagery of heresy, the consciousness of darkness, and emotions of the irra-
tional. The following textual analysis reveals that treatments of madness, darkness
and the irrational in the writings of GOGOL and LU Xun are not only inherited from
Russian and Chinese literary legacy respectively; they also fit in with the innova-
tive components of naturalʹnostʹ (naturalness), sluchaĭnostʹ (fortuity) and netipich-
nostʹ (the atypical), as nineteen century Russian critics regularly accentuate in their
critiques. Although there are plentiful works of GOGOL and LU Xun which are
related to the theme of madness and the consciousness of darkness, this chapter
focuses on a comparative analysis of their earlier works written before both the
Russian and Chinese “Diary of a Mad Man”.
David Der-wei WANG regards “positive” and “negative” values generally
acknowledged in LU Xun’s “Diary of a Mad Man” as the vague demarcation be-
tween madness and reason, cannibalism and civilization, as well as revolution and
feudalism, albeit with seemingly distinct boundaries on the surface. However, these
dichotomies are often so interlaced and interactive that their borderlines are hard to
delimit at the end of the story.14 As suggested by WANG, it is necessary to compre-
hend how the reality hybridizes the unreality in every layer when the narrative re-
fers to madness, darkness and irrationality in both the Russian and Chinese “Diary
of a Mad Man”. Such literary means is a remarkable writing strategy that GOGOL
and LU Xun both share in common and which stimulates readers to think about
problems and thus question authorities, the structure of power, family and society.
The general criticism of LU Xun’s “Diary of a Mad Man” is that this story
exposes how the code of etiquette and the Chinese family system corrode individ-
uals. I would, however, argue that the highly complex ingredients of this story are
oversimplified with such clichés because it is neither sufficient to justify both the
profound meaning and the avant-garde role of “Diary of a Mad Man” in the intel-
lectual history and the development of Chinese literature, nor is it eligible to indi-
cate the epoch-making significance the story radiates.

14 WANG Dewei 王德威: Zhongsheng xuanhua: 30 yu 80 niandai de Zhongguo xiaoshuo

眾聲喧嘩:30 年代與 80 年代的中國小說 (Heteroglossia: Chinese Fiction in the 1930s
and 80s), Taipei: Yuanliu chuban gongsi 1988, p. 12.

JJR
Hsiang-Yin Sasha CHEN

In terms of the hybridity of reality and unreality, and the multiple layers of the
consciousness of darkness in the theme of madness, FOUCAULT provides a note-
worthy analysis of the works of European writers in his book Madness and Civi-
lization. His theory coincides with the artistic quality, writing characteristics, and
purpose GOGOL and LU Xun are both concerned about in their “Diary of a Mad
Man”:

Tamed, madness preserves all the appearances of its reign. It now takes part in the
measures of reason and in the labor of truth. It plays on the surface of things and in
the glitter of daylight, over all the workings of appearances, over the ambiguity of
reality and illusion, over all that indeterminate web, ever rewoven and broken,
which both unites and separates truth and appearance. It hides and manifests, it ut-
ters truth and falsehood, it is light and shadow.15

Notwithstanding FOUCAULT’s providing examples of the Baroque period to show

how madness is experienced, identified with and represented in European works,
several characteristics he induces, such as the hybridity and duality of reality and
illusion, truth and falsehood, brightness and darkness, are repeatedly used in the
writings of GOGOL and LU Xun. It is thus not surprising that the manifestation of
madness is often associated with the characteristics of duality, hybridity and
changeability, all of which are highly relevant to the historical development of
reason in different ages. Such reason is frequently labelled as civilization earlier
in FOUCAULT’s theory and later in the monograph by SCULL.16
Madness and Civilization aims at the “mad men” imprisoned in European men-
tal hospitals in the Classical era. To FOUCAULT, the meaning of immurement is to
control, manage, punish and correct patients and the main purpose is to tame and
rationalize the madness. The so-called “tameness”, if rephrased in psychological
or sociological terms, corresponds to “rationalization”, “normalization” and “so-
cialization”. In this book, FOUCAULT articulates the chronological meanings of
madness in European cultures in different periods, concluding that the definition
of the so-called “normal” or “average” condition, standard and mode has never
been solid. In other words, what changes the historical meanings of madness is
knowledge, identification, and acceptance of humankind.
FOUCAULT continues querying and arguing that the history of madness has
been constructed as a kind of mental illness excluded by morality, society or nor-
mality, and further categorized into the structure of control and management via
reason for a long term. Such structure will not allow madness to be treated as a

15 FOUCAULT: Madness (2002), p. 32.

16 FOUCAULT: Madness (2002); Andrew SCULL: Madness in Civilization, Princeton and
Oxford: Princeton University Press 2015.

JNS
 Russia as Master and Monster

subject to speak out via reason. Like the “others” under the structure constructed
by civilization, madness is speechless and finally “disappears/ed”. As a result of
“La folie, l’absence d’œuvre” (madness, the absence of the oeuvre),17 as FOU-
CAULT suggests, the history of madness is in fact “an archaeological excavation of
such silence”18 of others.
Similar to the aforementioned European works, the theme of madness in both
Russian and Chinese literature before the writings of GOGOL and LU Xun had
rarely been represented systematically. As FOUCAULT signifies the works of “si-
lence”, the Russian and Chinese “Diary of a Mad Man” produced in an uproar of
heteroglossia in the age of westernized civilization in Russia and China, respec-
tively revealed their extraordinary significance and impressive power in the face
of Russian and Chinese literary traditions. If we follow FOUCAULT’s arguments to
review the Russian and Chinese “Diary of a Mad Man” published in LcNN and LRLc
respectively, it is notable that these two specific years were exactly the points in
time when Russia and China correspondingly encountered violent and severe chal-
lenges of European superpowers and empires established and dominated by “rea-
son” and “science”. GOGOL and LU Xun both choose the diary as a form and a
mad man as the first-person narrator to manifest how the male protagonist subsists
on the “civilized” surroundings full of huge differences between strongness and
weakness, brightness and darkness, as well as greatness and insignificance. “The
other” (mad man) who is usually silent reverses to the subject who is empowered
to speak in both the Russian and the Chinese “Diary of a Mad Man”. More skill-
fully, the reversed “others” in the two stories not only signify the “normal” char-
acters, but also connote the two societies which cannot accommodate a mad man
in the age of westernized civilization.
By narrating insanity and showing the circumstances the protagonist encoun-
ters, GOGOL and LU Xun respectively insinuate that Russia and China, similar to
their European counterparts which chase “reasoned” westernization and “civilized”
modernization in the face of international competition, cannot tolerate the mad,
weak, dark, and little characters. Therefore, the unreasonable, feeble and unac-
ceptable others should be odd and crazed,19 and even dogs, for example, in both

17 Cited from LIN Zhiming 林志明: “Yizhe daoyan: Fuke double 譯者導言: 傅柯 Double”
(Avant-propos of the translator: Foucault Double). In: Gudian shidai fengkuangshi: daodu
biece 古典時代瘋狂史:導讀別冊 (Introduction to History of Madness in the Classical
Age), Taipei: Shibao wenhua chubanshe 2016, pp. V–LXIV.
18 Ibid., p. XLV.
19 It is well known that GOGOL suffered from illusion and delusion of the Devil before his
death, and his health was broken due to the great pain resulting from anorexia. I would
suggest that all these symptoms originated from the irrational elements as we can see in this
article. This chapter uses the word “madness” to signify how GOGOL embodies the illusion

JNL
Hsiang-Yin Sasha CHEN

stories belittle them. For that reason, the Russian and Chinese mad men finally fail
to live or love in daylight; otherwise they would confront the others’ scorn and
taunt. Only in the shadow, moonlight, and darkness can Russian and Chinese mad
men survive to write their feelings in diaries. Both GOGOL and LU Xun associate
the theme of madness with the multiple layers of meanings, connotations, insinu-
ations and images.
Despite their similarities, what GOGOL emphasizes more is to question the pe-
culiar phenomena caused by the eminent development of the westernized and civ-
ilized Russian capital St. Petersburg in his time, while LU Xun stresses the criti-
cism of the “eerie” code of etiquette in a Chinese old town, which defends tena-
ciously the thousand-year Chinese civilization. The former shows the grotesque-
ness of madness because of the westernized Russia while the latter ridicules China
that has become the symbol of madness under the invasion of westernization and
modernization. GOGOL’s male protagonist is sent to the mental hospital at the
end of the story, showing the author’s unending mockery against the reason of
Western European civilization via Russian madness. Nonetheless, the Chinese
mad man eventually returns to normality and becomes tamed under the civilization
of a thousand-year tradition, revealing LU Xun’s resentment and criticism of the
rationality and authority reinforced and justified by the old civilization. Regardless
of GOGOL’s or LU Xun’s position vis-à-vis westernized reason or science, it is now
clear that the Russian and Chinese “Diary of a Mad Man” both represent the au-
thors’ shared sympathy for the weak and mad intellectuals imprisoned in darkness
under the historical currents of powerful and bright civilizations.
In addition to the Russian and Chinese “Diary of a Mad Man”, several stories
in either GOGOL’s Peterburgskie povesti (Petersburg Novellas, LcNS–LcQS) or LU
Xun’s collections such as Nahan and Panghuang 彷徨 (Hesitation, LRJe) repeat a
series of questions on the theme of madness, tameness, and civilization. It is evi-
dent that the two writers are deeply concerned about this topic, so it is noteworthy
to probe its meanings, contexts, ideas, and ideologies. From the association be-
tween madness and the consciousness of darkness as FOUCAULT suggests, the fol-
lowing questions are thus raised. Firstly, how are the elements of the dark, the
irrational, and the abnormal bound together to form and signify the theme of mad-
ness in the works of GOGOL and LU Xun? More importantly, it has been shown

and delusion in the crazed and possessed characters in his writing. It is also noteworthy that
another foreign writer, NIETZSCHE, whom LU Xun adores and cites the most in his prose
works, encountered similar predicaments in life and creation. Most of the crazed or the
possessed characters in the works of GOGOL, NIETZSCHE, and LU Xun are in fact not men-
tally insane. Nonetheless, they are sensitive, intelligent, and regarded as products of social
circumstances in the extravagant pursuit of civilization. Please see my arguments in this
chapter.

JNJ
 Russia as Master and Monster

that FOUCAULT links the multiple layers of brightness and darkness with truth and
falsehood to illuminate a possibility of explicating the dark cosmos in the prose of
GOGOL and LU Xun. With this in mind, was there a concrete tradition of associat-
ing darkness with madness in both Russian and Chinese literature that GOGOL and
LU Xun had inherited before the creation of “Diary of a Mad Man”? If yes, how
did the two writers absorb, identify, and convert such literary heritage into their
writings?
The following section investigates how GOGOL and LU Xun respectively in-
herit the theme of madness and the consciousness of darkness in Ukrainian folk
culture and the “little tradition” of Chinese classics,20 in order to show the structure
of the dark world in their inherent perceptions. I will also demonstrate that the two
writers share relative similarities of coping with their interests in the consciousness
of darkness originating from the eastern elements, i.e. Ukrainian folk literature and
Chinese little tradition, in relation to the strange or others; evil spirits, demons,
devils, and ghosts.

Absorbing “Madness”: Imagination of the Strange and Others

and the Formation of the Dark World

The earlier works of GOGOL, Vechera na khutore bliz Dikanʹki (Evenings on a

Farm near Dikanka, LcNL–LcNJ, hereafter Dikanka)21 and Mirgorod (LcNd), are tales
both highlighting the relationship between human beings and rustic nature, which
had not experienced the westernized industrial revolution before the eighteenth
century. In comparison with GOGOL’s inner perception of the dark cosmos in tra-
ditional Ukraine in these collections, LU Xun shares the similarities of that in tra-
ditional China in his prose works, for instance, “She xi” 社戲 (She Drama, LRJJ)
and “Nü diao” 女弔 (A Hanged Woman, LRNe), and the poems collection Ye cao
野草 (Weeds, LRJK). The parallels of their inner perceptions of the old world are
related to, or motivated by, the characteristics of what MOCHULʹSKIĬ and Tsi-An

20 LEE Leo Ou-fan terms popular fiction, mythology, fable, fantasy and the so-called zaxue
雜學 (miscellaneous learning), the knowledge of subjects somewhat beyond the pale of the
orthodox Confucian canons, as “little tradition”. Please refer to Voices from the Iron House:
A Study of Lu Xun, Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press 1987, pp. 4–5.
21 This paper refers mainly to the English translation by Leonard J. KENT (ed.): The Com-
plete Tales of Nicolai Gogol, vol. 1, Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press
1985.

JNN
Hsiang-Yin Sasha CHEN

HSIA respectively and coincidentally term in their research on GOGOL and LU Xun
the allurement of darkness.22
It is worthy of note that GOGOL evolves the theme of madness acknowledged
by westernized civilization in his Petersburg Novellas. His two earlier collections
Dikanka and Mirgorod, however, focus mainly on how countrymen in rustic vil-
lages in Ukraine from the fourteenth to sixteenth centuries created stories for peas-
ants after a busy day. These rural inhabitants play the role of both storytellers and
literary characters, perceiving darkness as an occasion to indulge themselves in
their productive imagination. It is common knowledge that most of this region was
called Little Russia, where GOGOL’s characters have not yet identified themselves
as citizens in the westernized, nationalized, and modernized Great Russian Empire
as those in the Petersburg Novellas. Both Dikanka and Mirgorod show how people
treat, deal and struggle with the obscure in nature or with others from different
worlds in darkness and at dawn. It is thus not surprising that these two collections
are tinged with the color of Ukrainian folklore and a mysterious mood fashioned
by ghosts and goblins.
According to most researchers of Slavonic studies, the Ukrainian folk tales in
Dikanka and Mirgorod play a significant role in GOGOL’s creation of the Peters-
burg Novellas.23 Coincidentally, a few scholars note that the “little tradition”24 of
Chinese fantasy literature in particular deeply influenced LU Xun’s writings and
his evolution, such as the ancient Shan Hai Jing 山海經 (Classic of Mountains
and Seas), Youyang Zazu 酉陽雜俎 (Youyang Miscellany) of Tang times, Xi You
Ji 西遊記 (Journey to the West) of Ming times, and Liaozhai Zhi Yi 聊齋誌異
(Strange Tales from a Chinese Studio) and Yuewei Caotang Biji 閱微草堂筆記
(Random Notes at the Cottage of Close Scrutiny) of the Qing times.25
The creation of Dikanka, as its title implies, targets this rustic village in Little
Russia, which was once the station of Cossack armies famous for their extreme

22 K. MOCHULʹSKIĬ: GOGOLʹ (1995), pp. 48–51; HSIA: The Gate (1968), pp. 151–153.
23 M. B. KHRAPCHENKO: Izbrannye trudy: Nikolaĭ Gogolʹ: Literaturnyĭ putʹ. Velichie
pisateli͡a (Selected Works: Nikolai GOGOL: The Literary Way – The Writer’s Greatness),
Moskva: Nauka, 1993, pp. 104–208; Y. V. MANN: Poėtika Gogoli͡a: Variat͡sii k teme (Po-
etics of GOGOL: Variations of a Theme), Moskva: Voda 1996, pp. 39–53.
24 LEE: Voices (1987), p. 5.
25 HSIA has pointed out LU Xun’s obsession of the power of darkness in his childhood. His
study is very inspiring for this article. Please refer to HSIA: The Gate (1968), pp. 146–162.
Following HSIA’s research, Leo Ou-fan LEE attributes LU Xun’s obsession of the power of
darkness to his favorite reading of the “little tradition”. Please refer to LEE: Voices, pp. 4–
6. It is noteworthy that ZHOU Zuoren specifies the significant relationship between LU Xun
and the Shan Hai Jing because this classical work is the root of both LU Xun’s creation and
his understanding of traditional Chinese mythology. See ZHOU Zuoren and ZHOU Jianren,
Nianshao cangsang: Xiongdi yi Lu Xun, vol. 1, p. 47.

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 Russia as Master and Monster

love for freedom and defiance against oppression. Before the dismissal order from
Catherine the Great in LKKd, the relation between this frontier region and the central
authorities, the so-called Great Russia, had been neither friendly nor aloof.26 For
such historical, geographical, social, and cultural backgrounds, it would be under-
standable, if we borrow Leo Ou-fan LEE’s term and follow its logic of the devel-
opment of Chinese literature, to define GOGOL’s Ukrainian folk tales in Dikanka
as the representation of Little Russia; it is as well the “little tradition” in the history
of the nineteenth-century Russian literature. The term “little tradition” would aptly
and meaningfully describe GOGOL’s literary debut Dikanka because this collection
plays a vital role in showing the strange, the marginal, and others. Juxtaposing the
works of the little traditions of the aforementioned Chinese and Russian literature,
the following section details several remarkable similarities.
First, in terms of content and context, the leitmotifs in both GOGOL’s two col-
lections of Ukrainian tales and Chinese works of little tradition, such as Xi You Ji27
and Liaozhai Zhi Yi,28 are madness and tameness. All these works relate to the
imagination of the strange and others in the dark world, mirroring the feelings,
emotion and passion of the metamorphosing characters. They are often night crea-
tures or animals, for instance, devils, goblins, monsters, and evil spirits from dif-
ferent worlds to disturb the order, harmony, and authoritative power consolidated
by the domestic institution “on the surface of things in the glitter of daylight” in
FOUCAULT’S words. The arrangement of plots in these aforementioned fantastic
literary works is gives a sense of the grotesque and ludicrous.
Regardless of the mutual confrontation or coordination among human beings,
ghosts, devils, and monsters, the characteristics of greed, temper, obsession, stu-
pidity, and lust are all portrayed and accentuated in these Russian and Chinese
works. In Dikanka, these characteristics are usually depicted and constructed via

26 In 1834, GOGOL wrote an article “Otryvok iz istorii Malorossii” (Excerpt from the His-
tory of Little Russia) to show his knowledge of his hometown in Little Russia. This article
refers to its Chinese translation: Guogeli 果戈理 (GOGOL): “Lüelun xiao Eluosi de xing-
cheng” 略論小俄羅斯的形成 (Briefly on the formation of Little Russia). In: ZHOU Qichao
周啟超 (ed. and tr.): Guogeli Quanji Wenlunjuan 果戈理全集文論卷 (GOGOL’s oeuvre:
literary theory), Hefei: Anhui wenyi chubanshe 1999, vol. 7, pp. 61–72.
27 This Chinese novel written in the sixteenth century is attributed to WU Cheng’en. Based
on historical events, i.e. on Chinese monk Xuanzang 玄奘 (602–664, well-known as TANG
Sanzang) in Tang Dynasty who travelled to India and studied Buddhism, Xi You Ji fanta-
sizes how he and his three followers, SUN Wukong 孫悟空 (or Monkey King), ZHU Bajie
豬八戒 (or Pigsy) and SHA Wujing 沙悟淨 (or Sandy) overcame all difficulties of threat,
allurements and harassments from monsters, demons and goblins on the pilgrimage.
28 It is a collection of Chinese fantasy stories and marvel tales written by PU Songling
(1640–1715), who spent most of his life attempting to pass the Imperial examinations on
the authoritative Four Books and Five Classics of Confucianism and failed until he was 71.

JNd
Hsiang-Yin Sasha CHEN

dialogism, with specific reference to the description of the literary type of devils
and goblins. GOGOL uses the form of a conversation between two or among more
persons to show the general fear that people have of devils and demons and how
they look for powers representing goodness, kindness, and decency to overcome
such fears. This literary technique resembles that in Xi You Ji and Liaozhai Zhi Yi.
Take “Solochinskai͡a ͡iarmarka” (The Fair at Sorochintsy) in Dikanka as an exam-
ple. The pig monster in a red jacket is almost the mirror personification of Zhu
Bajie 豬八戒 (Pigsy)29 in Xi You Ji, both of which are portrayed with a pig’s face
and oink to scare people. Although both characters embody the animal metamor-
phosis of the pig, the former is from hell while the latter is from heaven. Their
respective representation of the nature of evil and the inclination toward goodness
reflect the different writing purposes of GOGOL and WU Cheng’en, to whom Xi
You Ji is attributed.
It is not difficult to note that GOGOL tends to use animal traits, with specific
reference to the pig’s snout, to illustrate the physical and psychological character-
istics of a monster or the strange/others identified by the general public. Employ-
ing such literary means, GOGOL satirizes those of the upper class and their resem-
blance with the pig symbolizing the dispositions of laziness, greed, and impor-
tunity. For example, the German-like assessor of Sorochintsy in “Nochʹ pered
Rozhdestvom” (Christmas Eve) and the role of the mayors appointed by the Tsar
in this collection are frequently represented with such physical features and have
similar psychological and mental characteristics. While the symbol of pig is
marked in the character, the atmosphere is infused with grotesqueness, ludicrous-
ness, irony, and mockery. In GOGOL’s writings, most of the powerful upper-class
characters in the Ukrainian society are transformed into the appearance of pigs so
that the image can create double and subversive meanings: fear and laughter.
While civilians are awed by these powerful characters from the upper class, their
pig image dissolves the former’s fear via ridicule. Russian scholars Mikhail BAKH-
TIN and Yuri MANN, both term GOGOL’s evolution of early writings as a “carnival
debut”, of which the literary motivation is not only to turn the social status of
bigwigs and the authorities upside down, but also to enrich the rhetoric of
folktales.30 It is interesting that the pig like characters created by GOGOL share
certain similarities with the wild and mad Pigsy during his stay in Gao Village

29 Bajie literally means eight precepts. In some English versions of Xi You Ji, this character
is translated as Pigsy.
30 BAKHTIN M.M.: “Rable i Gogolʹ (Iskusstvo slova i narodnai͡a smekhovai͡a kulʹtura)”
(RABELAIS and GOGOL: The Art of Discourse and the Popular Culture of Laughter). In:
Voprosy literatury i ėstetiki (Questions of Literature and Aesthetics), Moskva: KHudo-
zhestvennai͡a literatura 1975, pp. 484–495; MANN: Poetics (1996).

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 Russia as Master and Monster

rather than the tamed disciple of the monk TANG Sanzang 唐三藏 (Tripitaka) in
Xi You Ji.
In the Cossack folk tale “Maĭskai͡a nochʹ, ili Utoplennit͡sa” (A May Night or
the Drowned Maiden), the young witch stepmother transforms into a monstrous
black cat at the first night when she comes to her new home and tries to drive her
stepdaughter away. The stepdaughter is finally turned out of the house by her own
father and drowns herself in the water. Her ghost assembles all the drowned girls
every night and searches for the witch, trying to take revenge. The character of a
young fair lady who can metamorphose into different kinds of animals, chiefly cat
or fox, is, however, not a unique technique in Ukrainian Cossack tales. Such liter-
ary tropes of a beautiful young lady and the plot of wreaking vengeance via super-
natural powers after death are both repeatedly seen in PU Songling’s Liaozhai Zhi
Yi31 which LU Xun loved the most in his childhood.
Take “Propavshai͡a gramota” (The Lost Letter) as another example. The horse-
faced devil with human elements portrayed in it has a comparable character (Ma-
mian 馬面, horse-face) in Chinese mythology. Though alike, these creatures or
personalities embody different cultural meanings in Russian folklore and Chinese
strange tales. In Dikanka, plenty of images of Cossack armies, peasants and devils
are depicted as mad, mischievous, greedy and arrogant. Furthermore, the tales of-
ten begin with narrating the characteristics of these protagonists i.e. how they are
fond of drinking, playing, dancing, and singing. It is not difficult to find Chinese
counterparts of either such Russian literary types, or arrangements of plots and
genres in Liaozhai Zhi Yi. For instance, “Luocha haishi” 羅剎海市 (The Rakshas
Sea City), “Hu xie” 狐諧 (The Jocularity of Fox), “Huang Ying” 黃英 and “Ma
Jiefu” 馬介甫 have similar plots and narrative openings for the fantastic adven-
tures of human protagonists with ghosts, demons or characters metamorphosed
from animals after binge drinking as in Dikanka. Moreover, Dikanka and Liaozhai
Zhi Yi share the semblance of literary technique and device – mise en abyme, i.e.,
a story within a story; a tale within a tale, which is often seen in terms of magic
realism.
As implied by their titles, Dikanka and Liaozhai Zhi Yi are the collections suit-
able for and targeted at the audience with preference of listening to stories in the
evenings. On one hand, their mental status is more relaxed at night under the moon
and stars; on the other hand, their perception in the dark is heightened, enabling
their reception of literary characters that embody all elements of the irrational to
unshackle their love, hatred, attachment, enmity, and other emotions.

31 This article refers chiefly to the English translation by LU Yunzhong, CHEN Tifang,
YANG Liyi and YANG Zhihong: Strange Tales of Liaozhai, Hong Kong: The Commercial
Press, 1988. Their translations will be modified. Otherwise, the citation will be specified.

JNK
Hsiang-Yin Sasha CHEN

Provided the aforementioned analysis of Russian and Chinese works, it is note-

worthy that GOGOL and PU Songling both articulate the special manners and cul-
tural imagination of the aliens and outsiders in imperial Russia and China, when
they respectively narrate the irrationality of their characters in the two collections
of tales. To show Russian and Chinese subjectivity, GOGOL and PU both use nu-
merous different tones and language varieties to mock, ridicule, tease and occa-
sionally even curse, particularly when the discourse refers to the German and the
Dutch. For instance, the narrator in GOGOL’S “Christmas Eve” analogizes the Ger-
man and the pig. In Sorochintsy, no matter where the foreigners come from, they
are all categorized as “the German”, which suggests the consistence of degrading
aliens and others. Nevertheless, in GOGOL’s writings, the Germans are treated en-
tirely different from the Poles, the Russian’s Slavonic kindred. According to
BOJANOWSKA, the Poles represent traitors in most of GOGOL’s works.32 Take the
sorcerer in “A Terrible Vengeance” as an example. Any Ukrainian character con-
spiring with the Poles is branded as a traitor. The elements of the irrational are
more vividly displayed in GOGOL’s Petersburg Novellas, as BOJANOWSKA shows
in her book.33 Images of the Germans and the Poles in GOGOL’s writings are cer-
tainly related to the historical backgrounds and the tense international relations in
his age.
Similarly, several stories in Liaozhai Zhi Yi not only alienate foreigners from
the Chinese, but also smear their image. For example, when the good-looking Chi-
nese protagonist MA Ji, who loves singing, drinking, and dancing, drifts to
Rakshas Sea City due to a hurricane on the sea, he finds the inhabitants there ap-
pallingly ugly. These fierce-looking Rakshas people, however, treat the handsome
MA as a horrible monster. More interestingly, the discourse shows that Rakshas
people value appearance more than literary accomplishment, which is highly ap-
preciated in Chinese culture. They tell MA that the most handsome men in this
country are appointed high officials; yet the prime minister whom MA sees in the
street is described by the Chinese omniscient narrator as bearing Rakshas features.

雙耳接背生，鼻三孔，睫毛覆目如簾。34

His ears join his back and he has three nostrils. His eyelashes cover his eyes like a
screen.

32 E. M. BOJANOWSKA: Nikolai GOGOL: Between Ukrainian and Russian Nationalism,

Cambridge, MA.: Harvard University Press 2007, p. 175.
33 Ibid., pp. 114–115.
34 PU Songling: Liaozhai Zhi Yi 聊齋誌異 (Strange tales from a Chinese studio), Chang-
sha: Yuelu shushe 1989, p. 142.

JNc
 Russia as Master and Monster

In line with such a principle, all senior courtiers are “all dishevelled and queer-
looking; the lower their rank, the less ugly they are”,35 as the narrator depicts.
Compared with Dikanka, Liaozhai Zhi Yi provides two-way thinking in its nar-
ration of aliens, foreigners, strangers, or outsiders, particularly in the plot of the
Chinese stranger regarded as a monster in a foreign country. Furthermore, PU’s
usage of words and treatment of closures in his tales both show his leisure and
carefree mood nurtured by the Chinese mentality of traditional intellectuals for
personal enjoyment, which is relatively different from the peppery and acidic tone
of GOGOL.
Looking at “The Jocularity of Fox” for instance, the king of Hongmaoguo 紅
毛國 (Kingdom of Red Hair), which usually implies the Dutch from the Nether-
lands in Qing Dynasty, has never seen a fox, and as a result he has no idea of how
to write the pictographic character. Although this plot shows mainly how the Huli-
jing 狐狸精 (fox spirit) teases himself and amuses his guests for jocularity, it sug-
gests the intense exclusiveness and solid subjectivity in Chinese imagination of
strangers and others in the classics. As we have seen, such characteristics are re-
peatedly manifested in Dikanka as well. It is indeed contradictory that both Rus-
sian and Chinese tales on one hand show their strong opposition to any institution-
alization or centralization, but on the other hand connote the two authors’ stand-
point of nationalism in the face of other foreign countries.
Dikanka is GOGOL’s literary base for developing his Ukrainian folk style in
Russian language; while Liaozhai Zhi Yi deeply influences LU Xun’s literary evo-
lution and motivates him to construct the Chinese subjectivity of both anti-institu-
tionalization and nationalism. The connection between Dikanka and Liaozhai Zhi
Yi explains why it was much easier for LU Xun to accept, adore, and absorb GOGOL
than other foreign writers in his wide-ranging reading experience in Tokyo. Addi-
tionally, it is thus understandable how LU Xun learns from GOGOL and PU
Songling and synthesizes the tone of Dikanka and Liaozhai Zhi Yi to tease, mock,
ridicule or criticize those he calls “Jia yang gui zi” 假洋鬼子 (fake foreign devils)
in his works. The fake foreign devils to LU Xun appear in parallel to the Polish
traitors to GOGOL.
In terms of content, theme, images, symbols, styles, atmosphere, multiple lay-
ers of designs, and various emotions, the Ukrainian stories in Dikanka, as well as
Xi You Ji and Liaozhai Zhi Yi, all enrich LU Xun’s literary techniques and inspire
him to create the Chinese version of “Diary of a Mad Man”. Therefore, both Rus-
sian and Chinese “Diary of a Mad Man” are epoch-making works and products of
classical inheritance, deserving more in-depth examination in a worldwide literary
area related to the theme of madness rather than studies of one-way influence.

35 LU, CHEN, YANG and YANG (trans.): Strange Tales (1988), p. 222.

JNR
Hsiang-Yin Sasha CHEN

More importantly, FOUCAULT’s arguments illuminate a new perspective of ana-

lyzing the writing strategies and purposes of both GOGOL and LU Xun in the face
of international competition and sociohistorical currents of westernization and
modernization. GOGOL’s imagination of the strange and others carries the passion
and paranoia of madness to question the norm and power granted by the authority,
which coincides with the “tamed madness” in the writings of the Classical age, as
FOUCAULT reveals:

We owe the invention of the arts to deranged imaginations: the Caprice of Painters,
Poets, and Musicians is only a name moderated in civility to express their Mad-
36
ness. Madness, in which the values of another age, another art, another morality
are called into question, but which also reflects — blurred and disturbed, strangely
compromised by one another in a common chimera — all the forms, even the most
remote of the human imagination.37

According to the famous Russian critic V.G. BELINSKIĬ (LcLL–LcQc), GOGOL’s

Dikanka indulge people in the irrational fascination and lyricism, full of life and
enchantment (ocherki, polnye zhizni i ocharovanii͡a). 38 Meanwhile, the writer
spontaneously integrates sense and sensibility in a spacious cosmos to approach
what BELINSKIĬ believes to be the perfection of poetic writing: “aimlessness with
aim, unconsciousness with consciousness (best͡selʹnostʹ s ͡tselʹi͡u, bessoznatelʹnostʹ
s soznaniem)”.39 To BELINSKIĬ, GOGOL was not merely a “writer” with writings of
normal or general standard, but an excellent and unique “poet” who succeeds to
PUSHKIN’s laurel wreath and literary estate.40
The above comparative analysis of Dikanka and the Chinese traditional clas-
sics, Xi You Ji and Liaozhai Zhi Yi, has made clear that the “little tradition” of
Russian folk and Chinese mythology shared essential parallels of both perceiving
darkness and narrating the strange and others before the two “Diary of a Mad Man”
were respectively created. Dikanka elucidates that Little Russia had preserved the
Eurasian nomad mythology of polytheism when Ukraine was under incomparable
influence of the Orthodox Church. Such a multicultural and contradictory situation
between the so-called uncivilized and civilized in the frontier region is embedded

36 Charles de SAINT-ÉVREMOND: Sir Politick would be (ca. 1664), act V, scene ii. Cited
from Michel FOUCAULT: Madness and Civilization: A History of Insanity in the Age of Rea-
son, London: Routledge 2001, trans. by Richard HOWARD, p. 26.
37 Ibid., Michel FOUCAULT: Madness (2001).
38 V. G. BELINSKIĬ: “O russkoĭ povesti i povesti͡akh Gogoli͡a” (On Russian Story and No-
vellas of GOGOL). In: N.V. Gogolʹ v russkoĭ kritike (GOGOL in Russian Criticism). Moskva:
Gos. izd-vo khudozhestvennoĭ literatury 1953, p. 56.
39 Ibid., p. 40.
40 Ibid.

JQS
 Russia as Master and Monster

in early GOGOL writings to contrast the central and westernized authorities. On the
other hand, Xi You Ji and Liaozhai Zhi Yi are transcultural products representing
the rebellion against the orthodox tradition of the “Four Books and Five Classics”
deeply rooted in Confucianism. These similar characteristics of Russian and Chi-
nese tales LU Xun loved to read the most, clarify why he adopts GOGOL’s literary
heritage in choosing the leitmotifs of madness and tameness in his literary debut.

The Problematic Nature of Laughter and Illusion

According to the celebrated Russian symbolist writer and scholar D. S. ME-

REZHKOVSKIĬ (Lced–LRQL), the recurring theme in GOGOL’s evolution from
Dikanka to Petersburg Novellas is the fight with the devil, a metaphor signifying
the evil in society and the spirit of SMERDYAKOV (Smerdi͡akovskai͡a dusha) in hu-
man nature. The oeuvre of GOGOL is devoted to examining “the mechanism of
mysterious essence” and the laughter he designs shows that human beings are bat-
tling with the devil within their mind.41 According to MEREZHKOVSKIĬ’s criticism,
Soviet scholars, such as M. M. BAKHTIN (LcRd–LRKd), V. I. PROPP (LcRd–LRKS), D.
S. LIKHACHEV (LRSe–LRRR), and Y. MANN (LRJR–) all examine the theme of laugh-
ter in GOGOL’s works.42 These Russian studies on GOGOL inspire similar questions
on LU Xun’s writings.
BAKHTIN argues that BELINSKIĬ’s criticism regarding GOGOL’s laughter and
humor as a kind of pure and parochial irony falls short of explaining GOGOL’s
profound and complex thoughts. It is necessary to investigate the origin of not only
western influence on GOGOL, such as the laughter of romanticism (its carnival
sources) and Don Quixote, but also Russian culture, for instance, the laughter of
festivals, feasts, plazas, and students of religious schools. These sources reveal the
extraordinary association of laughter with the illusion in the lower/other world;
“the longstanding historical connection of laughter and death leads to the construc-
tion of a special form: the image of laughter and banter.”43

41 D. MEREZHKOVSKIĬ: Gogolʹ i chort”: Issledovanie (GOGOL and the Devil: Research),

Moscow: Skorpion 1906, p. 95.
42 Both the movement and the sounds of laughter are important factors in GOGOL’s writing.
The treatment of plots and the ending in the comedy Revizor (The Government Inspector)
are one of the excellent instances to elucidate the performance of laughter on stage.
43 I quote and translate this information from the Chinese translation of BAKHTIN’s notes.
The original text has not been found yet. Please refer to BAHEJIN 巴赫金: “Guogeli zhi xiao
de lishi chuantong han minjian yuanyuan wenti” 果戈理之笑的歷史傳統和民間淵源問

JQL
Hsiang-Yin Sasha CHEN

In line with BAKHTIN’s research of GOGOL, LU Xun should not be interpreted

merely as a writer satirizing banality, laughing at society and criticizing the tradi-
tional system and authorities because he had read abundant traditional Chinese and
modern Western classics and ruminated different literary themes of creation before
he wrote “Diary of a Mad Man”.44 As Chinese scholar HSIA indicates,

It is general criticism of categorizing LU Xun and his writings into a movement, a

role or even a direction of development. These categories sacrifice individual talent
and overestimate the great history. The era LU Xun was situated in cannot be un-
derstood via the metaphor of contrast between brightness and darkness because
there is something interesting in gray that lies in between. Sometimes at dawn, there
is illusion like swinging shadows or flickering ghosts with whispers, and they are
easily ignored if you are impatiently waiting for daybreak. LU Xun is similar to a
historian catching and narrating this moment, using his profound perspective and
sensitive insight and that is exactly the characteristic he lacks when he means to
pose as a rebel to create works.45

HSIA specifies that death, illusion in the lower/other world and the gloomy side
of LU Xun’s writing are frequently disregarded. However, HSIA’s research, sim-
ilar to BELINSKIĬ’s criticism of GOGOL, treats the laughter of LU Xun as either a
sort of joke or witticism, and is thus unable to unearth the seriousness of LU Xun’s
laughter in a broad sense. Hence, a comparative analysis of tracing the Chinese
tradition and probing the origin of Russian influence of GOGOL’s early writings
would shed more light on LU Xun’s power of laughter.
Different from BAKHTIN, PROPP develops his research of GOGOL’s laughter
and comedy according to BELINSKIĬ’s criticism. It is noteworthy that BAKHTIN
focuses on the irrational characteristics of the carnivalesque essence in GOGOL’s
early writings, absorbing the concept of madness in the folklores of Little Russia,
but PROPP stresses that GOGOL’s works after the Petersburg Novellas show the
theme of madness in the age of westernized civilization. These two scholars, none-
theless, agree that laughter plays a significant role in these two periods of GOGOL’s
evolution. PROPP follows BELINSKIĬ to cite GOGOL as an example to demonstrate
that elements of comedy can be meaningful in contradicting the general criticism
of praising tragedy and devaluating the significance of comedy in nineteenth

題 (The Historical Tradition of GOGOL’s Laughter and Problems of National Sources). In:
QIAN Zhongwen (ed.): Bahejin Quanji 巴赫金全集 (Complete Works of BAKHTIN), Shijia-
zhuan: Hebei jiaoyu chubanshe 1998, vol. 4, pp. 54–55.
44 This point of view can be seen in HSIA: The Gate (1968), pp. 146–162 and LEE: Voices
(1987).
45 HSIA Tsi-An 夏濟安: Xia Ji’an xuanji 夏濟安選集 (The Selected Works of HSIA Tsi-
An), Taipei: Zhiwen chubanshe 1974, p. 30.

JQJ
 Russia as Master and Monster

century Great Russia.46 PROPP provides two further examples, “Diary of a Mad
Man” and “The Overcoat”, articulating that the content of GOGOL’s works is in
fact a tragedy although both styles and techniques are represented in the form of
comedy.47 Moreover, PROPP highlights the significance of GOGOL’s humor and
argues that this is the key to pondering over GOGOL’s artistic and moral value in
the field of aesthetics. Otherwise, critics may think that most of GOGOL’s works
involve vulgar and contemptible problems of comedy.48
The laughter of satire, humor, seriousness, and comedy constitute styles, forms
and literary means for manifesting GOGOL’S multiple layers of emotion and his
integration of tragedy with comedy. LU Xun’s reading of GOGOL is similar to the
criticisms of BAKHTIN and PROPP that he comments on his own prose works, with
specific reference to “Cong fengci dao youmo” 從諷刺到幽默 (From Satire to
Humor) and “Cong youmo dao zhengjing” 從幽默到正經 (From Humor to Seri-
ousness). In these two pieces, LU ridicules different types of satirists in his age,
arguing that his contemporary critics do not understand his cosmos of satire. That
is why they judge his works as full of “freezing irony, invectives, witticism, venom,
resentment”, and himself as xuefei 學匪 (academic bandit) and Shaoxing shiye 紹
興師爺 (Master Shaoxing)”.49 In the face of such criticism, LU Xun resists by say-
ing:

If I am not totally dead and even there is only half breath left, I would rely on the
signboard of laughter, exhaling haha…50

Unfortunately, GOGOL’s style of satire and humor which LU Xun identifies with,
has unavoidably transformed into a kind of hypocritical and paradoxical serious-
ness in Chinese society when China encounters national calamities, as LU Xun
explains in another essay, for the reason that satire and humor are either misun-
derstood or incriminated.51
Following the transformation of satire and humor, LU Xun uses a facetious
tone and comic talk:

46 V. I. PROPP: Problemy komizma i smekha (Problems of Comedy and Laughter), Moskva:

Iskusstvo 1976, pp. 4–5.
47 Ibid., pp. 8–10.
48 Ibid.
49 LU Xun: “Cong fengci dao youmo” 從諷刺到幽默 (From Satire to Humor). In: Lu Xun
Quanji (2005), vol. 5, p. 46. Shaoxing is LU Xun’s hometown.
50 Ibid., p. 47.
51 LU Xun: “Cong youmo dao zhengjing” 從幽默到正經 (From Humour to Seriousness).
In: Lu Xun Quanji (2005), vol. 5, pp. 48–49.

JQN
Hsiang-Yin Sasha CHEN

The saying “A wise man does not fight when the odds are against him” is the ex-
hortation of Chinese sages. Meanwhile, humor passes away and seriousness uni-
forms the rest of China.52

Such narration connotes that these Chinese critics prefer the pretense of a serious
face to the seriousness of humor; and they force writers not to laugh at society,
nation, and authorities. This literary phenomenon is unacceptable to LU Xun, and
therefore he employs GOGOL’s writing technique to portray a tamed “zhengjingren”
正經人 (Chinese serious character) who fits in with the normal standard in order
to show the ridiculous problems in China. LU Xun’s resistance of being tamed
motivates him to choose the gesture of a rebel and mad man in the later evolution,
and he thus uses different forms of comedy and laughter to flicker in the spectra
of lightness and darkness, normality and abnormality, flippancy and seriousness,
truth and falsehood. Therefore, the art of the mad world in the writings of GOGOL
and LU Xun is comparatively close to what FOUCAULT suggests:

It plays on the surface of things and in the glitter of daylight, over all the workings
of appearances, over the ambiguity of reality and illusion, over all that indetermi-
nate web, ever rewoven and broken, which both unites and separates truth and ap-
pearance.53

LU Xun is not only a thoughtful and sophisticated writer, but also an avant-garde
and professional critic superior to his contemporaries. While commenting on
GOGOL’s notable novel Mërtvye dushi (Dead Souls), LU Xun lists specific and
representative examples to expound the frequent literary means in GOGOL’s writ-
ings:

These most ordinary tragedies even close to nothing are the same as the works full
of silent words. It is not easy to become aware of them unless they are depicted as
the images by a poet. However, people who die in heroic tragedies are much fewer
than those in the most ordinary ones.54

Despite being unable to read GOGOL’s works in Russian,55 LU Xun undoubtedly

has an insight into the core and essence of GOGOL’s artistic world. Also, it is

52 Ibid.
53 FOUCAULT: Madness (2002), p. 32.
54 LU Xun: “Jihu wushi de beiju” 幾乎無事的悲劇 (Tragedies of almost nothing). In: LU
Xun Quanji (2005), vol. 6, p. 383.
55 ZHOU Zuoren recalls that LU Xun and he studied Russian language for several months
when they were in Tokyo in 1907, but they soon gave up. ZHOU Zuoren thinks that Russian
language is too difficult for Chinese people, and they felt tense while they were learning it.

JQQ
 Russia as Master and Monster

considered unusual among Chinese translators and critics during the May Fourth
Movement that LU Xun regards GOGOL as a poet rather than a novelist, although
the nineteenth century Russian critics have generally accepted such a title of honor
for GOGOL. LU Xun also suggests that laughter with tears is the characteristic of
comedy and tragedy combined in GOGOL’s writings. These proofs sufficiently val-
idate LU Xun’s sense and sensibility and most importantly his absorption of
GOGOL’s works.

Conclusion

It is clear that GOGOL and LU Xun share relatively significant similarities in their
early works. These parallel characteristics are not merely embedded in the process
of how LU Xun adores, identifies, imitates and absorbs GOGOL, but are more no-
tably represented in the inner perception and external attitude of LU Xun when he
faces his “self and the others” under the historical currents of westernization and
civilization.
More importantly, GOGOL and LU Xun respectively inherit the literary legacy
of Russian and Chinese “little tradition” of the dark world. They both show an
inclination for the consciousness of darkness, and their works are about problems
of the marginal, strange, crazed, and others in society. The comparative analysis
of Dikanka and Liaozhai Zhi Yi in this chapter demonstrates not only the Chinese
modernity acquired from Russia, as many scholars have shown, but also the Eur-
asian-Russian mentality resembling Chinese transcultural characteristics. These
similarities serve as the main reason why GOGOL is enthroned in LU Xun’s wide-
ranging reading list of Chinese and foreign literature.
Finally, the early works of both GOGOL and LU Xun are associated with the
theme of madness and the consciousness of darkness; and both writers choose the
literary treatment of comedy and laughter to represent the derivative problematics
as demonstrated in this article. Hence, it can be concluded that the power of dark-
ness is more subversive than the discourse or sermon of morality in the usual re-
alistic works for the purpose of deconstructing westernized civilization. When the
curtain of these two writers’ carnival debut rises on the literary stage, their early
works transform the vulgar and contemptible problems into an aesthetic combina-
tion of both tragedy and comedy and become classics in Russia and China.

Please refer to ZHOU Zuoren and ZHOU Jianren: Nianshao cangsang (2001) vol. 1, pp. 119–
120.

JQd
Alexey RODIONOV

c Images of Russia in Chinese Literary

Periodicals at the Beginning of the
LRNSs: Nationalist Perspective

Abstract. The contribution of left wing literati to the translation and promotion of
Russian and Soviet literature in China at the beginning of the LRNSs is widely
acknowledged. However, their ideological rivals – Chinese nationalists – did not
ignore Russian literature either. Communist and nationalist literati each had their
own reasons to address Russia and constructed distinct images of Russia and Rus-
sian literature in their publications. This chapter examines the portrayal of the Rus-
sians and Russia as well as the translation of Russian and Soviet literature in the
nationalist periodicals Qianfeng Zhoubao and Qianfeng Yuekan in the literary and
historical context.

Keywords. Russian literature, Soviet literature, Image of Russia, Chinese national-

ism, Vanguard Society.

Published in: Gotelind MÜLLER and Nikolay SAMOYLOV (eds.): Chinese Perceptions of
Russia and the West. Changes, Continuities, and Contingencies during the Twentieth Cen-
tury. Heidelberg: CrossAsia-eBooks, JSJS. DOI: https://doi.org/LS.LLdcc/xabooks.eeL.

JQK
Alexey RODIONOV

Introduction

The introduction of Russian literature to China dates back to LcKJ when “A Rus-
sian Fable” (E ren yuyan 俄人寓言) was first translated into Chinese by Presby-
terian missionary William A. P. MARTIN (LcJK–LRLe) and published in the first
issue of The Peking Magazine (Zhong Xi wen jian lu 中西聞見錄, LcKJ–LcKd). It
is supposed to be an adapted version of the story by Leo TOLSTOY (Lev TOLSTOĬ,
LcJc–LRLS) “Two Friends”, which itself is based on a popular fable.1 However, it
took almost thirty years for another publication of Russian literature in China when
three fables by Ivan KRYLOV (LKeR–LcQQ) were consecutively published by the
Shanghainese missionary monthly The Review of the Times (Wanguo gongbao 萬
國公報, Lcec–LRSK) in LcRR–LRSS. N. SAMOYLOV draws our attention to the fact
that “the content of those fables, being an object of mockery and derision for the
Russian people, likewise catered to similar convictions of the Chinese society (in
particular, relating to the absolute power of bureaucracy and corruption)”.2 How-
ever, it may also be that the very selection of these fables by the Western mission-
aries reflected their negative stereotypes and stereotypes of a Chinese audience
toward Russia. I agree with N. SAMOYLOV that: “The most negative image of Rus-
sia was formed in Chinese periodicals that were dependent on foreign states”.3
Additionally, since the beginning of the JSth century we can see a growing interest
in Russian literature and numerous translations of Aleksandr PUSHKIN (LKRR–LcNK),
Leo TOLSTOY, Anton CHEKHOV (LceS–LRSQ), Leonid ANDREEV (LcKL–LRLR) etc.
into the Chinese language, which were driven not by the intention to expose the
evils of the aggressive northern barbarians, but by the desire of Chinese literati to
learn the revolutionary experience of Russia in the LRth and beginning of the JSth
century, or, by the similar understanding of the moral power of literature in both
cultures.4
Although initially the translation of Russian literature was lagging behind the
Western literature, after the May Fourth Movement in China in LRLR and the Octo-
ber Revolution in Russia in LRLK, it started attracting more and more attention.

1 CHEN Jianhua 陈建华: Ershi Shiji Zhong E Wenxue Guanxi 二十世纪中俄文学关系

(Comparison between Chinese Literature and Russian Literature of the 20th Century), Bei-
jing: Gaodeng Jiaoyu Chubanshe 2002, pp. 40–46.
2 Nikolay SAMOYLOV: The Evolution of Russia’s Image in China in the early 20th century:
Key Factors and Research Methodology, Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University, Asian and
African Studies, 2019, Vol. 11, Issue 1, p. 32.
3 SAMOYLOV: The Evolution (2019), p. 36.
4 Mark GAMSA: The Reading of Russian Literature in China. A Moral Example and Manual
of Practice, N.Y.: Palgrave Macmillan 2010, p. 12.

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 Images of Russia in Chinese Literary Periodicals at the Beginning of the pq}rs

While Chinese literati were looking for recipes and methods concerning how to
make the country strong and how to cope with militarist warfare and foreign ag-
gression, they found, as LU Xun 魯迅 (LccL–LRNe) says, that “Russian literature is
our teacher and friend. There we have seen the beautiful soul of the oppressed
person, his suffering and struggle; the novels of the LcQSs gave us a hope, and the
literature of the LceSs made us mourn”.5 One of the first Chinese Marxists LI
Dazhao (李大釗, Lccc–LRJK) stressed the link between the revolution and litera-
ture in Russia and saw in Russian literature the following specific features: “first,
it carries a distinct social flavor, second, it is permeated by high humanism”.6 In
the LRNSs, the Russian and Soviet literature became the second most frequently
translated foreign literature in China, and from the LRQSs up to the end of the LRcSs,
it was dominant in the circle of foreign literature.
In LRJSs–LRNSs, lots of eminent Chinese leftist literati took part in the transla-
tion and promotion of Russian and Soviet literature and literary theory in China.
Among them we can name LU Xun, MAO Dun 茅盾 (LcRe–LRcL), GUO Moruo 郭
沫若 (LcRJ–LRKc), QU Qiubai 瞿秋白 (LcRR–LRNd), JIANG Guangci 蔣光慈 (LRSL–
LRNL) and many others. It must be noted, however, that the introduction of Russian,
and especially Soviet, literature encountered many political obstacles as it became
tied to the confrontation between Soviet Russia and capitalist countries, Russian-
Chinese diplomatic relations and conflicts, including the Chinese Eastern Railway
conflict, the cooperation and struggle of the Guomindang (GMD) and the Chinese
Communist Party (CCP), etc. After the split of the GMD and the CCP in LRJK and
the rupture of diplomatic relations between China and the USSR in LRJR, the pro-
motion of Soviet literature became not only problematic, but also a rather danger-
ous affair. Nevertheless, the beginning of the LRNSs saw a rapid acceleration in the
translations of Russian and Soviet literature. On the one hand, there was an objec-
tive interest of the society in the understanding of the Soviet experience; on the
other hand, there were enormous efforts to achieve this goal by the League of
Leftist Writers. At that time, literary journals played a crucial role in authors reach-
ing their audience.
The contribution of the numerous but short-lived left-wing journals, like, Bei-
dou 北鬥 (Big Dipper, LRNL–LRNJ), Mengya 萌芽 (Sprouts, LRNS), Baerdishan 巴
爾底山 (Partisan, LRNS), and Tuohuangzhe 拓荒者 (Pathfinder, LRNS) to the trans-
lation and promotion of Russian and Soviet literature in China at the beginning of

5 LU Xun 鲁迅: “Zhi Zhong E Wenzi Zhi Jiao” 致中俄文字之交 (Greeting the Literary
Communication of China and Russia). In: Lu Xun Wen Cui 鲁迅文萃 (Collection of Lu
Xun), Shanghai: Baijia Chubanshe 2001, Vol. 3, p. 303.
6 LI Dachzhao: Russkai͡a literatura i revoli͡ut͡sii͡a (Russian Literature and Revolution). In:
LI Dachzhao. Izbrannye proizvedenii͡a (Selected Works), Moskva: Nauka Publishers 1989,
p. 148.

JQR
Alexey RODIONOV

the LRNSs is widely acknowledged.7 However, Russian literature was also far from
being ignored by the nationalist literary journals, like the Qianfeng Zhoubao 前鋒
周報 (Vanguard Weekly, LRNS–LRNL) and the Qianfeng Yuekan 前鋒月刊 (Van-
guard Monthly, LRNS–LRNL). Just like the leftists, the nationalist literati had their
own reasons to address Russia and constructed rather specific images of Russia
and Russian literature in their publications. Further to this we can examine the
portrayal of the Russians and Russia as well as the translation of Russian and So-
viet literature in the above-mentioned journals in the literary and historical context.

Worldview of the Nationalist Literary Periodicals

Nationalism became a very popular ideology in China since the end of the LRth
century. A number of important thinkers and politicians of the late-Qing and early
Republican periods, for example, LIANG Qichao 梁啟超 (LcKN–LRJR), ZHANG
Binglin 章炳麟 (Lcec–LRNe), and SUN Yatsen 孫中山 (Lcee–LRJd) developed their
own concepts of nationalism, though the initial theoretical basis had been bor-
rowed from abroad, especially from the works of the Swiss scholar and politician
Johann Kaspar BLUNTSCHLI (LcSc–LccL).8 Since the analysis of the evolution of
their nationalist concepts as well as the obvious social impact of nationalism is not
the focus of this chapter, we will concentrate on the literary nationalism of the
early LRNSs, represented in the right-wing periodicals Qianfeng Zhoubao and Qian-
feng Yuekan. These Shanghai journals along with Nanjing monthlies Wenyi
Yuekan 文藝月刊 (Literature and Art Monthly, LRNS–LRQL) and Maodun Yuekan
矛盾月刊 (Paradox Monthly, LRNJ–LRNQ), as well as the Hangzhou journal Huang
Zhong 黃鐘 (Yellow Bell, LRNJ–LRNK) were part of the movement for nationalist
literature, launched by Guomindang in an effort to cope with the proletariat liter-
ature.
Unlike the kaleidoscopic governments of Chinese militarists in the LRLSs–JSs,
the Nanjing government of Guomindang had a clear ideology i.e., the nationalism
of SUN Yatsen, formulated in his works of the LRJSs. During the period of military
struggle for power, the literature was not a top priority for Guomindang. However,

7 Mark SHNEĬDER: Russkai͡a klassika v Kitae (Russian Classics in China), Moskva: Nauka
1977, p. 272; CHEN: Ershi (2002), p, 357.
8 Alekseĭ MOSKALEV: Nat͡sii͡a i nat͡sionalizm v Kitae (Nation and Nationalism in China),
Moskva: Pami͡atniki Istoricheskoĭ Mysli 2005, pp. 20–23; YANG Sixin 杨思新: Wenhua
minzu zhuyi yu jindai Zhongguo 文化民族主义与近代中国 (Cultural Nationalism and
China in the New Time), Beijing: CASS Press 2003, pp. 68–76.

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 Images of Russia in Chinese Literary Periodicals at the Beginning of the pq}rs

after the split with the communists and following the swift spread of leftist ideas
in the minds of Chinese intellectuals and on the literary arena, Guomindang in
LRJc–LRJR took a series of repressive measures to subdue the opposition. Unsur-
prisingly, however, it was far from enough; Guomindang had to offer some posi-
tive ideology to dominate the literary sphere. The necessity became obvious after
the unification of the Marxist literary forces in the League of Leftist Writers in
March, LRNS. The idea of building the party literature on “three principles” was
voiced at the National Propaganda Meeting in June, LRJR, but the “Manifesto of
Movement for Nationalist Literature and Art” was proclaimed only a year later in
June LRNS. The “Manifesto” played a very important role in the development of
the nationalist literature. It is widely cited in almost all other theoretical articles of
the Chinese nationalist literati.
The anonymous authors of the “Manifesto” were the founders of the literary
society “Vanguard” (Qianfeng she 前鋒社), which existed in Shanghai from June
LRNS to June LRNL. According to Fudan scholar NI Wei, the basic ideas of the doc-
ument are based upon the earlier works of FU Yanchang (傅彥長, LcRL–LReL), a
key member of the “Vanguard” society.9 However, a direct and indirect influence
of SUN Yatsen’s ideas can also be seen. On the one hand, the society was closely
connected to Guomindang (its leaders FAN Zhengbo 範爭波 (LRSL–LRcN) and ZHU
Yingpeng 朱應鵬 (LcRd–LRee) were the members of the Shanghai executive com-
mittee of Guomindang). On the other hand, it was close with Shanghai literary
circles, ZHU Yingpeng was the editor of influential Shanghai newspaper Shen Bao
申報 (Shanghai News, LcKJ–LRQR). There were also direct links to academic cir-
cles due to FU Yanchang’s position of professor at Tongji University. Many of the
members were young officers of the Guomindang army, such as WAN Guoan 萬
國安 (?–?) or HUANG Zhenxia 黃震遐 (LRSK–LRKQ). The society became famous
due to the publication of the Qianfeng Zhoubao (QFZB) and the Qianfeng Yuekan
(QFYK), which not only became very popular with the public but also attracted
fierce criticism from the liberal and leftist literati. Among the latter, we can see
LU Xun, MAO Dun, QU Qiubai and others. The indignation over the activities of
the “Vanguard” society provoked in May LRNL several dozens of leftist activists
into attacking the office of the “Xiandai Publishers”, which circulated the nation-
alist journals. Though very successful in the aspects of ideology, popularity and
even finance, the “Vanguard” society turned out to be short lived. Being a group

9 NI Wei 倪伟: “Minzu” xiangxiang yu “guojia” tongzhi: 1928–1948 Nanjing zhengfu de

wenyi zhengce ji wenyi yundong “民族”想象与“国家”统治：1928–1948 南京政府的文
艺政策及文艺运动 (Nation’s Imagination and State’s Rule: Literary and Cultural Politics
and Movements of the Nanjing Government in 1928–1949), Shanghai: Shanghai Jiaoyu
Chubanshe 2003, p. 53.

JdL
Alexey RODIONOV

of people, who shared common views and whose relationship was cemented by
personal ties, the society disintegrated in June LRNL after the key figures had left
Shanghai. It also led to the end of its journals.10
Nevertheless, the Qianfeng Zhoubao and the Qianfeng Yuekan made a major
contribution to the theoretical development of the nationalist literature. The
weekly was the first periodical of the “Vanguard” society. There were Qe issues
published between JJ June, LRNS and NL May, LRNL.11 However, only Ne issues sur-
vived until today, I have in my possession copies of the Jd issues of the weekly. It
is a thin black and white bulletin of eight pages without illustrations. It was edited
by LI Jinxuan 李錦軒 (the penname of YE Qiuyuan 葉秋原, LRSK–LRQc), printed
by Shanghai “Guangming Publishers” and circulated by the “Xiandai Publishers”.
The success of the weekly inspired the “Vanguard” society to announce in August
LRNS their plans of establishing a big literary monthly. Edited by the same group
of people (reportedly by ZHU Yingpeng and FU Yanchang), its publication was
arranged with the help of the “Xiandai publishers”. The first of the K issues ap-
peared on LS October, LRNS, the last on LS April, LRNL12. It was a literary journal of
around NSS pages with colored illustrations. After the establishment of the Qi-
anfeng Yuekan monthly, the weekly concentrated on short stories and prompt lit-
erary critique while the monthly published novels, plays, poems and all sorts of
long materials on the nationalist literature and movements in China and abroad.
Unlike other nationalist journals, e.g., Nanjing Wenyi Yuekan, the periodicals of
the “Vanguard” society put special stress on publishing only those materials that
supported the Nationalist cause.
On the basis of the “Manifesto” as well as the other articles in both periodicals,
e.g., “Minzuzhuyi wenyi zhi lilun de jichu” 民族主義文藝之理論的基礎 (The
Theoretical Basis of the Nationalist Art and Literature) by YE Qiuyuan (QFYK,
LRNS: N c-LS), “Bianjishi tanhua” 編輯室談話 (Notes of the Editor, QFYK, LRNS:
N LS), we can see that just like the concept of nationalism itself, their understand-
ing of the nationalist literature was in many aspects borrowed from abroad. The
manifesto of the movement for nationalist literature evidently looked for the the-
oretical grounds in the experience of foreign literature, especially in the literature
of nation states, emerging in the LRth century (Germany, etc) or of countries with
strong nationalist movements (India, Ireland, etc). In other words, its nationalism
was extremely international.

10 NI Wei: Minzu (2003), p. 51–58.

11 LIU Zengren 刘增人: Zhongguo xiandai wenxue qikan shi lun 中国现代文学期刊史论
(On the History of Modern Chinese Literary Periodicals), Beijing: Xinhua Chubanshe 2005,
p. 293.
12 LIU Zengren: Zhongguo (2005), p. 297.

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 Images of Russia in Chinese Literary Periodicals at the Beginning of the pq}rs

Theoretical articles on various aspects of nationalism and its representation in the

works of literature and art can be found in all the issues of both periodicals,
whereas the Qianfeng Yuekan pays more attention to the things from abroad. The
prevailing authors of the materials are YE Qiuyuan (LI Jinxuan), ZHANG Jiping 張
季平, (?–?), YI Kang 易康, (?–?), TANG Bingruo 湯冰若 (?–?), and WANG Tiran
(汪倜然, LRSe–LRcQ). All of them now are obscure figures in the history of modern
Chinese literature but were prolific critics and writers in the LRNSs.
In regard to the concept of nationalism itself, YE Qiuyuan acknowledged that
“nation” is a relatively new word in the Chinese language, which often causes
embarrassment, because the people do not understand clearly the relationship be-
tween race, nation, and state.13 Thus, he delves into explanation of different crite-
ria of a nation. Among these the most important for him is national consciousness,
which is quite natural since his article is about literature. Although “nation” is a
notion imported from abroad at the turn of the JSth century, nationalism is re-
garded as something that had already existed in China, but was lost under the in-
fluence of Taoism and Buddhism. In actuality, here he follows SUN Yat-sen’s un-
derstanding of nationalism. The major ideas of the latter are described as: self-
liberation of the Chinese nation, equality of all peoples in China and the liberation
of all the oppressed nations of the world. However, of the main concern is the first
point, that is, aspiration for an independent and strong China. YE Qiuyuan says
that China is a semi-colony. On one hand, it suffers political and economic aggres-
sion of foreign imperialism. On the other hand, China is exploited by remnants of
feudalism. Nationalism is seen as the only force which can unite China and guar-
antee its existence forever in the future.14
However, in circumstances where nationalist feelings are not strong enough,
active measures should be taken to awake the “spirit of the nation”. Nationalist
literature and art can be extremely useful in this regard as they are “capable of
giving a new life to the nation”. For those ends, nationalism should become the
“central idea”, the “ultimate sense” of Chinese literature, which at the beginning
of the LRNSs was “in a pathological situation”. To achieve the ambitious goals,
nationalist literature should reflect the history of both ancient and contemporary
struggle of the nation for survival, the real life of the common people, and the local
flavor and customs. It should struggle against everything detrimental to the devel-
opment of the nation, including communism. Despite literature being regarded as
a product of a nation by nature, still nationalist literature is the only one which

13 YE Qiuyuan 葉秋原: “Minzuzhuyi wenyi zhi lilun de jichu” 民族主義文藝之理論的

基礎 (The Theoretical Basis of the Nationalist Art and Literature). In: Qianfeng Yuekan,
1930, No. 8, p. 57.
14 YE Qiuyuan: “Minzuzhuyi” (1930), pp. 57–58.

JdN
Alexey RODIONOV

combines the “national consciousness” and the “spirit of the epoch”. It is pro-
claimed that nationalist literature is literature “of the people, by the people, for the
people”15 – a clear trace of the Gettysburg Address of Abraham LINCOLN, which
was also once cited by SUN Yat-sen. In fact, this proclamation draws comparisons
between the revolution in China and the Civil War in the U.S. which was very
popular in the circles of Guomindang literati.
What made the nationalist literati so confident in their cause was the history of
European literature and its role in the creation of new nation states in the LRth–
JSth century. They were greatly impressed by the direct influence of literature and
art on the development of political nationalism. The examples of Germany, France,
Italy and the former Russian Empire were referred to especially often. All this
made them conclude that “the movement for nationalist literature and art, first of
all, corresponds to the tendencies of world literature and art, but more importantly
is that it exactly fits the urgent needs of our nation”.16
However, their nationalist zeal caused a much distorted presentation of foreign
literature. For example, the true spirit of modern French literature and art was said
to be fauvism and purism while for Germany it was expressionism, and for Italy
futurism17. These trends were seen as deeply rooted in the national consciousness
of the nations. In the article of YI Kang devoted to Russia, the author characterizes
the genuine essence of Russian literature and art as primitivism or archaism, dis-
cussing, therefore, only the writers famous for their obsession with the glory of
Russia – Aleksandr BLOK (LccS–LRJL), Sergey YESENIN (Sergeĭ ESENIN, LcRd–
LRJd), Nikolay KLYUEV (Nikolaĭ KLIU ͡ EV, LccQ–LRNK), and Petr ORESHIN (LccK–
18
LRNc) . The same goes for German literature, which is mainly represented by
writers with strong nationalist sentiment, like Hermann SUDERMANN (LcdK–LRJc)
and Gustav FRENSSEN (LceN–LRQd).
Another international dimension of the Qianfeng Zhoubao and the Qianfeng
Yuekan is a constant critique of Chinese communists and proletariat literature,
which were regarded as a major internal threat to Guomindang and Chinese na-
tionalist literature.
Quite telling is, the fact, that we have found neither articles which state supe-
riority of Chinese culture over foreign cultures, nor, in fact, the reverse. What can
be found is political motivation of the choice, which is expressed in the interest in

15 “Minzuzhuyi wenyi yundong xuanyan” 民族主義文藝運動宣言 (Manifesto of Move-

ment for Nationalist Literature and Art). In: Qianfeng Zhoubao, 1930, No. 2, p. 17.
16 LI Jinxuan 李錦軒: “Bianjishi tanhua” 編輯室談話 (Notes of the Editor). In: Qianfeng
Zhoubao, 1930, No. 10, p. 79.
17 “Minzuzhuyi”, p. 18.
18 YI Kang 易康: “Eguo de nongmin wenxue” 俄國的農民文學 (Peasant Literature of
Russia). In: Qianfeng Zhoubao, 1930, No. 14, pp. 106–107.

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 Images of Russia in Chinese Literary Periodicals at the Beginning of the pq}rs

the literature of the oppressed nations, or certain restraints, at least proclaimed, in

regard to the literature of greater powers, or the anti-communist drive which has
been mentioned above. In the “Notes of the Editor” LI Jinxuan indicates that:
“when introducing the foreign literary works, we will choose only those which
could be useful for the progress of our nation. We do not ignore the foreign culture,
but are not going to blindly accept the culture of the countries which harm our
nation”.19
As regards the consistency of literary practice with the theoretical declarations,
we prepared statistics on the content of both periodicals with reference to their
interest in foreign literature.

Table c-L: Publications devoted exclusively to foreign nations in the Qianfeng

Zhoubao
Country Total number of Number of transla-
publications tions
France L L
Japan L S
England L S
Russia L S
Total Q L

Number of repre- Q
sented countries
Number of all publi- LJN (in issues no. J-Je)
cations, regardless of
the content

The statistics for Qianfeng Zhoubao (issues no. J-Je) reveals only four publica-
tions out of LJN were devoted to foreign literature. This lack of interest in foreign
literature is explained by the fact that the weekly, being the first periodical of the
movement for nationalist literature, was keen on introducing the basic ideas of
Chinese nationalist literature, or on attacks on the proletariat literature. Moreover,
due to its size it could not publish literary works in a large number, concentrating
instead on literary critique. Nevertheless, foreign literature is still discussed in all
articles, devoted to nationalism, regardless of not being the main focus there. In
contrast, the more telling statistics is shown in the monthly.

19 LI Jinxuan: “Bianjishi” (1930), p. 80.

Jdd
Alexey RODIONOV

Table c-J: Publications devoted exclusively to foreign nations in the Qianfeng

Yuekan

Rating Country / region / Total num- Translations Illustra-

nation /peoples ber of publi- tions
cations
L. Germany LL L Q
L. France LL N J
J. England R L S
J. USA R Q S
N. India K S Q
N. Russia K S e
Q. Ireland e S S
Q. Japan e d S
d. Norway N S S
d. Netherlands N S S
d. Jews N L S
d. Italy N S S
e. Scotland J S S
e. Belgium J S S
K. Turkey L S S
K. Isle of Man L S S
K. Bulgaria L L S
K. Poland L S S
K. Vietnam L S S
K. South America L S S
K. Denmark L S S
K. New Zealand L S S
K. Austria L S S
K. Canada L S S
K. Greece L S L
K. Romania L S S
K. Australia L S S
K. Spain L S S
K. Iceland L S S
K. Hungary L S S
K. Finland L S S

Jde
 Images of Russia in Chinese Literary Periodicals at the Beginning of the pq}rs

Rating Country / region / Total num- Translations Illustra-

nation /peoples ber of publi- tions
cations
K. Armenia L L S
Total LSS LK LK
Number of represented NL
countries, regions and nations
Number of all publications, Lcd
regardless of the content

The monthly set up a special section devoted to foreign developments and regu-
larly published translations. We see that out of Lcd publications, LSS, which take
up more than a half, were about literary events from abroad. Geography of the
publications covers all the world with NL countries, regions, or peoples and ranging
from the Isle of Man and Iceland to New Zealand and Vietnam. They should have
the clear intention to introduce such diverse literature in just seven issues of the
monthly. It was important for the Qianfeng Yuekan to show that nationalism dom-
inated the world literary arena. Needless to say, most of the reports were quite
superficial and biased. I would like to draw special attention to the countries, of
which literature and culture attracted the strongest interest of Chinese nationalists
– Germany, France, England, the USA, India, Russia, Ireland and Japan. These
countries take up between e and LL publications within just K issues of the journal.
Chinese nationalists were extremely fascinated with the German consolidation un-
der Prussia in the LRth century. For them it was a successful story of “national
consciousness” that united the country and made it strong in a very short time.
France was also a common reference for Chinese nationalists, mainly as a prime
example of strong “national spirit”. India and Ireland were reasonably chosen. The
popularity of the UK, the U.S., and Japan was most likely due to the language.
English and Japanese were the most popular foreign languages in the circles of
intellectuals, which facilitated translations and access to necessary information.
Russia actually was not of priority, but by coincidence, there were many Russian
illustrations to a poetic play Blood of the Yellow Race by HUANG Zhenxia.
To summarize, it is worth reiterating that Chinese nationalism and nationalist
literature, represented on the pages of the Qianfeng Zhoubao and the Qianfeng
Yuekan, were considerably internationalized almost in all senses. However, it did
not last long. Just one year later JIANG Jieshi 蔣介石 (LccK–LRKd) and Guomindang
started to shift to a much more original concept of nationalism.20

20 MOSKALEV: Nat͡sii͡a i nat͡sionalizm v Kitae (2005), pp. 118–123; YANG: Wenhua minzu
zhuyi yu jindai Zhongguo (2003), p. 390.

JdK
Alexey RODIONOV

Russia, Russians, and Russian Literature in the Nationalist

Periodicals

As noted above, Russia and Russian literature were not ignored by the nationalist
literati in their periodicals. As can be expected, the leading tone of their portrayal
of Russia is abusive criticism. Their indignation over the USSR comes from the
Soviet support for Chinese communists and attempts to sovietize China. In this
context, the military clashes on the Chinese Eastern Railway (CER) in LRJR are
usually mentioned. For example, in the article of DI Gengsheng 狄更生 (?–?)
“Zhanzheng” 戰爭 (War, QFZB, LRNS, No. K), which deals with pacifism in the
European and Chinese literature, the peacefulness of the USSR and of the com-
munists, is declared false, as eloquently demonstrated by the events of LRJR.21
The USSR is often mentioned in articles criticizing Chinese proletarian litera-
ture. Quite typical is the article of LI Jinxuan “Boerxiweike de enshang” 波爾系
維克的恩賞 (Mercy of the Bolsheviks, QFZB, LRNS, No. Ld), where the author
attacks the story of the leftist writer MA Ning 馬寧 (LRSR–JSSL), Xiboliya 西伯利
亞 (Siberia) published in the magazine Tuohuangzhe (LRNS, No. Q-d). MA Ning’s
story is dedicated to the stay in the USSR of a Chinese soldier, captured during a
military conflict on the Chinese Eastern Railway. The Russians treated the soldier
like a blood brother, sharing food and clothes with him.22 MA Ning recalls that the
story was written at the request of the editor of Tuohuangzhe, a famous communist
writer JIANG Guangci, and complained that JIANG Guangci, who had visited the
USSR and knew it well, did not correct the apparent flaws contained in the story
due to his respect for the author.23 A certain idealization of the story and the em-
phasis on the unity of the Russian and Chinese proletarians reflected the heat of
political struggle between the communists and the nationalists at that time.
It is known that during the conflict on the CER in LRJR the Communist Party
supported actions of the USSR. However, from LI Jinxuan’s point of view, Soviet
Russia was an aggressor, and MA Ning and other proletarian writers who defended
Soviet interests were traitors, who sold their souls to the “Red Russia imperial-
ism”: “The recent war on the Chinese Eastern Railway revealed the ferocious face
of Soviet Russia and its aggressive policy”24 ; “ the proletarian writers, having

21 DI Gengsheng 狄更生: “Zhanzheng” 戰爭 (War). In: Qianfeng Zhoubao, 1930, No. 7,

pp. 48 – 49.
22 MA Ning 馬寧: “Xiboliya” 西伯利亞 (Siberia). In: Tuohuangzhe, 1930, No. 4–5.
23 MA Ning 馬寧: “Huiyi ‘Zuolian’ wu ji” 回憶“左聯”五記 (Five Memories of the
“Left Association”). In: Zhongguo Xiandai Wenxue Yajiu Congkan, 1980, No. 1, pp. 9–10.
24 LI Jinxuan 李錦軒: “Boerxiweike de enshang” 波爾希維克的恩賞 (Mercy of the Bol-
sheviks). In: Qianfeng Zhoubao, 1930, No. 15, p. 117.

Jdc
 Images of Russia in Chinese Literary Periodicals at the Beginning of the pq}rs

received the Soviet rubles and drunk Soviet beer, dream of Soviet butter, beef,
leather boots and do not consider it shameful to write such slave stories out of their
fantasies…”.25 Invective, addressed to the leftist writers, can be also seen in the
articles of ZHANG Jiping “Puluo de shi” 普羅的詩 (Proletariat Poetry) and (“Puluo
de xiju” 普羅的戲劇 (Proletariat Drama), as well as DI Gengsheng’s article “War”,
all published in the Qianfeng Zhoubao. Moreover, ZHANG Jiping and DI
Gengsheng suppose that the proletariat literature is not capable of reflecting the
spirit of the epoch and is very crude artistically.
On the pages of the nationalist magazines we can also see fictional works that
deal with Russia or Russians. Those are the novel “Guo men zhi zhan” 國門之戰
(Battle at the Motherland’s Gate, QFYK, no. e, LRNL) by WAN Guoan, poetic drama
“Huang ren zhi xue” 黃人之血 (Blood of the Yellow Race, QFYK, no. K, LRNL) by
HUANG Zhenxia, and the novel “Longhai xian shang” 隴海線上 (On Longhai
Railway, QFYK, no. d, LRNL) by HUANG Zhenxia. Both writers were the key mem-
bers of the “Vanguard” society.
The novel of WAN Guoan is devoted to the heroic exploits of the Ldth brigade
of the North-Eastern army in the defense of Manchuria station, as well as to the
ordeal that fell to the lot of Chinese soldiers in Soviet captivity. The story is more
documentary in style rather than fictional. From the preface written by HUANG
Zhenxia, we know that it is based on the personal experience of WAN Guoan26.
Autobiographical characteristics are also confirmed by the fact that the name of
the main character is WAN Guoan. The novel is not distinguished by any deep
images, or by expressive language, or by the thoughtful composition, but the rele-
vance of the topic, the portrayal of the real horrors of war and the flavor of life in
the border areas attracted attention of the readers. The anti-Sovietism of this work
is manifested in the repeatedly declared one-sided assessment of what was hap-
pening at the CER. It is the USSR, due to its support for the Chinese communists,
that is declared to be an aggressor. For example, the beginning of the conflict is
described as follows:

I heard yesterday that there were a lot of Communists found in the Russian Consu-
late in Harbin. Chairman of the board of the CER LÜ wanted to end this once and
for all, for a start he decided to return control over the telegraph at all railway sta-
tions, and the actions have already been taken at the main Harbin station.27

25 LI Jinxuan: “Boerxiweike” (1930), p. 118.

26 HUANG Zhenxia 黃震遐: “Huang Zhenxia de xu” 黃震遐的序 (Preface by HUANG
Zhenxia). In: Qianfeng Yuekan, 1931, No. 6, pp. 5–6.
27 WAN Guoan 萬國安：“Guo men zhi zhan” 國門之戰 (Battle at the Motherland’s Gate).
In: Qianfeng Yuekan, 1931, No. 6, p. 18.

JdR
Alexey RODIONOV

According to WAN Guoan, the communists are “the avowed enemy of humanity”28,
and “… Soviet Russia is our biggest enemy”29, “Red Russia, in spite of interna-
tional commitments, strives to sovietize our land”30. Accordingly, the Soviet Un-
ion is usually endowed with very unflattering epithets such as cruel, deceitful, in-
humane, ferocious, aggressive, etc. However, the author does not attribute his hos-
tility to the USSR on the Russian people as such. On a personal level his Russian
characters differ little from Chinese heroes. Though he mentions the cruelty of the
Cossacks, at the same time he describes the reverse scenes of brutal massacres of
Chinese soldiers over Red Spies. The story takes place in the Soviet-Chinese bor-
der areas, which, in addition to Chinese people, is inhabited by Mongols, White
and Red Russians, Koreans, and Japanese. White Russian emigrants are stricken
with poverty and live miserable lives while the Reds behave in an unbridled way
and “consider Manchuria their colony, use control over the Chinese Eastern Rail-
way for an open propaganda of communism”31. Moreover, the Reds treat the Chi-
nese army with contempt, believing that “Chinese soldiers are like flies; it is
enough to hush and they will flee.”32
Young Chinese officers often marry uninhibited golden-haired Russian girls,
who, the author stresses, though, marry only for love.33 The main character, the
company commander WAN, also married a Russian girl Lyuba (Li͡uba) shortly be-
fore the war. Since Lyuba turned out to be a Soviet spy and tried to recruit her
husband, there occurred a conflict between love and duty, similar to the one de-
scribed by Boris LAVRENEV (LcRL–LRdR) in the novel “The Forty-first” (LRJQ).
WAN, like LAVRENEV’s heroine Maryutka (Mari͡utka), fulfilled his duty and shot
his beloved Lyuba. He cries with grief but has no regrets because “she stands for
her country, and I stand for mine, this is our duty. If I hadn't killed her, she would
have killed me”.34 When describing the family life of the Chinese officer and the
Russian girl, the author brings to the narrative some Russian flavor. On the one
hand, it is manifested in everyday details (for example, in frequent kisses of
spouses), and on the other, there are many Russian words in the Chinese language
of WAN and Lyuba.
The portrayal of the stay of Chinese prisoners of war in “cold snow covered
Siberia”, contained in the letter of a fellow soldier to commander WAN, is com-
pletely opposite to the above mentioned story of MA Ning. Robbery, brutality of

28 Ibid., p. 29.
29 Ibid., p. 118.
30 Ibid., p. 127.
31 Ibid., p. 11.
32 Ibid., p. 41.
33 Ibid., p. 12.
34 Ibid., p. 94.

JeS
 Images of Russia in Chinese Literary Periodicals at the Beginning of the pq}rs

the guards, hard work in the coal mines, beating with whips, hunger, and cold
turned the lives of Chinese soldiers into an absolute hell, from which they did not
hope to escape. Such an image of Soviet Russia could not but arouse hatred of
Chinese readers for the interventionists, who severely abused their compatriots.
The odium of “Battle at the Motherland’s Gate” provoked a fierce reaction of the
leftist writers. In his article “Qingnian de shiyue” 青年的十月 (Youth September,
LRNL) QU Qiubai repeatedly mentions this story as an example of the ideological
attack of nationalists and imperialists on the Soviet Union.35
HUANG Zhenxia’s novel “On the Longhai Railway” is about a war between the
army of the GMD government and the troops of FENG Yuxiang and YAN Xishan
in the summer of LRNS. The author compares the punitive operation against rebel
generals with the war between the American North and South for the liberation of
slaves.36 A motorcycle battalion is dispatched from Nanjing to Henan Province,
where it undergoes a baptism of fire, and its soldiers experience numerous hard-
ships and trials. It is an autobiographical novel, where HUANG Zhenxia himself is
the narrator and the protagonist. It is interesting to note that among the fellow
officers of the main character, we can see a young Nationalist writer, WAN Guoan.
However, our attention to this novel is due to the presence in the ranks of the bat-
talion of a significant number of Russian emigrants. For example, out of LL soldiers
sent on patrol, Q are Russians;37 the same ratio of Russian and Chinese make up
the reserve company, commanded by HUANG38. Some of the Russians are regular
officers, some are ordinary Cossacks, and the rest are young “Shanghai dandies”,
who joined the Chinese army in the hope to earn money and become famous. One
might not rule out national animosity between Russians and the Chinese; on the
contrary, “despite the difference in language and culture, they could still under-
stand and support each other, becoming close like hands and feet, and all that be-
cause they were people, all having the same heart”.39 It is important to note that in
this novel there are no criticisms aimed at Soviet Russia. HUANG Zhenxia de-
scribes Russians as fearless soldiers, caring officers, and generous friends. At the
same time, they all tend to long for the abandoned homeland, often recall Moscow
and the broad Volga. Their loss of the motherland makes the narrator sincerely
sympathetic with them. Among the Russian characters, the author paid special at-
tention to Ivan BAGROV. This is a short, powerfully built man “with a fox’s nose,

35 T͡SI͡U T͡Si͡ubo: “Molodezhnyĭ senti͡abrʹ” (Youth September). In: T͡SI͡U T͡Si͡ubo. Izbrannoe
(Selected Works of QU Qiubai), Moskva: Khudozhestvennai͡a literatura 1975, pp. 67–75.
36 HUANG Zhenxia 黃震遐: “Longhai xian shang” 隴海線上 (On the Longhai Railway).
In: Qianfeng Yuekan, 1931, No. 5, p. 77.
37 Ibid., p. 23.
38 Ibid., p. 64.
39 Ibid., p. 45.

JeL
Alexey RODIONOV

an eagle’s eye and an alcoholic smell spouting from his mouth”40. He was born in
the Amur region in a Cossack family and became a professional soldier. BAGROV
is brave in battle and “has all the qualities that a soldier should have”.41 The writer
does not report the circumstances that forced the hero to move to China. BAGROV
is able to express himself in broken Chinese, placing words in an unusual order.
However, the most vivid feature of BAGROV’s portrayal is his love for vodka.
HUANG Zhenxia mentions this addiction of BAGROV five times, for whom the abil-
ity to drink is a matter of special pride. After getting drunk, he usually sings a
famous folk song “From Behind the Island to the Midstream”, dances the folk
dance hopak, harrows a harmonica, or indulges into debauchery.42 Being an expe-
rienced and smart man, BAGROV in any circumstances manages to get something
to eat for himself and his fellows whether it be a pig, flatbreads, a watermelon, etc.
At the same time, he constantly takes care of the commander of his squad, HUANG,
who had just graduated from the officer’s training courses, and went to war for the
first time. BAGROV shares food, vodka, blankets, etc. with him. If BAGROV can be
considered to be the personification of the Russian soul, then the company com-
mander SELEZENʹ is a symbol of the emigrant melancholy. HUANG Zhenxia calls
him "a typical Chekhovian Russian”43. He is a lean brunette with lively eyes, who
is however extremely meditative and silent – “often he did not say a word all day,
and if he did, it was only to attract attention to something”.44 SELEZENʹ is educated,
brave, loves his Motherland, but his abilities are not in demand, life has prepared
the fate of a wanderer for him. “Failures in life, loss of friends, five to six injuries
and tragedy of losing the Motherland have turned this once brave and lively gen-
tleman into the saddest and quiet middle-aged man”.45 SELEZENʹ calmly and accu-
rately executes orders; he does not fear any difficulties. However, he is not indif-
ferent: when, after a long march, the soldiers do not get dinner, he gives them his
own money to buy food. SELEZENʹ helps his subordinates to pull motorcycles out
of the mud and to drag their machine guns. In addition, the writer briefly, just in
one or two lines, describes three young Russian men, ANISIMOV, SHEGANʹKO and
KOCHUROV, who had left their wives in Shanghai and joined the army in search of
heroic deeds and wealth.46 Most likely, all the characters of this documentary style
novel had real prototypes. The fate of the White Russian emigrants is by no means

40 Ibid., p. 9.
41 Ibid., p. 9.
42 Ibid., p. 9; p. 20; p. 42.
43 Ibid., p. 12.
44 Ibid., p. 12.
45 Ibid., p. 12.
46 Ibid., p. 37.

JeJ
 Images of Russia in Chinese Literary Periodicals at the Beginning of the pq}rs

the theme of "On the Longhai Railway", however, the introduction of Russian he-
roes undoubtedly gave the novel an additional flavor.
In another famous work of HUANG Zhenxia, a play in verse “The Blood of the
Yellow Race”, describes the conquest of Russia by the troops of Batu Khan, con-
sisting of Mongols, Hans, Jurchens, and Khitans. The main idea of the play, is
eloquently outlined by the poet himself: “In one thousand two hundred forty sec-
ond / all over the world the yellow wind blew. / In one thousand two hundred forty
second / the yellow race was the ruler of the world”.47 In the context of the polit-
ical situation of the early LRNSs, such a story was perceived as a clear call to war
against the USSR.48 It must be noted, though, that HUANG Zhenxia was not the
first in using the motif of the Mongol conquest. This historical fact was actively
used by the Chinese press in the late LRJSs during the “anti-Russian campaign”,
caused by the conflict on the CER. As LU Xun aptly noted, following a similar
logic of appropriating other people’s victories, “Russians can also ... assert that
during the Yuan dynasty they owned China”.49 Yet, for HUANG, the selection of
Russia as an enemy was not a goal itself, but rather a routine moment (that is why
the image of Russia is hardly portrayed). The main idea of the play lies in the
assertion of Pan-Asian unity. Being united, Asians can easily win over Europeans;
however, internal dissensions, including those incurred by a captured Russian
Princess, lead to the defeat of the Asian army. Appeals to the kinship of blood, the
contraposition of Europeans and Asians were very common among Chinese na-
tionalists, who saw this as a possible basis for the unity of multinational China,
and a basis for the struggle against Western colonialism. Of course, after Japan
captured Manchuria in September LRNL, supporters of Pan-Asianism in China lost
their popularity.
As a curiosity, it is impossible not to mention that as an illustration to HUANG
Zhenxia’s play, the action of which takes place in the LNth century, the magazine
chose a painting by Konstantin FLAVITSKY (Konstantin FLAVITS͡ KIĬ, LcNS–Lcee)
“Princess Tarakanova” (Kni͡azhna Tarakanova, LceQ), which actually has nothing
to do with the Mongolian conquest. However, the canvas was called “Princess in
the Besieged Kiev”, and the artist remained anonymous.

47 HUANG Zhenxia 黃震遐: “Huangren zhi xue” 黃人之血 (The Blood of the Yellow Race).
In: Qianfeng Yuekan, 1931, No. 7, p. 134.
48 LU Xun 鲁迅: “ ‘Minzuzhuyi wenxue’ de renwu he yunming” “民族主义文学”的任务
和运命 (Tasks and Destiny of the “Nationalist Literature”). In: LU Xun Wen Cui 鲁迅文萃
(Collection of LU Xun), Vol 3, Shanghai: Baijia Chubanshe 2001, p. 129.
49 LU Xun 鲁迅: “Wu guo zheng Eluosi zhi yi ye” 吾国征俄罗斯之一页 (How Our Coun-
try has Conquered Russia). In: LU Xun Wen Cui 鲁迅文萃 (Collection of LU Xun), Vol. 2,
Shanghai: Baijia Chubanshe 2001, p. 1156.

JeN
Alexey RODIONOV

One of the major activities of the “Vanguard” society was the development of the
theory of Chinese nationalist literature. They believed that “the ultimate mission
of literature and art is manifestation of its national spirit and consciousness. In
other words, the ultimate sense of literature and art is nationalism”.50 As described
above, Chinese nationalists learnt a lot in this regard from the national literature
of Europe, the rise of which in the LRth century was directly related to the devel-
opment of the nation states. Russian literature was not left without attention either,
though. In the very text of the “Manifesto of the Movement for Nationalist Liter-
ature and Art” (June LRNS), we can see the statement that the October Revolution
led not only to the collapse of the Romanov’s empire, but also stimulated the de-
velopment of nationalism in Russia, Ukraine, Latvia, Belarus, etc. There we see
two mentions that the genuine Russian literature is related to primitivism. Apart
from the “Manifesto”, we can find information about Russian literature in a special
section of the Qianfeng Yuekan called “News of the World Literary Arena”. For
example, in issue no. K, there was an article about the publication of Andre MAU-
ROIS’s book “Turgenev” (LRNL).
The most detailed information on the attitude of Chinese nationalists’ percep-
tion of Russian literature can be found in YI Kang’s article (“Eguo de nongmin
wenxue” 俄國的農民文學 (Peasant Literature of Russia, QFZB, no. LQ). First of
all, YI Kang notes that Russia is a multinational country, and thus its literature
reflects the spirit of different nations. However, at the prevailing moment its na-
tional spirit is manifested stronger than ever before. YI Kang’s narrative can be
divided into two parts: first, about the poetry of the so-called new peasant poets,
and second, about the literatures of the national minorities of Soviet Russia
(Ukrainian, Azeri, Bashkort, Tatar, and Buryat literature). According to YI Kang,
it is exactly the poetry of peasant poets that is truly popular in Russia because
ninety percent of the population are peasants there.51 These genuine national poets,
in YI Kang’s opinion, are Nikolay KLYUEV, Sergey YESENIN, Petr ORESHIN and
Aleksandr BLOK. Speaking about the creative writings of KLYUEV, YESENIN, and
ORESHIN, the author stresses two moments. First, it is their attitude to the Mother-
land. They all glorify the greatness of Russia, express their attachment to its vil-
lages, fields, wheat, vastness, and patriarchal way of life. “The peasant poets,
whose origins are the countryside, treat Russia as their mother and do not want to
leave her embrace even for a second”.52 Second, it is their attitude toward the rev-
olution. It was crucially important for YI Kang to show that these poets did not
accept the revolution. For example, YESENIN, according to YI Kang, “was no more

50 “Minzuzhuyi” (1930), p. 10.

51 YI Kang: “Eguo” (1930), p. 106.
52 Ibid., p. 107.

JeQ
 Images of Russia in Chinese Literary Periodicals at the Beginning of the pq}rs

than a random companion of the revolution”.53 As for KLYUEV, “though he had

praised LENIN…but finally took a critical stand”.54 For ORESHIN the revolution is
no more than “a sudden storm”.55 The situation with BLOK is slightly different.
Though YI Kang attributes him to symbolists, the reason to include BLOK into the
ranks of genuine national poets is the fact that BLOK “in his poetry praises the
greatness of Russia”.56 In order to prove this basically true assessment, YI Kang
cites BLOK’s poem “The Twelve”. The article of YI Kang can hardly give an ade-
quate description of what was going on in Russian poetry of the first quarter of the
JSth century. However, if we take into account that for YI Kang, the main criterion
was the manifestation of “national spirit”, then this selection of authors seems to
be quite logical.
Thus, it can be summarized that at the beginning of the LRNSs, the rivalry be-
tween the GMD and the CCP, the confrontation between nationalist literature and
proletariat literature resulted in a differentiation of attitude to Russia and Russian
literature of the Chinese nationalist literati. Soviet Russia, Bolsheviks, and Soviet
proletariat literature were perceived with serious hostility; as a direct menace to
China and its interests. At the same time, non-revolutionary Russia, Russian emi-
grants and non-proletarian Russian literature were perceived in a calmer manner,
without animosity. Moreover, Russian village literature was one of the important
references to the development of the Chinese nationalist literature although much
more attention was paid by the nationalists to the countries more distant from com-
munism and to those where nationalism was better represented in the public dis-
course, such as Italy, Germany, Japan or India.

53 Ibid., p. 107.
54 Ibid., p. 106.
55 Ibid., p. 107.
56 Ibid., p. 107.

Jed
Ylva MONSCHEIN

R Paradise Reloaded?
Wang Meng’s Public Private Memories
of Soviet Russia or the Art of
Composing a Capriccio

Abstract. WANG Meng 王蒙 (*LRNQ), one of the most prominent and prolific writ-
ers of Chinese contemporary literature since the founding of the People’s Republic,
is known for having a “strong Russian complex”. This paper examines his lifelong
fascination with Russia and the Soviet sphere. In Sulian ji, semi-autobiographical
encounters between fact and fiction have the potential of being a transferable indi-
cator of the confrontations and entanglements of private memories and public his-
tory, of personal fate and national destiny. Literature thus not only provides a key
instrument in shaping one’s own identity, but turns out to become a catalyst in re-
evoking the collective memory of a whole generation and its lost ideals, as addi-
tional case studies of fellow writers may also show. By setting up a memorial to the
Soviet Union and a greatly underestimated literary masterpiece, WANG Meng trans-
forms Soviet Russia into a Chinese “realm of memory” in its own right.

Keywords. Wang Meng, Soviet Union, Russia, Literature, Music.

Published in: Gotelind MÜLLER and Nikolay SAMOYLOV (eds.): Chinese Perceptions of
Russia and the West. Changes, Continuities, and Contingencies during the Twentieth Cen-
tury. Heidelberg: CrossAsia-eBooks, JSJS. DOI: https://doi.org/LS.LLdcc/xabooks.eeL.

JeK
Ylva MONSCHEIN

Introduction

In the TV series The Black Hole1 of JSSJ, the criminal hero, time and again van-
ishes behind his luxury bureau into a secret room with a Spartan military interior
to play a Soviet evergreen on his accordion. The song “Ural Rowan Tree” about
a young girl who has to decide between two equally attractive lovers appears to
be a metaphor for the inability to choose between two systems, the ultra-left and
the market economy. When analyzing modern Chinese literature, could this pri-
vate hideout for your eyes only, a world between dream and trauma, turn out to
be the image of a Soviet Russia in the Chinese mind?
Taking WANG Meng 王蒙 (*LRNQ) as an example, there are more options to
perceive today’s neighboring country, and nobody seems to be more suitable to
serve as a case study in terms of quality and quantity. Being able to continuously
reinvent himself and at the same time staying true to his origins, this liberal in-
tellectual who would even defend commercial culture2 is one of the most repre-
sentative authors of the first writer generations of the People’s Republic of China
(PRC).3 He also shaped cultural politics during the LRcSs as the minister of culture
from LRce to LRcR, a post he stepped back from in reaction to the bloody Tianan-
men events.
Moreover, the author is known for being deeply influenced by Soviet Russian
literature,4 and having a “strong ‘Russian complex’”5. Would it therefore suffice
to interpret his texts on the topic as a pure expression of “nostalgia”6 or a “quixotic

1 Heidong 黑洞 (The Black Hole), 31-part TV serial of 2001, directed by GUAN Hu 管虎

(*1968), based on the novel by ZHANG Chenggong 张成功, Starring: CHEN Daoming
陈道明.
2 Cf. WU Jin: The Voices of Revolt. Zhang Chengzhi, Wang Shuo and Wang Xiaobo, UMI
dissertation, Ann Arbor: University of Oregon 2005, p. 28.
3 For an overview of the PRC’s first six literary generations see Helmut MARTIN: “Wang
Mengs Roman Schwer fällt das Wiedersehen und die Begegnung mit dem Ausland”. In:
Helmut MARTIN: Chinesische Literatur am Ende des 20. Jahrhunderts. Chinabilder II. Neu-
anfänge in den 80er und 90er Jahren, Dortmund: Projekt Verlag 1996, pp. 279–291.
4 ZHU Jingyu 朱靜宇: Wang Meng xiaoshuo yu Su-E wenxue 王蒙小說與蘇俄文學 (Wang
Meng’s Fiction and Soviet-Russian Literature), Taibei: Wen she zhe chubanshe 2011, p. 3.
5 LIU Haihua 刘海花: Wang Meng shiye zhong de Su-E xingxiang – yi “Sulian ji ” wei lie
王蒙视野中的苏俄形象–以“苏联祭”为列 (The vision of Wang Meng’s images in the
Soviet Union − Soviet Offering as an example), Master Thesis, Central South University
(People’s Republic of China), ProQuest Dissertations Publishing, May 2011, p. ii.
6 Elizabeth MCGUIRE: Red at Heart. How Chinese Communists Fell in Love with the Rus-
sian Revolution, New York, NY: Oxford University Press 2017, pp. 366–372, however,
quite a few of her arguments in this chapter as well as in chapter 15 (pp. 269–282) and some
translations (e.g. p. 269) are questionable.

Jec
 Paradise Reloaded? Wang Meng’s Public Private Memories of Soviet Russia

quest”7? By adopting the mode of close reading, I would propose a diversified

approach in order to examine the author’s image of the Soviet Union and Russia.
After reviewing WANG Meng’s biography8 and his early texts, the main focus will
pertain to his most relevant oeuvre in the present context, Sulian ji 苏联祭 (Me-
morial of the Soviet Union)9. It can be considered the most important (post)mod-
ern Chinese literary work on Sino-Soviet relations to date. As a third step, the
preliminary findings will be reflected on in view of comparable Sino-Russian and
other perceptions, before finally drawing a general conclusion.

Writing in times of turbulence while looking at Russia

through a Soviet lens

WANG Meng’s life and literary fate have been closely interwoven with Chinese
history, aptly reflecting the impact of macro history on personal micro histories:
At the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese War (LRNK−LRQd) his family fled to “Beiping”.
He would always recall this “childhood occupied by a foreign army”10 as a time
of utter evil and darkness, relieved only by the news of a bright Soviet empire,
which, as he learned from his otherwise much despised father, was the “most

7 Nicolai VOLLAND: Socialist cosmopolitanism. The Chinese Literary Universe, (1945−

1965), New York: Columbia University Press 2017, p. 3.
8 For biographical information see e.g.: DUZAN: “Wang Meng” (2019); WANG Meng: “Au-
tobiographical Note”. In: WANG Meng: Selected Works of Wang Meng, Vol. I, The Strain
of Meeting, Beijing: Foreign Languages Press 1989, pp. 370–381; WANG Meng: “Verbannt
nach Sinkiang. Oder vom tierischen Haß auf die Literatur”. In: Helmut MARTIN (ed.): Bit-
tere Träume. Selbstdarstellungen chinesischer Schriftsteller, Taipei, Vanguard 1992,
pp. 55–63; S. А. TOROPTS͡ EV: “Van Mėn kratkai͡a biografii͡a” (Wang Meng. Short Biog-
raphy). In: S. А. TOROPTS͡ EV (ed.): Van Mėn v kontekste sovremennoĭ kitaĭskoĭ literatury
(Wang Meng in the context of contemporary Chinese literature), Moskva: Institut Dal’nego
Vostka 2004, pp. 5–8.
9 WANG Meng 王蒙: Sulian ji 苏联祭 (Memorial of the Soviet Union), Beijing: Zuojia
chubanshe 2006. The title’s translation follows: Mark GAMSA: The Reading of Russian Lit-
erature in China. A moral example and manual of practice, New York: Palgrave Macmillan
2010, p. 181.
10 S. А. TOROPTS͡ EV: “Preodeletʹ granit͡sy vremeni i prostranstva” (Overcoming the limits
of time and space). In: VАN Mėn: Izbrannoe (Selected Works), Moskva: RADUGA 1988.
Available online: https://www.e-reading.club/chapter.php/1044452/1/Men_-_Izbrannoe.
html (last access 2019, October 15).

JeR
Ylva MONSCHEIN

powerful country in the world”.11 Although his father left his mother and four
young children in abject poverty, WANG Meng still managed to become an excel-
lent student. During the Chinese Civil War (LRQd−LRQR), he joined the Communist
underground and became a party member in LRQc. A fellow student introduced him
to left-winged ideology and “Katyusha (Kati͡usha)” (LRNc), the most popular Rus-
sian song of World War II.12
Soon after the founding of the PRC (LRQR) WANG Meng made a decent career
as a member of the Chinese Youth League. He was a contemporary of the mass
media campaign promoting eternal Sino-Soviet friendship and friendly bilateral
relations in a worldwide unprecedented mode when the song “Moscow – Beijing”
(LRdS)13 was launched − the only song which mentioned a foreign leader (MAO
Zedong 毛泽东, LcRN−LRKe) on equal terms to STALIN (LcKc−LRdN).14 Under the
influence of the novels of Soviet author Sergey ANTONOV (Sergeĭ ANTONOV,
LRLd−LRRd) featuring people on a construction site, WANG Meng applied for study-
ing architectural engineering but was rejected. Literature showed him a way out
of his distress as writers were also supposed to fulfill the eminent role of engineers
of the new Soviet people.15 According to WANG, “Soviet literature may have had
an even greater impact than the country Soviet Union”.16 Even more than the lit-
erary classics of Chinese modernity such as LU Xun 鲁迅 (LccL−LRNe), BA Jin 巴
金 (LRSQ−JSSd), or DING Ling 丁玲 (LRSQ−LRce), WANG Meng enjoyed the clas-
sics of Russian and Soviet literature. There is also evidence that Ilya EHRENBURG’s
(Ilʹi͡a ĖRENBURG, LcRL−LReK) theories lured him into writing.17
WANG Meng began writing in LRdN, a fateful year when he or his Alter Ego in
the semiautobiographical Sulian ji went ice skating once a week on the frozen
Shichahai Lake 什刹海 accompanied by the soundtrack of Soviet mass music
through loudspeakers, listening to the Pyatnitsky (Pi͡atnit͡skiĭ) Russian Folk Choir

11 WANG Meng 王蒙: Wang Meng zizhuan di yi bu 王蒙自传第一部 (Autobiography of

Wang Meng, Part 1), Beijing: Beijing lianhe chubanshe 2017a, p. 55.
12 Robert A. ROTHSTEIN: “Homeland, Home Town, and Battlefield: The Popular Song”.
In: Richard STITES (ed.): Culture and Entertainment in Wartime Russia, Bloomington, In-
dianapolis: Indiana University Press 1995, p. 78; Richard STITES (ed.): Russian popular
culture. Entertainment and society since 1900, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press
1992, pp. 77f.
13 Music by the Georgian Vano MURADELI (1908−1970), text by Mikhail VERSHININ
(1923−1987).
14 Alexander LUKIN: The Bear Watches the Dragon. Russia’s Perception of China and the
Evolution of Russian-Chinese Relations since the Eighteenth Century, Armonk, NY, Lon-
don: M. E. Sharpe 2003, pp. 117f.
15 NG Mau-sang: The Russian Hero in Modern Chinese Fiction, Hong Kong: Chinese Uni-
versity Press 1988, p. x.
16 WANG Meng: Sulian ji (2006), p. 178.
17 WANG Meng: Wang Meng zizhuan (2017a), p. 101.

JKS
 Paradise Reloaded? Wang Meng’s Public Private Memories of Soviet Russia

and songs like “And who does know?”18. The scene evokes the happiest times of
a Beijing youth in the LRdSs and even after that. The LRRR Chinese TV serial The
Place Where Dreams Began19 has a similar skating scene on the same lake in the
LRKSs which the film aficionado may even refer to. From this early time onward
writing became his way of literally reenacting the past, and music, especially So-
viet and Russian music, was a major vehicle to invoke it.
The three famous novels of early Socialist realism belonged to WANG Meng’s
favorites:20 How the steel was tempered by OSTROVSKY (OSTROVSKIĬ, LcNJ−Lcce),
The Iron Stream by SERAFIMOVICH (LceN−LRQR), and Cement by GLADKOV
(LccN−LRdc). His first novel Long live Youth! (Qingchun wansui 青春万岁) fol-
lowed the model of How the steel was tempered. WANG’s short story “The Young
Newcomer in the Organization Department” (Zuzhi bu xinlai de qingnian ren 组
织部新来的青年人)21, published in LRde was an immediate success. This early
short story already shows a typical pattern in the author’s perspective of the Soviet
Union. He designed it after the novel The Tractor Station Manager and the Chief
Agronomist (LRdQ) by Galina NIKOLAYEVA (Galina NIKOLAEVA, LRLL−LReN) which
was recommended by the Youth League. The overzealous heroine Nastya
KOVSHOVA (Nasti͡a KOVSHOVA) serves as a role model for his main character.22
NIKOLAYEVA’s novel provides a veritable vademecum to the protagonist while his
superior, on the other hand, used to read SHOLOKHOV’s (LRSd−LRcQ) Virgin Soil as
well as And Quiet Flows the Don or TURGENEV’s (LcLc−LccN) A Nest of Gentlefolk.
A tender love story between the protagonist and his unhappily married colleague
unfolds toward the story’s open end, symbolized by a new painting of “Moscow
in spring” with the Soviet capital as a place of longing. Both enthuse over Pyotr
TCHAIKOVSKY’s (Pëtr CHAĬKOVSKIĬ, LcQS−LcRN) Capriccio Italien aired by Radio
Beijing.
After years of waiting, WANG Meng’s first novel Long Live Youth! was partly
published, albeit with disastrous consequences. The young author became a victim
of the subsequent purge of rightists and was sent to the countryside for compulsory

18 WANG Meng: Sulian ji (2006), p. 21.

19 Meng kaishi de difang 梦开始的地方 (The Place Where Dreams Began), 20-part TV
serial (1999), directed by YE Jing 叶京.
20 WANG Meng: “Wonach ich suche”. In: Akzente. Zeitschrift für Literatur, 32. Jg., Heft 2
(April 1985), p. 116.
21 WANG Meng: “Der Neuling in der Organisationsabteilung”. In: Wolfgang KUBIN (ed.):
Hundert Blumen. Moderne chinesische Erzählungen 1949−1979, Frankfurt a. M.: Suhr-
kamp 1980, pp. 83–149; WANG Meng: “The Young Newcomer in the Organization Depart-
ment”. In: WANG Meng: The Butterfly and Other Stories, Beijing: Panda Books 1983,
pp. 186–239.
22 Douwe Wessel FOKKEMA: Literary Doctrine in China and Soviet Influence 1956−1960,
The Hague: Mouton & Co. 1965, p. 100.

JKL
Ylva MONSCHEIN

labor although MAO Zedong personally put in a good word for him in supporting
the novel’s criticism of bureaucratic and corrupt tendencies. As an irony of fate,
the successful publication originally was thought to serve as the entrance ticket to
the Moscow World Youth Festival in August LRdN.23 The author had never imag-
ined that it would take more than two decades for the final publication. (Three
more decades later, on the occasion of the KSth anniversary of the PRC in JSLR,
the novel was chosen one of seventy novel classics.)
After a short rehabilitation in the early LReSs he went into more or less volun-
tary exile in the province of Xinjiang which in retrospect proved to be a blessing
in disguise, as he was saved from the most atrocious purges of the Cultural Revo-
lution. He felt lucky to live in an area where the Soviet Russian influence was
relatively strong.24 He also got astonishingly well along with the Uighur popula-
tion of the borderlands and learnt their language to the extent of being able to
translate local literature.25 Meanwhile, however, the Soviet Union “turned from
paradise to hell, from friend to enemy”,26 and one of his I-narrators recounts: “In
the LReSs my youth ended – and at the same time the popularity of Soviet songs”27.
The death of MAO Zedong (LRKe) meant a “second liberation”28. After his re-
habilitation in LRKR, WANG Meng had a spectacular comeback in DENG Xiaoping’s
邓小平 (LRSQ−LRRK) new era of reform during the LRcSs, a decade which brought
an enormous boom of Western, as well as Russian and Soviet publications to the
Chinese book market.29 As a pioneer of avant-garde literature he soon became a
well-received guest in international literary circles. The long time he spent as a
political outcast proved to be a valuable asset: “I gained twenty years of intense
life experiences. My starting point would be now a country of c,SSS miles and
thirty years of political turbulences”30. The author caused controversies with new
short novels like “Bolshevik Salute” (“Buli” 布礼).31 Being a representative of the

23 DUZAN: “Wang Meng” (2019).

24 ZHU Jingyu: Wang Meng xiaoshuo (2011), p. 4.
25 See the review of Lutz BIEG: “Anekdoten vom Abteilungsleiter Maimaiti”. In: Die Ho-
ren. Zeitschrift für Literatur, Kunst und Kritik, Bd. 155 (3 / 1989), pp. 224–230.
26 WANG Meng: Sulian ji (2006), p. 251.
27 WANG Meng: Sulian ji (2006), p. 214.
28 WANG Meng: “Verbannt nach Sinkiang” (1992), p. 60.
29 B. L. RIFTIN: “Ideologii͡a, ėstetika, kulʹtura. Ti͡anʹt͡ssinskie vstrechi 1981”. In: Voprosy
literatury (Literary issues) 1, 1984, pp. 96–129.
30 WANG Meng: “Verbannt nach Sinkiang” (1992), p. 61.
31 Cf. the articles of William TAY: “Modernism and Socialist Reform: The Case of Wang
Meng”, World Literature Today, Vol. 65, No. 3, Contemporary Literature (summer, 1991),
pp. 411–413; William TAY: “Wang Mengs modernistische Erzählweise”, Die Horen. Zeit-
schrift für Literatur, Kunst und Kritik, Bd. 155 (3 / 1989), pp. 233–237.

JKJ
 Paradise Reloaded? Wang Meng’s Public Private Memories of Soviet Russia

so called “literature of introspection”32, he first had to face harsh criticism for a

writing style considered westernized and modernist, too difficult to understand,
and even lacking “Chineseness”.33
Similar to “Buli”, many of WANG Meng’s novels start with the “golden era”34
of the LRdSs. He applies the same pattern in his “Seasons” (“jijie 季节”) tetralogy
and its follow-up novel Qinghu 青狐 (Blue Fox), where he returns time and again
to certain motives of Sino-Soviet relations in the required historical context. The
famous start of A Tale of Two Cities35 as well as the family chronicle Seasons of
the Year, published in LRdN by Vera PANOVA may have inspired not only his novel
cycle. 36 PANOVA is repeatedly referred to in different texts of WANG Meng.37 Her
Sentimental Novel (LRdc), an autobiographical recollection of her youth, uses lit-
erary techniques similar to WANG and her photo appears among those of his fa-
vorite writers in Sulian ji: Maksim GORKY (Maksim GOR’KIĬ, Lcec−LRNe), Ale-
ksandr FADEEV (LRSL−LRde), Vladimir MAYAKOVSKY (Vladimir MAIA ͡ KOVSKIĬ,
LcRN−LRNS), and Yevgeny YEVTUSHENKO (Evgeniĭ EVTUSHENKO, LRNJ−JSLK).
WANG Meng visited the Soviet Union and later Russia at least four times. His
first visit in LRcQ came by chance as the film version of his fatal novel Long Live
Youth!, Qingchun wansui (English title Forever Young) by director HUANG Shuqin
黄蜀芹 (*LRNR) was chosen to be shown at the International Tashkent Film Festi-
val. The second visit, twenty years later (in JSSQ),38 was on the occasion of being
granted an honorary doctorate by the Institute of Far Eastern Studies of the Russian
Academy of Sciences in Moscow.39 His first visit must have already caused a

32 The term is explained in Helwig SCHMIDT-GLINTZER: Geschichte der chinesischen Lite-

ratur. Von den Anfängen bis zur Gegenwart, München: C. H. Beck 1999, p. 570.
33 Leo Ou-fan LEE: “Erzähltechnik und Dissens. Zu Wang Mengs neueren Erzählungen”.
In: Wolfgang KUBIN (ed.): Moderne chinesische Literatur, Frankfurt a. M.: Suhrkamp 1985,
p. 415.
34 WANG Meng: “Andante Cantabile”. In: WANG Meng: Ein Schmetterlingstraum.
Erzählungen, Berlin, Weimar: Aufbau-Verlag 1988, p. 182.
35 Charles DICKENS: A Tale of Two Cities, Beijing: Oxford University Press, Foreign Lan-
guage and Teaching Press 1994, p. 1.
36 On PANOVA see Johannes HOLTHUSEN: Russische Literatur im 20. Jahrhundert, Mün-
chen: A. Francke 1978, pp. 188–190.
37 E.g. in Huodong bian renxing 活动变人形 (The Movable Parts) (1987), for a translation
by Ulrich KAUTZ see WANG Meng: Rare Gabe Torheit, Frauenfeld: Verlag Im Waldgut
1994, p. 432.
38 He visited Russia once more in 2007 attending a book fair and with his second wife in
2016 to attend the St. Petersburg International Cultural Forum. (Thanks to A. A. RODIONOV
who pointed the latest visit out to me.)
39 WANG Meng 王蒙: Wang Meng zizhuan di-san bu 王蒙自传第三部 (Autobiography of
Wang Meng, Part 3), Beijing: Beijing lianhe chubanshe 2017b, p. 327.

JKN
Ylva MONSCHEIN

certain disillusion: “In June I set out for a visit to the Soviet Union – a place that
enchanted me, yet made me feel lost and hurt and disappointed.”40
Russian music always was of particular relevance to WANG Meng. A telling ex-
ample would be the medium-length novel “Andante Cantabile”41 (LRcL), where the
Soviet impact is felt almost everywhere, beginning with the name of the I-narrator
ZHOU Ke 周克, whose given name stems from the last syllable in “Bolshevik”.
The protagonist admires the professional revolutionary DZERZHINSKY (DZERZHIN-
SKIĬ, LcKK−LRJe), the founder of Lenin’s Cheka. The funny poem on the commune
by MAYAKOVSKY is cited only to state that in China even toothbrushes might be
shared. 42 Even classic Russian poetry like Aleksandr PUSHKIN’s (LKRR−LcNK)
poem “If life deceives you…” (LcJd) seems to fit better for serving as a comfort to
people than Tang poetry. On an old Japanese gramophone (WANG Meng himself
possessed one), the youth are listening to Soviet songs like “LENIN Hills” sung by
lyrical tenor Vladimir NECHAEV. But an absolute highlight to the protagonist is
the second movement of TCHAIKOVSKY’s string quartet No. L, Andante Cantabile.
When listening to it, he meets the love of his life. She is wearing a white blouse
and a dress in the style of the quasi sanctified heroine Zoya KOSMODEMYANSKAYA
(Zoi͡a KOSMODEMʹIA ͡ NSKAIA ͡ ) in the “Stalinist fairy tale”43 Zoya (Zoi͡a, LRQQ). “An-
dante Cantabile” is the symbol of the young couple’s common dreams. Similar to
the love story later embedded in Sulian ji, a boat trip on a lake in Beijing is part of
the amorous setting. However, due to the childish arrogance of the protagonist,
who stylizes himself as a second Pavel KORCHAGIN trying to teach his friend To-
nya TUMANOVA (Toni͡a TUMANOVA) like in the movie adaptation of OSTROVSKY’s
novel44, the lovers are separated for decades. After many twists and turns being
reunited, they try in vain to recall their former enthusiasm for TCHAIKOVSKY’s
string quartet and finally come to the conclusion that it is simply outdated. Yet, as
they assure each other, this is not due to the new recording by the Columbia Or-
chestra and has nothing to do with the “‘superficial’ Americans and their history
of merely two hundred years”, as “The problem is that we are no longer the same
as before”.45 Likewise WANG Meng was no more the same when he visited the
Soviet Union: “Life is but one huge jet-lag. Most things of what one is yearning

40 WANG Meng: “Autobiographical Note” (1989), p. 380.

41 WANG Meng: “Ru ge de xing ban” 如歌的行板 (Andante Cantabile). In: WANG Meng:
Wang Meng wencun 9 (2003), pp. 173–237; WANG Meng: “Andante Cantabile” (1988),
pp. 109–204.
42 WANG Meng: “Ru ge de xing ban” (2003), p. 178.
43 Directed by Leo ARNSHTAM, cf. STITES: Russian popular culture (1992), pp. 114f.
44 Kak zakali͡alasʹ stalʹ (1942), directed by Mark DONSKOĬ.
45 WANG Meng: “Andante Cantabile” (1988), p. 203; WANG Meng: “Ru ge de xing ban”
(2003), pp. 236f.

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 Paradise Reloaded? Wang Meng’s Public Private Memories of Soviet Russia

for are unachievable. […] When I most longed to go to the Soviet Union was in
the LRdSs, thirty years later my dream finally came true, but after three decades
external circumstances and inner attitudes have completely changed. The Soviet
Union was not the Soviet Union of my dreams, Sino-Russian relations were even
less the relations of thirty years before.”46
While his early works show a Russia through the Soviet lens, can one expect a
considerable change in his later perception similar to the “Andante Cantabile”
story? An answer can be found when turning to Sulian ji, featuring the pitfalls of
love in a transcultural setting.

In the Mood for Love − Sulian ji as a Memorial of

Transcultural Entanglements

Triggered by two journeys lying two decades apart, Sulian ji sets out on a remi-
niscent “spiritual adventure” and a part time sentimental journey through time and
space to the dreamscape of his adolescence, the motherland of Socialism. In a note
to the reader, WANG Meng presents his main leitmotifs: “If I had to paraphrase my
youth in four keywords, it would be: revolution, love, literature and Soviet Un-
ion.”47 In many of his texts, WANG Meng tries to evoke the enthusiastic feelings
of his adolescence, albeit always from the position of someone who has overcome
the fancies and teething problems of his youth.
At first glance Sulian ji with its “glossy” illustrations may merely look like a
concealed culturally-toned attempt to propagate a rather stereotyped image of So-
viet Russia. It presents a collage of essays, diary notes, travelogues, autobiograph-
ical memoirs, documentaries, fiction, excerpts of poems and song texts as well as
more than JSS black and white illustrations. The author himself poses in several
photos, subtitled as a rule with excerpts of the main text: “This is a journey about
reanimating an old dream, but also a journey about bidding farewell to an old
dream.”48 This sentence may be considered the author’s hidden concept of the
book. The few Western analyses to date tend to only pay attention to its dream
dimension. A polyphonic diversity and multiplicity of voices still combine aston-
ishingly well in one whole ensemble which even could be regarded as a “novel”

46 WANG Meng 王蒙: Wang Meng zizhuan di-er bu 王蒙自传第二部 (Autobiography of

Wang Meng, Part 2), Guangzhou: Huacheng chubanshe 2007, p. 201.
47 WANG Meng: Sulian ji (2006), p. 8.
48 Ibid., p. 17.

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Ylva MONSCHEIN

(xiaoshuo 小说), as the author calls it on several occasions when trying to distance
himself from the I-narrator.49 The influence of Doris LESSING’s (LRLR−JSLN) The
Golden Notebook which combines different genres while leaving behind a linear
narrative structure, should not be dismissed, as WANG Meng was personally ac-
quainted with the British author since LRcc.50
Whereas the first part of Sulian ji mainly consists of older text segments dating
back to WANG’s first trip to the USSR in LRcQ, the second part is dominated by
texts of the LRRSs and later while step by step discreetly exposing weaknesses of
the Soviet system or hinting at controversial topics of Sovietology. The author
quotes the disputed memoirs of Dmitrij SHOSTAKOVICH (Dmitriĭ SHOSTAKOVICH,
LRSe−LRKd), which mentions the Zhdanovshchina (LRQe−LRQc), or the inhuman
role of Pyotr PAVLENKO (Pëtr PAVLÉNKO, LcRR−LRdL) toward Osip MANDEL-
SHTAM (LcRL−LRNc) during the Stalinist terror, although he voices unbroken admi-
ration for PAVLENKO’s prose. He describes the Soviet cult of monuments and the
increasing emergence of LENIN statues after De-Stalinization “in order to fill the
vacuum”51. From Lenin he comes to MARX who must feel “lonely” in comparison
to Lenin with his many statues. On the other hand, he observes the role of monu-
ments as a part of Soviet lifestyle and seems truly impressed by the custom of
newlyweds laying flowers at the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier. As in more or
less veiled cases before, he turns to his homeland and suggests: “Wouldn’t it be a
good idea, if young Chinese bridal couples laid down a wreath as well at the Mon-
ument of the People’s Heroes?”52 Thus in all subtleness he alludes to the neglected
memory of those killed during the Tiananmen incident in LRcR.
As chapters of the second part of Sulian ji become increasingly shorter, they
lead to the highly visible last and disproportionately longest chapter of the book.
Picking up once more on the leitmotifs of the previous text, this chapter contains
the key messages. WANG Meng’s “sentimental journey” not only morphs into a
time travel into his own past, but into fictionalized transcultural flashbacks of a
whole generation where Soviet Russia becomes the personified beautiful girl with
the graceful, seductive figure of a ballerina. The narrator describes a guest perfor-
mance of Swan Lake and Giselle by the Moscow Ballet shortly before the founding
of the People’s Republic, on the occasion of the first Soviet friendship delegation
to China in LRQR: “When watching the ballet, I was determined to marry a Russian

49 WANG Meng: Sulian ji (2006), pp. 220, 242; WANG Meng: Wang Meng zizhuan (2017b),
pp. 363f.
50 WANG Meng: Wang Meng zizhuan (2007), p. 312.
51 WANG Meng: Sulian ji (2006), p. 65.
52 Ibid., p. 78.

JKe
 Paradise Reloaded? Wang Meng’s Public Private Memories of Soviet Russia

girl, a Katyusha or a Natasha, a Lyubova (Li͡ubova) or a Svetlana. I absolutely

wanted to marry the Soviet Union, no matter what.”53
Like the postmodern movie In the Mood for Love (JSSS) by WONG Kar-wai 王
家衛 (*LRdc), WANG Meng’s novels are inspired by moving soundtracks, display-
ing an “ever-present fusion between East and West” and a permeating “tension
between past and present” linked to memory and desire.54 Oscillating between
time and space, his narrative imperceptibly moves back to a past overshadowed
by unspoken taboos and tunes into a gripping Sino-Soviet romance, the I-narra-
tor’s personal affair, which at times may be even read as the author’s own intimate
éducation sentimentale, thereby slowly unveiling traces of an ominous love story,
more possibly even the end of an affair before it began, between a young Chinese
official named Wang and the Russian expert Katya SMIRNOVA (Kati͡a SMIRNOVA),
one of the ca. Lc,SSS Russian specialists working in China between LRdQ and
LRdc, 55 according to Sulian ji. Allusions to unfulfilled passions may be found
throughout the whole text: On their stopover in the Hotel Rossiya (Rossii͡a),
WANG’s delegation makes the acquaintance of KURIHARA Komaki 栗原小卷
(*LRQd),56 once the most famous Japanese actress in Russia, who starred in the first
joint Soviet-Japanese film drama Moscow, My Love57 (LRKQ) in the role of a girl
born in Hiroshima, fulfilling her dream to become a prima-ballerina at the Bolshoi
by performing TCHAIKOVSKY’s Giselle and falling in love with a Russian sculptor
before dying of leukemia. The author does not go into these details because they
are directly linked to his hidden subtext as other scenes, for example, the mute eye
contact between the author and an unknown Russian woman in a rainy park of
Tashkent. 58 We are also introduced to Ivan KRAMSKOY’s (Ivan KRAMSKOĬ,
LcNK−LccK) provocative “Portrait of an Unknown Woman” (LccN), a personifica-
tion of Russia’s so-called “Soul”. The painting which by the way also embellished
the poster of an exhibition entitled Russia’s Soul 59 illustrates a single page in
Sulian ji, featuring the recurring subject of a “sad beauty”60 dressed in luxurious
outfits with the subtitle: “Why do her eyes look so distressed?” and culminating in

53 Ibid., p. 224.
54 In WONG’s movie see the filmography of Elizabeth WRIGHT: “Wong Kar-wai”, May
2002, Available online: http://sensesofcinema.com/2002/great-directors/wong/ (last access
2019, October 15).
55 WANG Meng: Sulian ji (2006), p. 226.
56 Ibid., p. 97.
57 Moskva, li͡ubovʹ moi͡a, directed by Aleksandr MITTA and YOSHIDA Kenji 吉田健二.
58 WANG Meng: Sulian ji (2006), p. 126.
59 Exhibition of the Bonner Bundeskunsthalle in 2007: Russlands Seele. Ikonen, Gemälde
und Zeichnungen aus der Tretjakov Galerie.
60 On the topic of “sad beautiful girls” see LIU Haihua: Wang Meng shiye (2011), pp. 22–
25.

JKK
Ylva MONSCHEIN

the bilingual greeting: “Zdravstvuj (Zdravstvuĭ) – Hello Sadness!”61 as if it were

citing the bestseller Bonjour Tristesse (LRdQ) by the Lc-year-old Françoise SAGAN
(LRNd−JSSQ). The leitmotif of love drama pops up again in the chapter “Suliko”,62
a Georgian song and favorite of STALIN, mourning a late lover. The author himself
hints at the love theme in connection with the name and the song “Katyusha”,
which becomes evident in the chapter “Pirog pies and Katyusha”63. Katyusha, the
narrator tells us “was my first love”.64 But more important, already in the very first
chapter under the heading of “Love in the Time of Turbulences”65 – maybe a ref-
erence to the LRcd bestseller of Gabriel García MÁRQUEZ (LRJK−JSLQ), Amor en
los Tiempos de Colera (Love in the Time of Cholera) − there is a Sino-Russian
love story mentioned and documented by photos, the story of the late “old G”. A
“Latvian”66 poetess, the former lover of this scholar and translator of Soviet liter-
ature, addresses WANG Meng during a literature reading. WANG seems to be
shocked to hear their story which both kept secret to the day. The alias “G”, we
are told, is not his initial,67 but the description would perfectly fit to GE Baoquan
戈宝权 (LRLN−JSSS), famous translator of Russian literature, journalist and diplo-
mat. In fact, GE’s full name is randomly mentioned and a few lines of his transla-
tion of PUSHKIN’s elegiac poem “A Winter Evening” are cited, on the occasion of
an evening in the Russian restaurant Baikal near the Russian embassy in Beijing
LRRc, where during the performance of a Russian vocal ensemble, the I-narrator
all of a sudden imagines the female singer being his great love of the LRdSs, beau-
tiful Katerina SMIRNOVA with chestnut hair. Later, he imagines her being the
daughter of SMIRNOVA.
The first name Ekaterina or Katerina and its diminutive variations like Katya
(Kati͡a) or Katyusha as well as the song “Katyusha” appear as an ever-pervasive
leitmotif. Already in “Bolshevik Salute” the song “Katyusha” was sung by the
young couple on their wedding night – evoking memories of the year LRQe. 68
(Songs representing pertaining years would replace their diary.69) The leitmotif

61 WANG Meng: Sulian ji (2006), p. 153.

62 Ibid., pp. 144–153.
63 WANG Meng: Sulian ji (2006), pp. 138–143.
64 Ibid., p. 212.
65 Ibid., pp. 30f.
66 As Н. DEMIDO pointed out in S. А. TOROPTS͡ EV (ed.): Okno. Rossii͡a i Kitaĭ smotri͡at drug
na druga: Rasskazy, ocherki, ėsse (Window: Russia and China look at each other. Short
stories, Features, Essays), Moskva: Akademkniga 2007, p. 13, the Russian speaking poetess
has actually Armenian roots, but why should Wang not make use of his artistic freedom as
in the case of old “G”?
67 WANG Meng: Sulian ji (2006), p. 31.
68 WANG Meng: “Mit bolschewistischem Gruß” (1988), p. 68.
69 Ibid., pp. 79f.

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 Paradise Reloaded? Wang Meng’s Public Private Memories of Soviet Russia

becomes more obvious when the author ponders on the name of his host’s and
translator’s daughter (“Was she really called Katyusha?”70). Toward the end of
Sulian ji, where the notation and song text of “Katyusha” illustrate one page,71
followed a few pages later by the dancing scenes from TCHAIKOVSKY’s Swan
Lake72, the secret love story lingering in permanent suspense is unveiled amidst a
confusing fusion of fact and fiction. While the narrative constantly alternates be-
tween past and present, action and reflection, between today’s Baikal restaurant in
Beijing and the memoirs of a youth, the love story takes shape. In LRdd, the JL-
year-old I-narrator is transferred to the Party Secretary post of the Youth League
in a textile factory where he meets Ekaterina SMIRNOVA, the vice head of technical
production, responsible for quality management as a member of the Soviet expert
group from a Leningrad partner enterprise. It is attraction at first sight as he merely
concentrates on her words translated by the interpreter nicknamed “Leatherball”.
Despite his Russian being as bad as her Chinese, they soon get closer during a
Sino-Soviet dancing event: “Never again did I dance as happily with a woman −
not even with my more than ten years-younger wife after the Cultural Revolu-
tion.”73 The statements sound almost like a disclaimer to “pacify” WANG Meng’s
own wife CUI Ruifang 崔瑞芳 (LRNN−JSLJ), being one year older, whom he mar-
ried before the Cultural Revolution. However, an earlier edition of WANG Meng’s
autobiography includes an uncommented photo of a boat trip with his newly wed
wife – in the background on the same boat sits a foreign lady with an unusually
ample décolleté.74
Already in her thirties, the seductively beautiful “comrade Katya” with melan-
cholic eyes and a sad smile is the only single person among the Russian experts.
The interpreter tells him about the tragic fate of SMIRNOVA in the wake of World
War II, but also spreads rumors about an illegitimate daughter and an affair with
her superior. The gradually invoked personification of a tragic Russian beauty
blends at least here with the person of foreign expert Katya, an opaque lady with
a past. Her best years are over as the Sino-Soviet friendship is doomed to end, and
the narrator feels the foreboding: “Every official document would give me the
premonition that the Chinese-Soviet honeymoon was but a short dream of
spring.”75 A boat trip with Katya seems to be their first and only rather intimate
meeting before parting, caught in the photo of a fellow expert.

70 WANG Meng: Sulian ji (2006), p. 142.

71 Ibid., p. 219.
72 WANG Meng: Sulian ji (2006), p. 225.
73 Ibid., p. 233.
74 WANG Meng: Wang Meng zizhuan (2006), p. 152.
75 WANG Meng: Sulian ji (2006), p. 229.

JKR
Ylva MONSCHEIN

After more than two decades, during the narrator‘s visit to Moscow, he receives
Katya’s phone call and at once recognizes her aged brittle voice singing “Fangzhi
guniang” 纺织姑娘 (“Spin, oh my spinner”) and stammering “Moscow – Beijing!
STALIN – MAO Zedong!” in broken Chinese.76 He meets her twice, but never alone
“to avoid misunderstandings”. She must be eQ by now (“Russians age more
quickly than Asians”77), having a plumper but still attractive figure. She tells him
that was the most beautiful time in her life she spent in China. She is accompanied
by the author of the song text “Moskva – Pekin”, which had never been sung since
the Sino-Soviet split. An indication of the unusual mixture of fiction and life is
WANG Meng’s account toward the end of his autobiography, where strikingly
large passages of the alleged fictive Sino-Russian affair are in extenso and verba-
tim excerpted from Sulian ji.78 When it comes to the farewell of the two former
lovers, WANG Meng admits that he actually wrote “in complete disregard of policy
and diplomacy79:

I noticed her beautiful eyes – maybe not so beautiful anymore, noticed even more
her aged appearance […] “If we could stay friends forever, everything will be fine”,
she murmured. All of a sudden, she broke into tears. Afraid of not being able to
restrain myself, I hurriedly turned away. Trying to cover my embarrassment I said:
“Comrade Katya, you should know better than we do your Oscar-winning movie
Moscow does not believe in tears80”. “Then you also do not believe in my tears?”
She asked her eyes wide open. Suddenly tears were flowing down my face as well.81

What may partly sound like involuntary comedy, would be just another of many
more allusions, as the movie mentioned starts in LRdc and ends in the LRKSs, almost
covering the same time lag the Sino-Soviet amorous couple experienced, and its
heroine Katya (sic) has a child out of wedlock.
In the aftermath of the highly emotional rendezvous, the narrator also recalls
the “somewhat hurtful” circumstances, the Soviet side and even Katya herself not-
ing virtually everything down in a small booklet. Yet, he himself wasn’t better, he
admits, bringing along his whole delegation. The reunion of the former lovers is

76 Ibid., p. 254.
77 WANG Meng: Sulian ji (2006), p. 254.
78 The chapter is entitled “Bi zou yanyun” 笔走烟云 (Mists and Clouds Follow the Writing
Brush). In: WANG Meng: Wang Meng zizhuan (2017b), pp. 351ff.
79 WANG Meng: Wang Meng zizhuan (2017b), pp. 363f.
80 Moskva slezam ne verit (Moscow does not Believe in Tears), Soviet movie of 1980, di-
rector Vladimir MEN’SHOV (*1939), written by Valentin CHERNYKH (1935−2012), 1981
Oscar for the best foreign film.
81 WANG Meng: Sulian ji (2006), p. 156; cf. WANG Meng: Wang Meng zizhuan (2017b),
pp. 363f.

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 Paradise Reloaded? Wang Meng’s Public Private Memories of Soviet Russia

being formally staged in public. After three decades of separation not only “Wang”
and “Katya” come together, but China and Russia; and what makes things worse:
the whole world is watching, in a sense alluding to the historical meeting between
DENG Xiaoping and Mikhail GORBACHEV (*LRNL) in the midst of the Tiananmen
protest movement (LRcR). The only person not taking notes was the author of
“Moscow – Beijing”, the narrator recalls. Amazingly enough, the song’s famous
first line “Russians and Chinese, brothers forever”, is not cited, quite on the con-
trary, the narrator remarks that the text wasn’t very impressive after all.82
Toward the end of Sulian ji, the author admits losing control over his narrative
by all of a sudden introducing a second song “equally important” as “Katyusha”,
a signature tune which SMIRNOVA sang on the phone: The Ukrainian folksong
“Spin, oh my spinner“ − “Pryadi, moya pryakha (Pri͡adi, moi͡a pri͡akha”) − does
not belong to the early Soviet songs he learned, as it was only introduced to the
PRC in the winter of LRde, after the death of STALIN and right after the events in
Hungary and Poland when the Sino-Soviet friendship had passed its zenith. 83
“Spin, oh my Spinner” is also the central section of the second movement in
TCHAIKOVSKY’s Symphony No. J in C Minor, Op. LK (LcKJ), subtitle “Little Rus-
sia”, the bridal march for the unpublished opera Undine. Here again there is a hint
on the author’s intention: “What must she have gone through? … Sad Russia! Oh,
Rossia!”84 And after the “Hello Sadness” passage quoted twice, a highly ambiva-
lent, though unconditional declaration of eternal love follows:

I think I will always love this country and this people, no matter how many people
STALIN killed, no matter whether KHRUSHCHEV talked nonsense, no matter whether
the author of Young Guard committed suicide with his pistol, no matter, whether
the Western countries wished her to hell, no matter whether the Chinese Communist
Party (CCP) doesn’t acknowledge her anymore, whether the CCP follows her or
doesn’t give a damn about it, no matter whether her entire so called advanced tech-
nology was only scrap. But her songs are just so wonderful. ... Even her deficiencies,
her ugly products do hurt me, hurt as much as the heart of the spinner girl hurts.85

Initially striking is the unusual disparate formal appearance of Sulian ji, reminding
of a bricolage86. Being an author with an unmistakable penchant for experiments,
WANG Meng is obviously attracted to the rare literary form which is known as
“caprice” or “capriccio”, in analogy to its musical counterpart. His book even

82 WANG Meng: Sulian ji (2006), pp. 253f.

83 Ibid., p. 220. Photos of textile workers, text and notation of the song, see p. 139.
84 Ibid., p. 221.
85 Ibid., p. 221.
86 Within the meaning of Claude LÉVI-STRAUSS: La pensée sauvage, Paris: Plon 1962,
p. 26.

JcL
Ylva MONSCHEIN

seems to be based on a musical structure, as the author reveals: “While reading

this novel, the reader will perhaps be able to hear the sound of TCHAIKOVSKY’s
music”. 87 To TCHAIKOVSKY whose compositions were a source of inspiration
since his youth,88 a whole chapter under the heading “Andante Cantabile” (“Xing
ban ru ge” 行板如歌) is dedicated.89 No wonder that Sulian ji’s structure goes
astonishingly well with one of TCHAIKOVSKY’s most famous musical pieces, the
fantasy for orchestra Capriccio Italien (LccS) which already played a role in WANG
Meng’s early short story “The Young Newcomer in the Organization Department”.
The Capriccio runs as a subtext through Sulian ji’s entire narrative arrange-
ment. Even the very first sentences seem to imitate the brief bugle call opening the
musical fantasy: “Nothing − Still nothing – What, if I don’t find it in the end?”90
Its leitmotif is the eternal love of two young people inevitably doomed to failure.
When browsing through the inflight program on his way to Moscow, the enumer-
ation gives a hint of what WANG Meng (or his I-narrator) is looking for as he
begins his search with Italian operas. Another common feature of WANG Meng’s
prose and TCHAIKOVSKY’s music is the incorporation of folksongs. Capriccio in-
corporates Italian street music, especially a popular love song about two lovers
who should not find each other because of their parents. In Sulian ji, WANG Meng
uses Soviet Russian mass songs and folksongs as eye-catching recurring motifs,
some even occurring in chapter headings: “Pirog Pies and Katyusha”,91 “Suliko”,92
“Kalinka”,93 and “Tomorrow we set out into the sea”94 − a line of the song “Even-
ing at Anchor” − “Vecher na reyde (Vecher na reĭde”) by Vasily SOLOVYOV-SE-
DOI (Vasiliĭ SOLOVʹËV-SEDOĬ LRSK−LRKR). They constitute the middle part of the
book, followed by the chapter on TCHAIKOVSKY and four chapters dealing with
the gloomy sides of the Soviet system. The ultrashort chapter acting as a kind of
transition tunes in on a “romantic mood”95 before the title of the last one repeats
the musical theme, stemming from the Chinese text version of “Katyusha”:
“Sound of singing like an enchanting spring scenery”96.

87 WANG Meng: Sulian ji (2006), p. 173.

88 Cf. the chapter in ZHU Jingyu: Wang Meng xiaoshuo (2011), pp. 170ff.
89 WANG Meng: Sulian ji (2006), pp. 168–173. For a translation by DEMIDO see TO-
ROPTS͡ EV: Okno (2007), pp. 14–18.
90 WANG Meng: Sulian ji (2006), p. 15.
91 Ibid., pp. 138–143.
92 Ibid., pp. 144–153.
93 Ibid., pp. 164–167. Music and lyrics of 1860 originate from Ivan LARIONOV (1830−1889).
94 WANG Meng: Sulian ji (2006), pp. 156–163.
95 Ibid., pp. 208–211.
96 Ibid., pp. 212–277. The chapter which appeared as an independent medium length novel
before was translated by A. N. ZHELOKHOVTS͡ EV in Van MĖN: “Pesni͡a laskova, kak
solnechnyĭ svet vesnoĭ” (Sound of singing like an enchanting spring scenery). In:

JcJ
 Paradise Reloaded? Wang Meng’s Public Private Memories of Soviet Russia

In correspondence to the first and longer part of WANG Meng’s earlier novelette
“Andante Cantabile”, Sulian ji consists of LK chapters and the last chapter consists
of LK subchapters – figuring as a fictional story in the story. As WANG Meng al-
ways had a special liking for figures,97 the numerical duplication can hardly be a
coincidence. Of course, the number LK first of all refers to the birth date of the
Soviet Union. Adding to this, WANG Meng’s exposure to Soviet influence lasts
about LK years before joining the workforce in Xinjiang and a long compulsive
literary break. The recurring number seven could also allude to the mythological
love story of “Cowherd and weaver maiden” (niulang zhinü 牛郎织女), two stars
which might only meet once a year on the Kth day of the Kth month, the official
Chinese Valentine’s day. This in turn could be a direct link to the folk tune “Spin,
oh my spinner” and the textile factory, the stage of the Sino-Russian romance in
Sulian ji. Not unlike his “spinner girl”, the author himself as a tireless master of
the loom is interweaving one tiny detail after the other in this highly illusive im-
aginative texture. Therefore, at least one more cross-cultural parallel regarding
numbers could have played a role: Seventeen Moments of Spring98 is the title of a
popular LJ-part Soviet war drama serial of LRKN, aired in China at the end of the
LRcSs, when WANG was minister of culture. The story, in which music plays a
crucial role as well in the rare moments of romance, is about a Soviet agent em-
bedded in the Gestapo under the pseudonym of von STIERLITZ toward the end of
WW II in order to prevent a separate peace agreement of Nazi Germany with the
Western allies. One main protagonist is the pregnant Kathe or Katherin KINN, an-
other suffering Russian beauty in disguise, her clear name is Katya.
Sulian ji thereby presents another leitmotif, the code of mutual distrust. In the
last chapter, the first-person narrator is confronted with suspicion of espionage.
Sino-Soviet relations and the status of mixed Chinese-Russian couples disintegrate
into dangerous liaisons. First, we hear how he runs into trouble after the last Soviet
experts have left the country due to the testimonies of “Leatherball”. She reports
to his superiors about a photo taken of his boat trip, showing Katya almost naked
and accuses her of being a Soviet spy.99 After decades of preparing for his very
first trip to the Soviet Union, another rumor is spread warning his delegation to
watch out for a KGB trap, a female spy alias “White Swan” (sic) who has already
lured a number of comrades into defection.

Sovremennai͡a kitaĭskai͡a proza (Chinese contemporary prose literature. Life is like a vibrat-
ing chord), Мoskva: АSТ; Sankt-Peterburg: Astrelʹ-SPb 2007, pp. 7–100.
97 WANG Meng: Wang Meng zizhuan (2017a), p. 43.
98 Semnadt͡satʹ mgnoveniĭ vesny, 12-part TV series (1973) based on the novel by I͡Ulian
SEMËNOV (1931−1993), directed by Tatʹi͡ana LIOZNOVA (1924−2011), starring Vi͡acheslav
TIKHONOV (1928−2009).
99 WANG Meng: Sulian ji (2006), p. 247.

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Ylva MONSCHEIN

Although the author deplores the failure of the Socialist experiment, he does not
take the stance of teaching lessons like political think tanks or a documentary se-
ries (for internal use only) tend to do100 which appeared in the same year as Sulian
ji – well in time to commemorate the Ldth anniversary of the Soviet Union’s dis-
integration. According to its cover and foreword, Sulian ji takes a basically posi-
tive stance as it officially commemorates the first major historical triumph of so-
cialism from the angle of a China determined to continue the Socialist tradition:
“This book is dedicated to the Soviet Union, abbreviated CCCP in Russian and
USSR in English, in commemoration of the ninetieth anniversary of the October
Socialist Revolution in the year JSSK.”101 Finally he concludes with a consolation
or an appeal to his own country: “The Soviet Union is the Soviet Union, and China
is China. Unnecessary to overly care about their affairs; the crucial point is that
China takes good care of its own matters.”102

Window on Russia and on China, and Other Windows of

Perception

On his third visit to Russia on the occasion of the “Year of China in Russia”
(JSSK)103, being addressed for the first time as an “old friend of Russia”104 WANG
Meng attended a Russian book fair where his works appeared in three

100 Ju an si wei – Su gong wang dang de lishi jiaoxun 据安思危. 苏工亡党的历史教训

(Alert to danger while dwelling in safety − The historical lesson of the perishing of the
Soviet Communist Party): Beijing: Zhongyang jiwei Zhongguo fangzheng chubanshe, Jilin
chuban jituan 2006. For an ample discussion see Gotelind MÜLLER: Documentary, World
History, and National Power in the PRC. Global Rise in Chinese Eyes, London and New
York: Routledge 2013, pp. 133–176. For a short analysis of the topic see Neil MUNRO:
“Aufgeschobene Demokratie. Chinesische Lektionen aus dem Zusammenbruch der Sow-
jetunion”. In: China aktuell No. 4 / 2008, Vol. XXXVII, pp. 32–61.
101 This might be another allusion (albeit omitting “Great”) to a book by Vi͡acheslav MOL-
OTOV (1890−1986) under the title The 28th Anniversary of the Great October Socialist Rev-
olution (published in 1945) which was part of a reading list the Russians recommended to
their Chinese counterparts: Austin JERSILD: The Sino-Soviet Alliance. An International His-
tory, Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press 2014, p. 64.
102 WANG Meng: Sulian ji (2006), pp. 175f.
103 The gradual Sino-Russian rapprochement and the conclusion of the Treaty of Friend-
ship in 2001 involved a number of bilateral activities as e.g. the “Year of Russia” in China
(2006) and in 2007 the “Year of China” in Russia, as well as “Beijing days” in Moscow
(27.−30.6.) and “Shanghai days” in St. Petersburg (9.−18.6.).
104 WANG Meng: Wang Meng zizhuan (2017b), p. 296.

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 Paradise Reloaded? Wang Meng’s Public Private Memories of Soviet Russia

publications.105 Of special interest for our topic is the already mentioned volume
entitled Okno106 (Window) edited by Sergey TOROPTSEV (Sergeĭ А. TOROPT͡SEV,
*LRQS)107. According to the editor, Okno pursues two different approaches: Part
One (“Window on Russia”) contains translations of Chinese texts, four108 excerpts
of Sulian ji109 and one chapter of the travelogue Listen to Russia110 by FENG Jicai
冯冀才 (*LRQJ). Part Two (“Window on China”) consists of twenty texts on China
from the pen of TOROPTSEV. This second part, a view “from within” seen through
the lens of a “rossianin”, is intended to create the illusion of a genuine Chinese
creation. It is further split into two chapters, “View of an essayist” in seven essay-
travelogues and “View of an author” in thirteen stories or tales about traditional
China. “Twenty years before”, TOROPTSEV stresses in his preface that the era of
“great” and “small brother” is over and quotes from PUSHKIN: a window opened
“in the Wall of far-off China”111. The sinologist seeks to reanimate the spirit of a
China “seen much more through his heart” than through his eyes, thereby follow-
ing in the steps, as he suggests, of Sergey TRETYAKOV (Sergeĭ TRETʹIA ͡ KOV,
112
LcRJ−LRNK) or of Pearl S. BUCK (LcRJ−LRKN). It would be, however, not justified
to claim another version of “Orientalism”. Perhaps it also served as a publishing
survival strategy, as Russian sinology, a world leader until the LReSs / LRKSs, faced
notorious underfunding after the dissolution of the Soviet Union. As FENG Jicai
noted in his travelogue, citing firsthand information of renowned sinologists, Rus-
sian research on China might be eight years behind the current leading French

105 The two other volumes were the translated long novel Huodong bian renxing 活动变
人形 (The Movable Parts), and a prose volume including texts of Wang Meng translated
by Dmitriĭ VOSKRESENSKIĬ.
106 TOROPTS͡ EV (ed.): Окно (2007).
107 On his extensive research on WANG Meng see e.g.: TOROPTS͡ EV: Van Mėn v kontekste
(2004); Van MĖN: “‘CHuvstvui͡u, chto popal k starym druzʹi͡am’, Zapisʹ besedy i vstuplenie
S. Toropt͡seva” (“‘A feeling as if I‘ve come to old friends’: Record from a Conversation
and Introduction by S. Toroptsev”). In: ZHurnalʹnyĭ zal. Inostrannai͡a literatura (Literary
Saloon. Foreign Literature) No. 4, 2005, Available online: http://magazines.russ.ru/in-
ostran/2005/4/m12.html (last access 2019, October 15).
108 Cf. the description in A. A. RODIONOV: “O perevodakh noveĭsheĭ kitaĭskoĭ prozy na
russkiĭ ͡iazyk posle raspada SSSR” (Latest translations of Chinese prose after the collapse
of the USSR). In: Vestnik SPbGU (Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University) No. 13, 2 (2010),
p. 149.
109 Russian title: K altari͡u Sovetskogo Soi͡uza (To the Altar of the Soviet Union).
110 FENG Jicai 冯骥才: “Qingting Eluosi” 倾听俄罗斯 (Listen to Russia). In: Feng Jicai
fenlei wenji 冯骥才分类文集 (Classified Collected Works of Feng Jicai), Vol. 12, Zheng-
zhou: Zhongzhou guji chubanshe 2005.
111 See the translation in LUKIN: The Bear Watches the Dragon (2003), p. 15.
112 Sergej TRETJAKOV: Den Shi-chua. Ein junger Chinese erzählt sein Leben, Kiel: Neuer
Malik Verlag 1988.

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Ylva MONSCHEIN

sinology.113 Anyway, while TOROPTSEV literally goes about the window in the
Great Wall and adopts a Chinese identity to enhance understanding, this would be
an unthinkable act for WANG Meng and most probably for FENG Jicai as well, as
they incorporate Soviet culture from the onset without the need of conscious or
subconscious transition into a foreign identity.
Despite being sufficiently representative, the chapters of Sulian ji in Okno have
been selected without a traceable effort of contextualization. There is no explana-
tion given as to why from all the texts in Sulian ji, the choice fell on TCHAIKOVSKY,
on the cultural minister and music erudite Aleksandr SOKOLOV (*LRQR), and on the
TOROPTSEV family. It should also be noted that the publisher is introduced as “es-
sayist and writer” whereas the two famous Chinese authors are merely mentioned
as “essayists”. The whole set-up could be interpreted as if the Russian perspective
of China would be more authenticable than the other way round. Moreover, the
translation of WANG Meng’s account of the visit to the TOROPTSEV family con-
tains a seemingly minor but crucial error as the last sentence critical for his leit-
motif and love story has been changed in a significant way: Whereas the author
(or I narrator) wishes “all houses harboring a Katyusha” well (of course and pri-
marily including his own Katya), the translation only refers to the translator’s own
daughter and family.114
Judging by his epilogue to Sulian ji, WANG Meng’s translator compares the
author’s gaze on Russia to a personal utopian dreamscape, almost irrelevant for
Russian eyes. He reflects on the author’s person, but not on the subject of his gaze.
At least one more seemingly minor error does occur as the popular song “Kalinka”
is not a main key word of Sulian ji, but “Katyusha” in all its dimensions. Not unlike
other Western colleagues,115 TOROPTSEV obviously failed to realize the complex
texture of the whole narrative, a meticulous labyrinth of memories revealing a se-
cret Sino-Soviet love story. Instead, he patronizingly comforts the author:

113 FENG Jicai: “Qingting Eluosi” (2005), p. 128. The judgment seems to be in accordance
with the official Chinese in a volume collecting articles of ten Russian and ten Chinese
authors: WEN Zhexian 温哲仙: “Tuozhan Zhong-E wenxue jiaoliu hezuo duice yanjiu” 拓
展中俄文学交流合作对策研究 (Study on Measures to Expand the Cooperation in Sino-
Russian Literary Exchange). In: WANG Qi 王奇 (ed.): Zhong-E zhanlüe huoban duihua.
Xianzhuang, wenti, jianyi 中俄战略伙伴对话: 现状, 问题, 建议 (Strategic cooperative
dialogue between China and Russia: Actual situation, problems, and proposals), Beijing:
Zhongyang bianyi chubanshe 2014, p. 521.
114 TOROPTS͡ EV (ed.): Okno (2007), p. 22.
115 At least MCGUIRE: Red at Heart (2017); VOLLAND: Socialist cosmopolitanism (2017).

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 Paradise Reloaded? Wang Meng’s Public Private Memories of Soviet Russia

What a pity, the real “Peach blossom utopia”116 has nothing in common with the
imagined idealistic paradise of his youth. But this is of course not his fault. As we
understand our way of life in this country, the song “Kalinka” (sic) does not belong
to our daily necessities […] “Kalinka” has nothing to do with the Soviet Union nor
with modern Russia. The memoirs written by Wang Meng reflect his own inner
mindset […]. He does not need to seek paradise for a second time, he has never left
it, always kept it in his heart.117

WANG Meng, whose works have recently become rare in trendy bookstores, seems
to have foreseen this disinterest in Sulian ji by an international public and realized
that his new book would:

most probably only find readers outside of China in Vietnam because Russians tend
to repress their more than seventy-year-old history of the Union of Soviet Republics.
Whereas in the West, there is rarely anyone willing to hold a memorial ceremony
to commemorate the dead. When on a banquet in Vietnam I announced my publi-
cation there was at once keen interest. They especially appreciated my wording and
were touched: The Soviet Union was my first love, I have to publish a book in her
commemoration.118

What about the second Chinese author FENG Jicai whose reminiscences of his first
visit to Russia in JSSJ119 were partly included in Okno along with WANG Meng’s
texts? Although having been widely received in Russian publications, in particular
by the sinologist Boris RIFTIN (LRNJ−JSLJ), FENG Jicai was not as lucky as WANG
Meng in visiting the late “Soviet Union” (he usually writes the name in quotation
marks). One reason for having been included in Okno may be that his publications
from the very beginning had been extensively translated into Russian. His short
novel “The Street-Facing Window”,120 could even have inspired the concept and

116 He applies the traditional Chinese notion for “utopia” or “paradise”, based on the novel
by TAO Yuanming 陶渊明 (365?−427) “Story of the Peach Blossom Spring” (Taohuayuan
ji 桃花源记).
117 Sergey TOROPTSEV: “Wang Meng xinli yongcun de Taoyuan” 王蒙心里永存的桃园
(The Eternal Peach Blossom Utopia in Wang Meng’s Heart). In: WANG Meng: Sulian ji
(2006), pp. 278–279.
118 WANG Meng: Wang Meng zizhuan (2017b), p. 295.
119 FENG Jicai: “Qingting Eluosi” (2005), pp. 11–151. On FENG Jicai’s biography and work
see e.g. Monika GÄNSSBAUER: Trauma der Vergangenheit: die Rezeption der Kulturrevo-
lution und der Schriftsteller Feng Jicai, Dortmund: Projekt-Verlag 1996, pp. 31–115.
120 FENG Jicai 冯骥才: “Linjie de chuang” 临街的窗 (The Street-Facing Window). In:
FENG Jicai 冯骥才, Ganshang gushi 感伤故事 (Sentimental Tales), Beijing: Wenhua yishu
chubanshe 2015, pp. 138–162; FENG Jicai, “Das Fenster zur Straße”. In: Nach den Wirren.
Erzählungen und Gedichte aus der Volksrepublik China nach der Kulturrevolution, Dort-
mund: RWAG Dienste und Verlag GmbH 1988, pp. 12–30.

JcK
Ylva MONSCHEIN

title of TOROPTSEV’s Okno. The absurd story reminding of a mixture of GOGOLʹ

and CHEKHOV, takes place in a China of the late Cultural Revolution. It is about
the member of a construction team who makes friend with the strange resident of
a windowless apartment. Instead of waiting for the workmen to open the wall for
a window, the guy paints his own fantastically realistic looking window on the
wall and sends the team away. (Adding to this, a real window would have had the
disadvantage of being in view of the opposite Red Guard Headquarters.) Over-
whelmed by this artistic skill, the I-narrator drops in every now and then every
time to find another window scenery reflecting the mood of its resident. Finally,
the painter is dead, the neighborhood and the remaining fresco released for demo-
lition. FENG Jicai’s magic window on the outside world, always separated by a
wall and only reflecting one’s own interior, thus proves to be a true document of
troubled times and a perfect allegory of human perception – just in line with the
mysterious verse at the onset of the story:

You have your window.

I have my window.
He has his window.
There is still another window.121

Despite all personal and artistic differences, WANG and FENG both share a number
of common predilections, for example, their writing against forgetting (FENG ex-
poses the traumatic experiences of the Cultural Revolution), as well as music, in
particular TCHAIKOVSKY (WANG Meng beat him in snatching the title of “Andante
Cantabile”) and Russian literature, in particular PUSHKIN. As a longtime compan-
ion and close friend, FENG Jicai was cited at the end of WANG Meng’s voluminous
autobiography with a great compliment: “You have attained the ultimate in every
respect!”122 Unlike WANG he learnt Russian in senior high school and used to have
a female Russian pen friend.123 Whereas WANG Meng is interested in the Soviet
Union, FENG Jicai, on the other hand, mainly writes about Russia. Another differ-
ence is his artistic focus, as FENG is not only a writer but also a successful painter.
The above-mentioned Listen to Russia is amply illustrated, albeit in a more so-
phisticated way than Sulian ji, featuring elaborate, expensive color images and art
reproductions. The first picture shows a popular painting and poster motif adver-
tising the Russian capital in English (“I love Moscow”); the second one the photo

121 FENG Jicai: “Das Fenster zur Straße”. In: Nach den Wirren. Erzählungen und Gedichte
aus der Volksrepublik China nach der Kulturrevolution, Dortmund: RWAG Dienste und
Verlag GmbH 1988, p. 12.
122 WANG Meng: Wang Meng zizhuan (2007), p. 393.
123 FENG Jicai: “Qingting Eluosi” (2005), p. 30.

Jcc
 Paradise Reloaded? Wang Meng’s Public Private Memories of Soviet Russia

of a woman in a park presenting an American flag, subtitled with the question: “A

new generation worshipping America?”124 The eighth and longest chapter of the
fourteen chapters of FENG’s travelogue (“Another pen of the literary grandmas-
ters”125) was translated for Okno. It may be considered representative as it features
FENG’s own setting of priorities – an emphasis on painting and his deep interest in
Russian painters and authors who were as adept in painting as he is. The second
longest chapter is about his favorite poet: “Why did Pushkin duel to his death? “126
Suicide was always an important literary topic for FENG Jicai – another difference
to WANG Meng. FENG seems mainly interested in TCHAIKOVSKY’s Sixth Sym-
phony because of the suicide theory although this has long been refuted.127 FENG
observes daily life (one chapter is devoted to “Oleg and his rural dacha”128) and
takes an avid interest in painting and literature (including translations), in land-
scapes and nature, as well as in paintings of landscapes. He is especially keen on
Russian folklore and popular culture, admiring the lifework of the Russian sinol-
ogist Vasily ALEKSEYEV (Vasiliĭ ALEKSEEV, LccL−LRdL), he himself being a fa-
mous promoter of Chinese popular culture. His skepticism about the Soviet system
is easily transferable to skepticism about his own system, having experienced the
most traumatic times during his adolescence. As a rule, FENG Jicai sympathizes
with the victims as he and his family were victims of fanatic ultra-leftism. Citing
PUSHKIN’s poem “If life deceives you… “129, he succeeded in giving a desperate
woman new hope to face her life during the Cultural Revolution. It may be no
more than a detail, but it is certainly not a chance that the impressive menu card
of the newly (in March JSLR) opened Pushkin Literature Restaurant in Beijing has
this poem on the front page and mentions its translator GE Baoquan. Like WANG
Meng, FENG Jicai reflects on the Soviet cults of sacrifice and on the high value
placed on war victims in the daily lives of young people, a custom he misses in
China. Being granted a maximum of Ld minutes, FENG Jicai stayed much longer in
Lenin’s Mausoleum than WANG, visually recording each tiny detail.
FENG confines himself to a documentary, nonfictional report without notewor-
thy leaps in time or space, framed by accounts of a friendly personal relationship
with his Russian hosts: The very first chapter introduces translations of his works
in Russian, and he describes his meeting with Russian China experts. FENG Jicai’s
encounters with his Russian translators seem to be more relaxed than the first

124 Ibid.: “Qingting Eluosi” (2005), pp. 12, 18.

125 Ibid.: “Qingting Eluosi” (2005), pp. 84–106.
126 FENG Jicai: “Qingting Eluosi” (2005), pp. 107–122.
127 On the symphony see Dorothea REDEPENNING: Peter Tschaikowsky, München: C. H.
Beck 2016, pp. 116ff.
128 FENG Jicai: “Qingting Eluosi” (2005), pp. 48–60.
129 Ibid., pp. 30f.

JcR
Ylva MONSCHEIN

meeting between WANG Meng and TOROPTSEV. Although WANG seems less in-
terested in the status of Russian sinology and details of academia than FENG, his
meeting with the sinologists V. F. SOROKIN, Lev EYDLIN (Lev ĖĬDLIN), and in
Moscow LRcQ, after returning from Tashkent, sounds much more at ease. When
SOROKIN introduced WANG to a chanson of Soviet poet Bulat OKUDZHAVA
(LRJQ−LRRK), he was impressed by his casual, natural singing and signaled his pro-
found admiration of the refrain “As they breathe, so they write // Not trying to
please”, comparing writing and a free expression of opinion to breathing.130
Another longtime companion is mentioned in the foreword to Sulian ji when
WANG Meng extends his thanks to an anonymous female “colleague” − most
likely the author TIE Ning 铁凝 (*LRdK) − for encouraging him in his writing pro-
ject. TIE Ning, president of the Chinese Writers Association (since JSSe) wrote
the welcome address to a collection of contemporary Chinese novels131 translated
into Russian and co-financed by the Association whose authors were selected by
the Association. The volume starts precisely with WANG Meng’s key chapter of
Sulian ji “Sound of singing…”. TIE Ning herself wrote another quite remarkable
short story shedding her own auctorial light on Sino-Soviet relations from a com-
pletely other angle under the title “An Delie’s (or Andrey’s) Night”132. The strange
name of the protagonist, sounding like a Russian first name is due to the main
protagonist being born in the era of Sino-Soviet friendship and working in one of
the factories built by the “dear big brother Soviet Union” (Sulian lao da ge 苏联
老大哥)133 along with Soviet-style apartment blocks occupying half of the urban
area. Two widely spaced Chinese characters for “Dancing Hall” on top of the for-
mer Worker’s Club look like a pair of lonely dancers eternally separated from each
other. Nothing else than this unspectacular reminder of the era serves as a clue to
interpretation.
Like in Sulian ji, unfulfilled desires and the concept of a missed moment linger
in the center of the story. The latent, never expressed affection of two factory
workers, both married, becomes a metaphor for the former bilateral relationship
of China and the Soviet Union. Only when the factory is close to being shut down
and a separation is inevitable do they realize their looming loss. However, the only
chance for a first and last rendezvous is wasted. The sadly grotesque scene when

130 WANG Meng: Sulian ji (2006), p. 119. According to the line cited, it is the song “I’m
writing a historical novel”.
131 Sovremennai͡a kitaĭskai͡a proza (2007).
132 TIE Ning 铁凝: “An Delie de wanshang 安德烈的晚上” (An Delie’s Night). In: SUN
Ke 孙颗 (ed.): Gaige kaifang 30 nian. Duanpian xiaoshuo xuan 改革开放 30 年. 短篇小
说选 (30 Years of Reform and Opening. Selection of Short Stories), Shanghai: Shanghai
wenyi chubanshe 2008. A German translation by the author of this article is in preparation.
133 TIE Ning: “An Delie de wanshang” (2008), p. 286.

JRS
 Paradise Reloaded? Wang Meng’s Public Private Memories of Soviet Russia

“Andrey” loses his way on a terrain known to him since early childhood, his dis-
orientation when searching for the well-known address of an old friend who gave
him the key to his apartment for the intimate meeting, is paradigmatic of the diso-
rientation of a generation which has not found its place, neither in the old Soviet
world, nor in the new modern one. The hopeless search and getting lost in a spa-
cious uniform residential area might have a kind of inverse parallel in Soviet com-
edy TV film The Irony of Fate, Or Enjoy Your Bath! (LRKd).134 Similar to the com-
pletely drunk Russian protagonist played by Andrey (sic) MYAGKOV (Andreĭ
MIA͡ GKOV, *LRNc), the utterly sober and serious Chinese “Andrey” opens the
wrong apartment door with his borrowed key and has to face the coarse insults
addressed to burglars and even worse – making public what should have been kept
secret. The “LRdSs keys” belong to the past without having ever been used. “An-
drey’s” only souvenir of the common time with his unspoken love remains her
lunch box, her dumplings finally falling to the ground – prefiguring the coming
end of Socialist “iron rice bowls”.
Apart from all the differences in their literary styles and focusing only on a
purely factual level, the travelogues of FENG and WANG show some striking sim-
ilarities. The same is true with the East German writer Christa WOLF (LRJR−JSLL),
who visited the Soviet Union ten times from LRdK, describing her impressions in
her Moscow Diary in a similar chord as WANG Meng in “Fang Su riji” 访苏日记
(Visit to the Soviet Union), the fourth chapter of Sulian ji. As a convinced Socialist
like WANG Meng, WOLF’s early accounts sound very similar to his enthusiastic
fantasies: “Once you were in Moscow, you’ll always long to be back, especially
in spring”135 (LRdR). Like WANG Meng, she becomes soon disillusioned. In LRee,
she resents the unfriendly attitudes of service personnel and gradually gets the im-
pression that the historical role the Soviet Union may have to play in the future
has become increasingly less supported by the will of its inhabitants.136 While her
main impression in LRcL was that individuals were not of much value, finally in
LRcR the country seems to be disintegrating in the East, having “glasnost but noth-
ing to eat”.137
The sensation of infinite width and dissolution which WANG Meng amusingly
cites as an expression of excessive Russian self-esteem, is the subject of the Polish
novel The East.138 In a tremendous epical monologue on his way from Poland to

134 Ironii͡a sudʹby, ili S lëgkim parom!, Mosfilm.

135 Own translation from: Christa WOLF: Moskauer Tagebücher. Wer wir sind und wer wir
waren, Reisetagebücher, Texte, Briefe, Dokumente 1957−1989, Berlin: Suhrkamp Ta-
schenbuch 2015, p. 38.
136 WOLF: Moskauer Tagebücher (2015), pp. 61, 86.
137 Ibid., pp. 198, 213.
138 Andrzej STASIUK: Der Osten, Berlin: Suhrkamp Taschenbuch 2017.

JRL
Ylva MONSCHEIN

China, the author Andrzej STASIUK (*LReS) takes up the trial of a seemingly infi-
nite Post-Soviet space and a (Soviet) Russia he never cared about in his youth. His
longing for a dreamscape and the dwelling in a melancholy of knowing that this
will never be attained, could at times be a reminder of WANG Meng in a nostalgic
mood. Yet the beginning and the end of his journey into the depths of Post-Soviet
space and into his own mind and past are very different, with one main exception
– Russian music: The songs, they are “singing deep into the night […] for which
they are loved all over the world.”139 Arriving at the glitzy, hypermodern Man-
zhouli at the Chinese border, rising like a mirage out of the Russian grassland his
outlook remains disenchanted and like that of WANG Meng, albeit sounding more
blunt: “Russia, you don’t have a chance.”140
In a similar way WANG Meng abandons the realm of courtesy prescribed by
paying one’s respects to a memorial in his autobiography. An example of this
would be his participation in a conference on civil society and public space in
Bellagio (Italy) in LRRN when he met with Russian scholars:

While discussing the notions of Asia and the East, the two Russian participants
emphasized that their country was European as well as Asian, covering an area of
so and so many million square miles of which so and so many million square miles
were situated in Asia. Their argumentation reminded me of the Sino-Soviet dispute
during the era of KHRUSHCHEV about whether the Soviet Union should attend the
Asian-Africa-Conference. […] Circumstances have completely changed with the
passage of time as well as the nature of the discourse, but their discursive strategies
remained the same. The Russian way of argumentation resembles their blueprint of
reform. It’s meant to prove that their model of reform is of transcontinental signif-
icance, to demonstrate that with their model of reform, even without generating
positive results for the time being, they will still have the last laugh. […] Why does
one have to insist so stubbornly on the universal transferability of one’s own way?
Without further ado, China calls its method “Socialism with Chinese characteris-
tics”.141

Conclusion: Paradise Lost – Memories Regained

Coming back to the movie scene mentioned at the beginning: Did WANG Meng
open a similar secret room in Sulian ji only to proclaim that it belongs to somebody

139 STASIUK: Der Osten (2017), p. 138.

140 Ibid., p. 144.
141 WANG Meng: Wang Meng zizhuan (2017b), p. 108.

JRJ
 Paradise Reloaded? Wang Meng’s Public Private Memories of Soviet Russia

else? In contrast to Black Hole, this is not a nostalgic re-enactment leading to no-
where. On the contrary − this does not at all remind us of another version of diso-
rientation, where the protagonist hides in a secret retreat playing “Ural Rowan
Tree”. The Soviet song is mentioned several times in Sulian ji as well, first of all
in the Hotel Cosmos in Moscow, later in the Restaurant Baikal in Beijing.142 But
WANG Meng, who certainly likes the song and who must know the blockbuster
series widely discussed by intellectuals, obviously avoids a direct connection to
his thematic spectrum. He does not need to choose between two systems. Accord-
ing to ZHA Jianying 查建英 (*LRdR), WANG Meng cited a line from BEI Dao’s 北
岛 (*LRQR)143 famous poem in a TV interview: “I do not believe!” – Only to sol-
emnly make the statement: “I can say this about my generation: We believe!”144
Not without humor, the implicit author ponders on his credibility: “Would outsid-
ers understand if I told them that I spent the best time of my life with the Soviet
Union? They would take me for a Stalinist or even worse […]. At least some Hong
Kong readers would find it unbearable.”145 However, his political convictions tend
to be rather pragmatic when it comes to historical evaluations: “Blaming China’s
problems on MAO is simplistic […] And I think he did two great things. The first
was leaving Hong Kong alone in LRQR even though he could have taken it over
with a brigade at the time. The second was breaking up with the Soviet Union,
thus leaving a window open to the West and getting China out of the big Socialist
family.”146
Although there are more than enough accounts of WANG Meng’s many visits
to other countries and continents,147 in Sulian ji the “window on the West” is a
comparably small one. However, the author’s cross-cultural gaze never disappears.
Trying to avoid treating the “West” as one amorphous cultural entity, he differs as
a rule between individual European countries and the U.S. Yet, none of these coun-
tries may compare to the country of his youth: “This of course is a result of the

142 WANG Meng: Sulian ji (2006), pp. 19, 213.

143 For a German translation see Wolfgang KUBIN (ed.): Nachrichten von der Hauptstadt
der Sonne. Moderne chinesische Lyrik 1919–1984, Frankfurt a. M.: Suhrkamp 1985, pp.
184f.
144 ZHA Jianying: “Servant of the State. Is China’s most eminent writer a reformer or an
apologist?”, 2010, November 1. Available online: https://www.newyorker.com/maga-
zine/2010/11/08/servant-of-the-state (last access 2019, October 15).
145 WANG Meng: Sulian ji (2006), p. 156, cf. WANG Meng: Wang Meng zizhuan (2017b),
p. 363.
146 ZHA Jianying: “Servant of the State” (2010).
147 See a few examples in WANG Meng 王蒙: Wang Meng wencun 王蒙文存 (Wang Meng
Archive), Vol. 15, Fengge Lundun 风格伦敦 (London Style), Beijing: Renmin wenxue
chubanshe 2003.

JRN
Ylva MONSCHEIN

exclusive orientation toward the Soviet Russia (Su-E 苏俄) during the dSs.”148 In
the LRcJ novelette “It’s Hard for Us to Meet”149 the title of which could be a head-
ing to WANG Meng’s Sino-Russian story as well, the author describes the compli-
cated interpersonal relationships between a mainland Chinese man and an Ameri-
can overseas Chinese woman, bearing certain autobiographical features.150 Its plot
of two lovers being prevented from coming together in the wake of unfortunate
circumstances seems to be a recurring theme in his work.
Sometimes foreign representatives play the role of testimonies of the author’s
own impressions; or they share observations he had not thought about, as in one
case, when an American visitor to the Soviet Union states that the Soviets have no
sense of humor. In another passage of the text we hear that WANG himself would
lose all his humor as soon as the Soviet Union was involved:

Humor is a wisdom of adults. […] But not in the case of the Soviet Union. When I
longed to go there, this was a long, long time before my wisdom developed. As for
the Soviet Union, it seems to me my sense of humor will not be sufficient. During
the JJ days when I visited the SU, I had problems with my humor.151

Two decades later, however, his humor had matured. After a visit to the Crimea,
the backdrop of Anton CHEKHOV’s (LceS−LRSQ) short story “The Lady with the
little Dog”, he observes that the seaside promenade and the waves of the Black
Sea may not have changed, but “I only saw old ladies with big dogs”.152
Memory turns out to be somewhat untamable, being even all but politically
correct. In his childhood imagination, the Hong Kong author LEUNG Ping-kwan
梁秉鈞 (LRQR−JSLN) associated Great Britain with “a country on a distant continent,
with a sparkling grey aluminum tooth mug and ominous, tasteless old meat”.153
Time and again WANG Meng seems to disclose fragments of his autobiography.
However, when disclosing the nonfictional background of one puzzling detail, an-
other mystery pops up, as in the case of the mysterious black Russian noodles sent

148 WANG Meng: Sulian ji (2006), p. 169.

149 “Xiangjian shi nan” 相见是难, cf. the translations WANG Meng: “The Strain of Mee-
ting”. In: WANG Meng, Selected Works of Wang Meng, Vol. I, The Strain of Meeting, Bei-
jing: Foreign Languages Press 1989, pp. 83–248; WANG Meng: “It’s Hard for Us to Meet”.
In: WANG Meng: Alienation. Yihua 異化, Hong Kong: Joint Publishing (H.K.) Co. 1993,
pp. 103–281.
150 For a critical comparison with two similar texts (one of FENG Jicai) see MARTIN: “Wang
Mengs Roman Schwer fällt das Wiedersehen” (1996), pp. 279–291.
151 WANG Meng: Sulian ji (2006), p. 54.
152 WANG Meng: Wang Meng zizhuan (2017b), p. 295.
153 LEUNG Ping-kwan: “Die Insel und das Festland”. In: Marc HERMANN (ed.): Stumme
Städte. Neue Großstadtliteratur aus China. In: Orientierungen. Zeitschrift zur Kultur Asi-
ens, Themenheft 2006, p. 143.

JRQ
 Paradise Reloaded? Wang Meng’s Public Private Memories of Soviet Russia

from Moscow (with love?). In doing so, he leaves us with a series of metaphors of
how we humans will never truly understand each other, be it Russians and Chinese,
be it Chinese and Chinese, or any other people.
Despite WANG Meng’s openness to foreign countries and cultures all over the
world, this does not touch upon his special relationship toward Russia, as the hap-
piest time of his youth after an unbearable childhood was the direct outcome of
Sino-Soviet friendship, whereas traumatic events like the “Great Leap Forward”
and the “Cultural Revolution” coincided with the Sino-Soviet split. According to
him “from LRQR to LRdK China was a free kingdom of love”154. One of his novels
is even entitled Season of love155. In Sulian ji we are told: “The Soviet Union, this
is me at the age of LR, this is my first love, the beginning of my life as a writer.”156
Therefore, the author’s first idealized or sexualized love might well have been a
Russian “devushka”, no matter whether real or imagined. Taking this into account,
the approach to compare the “relationship between the Russian and Chinese revo-
lutions” to a “romance”157 would prove perfectly correct in the case of WANG
Meng. However, this becomes obvious only when reading the whole oeuvre in
question in order to recognize the semi-fictitious love story and the artistic finesse
behind it. Therefore, it is also a lack of understanding or interest which perpetuates
the tragedy of this publicly private love in a very special way. As the romance is
destined to remain a secret from the very beginning and without a common future,
this not only conforms to the encapsulated literary necessity connecting the narra-
tive to the world of famous tragic love stories, but also ensures the overall con-
sistency of a Sino-Soviet partnership which was doomed to failure.
When figuring out how to characterize WANG Meng’s actual view of the Soviet
Union, we have to distinguish between different levels of perception: When look-
ing at the cover and leafing through the booklet, one might easily get the impres-
sion of a politically correct publication for the sake of Sino-Soviet friendship.
However, when going into detail and looking behind the numerous hints and re-
marks, this will lead quite to the opposite result. Sulian ji does not merely show a
Russia through a Soviet lens or the Soviet Union through a modern Chinese liberal
socialist’s lens, but by constantly changing perspectives it is zooming in and zoom-
ing out of space and time, switching between a great diversity of sometimes con-
tradicting constellations. After all, these variations show the contours of a Soviet
Union in the Chinese mind, an intangible Soviet Russian cultural heritage being

154 WANG Meng: Wang Meng zizhuan (2017a), p. 103.

155 WANG Meng 王蒙: Lian’ai de jijie 恋爱的季节 (Season of Love), Beijing: Renmin
wenxue chubanshe 2001.
156 WANG Meng, Sulian ji (2006), p. 21.
157 Elizabeth MCGUIRE: “Sino-Soviet Romance: An Emotional History of Revolutionary
Geopolitics”. In: Journal of Contemporary History, Vol. 52 (4), 2017, pp. 853–873.

JRd
Ylva MONSCHEIN

remembered as part of the Chinese collective memory. Sulian ji closes with an

open question about the value of memories: “Would it be better to constantly re-
vive my fading memories and to refresh them, as soon as I remember, or wouldn’t
it be better to put them aside, solemnly and with extreme caution, so as to bury
them for good …”158 The question remains unanswered, but isn’t the book itself
the answer, enfolding a kind of Proustian In Search of Lost Time with Chinese
characteristics?
Sulian ji argues for an unforgettable love, be it for the dream girl of one’s youth,
be it for the country of one’s youthful dreams, be it even for the dream of a whole
generation or be it most likely for both as these different dreams are already insep-
arably intertwined. By setting up a memorial to Soviet Russia and a literary mas-
terpiece in its own right, WANG Meng turns out to be a chronicler of the Chinese
“political subconscious”159. He makes a passionate plea for addressing the present
and remembering the past in its entire depth and diversity, no matter how difficult
or painful it may be. By applying all the literary refinements of his repertoire,
WANG Meng transforms “his” Soviet Russia into a “realm of memory”, a lieu de
mémoire160 of today’s China. Sulian ji may therefore be considered a Chinese
musée imaginaire of the Soviet era.161 At the same time it can serve as a perfect
example to show that contemporary Chinese literature can be read as world liter-
ature.

158 WANG Meng: Sulian ji (2006), p. 277.

159 On this term see Peter VON MATT: “Die Inszenierung des politischen Unbewussten in
der Schweiz”. In: Peter VON MATT, Die tintenblauen Eidgenossen. Über die literarische
und politische Schweiz, München: Carl Hanser 2001, pp. 96–112.
160 Cf. Pierre NORA (ed.): Les lieux de mémoire, Paris: Gallimard 1984−1994.
161 Following a notion of Karl SCHLÖGEL: Das sowjetische Jahrhundert. Archäologie ei-
ner untergegangenen Welt, München: C. H. Beck 2017, pp. 833ff.

JRe
 Part III

VISUAL AND MATERIAL CULTURE

Elena STAROVOITOVA

LS Foreigners and Foreign Realities on

Traditional Chinese Woodblock Prints
of the Late LRth–Early JSth Centuries

Abstract. This chapter highlights the theme of mutual images between China and,
first of all, the Western powers at the turn of the LRth–JSth centuries when there was
an unprecedented expansion of contacts between the parties. The question of the
appearance of new visual images of foreigners and foreign realities in China during
this period is studied through the prism of traditional Chinese folk woodblock print-
ing art – nianhua 年畫 (New Year pictures), which, in contrast to traditional aca-
demic painting, has very vividly responded to changing historical realities. This
article also provides a classification of nianhua, in particular, the following catego-
ries of images with “foreigners and foreign phenomena” on them: woodblock prints
associated with the activities of Christian missionaries in China, well-wishing pic-
tures with images of Western realities, as well as images on historical and political
topics that became particularly popular in the early JSth century.
The research is based, first of all, on the richest collection of Chinese folk paintings
kept in the museums of St. Petersburg: the State Hermitage Museum; the State Mu-
seum of the History of Religion; the Museum of Anthropology and Ethnography of
the Russian Academy of Sciences (Kunstkamera); and the Russian Geographical
Society, which is based on the collection of the famous Russian academic V.M.
ALEKSEEV.

Keywords. China, Foreigners, Mutual images, Nianhua prints, ALEKSEEV.

Published in: Gotelind MÜLLER and Nikolay SAMOYLOV (eds.): Chinese Perceptions of
Russia and the West. Changes, Continuities, and Contingencies during the Twentieth Cen-
tury. Heidelberg: CrossAsia-eBooks, JSJS. DOI: https://doi.org/LS.LLdcc/xabooks.eeL.

JRR
Elena STAROVOITOVA

In recent decades, both in the Western as well as in the Russian and Chinese stud-
ies of international relations, there has been a shift in the study of political history
in favor of studying the history of cultural interaction and the formation of mutual
images between different states. For example, Igorʹ Vasilʹevich SLEDZEVSKIĬ, a
famous Russian scholar and specialist in African studies, notes that the comparison
of “national images, ideas, models and development projects produced both at the
interstate level and at the level of mass consciousness and popular culture” became
an “integral feature of world transformations in the JSth century”1. In the JLst cen-
tury, it can be seen how mutual images continue to have a significant impact on
relations between individual states and nations. In the era of the “clip culture”, this
statement becomes especially relevant to visual images.
As for China’s relations with Russia and the West, the active stage of the for-
mation of mutual visual images between the parties began in the second half of the
LRth century, with the expansion of mutual contacts and the emergence of new
touchpoints but also thanks to the development of communications and printing
technology. Turning to popular culture in Russia and the West, one can suggest
that the most vivid image of China was manifested in the pages of various satirical
cartoons so popular among readers of those years. In China itself, according to
many experts, the outlook for relations with foreigners began to change after the
period of the Opium Wars. Even though it is known that by the end of the Qing
dynasty, a large part of the Chinese population was still skeptical about the
achievements of the “barbarians” and did not want to learn from them, some sci-
entists believe that as early as the LKth century, certain representatives of the Chi-
nese elite from imperial China “abandoned the ‘civilised-barbaric matrix’”.2
As noted by famous Russian specialist in Chinese art Tatʹi͡ana Igorevna
VINOGRADOVA, “v techenie mnogikh vekov zhivushchie za predelami Sredinnoĭ
imperii risovalisʹ na stranit͡sakh kitaĭskikh knig soglasno tradit͡sii, voskhodi͡ashcheĭ
k drevneĭ «Knige gor i moreĭ», t.e. fantasticheskimi antropomorfnymi sushchest-
vami s raznym naborom konechnosteĭ i golovami prichudlivykh ochertaniĭ” (“for
many centuries those who lived outside the Zhongguo 中國 (Central State) were

The author would like to thank Ekaterina ZAVIDOVSKAI͡A from the National Tsing Hua Uni-
versity for her scientific advice.
1 I.V. SLEDZEVSKIĬ: Mentalʹnye obrazy v mezhdunarodnykh sopostavlenii͡akh i modeliro-
vanii globalʹnogo budushchego (Mental images in international comparisons and modeling
a global future). In: Obshchestvennye nauki i sovremennostʹ (Social science and contempo-
rary world), vol. 4, Moscow: Science 2008, p. 71.
2 Ronald Chung-yam PO: “Maritime countries in the Far West: Western Europe in Xie
Qinggao’s Records of the Sea (c. 1783–93)”. In: European Review of History: Revue eu-
ropéenne d’histoire, vol. 21 no. 6, London: Taylor and Francis 2014, pp. 857–870, there on
p. 859.

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 Foreigners and Foreign Realities on Traditional Chinese Woodblock Prints

painted on the pages of Chinese books according to a tradition dating back to Shan
Hai Jing 山海經 (The Classic of Mountains and Seas), i.e. unrealistic anthropo-
morphic creatures with a different set of limbs and heads of bizarre outlines”).3
However, the growth of direct contacts between Asia and Europe, which was due,
inter alia, to the development of navigation during the Ming dynasty, led to a sig-
nificant increase in the number of publications related to foreigners. Since the Leth
century, various illustrated ethnographic treatises that introduced local readers to
the customs of foreigners were widely circulated in China. The primary audience
belonged to the officials who had to serve in places of contact with foreign culture.
According to HE Yuming, a modern Taiwanese specialist in book history of
imperial China, one of the most popular publications of this kind in those years
was a treatise named Luochong lu 臝蟲錄 (Record of naked creatures) that was
widespread among a large number of readers in different circles of society since
the Leth century. The treatise is a printed text that collects images and descriptions
of more than one hundred species of luochong 臝蟲 (literally, naked creatures),
also known as yi 夷 (barbarians, foreigners). The articles of the treatise, organized
under the headings for the various guo 國 (states), cover countries in Asia and the
Indian Ocean region, the Middle East, North Africa and Europe. The researcher
notes that the text focuses mainly on waiyi 外夷 (external barbarians) living out-
side the Zhongguo, but it also covers various ethnic groups in the area, including
legendary countries mentioned in earlier Chinese texts, such as The Classic of
Mountains and Seas. Moreover, like this treatise, with which it was often used
together during the Ming times, Luochong lu stresses not only written reports on
exotic peoples, but also on “weird” images, which was closely linked to the flour-
ishing of the banhua 版畫 the print illustration industry at the time.4 HE Yuming
also names another treatise of this kind – Dongyi tushuo 東夷圖說 (Pictures and
Descriptions of Eastern Barbarians), commissioned in Ldce by the Provincial Ad-
ministration vice commissioner of Guangdong province CAI Ruxian 蔡汝賢.
Some of the illustrations in this treatise were copied from earlier sources, some
were newly added, such as the Portuguese.5
The Norwegian Sinologist Erling AGØY in his work on the description of for-
eigners in traditional Chinese historical and literary works emphasizes the

3 T.I. VINOGRADOVA: “« Nekitaĭskie» kitaĭskie narodnye kartiny («Non-chinese» Chinese

folk paintings)”. In: Ki͡unerovskiĭ sbornik (Ki͡unerovskiĭ anthology). no. 7, St. Petersburg:
MAE RAS 2013, p. 32.
4 HE Yuming. “The Book and the Barbarian in Ming China and Beyond: The Luo chong
lu, or ‘Record of Naked Creatures’”. In: Asia Major. Third series, vol. 24. no 1. Taipei:
2011, pp. 44–47. Available online: https://www.jstor.org/stable/pdf/41650005.pdf?seq=1
(last access 2020, April 7).
5 Ibid., p. 67.

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Elena STAROVOITOVA

geographical directory Haiguo tuzhi 海國圖志 (Illustrated Treatise on the Mari-

time Kingdoms), first published in LcQN in response to China's defeat in the First
Opium War. It is believed that the collection was compiled by the famous official
and scientist WEI Yuan 魏源 on the instructions of the famous statesman of the
first half of the LRth century LIN Zexu 林則徐, who personally conducted most of
the work for the preparation of the initial version of the handbook. Most of the
handbook is made up of descriptions of various countries of the world, from South-
East Asia to Russia and the USA. Each article focuses on history, geography, mil-
itary aspects, and trade, although there are also descriptions of local traditions and
customs. The treatise was reprinted twice in LcQK and LcdJ respectively. Each sub-
sequent edition was significantly expanded, primarily due to the rapidly growing
amount of new information on foreigners. However, the book received little pop-
ularity until the LceSs and a narrow readership in coastal areas of China. As AGØY
points out, although this edition is sometimes called the greatest geopolitical work
in imperial China, it had no impact on the Qing Empire's policy toward Western
countries but served only as a source of information about them.6
As mentioned above, such treatises did not widely circulate among a wide
range of Chinese readers, being popular mainly among representatives of Chinese
officials who served in the areas of contact with the foreigners. However, the ex-
pansion of China’s contacts with the West since the second half of the LRth century,
as well as the emergence of “overseas wonders” in Chinese everyday life could
not but impact the formation of a special image of foreigners in folk culture. When
China faced the danger from the Western powers, it could not but reflect on the
traditional worldview, causing various reactions from the intellectual elite of the
Qing state. Lots of thinkers of that time expressed their opinions about the “West-
ern barbarians”, suggesting various ways of interacting with them. The expansion
of contacts with the West influenced almost all spheres of Chinese life, including
its traditional art.
Traditionally, among the most common visual “carriers” of information in
China among the broad masses of the population were Chinese folk woodblock
prints – nianhua 年畫 (New Year pictures). The custom to decorate the house on
New Year’s Eve with bright printed images with well-wishing symbols on them
appeared in China as early as the LJth century. In the second half of the LRth cen-
tury the art of nianhua became widespread in China and developed into an inde-
pendent form of fine art. At the beginning of the JSth century with the development

6 Erling T.H. AGØY: Portrayal of Foreigners in Traditional Chinese History and Literature,
pp. 120–123. Available online: https://www.duo.uio.no/bitstream/handle/10852/54557/
EAST4591-Master-s-Thesis-in-East-Asian-Culture-and-History--Erling-Hagen-Ag-y.pdf?
sequence=1&isAllowed=y (last access 2019, December 11).

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 Foreigners and Foreign Realities on Traditional Chinese Woodblock Prints

of printing technology, these images became extremely popular with all kinds of
population of the Qing Empire.
Today’s experts all over the world are currently arguing about what kind of folk
paintings is worth classifying as nianhua. Originally, they were xylographic7 im-
ages used in cult practices connected with the celebration of the Chinese New Year.
However, with the development of this type of art, folk woodblock paintings began
increasingly to appear on subjects unrelated to the celebration of Chunjie 春節 (The
Spring Festival). Modern Chinese scientists use a broader term to refer to such folk
pictures – mubanhua 木版畫 (Woodblock Prints). However, in Russian Sinology
and Art history, the name of nianhua has been firmly established. According to
Saint Petersburg specialist in Chinese art Galina Sergeevna GULʹTIA ͡ EVA, in spite
of the fact that since the end of the LRth century “tradit͡sionnai͡a zhanrovai͡a i
khudozhestvennai͡a sistema ni͡anʹkhua preterpevaet kardinalʹnye izmenenii͡a” (the
genre and artistic system of nianhua began to undergo radical changes), the folk
painting “sokhrani͡aet v sebe tradit͡sionnye osnovy: dekorativnyĭ kharakter, uslov-
nyĭ simvolikometaforicheskiĭ ͡iazyk” (“preserved its traditional foundations: deco-
rative character, as well as symbolic and metaphorical language”).8
The first collector of Chinese woodblock paintings in Russia was academic
Vasiliĭ Mikhaĭlovich ALEKSEEV (LccL–LRdL) – a prominent Russian Sinologist.
Starting from LRSe, when he first visited China, V.M. ALEKSEEV was lucky to visit
over dS main centers of production of Chinese woodblock prints and started to
collect them as part of his study of local folklore. The scientist collected a huge
number of New Year pictures, about NSSS pieces in total. At the behest of academic
ALEKSEEV, his extensive collection, which was enriched in LRLJ and LRJe during
his trips to southern China, was divided between major museums of Leningrad.
The collections of New Year paintings in Saint Petersburg museums was once
again enlarged in the LReS–LRcS’s. Most of these images (about JSSS pieces) are
now stored in the State Hermitage. Nowadays, the museums of St. Petersburg,
such as the Hermitage, the Museum of Anthropology and Ethnography (the Kun-
stkamera), the State Museum of the History of Religion, and the Russian Geo-
graphical Society, are the owners of a unique collection of nianhua – more than
QdSS pieces. Only collections in China can compare with this collection.

7 Xylography or woodcut - a printing technique that involves carving text in relief upon a
wooden block, which is then inked and applied to paper. Merriam-Webster: “Xylography”.
In: Merriam-Webster.com Dictionary, https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/xy-
lography (last access 2020, April 14).
8 G.S. GULʹTIA͡ EVA: Kitaĭskai͡a narodnai͡a kartina ni͡anʹkhua XX veka: tipologii͡a zhanrov i
͡ ͡ ͡
ėvoliutsiia (Chinese Nianhua folk painting of the 20th century: genre typology and evolu-
tion), Sankt-Peterburg: SPbUHSS 2007, pp. 3–4.

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Elena STAROVOITOVA

A student of V.M. ALEKSEEV and longtime curator of the collection of Chinese folk
paintings in the Hermitage, Marii͡a Leonidovna RUDOVA, identified five main
groups of such woodblock prints based on their theme: L) New Year paintings with
religious subjects; J) Pictures with well-wishing symbols; N) Images of everyday
life scenes; Q) Illustrations for literary works - myths, legends, novels, etc.; and d)
Theatrical pictures.9 G.S. GULʹTIA ͡ EVA in her Ph.D. dissertation on the typology and
evolution of nianhua genres in the JSth century expanded this list by adding two
more types of Chinese folk New Year folk paintings: e) Political paintings, which
reflected the sociopolitical events of the JSth century and K) Calendar pictures, as
well as promotional calendars 10. As the famous British Sinologist of the JSth cen-
tury, John LUST mentioned in his monograph: “rigid criteria are not easily imposed
on the prints. Illustration had always tended to move outside narrow definitions of
celebrations.”11 He also for the first time drew attention to the possibility of classi-
fying nianhua not only by their subject matter, but also by “target audience”.12
Despite the fact that the first images of foreigners and “overseas wonders” ap-
peared on the Chinese folk woodblock prints in the Lcth century, the largest num-
ber of images of “European realities” refers to the late LRth and early JSth century
as a response to the expansion of the sphere of interaction between the Qing Em-
pire and the world. Such woodblock prints, usually dated between the LcRSs and
the LRJSs, can be divided into several main groups:
L) Images related to the activities of Christian missionaries in China.
These are anti-Christian drawings depicting the missionaries in the most
unattractive form and calling for struggle against them.
J) Traditional well-wishing woodblock prints with images of Western re-
alities on them: houses, household items, costumes, etc. Such pictures
became popular at the beginning of the JSth century with the increasing
spread of “European innovations” in Chinese everyday life.
N) Images on historical and political issues, depicting, among other things,
China’s relations with foreign states. According to experts, this genre first
appeared at the turn of the LR–JSth century.

9 M.L. RUDOVA: Kitaĭskai͡a narodnai͡a kartinka (Chinese folk paintings), Sankt-Peterburg:

Aurora 2003, pp. 12–16.
10 G.S. GULʹTIA ͡ EVA: Kitaĭskai͡a narodnai͡a kartina (2007), p. 26.
11 John LUST: Chinese popular prints, Leiden: Brill 1996, p. 8.
12 For more details see: E.A. TERIU ͡ KOVA, E.A. ZAVIDOVSKAIA ͡ , O.S. KHIZHNIA ͡ K, M.V.
KORMANOVSKAIA ͡ , V.N. MAZURINA: “Kitaĭskai͡a narodnai͡a kartina iz sobranii͡a GMIR: opyt
sistematizat͡sii (Chinese folk painting from the SMHR collection: the experience of syste-
matization)”. In: Trudy Gosudarstvennogo muzei͡a istorii religii (Proceedings of the State
Museum of the History of Religion), no. 17, Sankt-Peterburg: SPbGUD 2017, p. 96.

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 Foreigners and Foreign Realities on Traditional Chinese Woodblock Prints

Pictures of Christian missionaries in China

According to academic V.M. ALEKSEEV, Christianity, like Buddhism, was “hostile

to Confucianism”, however: “buddisty prosto ne obrashchali vnimanii͡a na
prenebrezhenie konfut͡siant͡sev, khristianstvo, chuvstvui͡a v konfut͡sianstve vraga,
vse vremi͡a srazhalosʹ s nim” (“the Buddhists simply took no notice of the disdain
of Confucianists, while Christianity, seeing Confucianism as an enemy, fought
against it all the time”).13 He also noticed that:

Evropeĭt͡sy, prinesshie khristianstvo, ne mogli poni͡atʹ kitaĭskui͡u kulʹtu-ru.

Missionery izuchali Kitaĭ lishʹ s ͡tselʹi͡u uchitʹ ego. … Sami khristian-skie missii veli
mezhdu soboĭ voĭnu. Kitaĭt͡sy nedoumevali – vse raznye very: ti͡anʹchzhu ͡tszi͡ao –
katolichestvo, esu ͡tszi͡ao – protestanstvo, ͡tszidu ͡tszi͡ao – pravoslavnai͡a ͡tserkovʹ. ...
[Missionery zachastui͡u] shli na shpionazh, politi-ku poblazhek, i, konechno, pastva
sostoi͡ala glavnym obrazom iz karʹeristov i voobshche skvernykh ėlementov. …
Skandalʹnye istorii, v kotorykh uchastvo-vali khuligany i grabiteli, prikryvavshiesi͡a
missionerstvom, ne raz vyzy-vali otkrytye vosstanii͡a protiv khristian.

The Europeans who brought Christianity could not understand Chinese culture.
Missionaries studied China only to teach it. … The Christian missions themselves
fought among themselves The Chinese were puzzled – all different religions: tian-
zhu jiao 天主教 – Catholicism, yesu jiao 耶稣教 – Protestantism, jidu jiao 基督教
– Orthodox Church. … [Missionaries often] went on espionage, a policy of
indulgence, and, of course, their parish consisted mainly of careerists and generally
bad elements. … Scandalous stories in which hooligans and robbers participated,
hiding behind missionary work, have repeatedly caused open rebellions against the
Christians.14

The contradictions between Christianity and traditional Chinese beliefs, along

with the growing pressure from the Western Powers after China’s defeat in the
Opium Wars, resulted in numerous protests against Christians (both missionaries
and converted Chinese). In particular, in the series of anti-Christian riots of LcRL,
when crowds rose up in nearly one dozen cities along the Yangzi River, stretching
from Nanjing to Yichang, and hundreds of Chinese Christians and two Englishmen
were murdered. As foreign missionaries and local officials believed, one of the
causes that stirred up public violence in this case, was a series of woodblock prints

13 V.M. ALEKSEEV: Kitaĭskai͡a narodnai͡a kartina. Dukhovnai͡a zhiznʹ starogo Kitai͡a v

narodnykh izob-razhenii͡akh (Chinese folk picture. The spiritual life of old China in folk
images), Moscow: Science 1966, p. 148.
14 Ibid., pp. 148–150.

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Elena STAROVOITOVA

that were included in an illustrated pamphlet by conservative Chinese scholar

ZHOU Han 周汉 (LcQJ–LRLL) titled Jin zun shengyu bixie quan tu 謹遵聖諭辟邪全
圖 (In Accord with the Imperial Edict: Complete Illustrations of the Heretical
Religion) and published around LcRS. The pamphlet was reproduced by a member
of the London Missionary Society, Welsh Christian missionary in China Griffith
JOHN (LcNL–LRLJ), who put the pictures in the reverse order (NJ-L), added translations
and commentary, and published them under the name of The Cause of the Riots in
the Yangtse Valley: A “Complete Picture Gallery” in Hankou in LcRL. Some of the
examples from JOHN’s pamphlet are now stored in the State Museum of the History
of Religion in Saint Petersburg as part of ALEKSEEV original collection.
All these paintings depict admirers of Christianity in an extremely unpleasant
form. For this purpose, in particular, a play on words is used. Thus, the character
tianzhu 天主 (the Lord) is in tune with the character tianzhu 天豬 (the heavenly
pig), so Jesus is usually depicted on such prints as a pig with the character yesu 耶
稣 on its side. The character jiao 教 (the doctrine) is replaced by jiao 叫 (a cry, a
squeal). Therefore, preachers are called jiaosi 叫司 (the one who shouts), and the
Christian sermon is called no other way than “the squeal of a pig”. Believers, jiaotu
叫徒 (a follower of the “squeal”), are often depicted wearing Chinese and Western
clothing as well as sitting in jiaotang 叫堂 (the hall of shouting) in pairs of the
opposite sex to embrace each other, which indicates the complete lack of morals
in the followers of Christian teaching. These paintings contain a large amount of
green color, which is traditionally considered a symbol of depraved behavior in
China. All the paintings in the series are supplied with anti-Christian inscriptions
calling on the Chinese people to rebel against the followers of other people’s teach-
ings. Figures LS-L to LS-N show some of the most striking examples of the wood-
blocks of this series with Chinese characters written and read from right to left.

Figure LS-L: In this picture, one can see two bearded foreigners on the left, both
wearing western clothes and green hats, kneeling; representing jiaosi 叫司 and
jiaotu 叫徒. Yesu 耶蘇 is written on the pig on the right. The inscription on the far
right reads: Zhe chusheng nai yanggui suo gui pimao wei tuo 這畜牲乃洋鬼所皈
皮毛未脫 (This beast, whose pelt and bristle has not yet been removed, is em-
braced by foreign devils). On the far left it reads: Tang renlei yi tianzhu wei zhu
yanmian he cun 倘人類以天豬為主顏面何存 (If humanity treats a hog as heav-
enly god, then how do they not lose face?)

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 Foreigners and Foreign Realities on Traditional Chinese Woodblock Prints

Figure LS-L: Gui bai zhu jing tu 鬼拜猪精圖

(The devils worshipping the hog)15

Figure LS-J: Jiao tang chuan jiao tu 叫堂傳叫圖

(Propagating religion in the chapels)16

15 State Museum of the History of Religion collection, (SMHR No Х-2910/1-VII).

16 Ibid., (SMHR No Х-2910/3-VII).

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Elena STAROVOITOVA

Figure LS-J: In the middle of the picture, a bloody pig with the characters yesu 耶
蘇 on its chest is crucified on a wooden cross. In front of the cross there is a table
with two candles and a censer. Half circling around the table is a group of Chinese
on their knees in robes of various colors. In the foreground sit three hugging couples
on three benches, which symbolizes the lack of morality among the followers of
Christianity.

Figure LS-N: Shi dao zhi gui tu 釋道治鬼圖

(The priests of Buddha and Dao expelling the devils)17

Figure LS-N: The painting depicts a group of eight Chinese people in various poses
and multi-colored robes. They are holding sticks in their hands and using them to
beat three pigs on the ground. On the surface of each pig one can see the Chinese
characters from left to right: jiaotu 叫徒, yesu 耶蘇, jiaosi 叫司. Near the top of
the picture, a Taoist saint is depicted on a cloud on the right holding a sword in his
right hand and a flag in his left. The floating figure also on a cloud next to him is
the Buddha holding a staff in his right hand and a rosary in his left. The picture
very well depicts the idea popular in China during the second half of the LRth cen-
tury that only traditional culture can help fight against foreign invaders.

17 State Museum of the History of Religion collection, (SMHR No Х-2910/12-VII).

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 Foreigners and Foreign Realities on Traditional Chinese Woodblock Prints

Traditional Well-wishing Woodblock Prints with Images of

Western Realities

As V.M. ALEKSEEV noted:

Kogda v kitaĭskom bytu poi͡avilisʹ evropeĭskie novshestva, narodnai͡a kar-tina

seĭchas zhe uchla ėto, i v LRSe g. na narodnykh kartinakh uzhe mozhno bylo vstretitʹ
evropeĭskie doma, nari͡ady, tipy li͡udeĭ i takie novinki, kak grammofon, stennye
chasy, nastolʹnye lampy, neveroi͡atnye golovnye ubo-ry, izobrazhai͡ushchie
evropeĭskie solomennye shli͡apy, i t.p. … Odnako, evro-peĭskie novshestva,
vryvai͡asʹ v tkanʹ kitaĭskoĭ narodnoĭ kartiny, ne narushali ee, ne meni͡ali narodnyĭ
stilʹ i formulu, prini͡atui͡u stoletii͡ami.

When European innovations appeared in Chinese everyday life, the folk picture
immediately took this into account, and in LRSe European houses, outfits, types of
people, and such novelties as a gramophone, wall clocks, table lamps, incredible
hats, depicting European straw hats, etc. were often seen on nianhua… However,
European innovations, breaking into the fabric of the Chinese picture, did not
violate it, did not change the folk style and formula adopted by the centuries.18

Participants of a recent research project that aims to systematize the collection of

Chinese folk block-prints from the collection of academic ALEKSEEV, stored in the
archives of the State Museum of the History of Religion in Saint Petersburg, also
mention:

Gibkiĭ kharakter iskusstva ni͡anʹkhua, kotoroe vpityvalo v sebi͡a i postoi͡anno

obogashchalosʹ novymi si͡uzhetami i obrazami, shlo v nogu s meni͡ai͡ushchimsi͡a
obshchestvom i tekhnicheskim progressom i v silu svoeĭ neobyknovennoĭ po-
puli͡arnosti i rasprostranennosti neslo informat͡sii͡u ob ėtikh sot͡sialʹnykh i
tekhnologicheskikh novshestvakh v samye shirokie sloi selʹskogo naselenii͡a.

The flexible nature of nianhua art, which was constantly enriched by new subjects
and images, kept pace with the changing society and technical progress and, be-
cause of its unusual popularity and prevalence, carried information about these so-
cial and technological innovations to the widest sections of the rural population.19

18 Ibid., pp. 33–35.

19 E.A. TERI͡UKOVA et al.: Kitaĭskai͡a narodnai͡a kartina (2017), p. 108.

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Elena STAROVOITOVA

Among such images we can highlight a series of paintings made in the workshops
of Yangliuqing (楊柳青) – a village in the suburbs of Tianjin, which is still one of
the most famous centers of traditional woodblock prints in China. Tianjin was also
one of the most westernized cities of late Qing China, which is why such images
often depict the achievements of Western technology such as: railways, railway
bridges, western-style buildings and other foreign engineering structures, as well
as signs of Western lifestyle penetration into China (Figures LS-Q to LS-K).

Figure LS-Q: As mentioned, among the most frequent subjects in the images of this
group were modern engineering structures. In this picture, you can see one of said
structures: a drawbridge over the Great Canal in Tianjin. This city was opened for
foreign trade after LceS and began to develop rapidly as one of the centers where
foreign states representatives could stay. Therefore, in addition to the new “mod-
ern” bridge, we can see Chinese ladies and men in Western outfits, European style
wagons, new European style lanterns and other innovations in the picture.

Figure LS-d: This picture portrays the way the western fashion of that time
influenced everyday life in late Qing China. It shows modern Tianjin residents:
two ladies riding bicycles (a symbol of western civilization) and three gentlemen
with European style buildings behind them in the background. This painting was
created after LRSS, when the old city wall was demolished in Tianjin.

Figure LS-e: According to a famous Russian sinologist B.L. RIFTIN, this picture
was first created in Yangzhou after LcRQ and later reprinted in Shanghai.20 The
picture is intended to show how different the morals of foreigners are from those
of the Chinese, which is written at the top of the image. However, neither the im-
age nor the inscription should be considered to contain any negative connotations.
The author is merely puzzled: “How unusual are the manners of foreigners!” (Yang
fengsu geng xiqi 洋風俗更希奇).

20 B.L. RIFTIN and I͡Uĭshanʹ LI͡U (ed.): Redkie kitaĭskie narodnye kartiny iz sovetskikh so-
braniĭ (Rare Chinese folk paintings from Soviet collections), Leningrad: Aurora 1991,
p. 198.

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 Foreigners and Foreign Realities on Traditional Chinese Woodblock Prints

Figure LS-Q: Tianjin Hebei xin Fuqiao 天津河北新浮橋

(New drawbridge in Tianjin)21

Figure LS-d: Tianjin malu 天津馬路 (Tianjin Road)22

21 Museum of Anthropology and Ethnology (Kunstkamera) collection, (MAE No 1080-

111/49).
22 Museum of Anthropology and Ethnology (Kunstkamera) collection, (MAE No 1080-
97/22).

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Elena STAROVOITOVA

Figure LS-e: Furen zuo jiao nanren zou hou 婦人坐轎男人走後

(Wife riding a sedan chair, husband walking behind)23

Figure LS-K: Wenwu nü xuetang 文武女學堂

(Civil and military women’s academy)24

23 Museum of Anthropology and Ethnology (Kunstkamera) collection, (MAE No 3676-

236).
24 State Museum of the History of Religion collection, (SMHR No D-3616-VII).

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 Foreigners and Foreign Realities on Traditional Chinese Woodblock Prints

Figure LS-K: One can see a courtyard of a western style school. The female students
are all wearing flat western hats while the teacher is dressed in a traditional Chi-
nese dress. Some of the students are reading; others are practicing martial arts. A
man wearing a western style suit is peeping from the street. As another specialist
in nianhua from Saint Petersburg, Ekaterina ZAVIDOVSKAIA ͡ , and her colleagues
on the project on ALEKSEEV’s collection of State Museum of the History of Reli-
gion noted, women’s themes were very popular for Shanghai nianhua. These pic-
tures tell us about new forms of women’s leisure that became typical of China in
LRSS–LRJS, reflecting a change in women’s status in Chinese society.25

Images on Historical and Political Issues

As a prominent Chinese expert on the history of Chinese folk paintings, WANG

Shucun wrote: “v otlichie ot vysokoĭ zhivopisi, ͡tselikom zamknuvsheĭsi͡a v sfere
odnikh i tekh zhe tradit͡sionnykh tem, kitaĭskai͡a narodnai͡a kartina ėtogo vremeni
shiroko otrazhala realʹnui͡u deĭstvitelʹnostʹ” (“in contrast to high painting, seriously
limited in its scope to the same traditional themes, the Chinese folk picture of this
time widely reflected the reality”).26 One of the most popular new themes for the
Chinese folk painting at the turn of the JSth century was fighting with foreign
invaders. First of all, there were paintings depicting the Japanese aggression
against China, as well as the topics related to the participation of Western powers
in suppressing the Boxer movement in China.
The peculiarity of such paintings, which was noticed by V.M. ALEKSEEV, was
that:

Istoricheskie legendy i ėpopei izobrazhalisʹ vsegda v vide teatralʹnogo

predstavlenii͡a: kitaĭt͡sy ne mogut sebe inache predstavitʹ istoricheskoe deĭstvie, kak
tolʹko v vide deĭstvii͡a teatralʹnogo, i ėto poni͡atno, tak kak imenno teatr znakomit
negramotnykh s istorieĭ i literaturoĭ.

The historical legends and sagas were always depicted in the form of a theatrical
performance: the Chinese can only imagine a historical action if it is shaped as a

25 For more details see: E.A. TERI͡UKOVA et al.: Kitaĭskai͡a narodnai͡a kartina (2017),
pp. 106–108.
26 SHut͡sunʹ VAN: “K istorii kitaĭskoĭ narodnoĭ kartiny”. In: B.L. RIFTIN and I͡Uĭshanʹ LI͡U
(ed.): Redkie kitaĭskie narodnye kartiny (1991), p. 28.

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Elena STAROVOITOVA

theatrical action, and this is understandable, since it is the theater that introduces
illiterate people to history and literature.27

The “historical” stories depicted in such paintings often contradicted reality. This
could be due to authors’ low awareness of historical processes, as well as due to a
deliberate desire to “embellish” certain events. Unfortunately, Saint Petersburg
collections do not include such paintings in a wide range, but one of the brightest
examples called Paoda Riben guo 炮打日本國 (MAE No NeKe-JQR) exaggerates
the achievements of the Chinese military in the Sino-Japanese War in LcRQ–Rd
(Figure LS-c).

Figure LS-c: Paoda Riben guo 炮打日本國 (Shelling Japan)28

In conclusion, it is plausible to say that one can hardly argue with T.I. VINOGRA-
DOVA’s opinion that talking about nianhua we should recognize that these paint-
ings were created “iskli͡uchitelʹno dli͡a obsluzhivanii͡a nuzhd osnovnoĭ nat͡sii,
naseli͡ai͡ushcheĭ imperii͡u, t.e. khanʹt͡sev, kitaĭt͡sev” (“solely to serve the needs of
the main nation inhabiting the Empire, i.e. Han 漢 - the Chinese”). However, one
should always keep in mind that among the vast mass of representatives of the
Chinese nation, there could be groups of “consumers” of folk paintings with some-
times completely opposite demands – from fighters against Christianity to fans of
any kind of new Western trends. One way or another, it is obvious that the

27 V.M. ALEKSEEV: Kitaĭskai͡a narodnai͡a kartina (1966), p. 35.

28 Museum of Anthropology and Ethnology (Kunstkamera) collection, (MAE No 3676-
249).

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 Foreigners and Foreign Realities on Traditional Chinese Woodblock Prints

unprecedented expansion of China’s contacts with the outside world, which began
in the second half of the LRth century, impacted almost all spheres of life of Chi-
nese society and the state, which is very clearly reflected in the most “popular”
(i.e. widespread among the general public) of all types of visual art in China – the
art of nianhua.

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Mariia GULEVA

LL Visual Perceptions of the West and

Russia in Chinese Cartoon Magazines
of the LRNSs

Abstract. This chapter focuses on the way the West and Russia were shown in
Chinese political cartoons from a turbulent decade, the LRNSs. It is based on carica-
tures, photo collages, and other pictorial materials published in cartoon magazines:
Duli Manhua, Manhuajie, Qunzhong Manhua, Shanghai Manhua, Shidai Manhua,
Wanxiang, and Zhongguo Manhua. The central questions raised by Chinese car-
toonists about the Western world of that time included the problems of how pow-
erful states struggled in what seemed to be their ambition to rule the world, causing
military clashes in colonies and even in Europe itself (Ethiopia and Spain attracting
a great deal of attention); how the disarmament movement and peace-keeping ne-
gotiations failed and the new global conflict loomed on the horizon; and, finally,
what the daily life of foreigners both inside and outside of China looked like.
The abundance of new media, of the visual one in particular, expanded the Chinese
public’s perceptions of the West and Russia. It also created a sense of interconnect-
edness of things happening on the planet, thus shifting the focus of attention from
China as the civilized centre to concerns for global, planetary civilization falling
prey to warmongering barbarians. The absence of positive power in international
relations created a pessimistic outlook on the Earth’s prospects. Yet, on a “ground”
level, routines and mundane affairs went on, with Western additions – from Holly-
wood movies to strip-tease, from Christian churches to roller-skating – becoming
ever more inextricable from the fabric of urban China and, primarily, Shanghai.

Keywords. Cartoon, Communism, Fascism, Abyssinian Crisis, Spanish Civil War.

Published in: Gotelind MÜLLER and Nikolay SAMOYLOV (eds.): Chinese Perceptions of
Russia and the West. Changes, Continuities, and Contingencies during the Twentieth Cen-
tury. Heidelberg: CrossAsia-eBooks, JSJS. DOI: https://doi.org/LS.LLdcc/xabooks.eeL.

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Mariia GULEVA

Introduction

This chapter aims to reconstruct the image of the West and Russia through the
medium of Chinese cartoons published in cartoon magazines in the LRNSs. The
phenomenon of illustrated or pictorial periodicals was not new for China by that
decade: apart from the centuries-old tradition of popular prints and books with
woodcut illustrations, several pictorials were produced in China from the late LRth
century. The earliest one was Dianshizhai Huabao 點石齋畫報 (published LccQ–
LcRc), followed later by many others. By the LRNSs the term manhua 漫畫 (cartoon,
etching, or sketch) came to be used in the magazines’ titles to indicate the priority
of such items in the contents, with some JS titles appearing then.1 This chapter is
based on cartoons from Duli Manhua 獨立漫畫 (publ. LRNd–LRNe, DLMH), Man-
huajie 漫畫界 (publ. LRNe, MHJ), Qunzhong Manhua 群眾漫畫 (publ. LRNd,
QZMH), Shanghai Manhua 上海漫畫 (publ. LRNe–LRNK, SHMH), Shidai Manhua
時代漫畫 (publ. LRNQ–LRNK, SDMH), Wanxiang 萬象 (publ. LRNQ–LRNd, WX), and
Zhongguo Manhua 中國漫畫 (publ. LRNd–LRNK, ZGMH).2 Their important com-
mon trait is that they struggled to be in the avant-garde of fashion, news, and ar-
tistic trends while digesting these novelties and reinterpreting them through hand-

1 For a list of cartoon magazines published in that decade see: Nick STEMBER: The Shanghai
Manhua Society: A History of Early Chinese Cartoonists, 1918–1938, Master’s thesis, Van-
couver: University of British Columbia 2015, pp. 119–120. A commentary on the term
manhua and its evolution in China is given in the introduction of Paul BEVAN’s detailed
study of the 1920s–1930s cartoons in Shanghai: Paul BEVAN: A Modern Miscellany: Shang-
hai Cartoon Artists, Shao Xunmei’s Circle and the Travels of Jack Chen, 1926–1938, Lei-
den: Brill 2016, pp. 7–14. For more about pictorial magazines and the history of cartooning
in China see: BI Keguan 毕克官 and HUANG Yuanlin 黄远林: Zhongguo manhua shi 中国
漫画史 (The history of Chinese manhua), Beijing: Wenhua Yishu Chubanshe 1986; John
A. CRESPI: “China’s Modern Sketch—1: The Golden Era of Cartoon Art, 1934–1937”. In:
MIT Visualizing Cultures (2011). Available online: http://ocw.mit.edu/ans7870/21f/
21f.027/modern_sketch/ (last access 2019, 13 August); Hans HARDER and Barbara
MITTLER (eds.): Asian Punches: A Transcultural Affair, Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer 2013;
HUANG Ke 黄可, GAN Zhenhu 甘振虎, CHEN Lei 陈蕾: Lao Shanghai manhua tuzhi
老上海漫画图志 (Old Shanghai manhua pictorials), Shanghai: Shanghai Kexue Jishu
Wenxian Chubanshe 2010; Lynn PAN: Shanghai Style: Art and Design between the Wars,
South San Francisco: Long River Press 2008; “Shenghuo Yuekan” 生活月刊 (eds.): Shidai
Manhua: bei shiguang chenfeng de 1930 niandai Zhongguo chuangzaoli 时代漫画：被时
光尘封的 1930 年代中国创造力 (Shidai Manhua: 1930s China’s creative force covered
by the dust of time), Guilin: Guangxi Shifan Daxue Chubanshe 2015.
2 All of these magazines except Qunzhong Manhua did not have pagination, so the phrase
“Unnumbered page” is omitted from all relevant footnotes, unless the quoted image was
placed on the front or back cover of a magazine.

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 Visual Perceptions of the West and Russia in Chinese Cartoon Magazines of the pq}rs

drawn images. This makes the cartoons an important source for studying Chinese
perceptions of large and small domestic and foreign affairs.
The LRNSs were a time when such magazines were still politically neutral (or,
at least, independent from direct governmental propaganda and party ideology,
although affected by censorship), but the fundamental principles of cartoon art and
magazines had already become established.3 The periodicals, following examples
set by foreign pictorials (Punch, Puck, Vanity Fair, Life, etc.) and by local prede-
cessors, included a wide assortment of materials; apart from cartoons, there were
news items, photographs, jokes, essays, fictional stories, poetry, advertisements,
and much more. The cartoons themselves varied in size, style, themes, and artistic
value. Yet, it must be noted that many of the manhua magazines published works
by the same artists, e.g. LU Shaofei 魯少飛 (LRSN–LRRd), YE Qianyu 葉淺予 (LRSK–
LRRd), HUA Junwu 華君武 (LRLd–JSLS), WANG Dunqing 王敦慶 (LcRR–LRRS),
ZHANG Guangyu 張光宇 (LRSS–LRed), ZHANG Zhengyu 張正宇 (ZHANG Zhenyu
張振宇, LRSQ–LRKe), CAO Hanmei 曹涵美 (LRSJ–LRKd), and WANG Zimei 汪子美
(LRLN–JSSJ), etc. This means that the style of all these magazines was quite homo-
geneous. For that reason this chapter draws upon as many cartoons from the mag-
azines as was possible to locate in the available databases. However, the quantita-
tive data is given only for Shidai Manhua as the longest-running of them and for
Shanghai Manhua as an example of a later LRNSs publication since, by that time,
the political involvement of cartoonists grew stronger.
The term “the West” is problematic in and of itself. Its variations in Chinese,
such as xiyang 西洋, xifang 西方, xitu 西土, as well as derivatives like Western
goods (xihuo 西貨), Westerner (xiren 西人), and Western hemisphere (xibanqiu
西半球), are used in the magazines; the notion is thus not altogether inappropriate.
However, there are no clear boundaries of what is or is not the West from the
cartoonists’ point of view. When speaking about international politics, the car-
toonists often referred to the world at large or divided it not by geographical prin-
ciple but along the lines of strong against weak or big against small. In such cases,
Soviet Russia and Japan were among the strong, along with European powers and
the USA. When depicting matters of culture, on the other hand, the cartoonists
separated Japan from the West, which is visible in the prevalent presence of
“Americanized” or “Europeanized” fashions, entertainment, and art (Japanese in-
fluence in the cultural sphere was not a noticeable narrative in cartoons, with the
exception that when Chinese magazines quoted foreign caricature, some Japanese
examples were given along with Soviet, American, and European).
Differentiation between the West and non-West is also complicated by the ob-
vious fluidity of categories, such as democratic and totalitarian states, capitalism

3 BEVAN: A Modern Miscellany (2016), pp. 7–14.

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Mariia GULEVA

and Communism; in the LRNSs the nearing split into Axis and Allied powers was
not clear, so in cartoons one often finds interchangeable clashes and alliances of
random combinations: the USSR with or against Germany, Germany with or
against the UK, the USA together with Germany, the USSR, Italy, and Japan, etc.
This makes the idea of including or excluding either of these countries from this
chapter a partly arbitrary choice. However, for the cartoonists whose work is stud-
ied in this chapter the world powers in the political sense included the USA, the
USSR, the UK and more generally Europe, and Japan; simply the countries which
had concessions in China (in the case of the USSR it is “had had”), so they are
considered to be the West in this chapter. Yet the cartoons where Japan is the sole
actor or is in a bilateral confrontation with China are excluded from the corpus of
this chapter’s sources, because Japan by the LRNSs was playing its cards quite dif-
ferently from the other “colonial” powers in China; so, due to the simmering con-
flict after the Manchurian incident of LRNL, cartoons satirizing Japan and Sino-Jap-
anese relations built up into quite a separate account. The League of Nations is
also a part of the “Western” narrative, because much of it is described in the light
of Western powers’ domineering agenda-setting and decision-making, both of
which, as cartoons reminded the readers, took place in Geneva.
In cartoons on various aspects of “culture”, the West is mostly depicted as Eu-
rope and America, with Soviet Russia often included as well, because it was part
of the “white people” or “white race” narrative, and its cinematographers, artists,
dancers, and architects were in line with the Western styles, even though the Com-
munist nature of art would sometimes be noted. By the same logic of the “white
race”, the presence of Russian emigrants is part of the “foreigners in China” group
further in this chapter whereas the Japanese are excluded, again with the argument
that their presence at the time was mostly part of the satire on the Sino-Japanese
conflict, rather than China’s relations with the rest of the world. The West, thus
understood, was one of the central themes for the cartoon magazines in the LRNSs.
In Shidai Manhua, various things and events related to the West appear in around
LcS cartoons while in Shanghai Manhua they are around eS, suggesting that of the
total number of cartoons in both magazines, such Western narratives and refer-
ences amount to more than LS%.4

4 This figure is very rough, appearing from the calculation that in cases of both magazines
each issue consisted of around 40 pages, almost every page containing one or several car-
toons (textual references are not taken into account here) while some cartoons could be of
double-page size. As a result, for 39 issues of Shidai Manhua and 13 issues of Shanghai
Manhua, there would be approximately 1560 and 520 cartoons in total respectively. This
arithmetic is rather hypothetical because in many cases cartoons consist of several parts and
counting them as one or several items is subject to researcher’s interpretation. Yet, however
loose the above mentioned percentage might be, it is still informative in the sense that out

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 Visual Perceptions of the West and Russia in Chinese Cartoon Magazines of the pq}rs

The range of topics for cartoons about the West is very varied, oscillating between
world powers and average individuals appearing in the news, as well as Western-
ers staying in China and living abroad. Out of this sweeping multitude the recur-
ring large groups of narratives emerge. These are world politics on the one hand,
and people’s daily life and entertainment on the other. The “world politics” group
covers a vast field of intertwining themes, among which are: major world powers
and their attempts to control the globe; imperialism, capitalism, militarism, and
totalitarian ideologies being the driving forces behind international affairs; smaller
nations and the wars into which they are dragged by the powers; the international
struggle for peace and disarmament and its failures; premonitions of a “second
World War” and the extinction of humankind. The “daily life” group also varies
greatly, including cartoons of foreigners living in, or visiting, Chinese cities; pho-
tographs or cartoons of places and people abroad; pictures of foreign theatric and
cinematic celebrities, outstanding writers, sportsmen, etc.; annotated reprints of
foreign cartoons or paintings on various subjects. The ways each of these Western
themes unfolded in the magazines deserve some elaboration.

World Powers in the Struggle for Global Dominance

The LRNSs were certainly a provocative decade for an observer of world affairs,
when the planet grew ever more engulfed in struggles for global dominance and
total power. The key instigators of this trend, according to Chinese magazines,
were, unsurprisingly, Japan, Germany, Italy, the USSR, the USA, the UK, and,
albeit to a much lesser degree, France. Each of these frequented the cartoons. The
statistics for Shidai Manhua and Shanghai Manhua are provided in Table LL-L (Ja-
pan is only counted for cases where other powers appear, too).

of the entertaining features, domestic problems, and, crucially, Sino-Japanese affairs of the
decade, the matters of wider international trends and foreign life took up quite a visible
share. This percentage varies between different magazines: e.g. Duli Manhua, having pub-
lished 9 issues, produced over 50 cartoons related to the West while for the 8 issues of
Manhuajie the number is around 30, but such fluctuations hardly demonstrate any pro-
nounced attitude to the world or China’s place in it. The number of pages in each issue
varied (from 30 to 50) in these cases, as well as in Shidai Manhua and Shanghai Manhua,
but it is mostly comparable as the magazines were produced in similar technical principles.

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Mariia GULEVA

Table LL-L: Quantity of references to nations, their leaders, and symbols in Shidai
Manhua and Shanghai Manhua cartoons

Shidai Manhua Shanghai Manhua

Germany (directly mentioned) Jd d
HITLER (mentioned or portrayed) Nd JN
Swastika (depicted) NN NS
Italy (directly mentioned) JN K
MUSSOLINI (mentioned or portrayed) JK JN
Fasces (depicted)5 R Q
The USSR (directly mentioned) LN J
STALIN (mentioned or portrayed) LJ LL
Hammer and sickle (depicted) Lc LQ
Five-ended star (depicted) LL e
The USA (directly mentioned) JN d
ROOSEVELT (mentioned or portrayed)6 Q d
Stars-and-stripes flag or pattern (depicted) LL d
The UK (directly mentioned) Je c
— in explicit relation to Hong Kong d S
Union Jack or its pattern (depicted) R LS
France (directly mentioned) LN e
Marianne (portrayed, always
J L
in Phrygian cap)
Japan (mentioned or depicted
Ne Jd
as national flag)

It is visible from the table that Fascist states are featured in cartoons very promi-
nently, attracting a great deal of attention, especially through the portrayal of their
leaders – Benito MUSSOLINI (LccN–LRQd) and Adolf HITLER (LccR–LRQd), or their
ideological symbols – primarily the swastika. A similar ratio is noticeable in the
case of the USSR: Joseph STALIN (LcKc–LRdN) and the Soviet emblems (hammer

5 Noticeably fewer than the swastika in both magazines, with a similar tendency in other
periodicals, probably for the plain reason that fasces take more time to draw and more space
in the picture. In some cases, MUSSOLINI has a swastika rather than fasces somewhere on
his uniform (e.g. ZHANG E 張諤: “Tongyang de shensu” 同樣的伸訴 (The same complaint).
In: SDMH no. 15 (March), 1935).
6 Meaning, of course, Franklin Delano ROOSEVELT, although in one case Shidai Manhua
explicitly mistook him for Theodore ROOSEVELT (GE Baoquan 戈寳權 and LU Shaofei:
“Zhi ci yi jia” 只此一家 (Only this bunch…). In: SDMH no. 1 (April), 1934).

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 Visual Perceptions of the West and Russia in Chinese Cartoon Magazines of the pq}rs

and sickle, five-ended star, or both) appear more frequently than the name of the
state. The case of the USA is different, as ROOSEVELT, while portrayed in a very
recognizable way (in several cases as an eagle with a characteristically drawn hu-
man head, see figs. LL-L and LL-J), is not shown in the cartoons so proportionately
as was the case with Italy, Germany, and the USSR, in which the leaders could be
regarded as absolutely synonymous to the country they represented. The stars-and-
stripes pattern was used more often to represent the USA than the president’s fig-
ure, but visibly less so than the party symbols of Communists and Fascists. As for
the UK and France, their heads of state did not become in any degree recognizable.
In the LRJSs–LRNSs the UK government was presided in turns by Stanley BALDWIN
and Ramsay MACDONALD, and the absence of any stable personified depiction of
the UK can be traced to this merry-go-round of the two faces, with the final switch
between them occurring in June LRNd, at the time of Shidai Manhua and other mag-
azines’ publishing. Additionally, the abdication of Edward VIII in December LRNe
triggered a flow of cartoons, distracting attention from any single political actor
and creating several images of a stereotypic “royal” figure.7 In the case of France,
which figures in cartoons much less in any case, the then president, Albert LEBRUN,
remained obscure and of little import for the Chinese cartoonists. France, while
occasionally depicted among the nations influencing the fates of the world,8 seems
to have lost its might by the LRNSs in the eyes of Chinese cartoonists.

7 For example, see CAO Hanmei and WANG Dunqing: “Manhua manhua: yi jiu san liu nian
shiyi yue” 漫畫漫話：一九三六年十一月 (Occasional talks on manhua: November 1936).
In: MHJ no. 8 (December), 1936; CHEN Zhenlong 陳振龍: “Yi jiu san liu nian de huigu: shier
yue, Ying wang Aidehua wei qu Xin furen xunwei” 一九三六年的回顧：十二月，英王愛
德華為娶辛夫人遜位 (Remembering 1936: December, English king Edward abdicated to
marry Mrs. Simpson). In: SHMH no. 9 (January), 1937; Lao Ji 老紀: “Lian’ai yu yiwu! Sheng-
danjie qian zhi shijie xinwen” 戀愛與義務！聖誕節前之世界新聞 (Love and duty! World
news before Christmas). In: SDMH no. 33 (December), 1936; see also fig. 11-3.
8 For example, see ZHANG Guangyu: “Baise taimian, he lai huang li?” 白色檯面，何來黃
狸？ (At the white table, whence the yellow dog?). In: DLMH no. 2 (October), 1935; TE
Wei 特偉: “Rong miao ji yu yi chang, jin mo xiang zhi bai tai” 容妙技於一場，盡魔相之
百態 (One stage contains amazing skills, the diversity of all magic appearances). In: DLMH
no. 5 (November), 1935; LU Shaofei: “Yu wo suo yu ye” 魚我所欲也 (I like fish). In:
SDMH no. 5 (May), 1934; CHENG Liushen 程柳燊: “Zaomu gun-er da lang, lang ye pa ren,
ren ye pa lang” 棗木棍兒打狼，狼也怕人，人也怕狼 (Jujube stick hits the wolf, both the
wolf fears the man and the man fears the wolf). In: SDMH no. 8 (August), 1934; see also
figs. 11-4 and 11-5.

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Mariia GULEVA

Figure LL-L: [WANG Zimei or ZHANG Guangyu?]: “Yuzhou feng” 宇宙瘋

(Universal madness)9

Figure LL-J: WANG Zimei: “Shi’er shengxiao tu” 十二生肖圖

(Twelve zodiac animals)10

9 In: SHMH no. 8 (December), 1936. Digital platform for documents on War of Resistance
and modern Sino-Japanese relations (Kang Ri zhanzheng yu jindai Zhong-Ri guanxi wen-
xian shuju pingtai 抗 日 战 争 与 近 代 中 日 关 系 文 献 数 据 平 台). Available online:
http://www.modernhistory.org.cn/index.htm (last access 2019, June 14).
10 In: SDMH no. 33 (December), 1936.

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 Visual Perceptions of the West and Russia in Chinese Cartoon Magazines of the pq}rs

Figure LL-N: AI Zhongxin 艾中信: Figure LL-Q: ZHANG Hongfei 張鴻飛:

“Fu Weisiminsite dajiaotang tu “Yi ban jiugui ziyuan shang gou” 一
zhong” 赴威斯敏司特大教堂途中 般酒鬼自願上鉤 (A bunch of drunk-
(En route to Westminster Cathe- ards eagerly gets hooked)12
dral)11

The caption reads: The captions on drinking figures indi-

cate their countries (from right to left,
Emperor: Sitting in this Lcth century front row: Italy, France, England, sec-
chariot, my bottom hurts, really ond row: Japan, Germany, Russia, per-
can’t stand it anymore! son sitting on the high stool: America),
the bar tender is “arms merchant”, the
Empress: Be patient, being an em-
bottle he is holding is “weaponry”.
peror is just like that!

11 In: ZGMH no. 14 (June), 1937.

12 In: SDMH no. 9 (September), 1934.

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Mariia GULEVA

Figure LL-d: JIANG Mi 江敉: “Zai lai Figure LL-e: Author unstated: “Xiandai
yi ge!” 再來一個！ (Once more!)13 Napolun” 現代拿破崙 (Contemporary
Napoleons)14

The inscription on the “angelic” figure The caption reads:

reads “peace”.
Black Napoleon MUSSOLINI, red Napo-
leon STALIN, brown Napoleon HITLER.

13 In: SDMH no. 21 (September), 1935. Back cover.

14 In: SHMH no. 2 (June), 1936. Digital platform for documents on War of Resistance and
modern Sino-Japanese relations (Kang Ri zhanzheng yu jindai Zhong-Ri guanxi wenxian
shuju pingtai). Available online: http://www.modernhistory.org.cn/index.htm (last access
2019, June 14).

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 Visual Perceptions of the West and Russia in Chinese Cartoon Magazines of the pq}rs

Figure LL-K: WANG Zimei: “Jindai Figure LL-c: WANG Zimei: “Dizhong-
shenhua” 近代神話 (Legends of hai” 地中海 (Mediterranean Sea)16
modern times)15

The caption reads:

Four knights, protecting peace, advo-

cating justice, controlling good and evil
in the world, managing the lives and
deaths of people.

15 In: SDMH no. 31 (October), 1936. Fragment.

16 In: DLMH no. 2 (October), 1935.

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Mariia GULEVA

Figure LL-R: Author unstated: “Jinrong ziben zhuyi ju jing” 金融資本主義巨鯨

(Great whales of financial capitalism)17

The caption of Figure LS reads:

Being all rags, two lines of tears; left

ear hears right, right ear hears left.
What a fat head he has by nature, who
is his suitable hat? Oh! Oh! He is a
good commoner!

The inscription on the hat worn by the

“commoner” is the “government”,
the “patches” on the robe are refer-
ences to Mongolia (Meng 蒙), Hebei
河北 and Chahar 察哈爾 (Jicha 冀
Figure LL-LS: ZHANG Guangyu: 察) provinces, North-East of China
“Yi shen lanlü” 一身襤褸 (Dongbei 東北) and most probably
(Being all in rags…) the Xi’an incident (Shanbian 陝變).18

17 In: SDMH no. 4 (April), 1934.

18 The Xi’an incident (Xi’an shibian 西安事變) took place on 12 December 1936, when
an ex-militarist, high-ranking officer of the National Revolutionary Army, ZHANG Xueliang
張學良 and his fellow officer YANG Hucheng 楊虎城, arrested (or, depending on the point

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 Visual Perceptions of the West and Russia in Chinese Cartoon Magazines of the pq}rs

Figure LL-LL: WEI Chenying 魏沉影: “Nao de jiepou ji bijiao” 腦的解剖及比較

(Dissection and comparison of the brain)19

The rightmost column states the age: e–JS, JS–NS, NS–QS, QS–dS, dS–eS, eS-KS.
The columns from right to left are: Japan, Russia, China.

of view, took hostage) the head of the Republic of China, their direct commander CHIANG
Kai-shek (JIANG Jieshi 蔣介石), requesting that the anti-Communist campaign in China be
stopped and all national forces united in the struggle against the Japanese invasion. As a
result, after over a week of nationwide uproar and confusion, CHIANG was forced to agree
to the United Front and was released on 25 December. For more about the incident see
Edmund O. CLUBB: 20th Century China, N.Y., London: Columbia University Press 1964,
pp. 202–210; Lloyd E. EASTMAN: “Nationalist China during the Nanking decade 1927–
1937”. In: Denis TWITCHETT and John K. FAIRBANK (gen. eds.): The Cambridge History of
China, John K. FAIRBANK, Albert FEUERWERKER (eds.): vol. 13, Republican China 1912–
1949, Pt. 2, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1986 [2002], pp. 162–163; Jay TAY-
LOR: The Generalissimo: Chiang Kai-shek and the Struggle for Modern China. Cambridge
(Mass.), London: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press 2009, pp. 124–137.
19 In: SDMH no. 21 (September), 1935.

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Mariia GULEVA

Figure LL-LJ: ZHANG Zhengyu: “Shijie paolongtao”

世界跑龍套 (World walk-ons)20

The poem in caption reads:

Walk-ons, / walk-ons, / you wear green clothes, / I wear red hat, / you carry gun, / I
drag cannon, / after we’ve finished bleeding, / they put on dragon robes.

The individual pictures have indications of national attribution; in the bottom row from
left to right are: Russia, America, England, France, Germany (the character for the
latter is invisible here but visible on a black-and-white microfilm copy which was
cropped differently).
Top row, left to right: unstated (intentionally, with the possible interpretation that
dragon robes will not belong to a nation but to a ruler of the whole world), Abyssinia,
Italy, China, unstated (Japan, possibly not mentioned to avoid censorship).
‘Walk-ons’ is used here to translate the word paolongtao 跑龍套 which refers to
utility personnel or actors playing small parts in theatrical shows.

20 In: SHMH no. 1 (May), 1936. Digital platform for documents on War of Resistance and
modern Sino-Japanese relations (Kang Ri zhanzheng yu jindai Zhong-Ri guanxi wenxian
shuju pingtai). Available online: http://www.modernhistory.org.cn/index.htm (last access
2019, 14 June).

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 Visual Perceptions of the West and Russia in Chinese Cartoon Magazines of the pq}rs

As already mentioned above, the future divide between the Axis and Allied powers
was definitely not self-evident to the Chinese cartoonists in the mid–LRNSs. Al-
though caricature portrayal of national leaders was applied less often in the case
of countries which from today’s point of view can be classified as liberal than in
the case of totalitarian regimes, it can be explained by generally closer attention to
the aggressive actions of the latter (the Second Italo-Ethiopian war, the Spanish
Civil War and foreign interference therein), rather than by cartoonists’ sympathies
for either a liberal or a totalitarian model. The opposition of Communism and Fas-
cism was also a dubious phenomenon, because while in some cases the two would
fight each other (see fig. LL-L, where HITLER and STALIN are instigating the scrap
between Spanish “crabs” on a frying pan, and fig. LL-J, where a “bull”, again as
reference to Spain, with swastika and fasces for horns attacks the Communist ham-
mer and sickle emblem), in other examples they would work toward some com-
mon goal (see fig. LL-e, with HITLER, MUSSOLINI, and STALIN equally called “con-
temporary Napoleons”, and fig. LL-K, where the same three and a Japanese Prime
Minister, either HIROTA Kōki 廣田弘毅 or OKADA Keisuke 岡田啓介, are named
“four knights protecting peace”). Moreover, not infrequent are the cartoons where
various combinations of the world powers participate in unjust dealings in some
way. In addition to fig. LL-L, where all powerful actors of international affairs be-
have like madmen, see also fig. LL-c, where an octopus with MUSSOLINI’s head is
fighting a dark-skinned merman (Haile Selassie I, LcRJ–LRKd, emperor of Ethiopia)
while swastika-shaped starfish with Hitler’s moustache and two fish bearing stars-
and-stripes and Union Jack patterns (ROOSEVELT and, possibly, king George V)
are watching the battle. In several cases foreign countries are united as “imperialist”
(diguo zhuyi 帝國主義), “capitalist” (ziben 資本 and derivatives), and influential
parts of their business circles as “arms merchants” (junhuoshang 軍火商, see fig.
LL-Q). Sometimes the cartoonists also used clichéd figures of Uncle Sam, John Bull,
or a vague generalized figure of a fat imperialist/capitalist, possibly wearing a top
hat or a monocle (see fig. LL-R). Imperialism and capitalism were a widespread
topic for cartoons: there are Jc and Ld references to each phenomenon in Shidai
Manhua and LK and K in Shanghai Manhua (not counting cartoons where only the
Japanese imperialist endeavors are shown), mostly in relation to imperialist ambi-
tions of the states which had concessions in China, but also to enslavement of
native peoples in Africa as well as Italy’s perceived revival of “Roman Empire”
rhetoric and the like.
The cartoonists paid much heed to the importance of ideology and indoctrina-
tion for totalitarian regimes. This is corroborated by ZHANG Guangyu’s cartoon
published in December, LRNe, where a hammer and sickle emblem and a swastika
are marked as “ideologies” (zhuyi 主義), whereas American and British flags as

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Mariia GULEVA

well as Japan’s rising sun emblem are “organizations” (zuzhi 組織), while yet
other influences pestering the Chinese government are “elements” (fenzi 份子),
“clique” (xi 系), and “front” (zhenxian 陣線), all of an unspecified nature (marked
as X or XX, see fig. LL-LS). The ideological pressure of Communism (along with
Japanese militarism) onto the common citizens was satirized in a cartoon by WEI
Chenying 魏沉影, where the “brains” of three men – a Chinese, a Japanese, and a
Soviet Russian – are “dissected”. While mocking the Chinese people’s primitive
desire for bodily pleasures, prosperity, and quiet elderly age, the cartoonist demon-
strated the megalomaniac aspirations of both Japanese and Soviet citizens who
were educated from childhood into thick-headed confidence, believing that the
whole planet should become their dominion (see fig. LL-LL). This sort of ideological,
even tyrannical pressure on the common people led to a large number of cartoons
showing the disastrous effects of dictatorship on a nation. The pictorial descrip-
tions of dictators oppressing people, manipulating them, starving them, standing
on top of them, or throwing them into meaningless wars appear almost JS times in
Shanghai Manhua and over JS times in Shidai Manhua. However, such pressure
was not produced exclusively by totalitarian regimes; on the contrary, the juxta-
position of dictators versus people crossed national borders and political principles
in the same way as “imperialism”, “capitalism”, and “militarism” appeared trans-
national. A vivid example of an abstract “them” oppressing commoners (in this
case, low-ranking soldiers) is shown in a LRNe cartoon by ZHANG Zhengyu (see fig.
LL-LJ), while other examples can be found, where the dictators are either specified
(in most cases those are MUSSOLINI, HITLER, and STALIN) or unspecified.21 As a
proof that the overall panorama of world affairs could at times appear quite con-
fusing and distorted, it should be noted that on more than one occasion HITLER
was shown to be secondary to some other tyrannical force: in one case he is called

21 Some examples featuring MUSSOLINI are: ZHANG E: “Guangrong keyi dang fan chi de
ma” “光榮可以當飯吃的嗎？” (“Can glory substitute food?”). In: SDMH no. 22 (October),
1935; TE Wei: “Guangrong yu mianbao” 光榮與麵包 (Glory and bread). In: DLMH no. 4
(November), 1935. A case of people against Fascist dictatorship can be seen in: WANG
Zimei: “‘Ba zhege dongxi dadao’. Ruoxiao minzu de lianhe husheng” “把這個東西打倒”。
弱小民族的連合呼聲 (“Away with this thing”. United cry of the smaller peoples). In:
SHMH no. 2-1 (July), 1937. A fairly straightforward reference to STALIN’s Great Purge
appears in CHEN Haoxiong’s 陳浩雄 strip where, among other figures, one can find STALIN
holding a big sword and a bunch of heads dripping with blood: CHEN Haoxiong: “Shijie
jutou de dongtai” 世界巨頭的動態 (Developments of the world’s giants). In: SHMH
no. 2-1 (July), 1937. HITLER is present in the same set, as well, bringing bombs to his people
instead of food. A kind of “imperialistic” crown is being forcibly put on the bodies of com-
mon people (wearing “Indian” turban and “Egyptian” fez distantly similar to those in
fig. 11-1 and thus hinting at the “Britishness” of the crown) in: WANG Zi[mei] 汪子[美]:
“Jiamian” 加冕 (Coronation). In: SHMH no. 2-1 (July), 1937.

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 Visual Perceptions of the West and Russia in Chinese Cartoon Magazines of the pq}rs

“a straw dog” (chugou 芻狗), which is a reference to Taoist texts meaning things
that are presently useful but will be thrown away later22; in another case, HITLER,
GOERING, and GOEBBELS appear to be obediently following instructions from the
then minister of economics Hjalmar SCHACHT while the title of the cartoon makes
the reader wonder who is the real dictator of Germany.23
Generally, the struggle for ultimate power was an underlying theme for many
cartoons, constructing a parallel between dictatorial ambitions of individual lead-
ers inside the state and imperialistic claims of world powers well beyond national
borders. While some cartoons prophesied the emergence of rulers wearing “dragon
robes” (as in fig. LL-LJ), others translated a foreboding that in the end there would
be one dictator, trampling the planet and committing suicide as a final act of a
great tragedy.24 This final act was preceded by a line of odious military events
leading up to World War II, as observed, mocked, and mourned by the cartoonists.

Small Nations Ground Into Dust

If one were to look at the LRNSs through the prism of any of the manhua magazines
published in Shanghai at the time, two great international clashes would stand out,
thundering along with China’s own misery: the Abyssinian Crisis (LRNQ/Nd–LRNe,
usually known now as the Second Italo-Ethiopian war, but never entitled thus in

22 The meaning is explained in the commentary to the cartoon itself, stating that “of old,
dogs were made of straw, used for sacrifice, and thrown away after the ritual”. See CHEN
Jingsheng 陳靜生: “Chugou yu miao gen du ye” 芻狗與妙根篤爺 (A straw dog and rev-
erent grandpas). In: SDMH no. 9 (September), 1934. The second part of the title, “reverent
grandpas”, is explained in the same commentary as a reference to “the old style humourist”
WANG Wuneng’s 王无能 (sic!) masterpiece, in which mice are shedding false tears over a
cat’s death. From the cartoon it is clear that HITLER is “worshipped” by England, Italy, and
France, but will be discarded after his purpose is fulfilled (the cartoon does not specify what
such purpose was perceived to be).
23 [Alois DERSO and Emery KELEN]: “Shui shi Deguo zhenzheng de diketuiduo?” 誰是德
國真正的狄克推多？(Who is the real dictator of Germany?). In: SDMH no. 13 (January),
1935. This cartoon is a reprint from foreign papers, but it was still a part of the overall
impressions that Chinese magazines’ readers were to get after considering such a point of
view. Worth noting also are the questioning title of the cartoon and the use of transliteration
“diketuiduo” 狄克推多 rather than the already existing word ducai 獨裁. There is hardly
any complicated motive for such translation, but the “foreignness” of the cartoon and the
word “dictator” emphasize each other well.
24 LIAO Bingxiong 廖冰兄: “Weida beiju de zhong mu” 偉大悲劇的終幕 (The end of the
great tragedy). In: SHMH no. 1 (May), 1936.

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Mariia GULEVA

the cartoons) and the Spanish Civil War (LRNe–LRNR), the atrocities of which were
emphasized by aggressive foreign interference. Both of these (primarily the Abys-
sinian case) brought about considerations of China’s destiny and of the helpless-
ness of those who cannot rely on brute force. Yet both conflicts, Ethiopian and
Spanish, were looked at with a lot of sympathy to the people’s sufferings as such.
These events amount to over JS% of all “Western” narratives in both Shidai Man-
hua and Shanghai Manhua.25

Table LL-J: Quantity of references to the Abyssinian Crisis and Spanish Civil War
in Shidai Manhua and Shanghai Manhua cartoons

Shidai Manhua Shanghai Manhua

Abyssinia (black figure) LK JQ
Haile Selassie, king of Ethiopia R K
Spain LQ LL
Bull Q Q
General FRANCO J Q
Madrid L L
Toreador L S
League of Nations (Geneva,
LN Q
disarmament)

As can be seen from table LL-J, Haile Selassie became a very frequent personified
image for the Italo-Ethiopian conflict. His iconographic traits – curly hair, beard,
“African” clothing– can be recognized especially easily in works by WANG Zimei
(see the horse in fig. LL-J and the merman, already mentioned above, in fig. LL-c).26

25 More specifically, the Italo-Ethiopian war appeared in 20% of Western references in

Shidai Manhua cartoons and in 40% of Shanghai Manhua ones; the Spanish Civil War took
up 24% and 23% respectively. Only the issues published after the outbreak of each conflict,
October 1935 and July 1936 accordingly, are taken into account although Haile Selassie
appeared in Shidai Manhua already in September 1935. As this is but one appearance, it
does not severely distort the statistics in table 11-2.
26 For some other examples see WANG Zimei: “Xin Shengjing” 新聖經 (New Bible). In:
SDMH no. 27 (June), 1936; Idem: “Jindai shenhua” 近代神話 (Legends of modern times).
In: SDMH no. 31 (October), 1936; Idem: “Shizijia” 十字架 (Crucifix). In: SHMH no. 6
(October), 1936; Idem: “Qun ying hui” 群英會 (Assembly of heroes). In: SHMH no. 10
(March), 1937; Idem: “Gou xin dou jiao” 鈎心鬥角 (Elaborate maneuvers). In: MHJ no. 8
(December), 1936. Similar iconography in the depiction of Haile Selassie as the embodi-
ment of Abyssinian people’s sufferings can be seen in fig. 11-1.

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The fate of Abyssinia was compared to China’s helpless stand against Japan’s en-
croachment. Direct comparison can be found in a small black-and-white cartoon
portraying two people: a tiny black person wearing a straw skirt and a larger figure
clad in an old-fashioned Chinese robe. The inscription explains the meaning: “A
black slave who lost his country thoughtfully speaks: ‘He isn’t resisting, why
doesn’t he ever lose his country?’”27 Another example of likening the Abyssinian
conflict to the Sino-Japanese confrontation can be found in Duli Manhua, where
Mussolini and a Japanese man (unspecified) are called “two sculptors” aiming “to
passionately express the spirit of the JSth century” (see fig. LL-LN). Among the most
telling of such cartoons is a very laconic work by HU Tongguang 胡同光: a “visi-
tor” in a portrait gallery, again in an old-fashioned Chinese robe, looks at two
portraits, most probably of Mohandas GANDHI (LceR–LRQc) and Haile Selassie (see
fig. LL-LQ), comparing them. While the attitude to GANDHI in China was dubious,
because his belief in Satyagraha inspired both admiration and criticism from dif-
ferent groups,28 Haile Selassie, at the time of the cartoon’s publication, appears to
have been praised for preparing for battle and resisting Italian troops, unlike China
after the Manchurian incident of LRNL. So in this cartoon, the Chinese nation faces
a choice between non-violence and armed resistance, thus the Abyssinian policy
toward military preparations is shown as a possible example.29 Yet another case

27 亡了國的黑奴想著說：《他不抵抗，為什麼總也不會亡國呢？》. See: LAO [?] 老

[?]: “Wang le guo de hei nu” 亡了國的黑奴 (A black slave who lost his country…). In:
SHMH no. 6 (October), 1936.
28 For some remarks on how GANDHI and his non-violent resistance were perceived in
China, see SHANG Quanyu: “Mahatma Gandhi in mainland China: Early 1920s to late
1970s”. In: Gandhi Marg, vol. 35, no. 2 (July/September), 2013, pp. 245–261. Available
online: https://www.mkgandhi.org/articles/mg-and-china-1920-1970.html (last access
2019, August 6). GANDHI and Indian ways of resistance were satirized several times in the
cartoons. For example, there is a drawing where Buddha tells a pilgrim coming to India
from China that the pilgrim ought to return and tell his compatriots, “those muddle-heads”
(hutuchong 糊塗蟲), that praying to Buddha is useless since he cannot even get rid of an
eagle gripping his head (Author unstated: “Fo dui dao Yindu lai chaosheng de Zhongguo
shizhe shuo” 佛對到印度來朝聖的中國使者說 (Buddha tells a Chinese pilgrim coming
to India…). In: SHMH no. 11 (April), 1937). Another example is a cartoon ridiculing GAN-
DHI’s repetitive hunger strikes as a method of leading the national resistance (a clench-fisted
Indian approaches a bold bony figure of GANDHI sitting with a book and demands some
action, to which GANDHI responds that he is prepared to go to prison and decline food for a
week; WANG Zimei: “Assembly of heroes”. In: SHMH no. 10 (March), 1937). See also
fig. 11-15 for an impeccable caricature of GANDHI, who, while being mocked, all the same
is placed among the prominent figures of the age.
29 For more about the Abyssinian Crisis itself and Ethiopian preparations to it, see Asfa-
Wossen ASSERATE; Peter LEWIS (transl.), Thomas PAKENHAM (foreword): King of kings:
The triumph and tragedy of emperor Haile Selassie I of Ethiopia, London: Haus Publishing
Ltd. 2015 (originally published in German as Der Letzte Kaiser von Afrika: Triumph und

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demonstrating Haile Selassie’s heroism while comparing Abyssinia to China is a

reprinted foreign cartoon quoting the “Unconquerable”, Bernard PARTRIDGE’s fa-
mous work for Punch magazine. In this pictorial quote Haile Selassie replaces
Albert I, king of the Belgians, as an unconquerable, just leader of his people op-
posing the aggressor.30
Haile Selassie’s exile, on the other hand, caused a couple of less amicable re-
marks because the cartoonists saw it as a flight: soon after the king left Ethiopia
(May LRNe) Shanghai Manhua published two cartoons, one mocking Haile Selas-
sie’s distress at hearing bad news from the motherland31 and another ridiculing his
retreat as “inspection of foreign land” or “travelling for health”,32 the latter being
an often-used pretext for Chinese politicians and militarists to leave the country
after being moved away from power in the Republican years. Notwithstanding,
Haile Selassie or a generalized dark-skinned figure did become a symbol of re-
sistance and a metaphor for unjust hostilities involving innocent civilians and
poorly armed soldiers. The main villain of the narrative, MUSSOLINI, was depicted
eating the Africans, enslaving them, sitting on top of them, suffocating them, and
generally killing them in various ways.33 A frequently applied technique was to

Tragödie des Haile Selassie, Berlin: Propyläen Verlag 2013); Robert MALLETT: Mussolini
in Ethiopia, 1919–1935: The origins of Fascist Italy’s African war, N.Y.: Cambridge Uni-
versity Press 2015, chapters 6–7; John H. SPENCER: Ethiopia at bay: a personal account of
the Haile Selassie years, Hollywood: Tsehai Publishers 2006, chapter 3; Bruce G. STRANG
(ed.). Collision of empires: Italy’s invasion of Ethiopia and its international impact, Ab-
ingdon, N.Y.: Routledge 2016.
30 Author unclear: “Ge you zunyan” 各有尊嚴 (Each has dignity). In: SHMH no. 5 (Sep-
tember), 1936. This cartoon is one of eight in a set with a common caption: “Such an easy-
to-resolve Italo-Abyssinian conflict! Truly inexplicable Sino-Japanese strife!”, again com-
paring the situation in Ethiopia to Japanese encroachment, this time from the point of view
of the League of Nations’ passivity in both conflicts. The cartoon quoted by the author of
“Each has dignity” (with explicit acknowledgement of that quotation) is a work by Bernard
PARTRIDGE published in Punch, or the London Charivari, vol. 147 (21 October), 1914. The
issue is available at Project Gutenberg: https://www.gutenberg.org/files/28382/28382-
h/28382-h.htm (last access 2019, August 6).
31 HUANG Miaozi 黃苗子. “Wuyue manbi” 五月漫筆 (May cartoons). In: SHMH no. 2
(June), 1936. Here MUSSOLINI is represented in the shape of a radio transmitting bad news,
and Haile Selassie steps on that radio with the comment “The newly-bought London apart-
ment shall never have a radio.”
32 WENG Xingqing 翁興慶. “Zhongguo jizhe” 中國記者 (Chinese reporter…). In: SHMH
no. 2 (June), 1936. Haile Selassie is drawn as an oversized head sticking out of a ship sailing
under the British flag.
33 Some samples are: GU Ba 古巴: “Yi ri jian. Yi jiu san liu nian wuyue shiwu ri” 一日間.
一九三六年五月十五日 (In one day. 15 May 1936). In: SHMH no. 2 (June), 1936; TE Wei:
“Xumu” 序幕 (Prelude). In: DLMH no. 3 (October), 1935; WANG Zimei: “Shenglizhe” 勝
利者 (Winner…). In: ZGMH no. 7 (May), 1936; Idem: “Ershi shiji zhi Luoma gudian
jingshen” 二十世紀之羅馬古典精神 (Roman classical spirit in 20th century). In: MHJ

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 Visual Perceptions of the West and Russia in Chinese Cartoon Magazines of the pq}rs

portray him grotesquely larger than either Haile Selassie personally or an African
in general, so that the injustice of the war and the stark contrast between the oppo-
nents are ever more evident (see fig. LL-Le).
Among the things causing the biggest indignation in the eyes of Chinese car-
toonists was the ineffectiveness of steps taken by the League of Nations. Out of
the four images featuring the League in Shanghai Manhua, three satirize the in-
sufficiency of its sanctions against Italy,34 and in the issues of Shidai Manhua pro-
duced around the time of the Italo-Ethiopian war five out of nine references to the
League relate to Abyssinia in some way.35 The League’s slow, tortoise-like reac-
tion (see fig. LL-Lc), the limited scope and non-existent results of sanctions, the
endless talks, speeches, and resolutions were all objects of sharp criticism from
Chinese cartoonists. The same can be said of the international disarmament efforts
generally: the manhua magazines printed both Chinese and foreign cartoons ridi-
culing the negotiations as talks between predators and prey at the time when deadly
combat was going on.36

no. 3 (June), 1936; Idem: Elaborate maneuvers. In: MHJ no. 8 (December), 1936; YAN
Zhexi 嚴折西. “Yi ge wei ruo de guke” 一個胃弱的顧客 (A customer with a weak stom-
ach). In: SHMH no. 10 (March), 1937; ZHANG E: “Mosuolini lishi de yiguan zhengce –
feichu nuli!” 墨索里尼歷史的一貫政策——廢除努力！(Mussolini’s sole historic policy
– destroying slavery!). In: SDMH no. 23 (November), 1935.
34 GU Ba: In one day. 15 May 1936. In: SHMH no. 2 (June), 1936; CHEN Zhenlong: “Yi
jiu san liu nian de huigu: wuyue, Yi tun A chenggong” 一九三六年的回顧：五月，意吞
阿成功 (Remembering 1936: May, Italy successfully swallows Abyssinia). In: SHMH no.
9 (January), 1937; LU Zhensheng 陸振聲: “Guolian zaoxiang” 國聯造像 (The statue of the
League of Nations). In: SHMH no. 5 (September), 1936.
35 ZHANG E: “The same complaint”. In: SDMH no. 15 (March), 1935; JIN Mo 金沫: “Jue-
jiang de Mosuolini” 倔強的墨索里尼 (Stubborn Mussolini…). In: SDMH no. 23 (Novem-
ber), 1935; Manren 漫人 (lit. Cartoonist): “Zhong jie ku qi” 眾皆哭泣 (Audience all in tears).
In: SDMH no. 28 (July), 1936; Photo by magazine’s correspondent: “Wumian zhi wang Sail-
axi lai Hua fang you” 無冕之王塞拉西來華訪友 (Crownless king Selassie comes to China
to visit friends). In: SDMH no. 30 (September), 1936; also see fig. 11-17. It is reasonable to
assume that the League’s inaction in the case of the Abyssinian Crisis rang familiar to the
Chinese who were dissatisfied by that body’s measures taken after the Manchurian incident
so that even more perceived parallels sprang up between China and Ethiopia.
36 One of the most outstanding examples of a foreign cartoon reprinted together with the
whole text accompanying it is DERSO and KELEN’s illustrated article about Mikhail LITVI-
NOV, Soviet Foreign Minister and representative in Geneva (ZHANG Ruogu 張若谷: “Man-
huajia yanguang zhong zhi Liweinuofu” 漫畫家眼光中之李維諾夫 (LITVINOV through the
eyes of a cartoonist). In: SDMH no. 16 (April), 1935). A fable in the text compares the
USSR to a bear that, upon listening to a lion’s idea of banning horns and a bull’s idea of
banning fangs, suggests banning everything and just hugging each other. Another cartoon
shows the literal simultaneity of diplomatic chitchat and dying in battle (TE Wei. “Zhan-
zheng yu heping tongshi jinxing zhe” 戰爭與和平同時進行著 (War and peace happening
simultaneously). In: DLMH no. 5 (November), 1935). Since I have discussed Chinese

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Mariia GULEVA

Figure LL-LN: WANG Zimei: “Yao relie de biaoxian” 要熱烈地表現

(To passionately express…)37

The caption reads:

To passionately express the spirit of the JSth century, the two sculptors [produce] their
ideal works.

perceptions of the League of Nations and disarmament efforts to some extent in an earlier
paper, I have not gone into much detail here. See Mariia GULEVA: “Strangled China, Mighty
Russia: The Sino-Japanese Conflict in Krokodil and Soviet Diplomacy in Shidai Manhua,
1931–1937”. In: Bochum yearbook of East Asian studies, vol. 40, 2017, pp. 97–131.
37 In: DLMH no. 5 (November), 1935.

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 Visual Perceptions of the West and Russia in Chinese Cartoon Magazines of the pq}rs

Figure LL-LQ: HU Tongguang: “Canguanzhe”

參觀者 (Visitor…)38

The caption reads: Visitor:

Let me compare, study, consider a little!

38 In: SDMH no. 21 (September), 1935.

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Mariia GULEVA

Figure LL-Ld: AI Zhongxin: “Shijie dongwuyuan” 世界動物園 (World zoo)39

The “animals” are, from the bottom left corner: [Chancellor of Austria, Kurt]
SCHUSCHNIGG, [Franklin Delano] ROOSEVELT, [Mohandas] GANDHI, [Adolf] HITLER,
[Benito] MUSSOLINI, JIANG Jieshi, [Joseph] STALIN, [the UK Secretary of State for For-
eign Affairs, Anthony] EDEN. The text in the middle of the page is not directly relevant.

39 In: SHMH no. 8 (December), 1936.

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 Visual Perceptions of the West and Russia in Chinese Cartoon Magazines of the pq}rs

Figure LL-Le: LU Shaofei: “You Figure LL-LK: ZHANG Wenyuan

shengming li de luan” 有生命力 張文元: “Hei bai hong” 黑白紅
的卵 (A vigorous egg)40 (Black, white, red)41

The inscriptions indicate that the “egg” The caption reads:

is Abyssinia and the green (possibly A reward given by a white man to a black
rock-like) creature is Italy. man (probably it was a fatal mistake), the
black man finally leaks some fresh red
blood!
The speech addressed by the black man
to the white man (probably it was a
wasteful mistake), is the white man going
to blush in embarrassment?
The text on a piece of paper in front of the
Abyssinian spokesman (likely to be por-
traiture of Haile Selassie) can be a vague
quotation of ideas expressed by the Ethi-
opian monarch in his speech to the
League Assembly on NS June LRNe.42

40 In: SDMH no. 20 (August), 1935. Cover.

41 In: SDMH no. 29 (August), 1936.
42 The text of the speech in Amharic and French is available online at World Digital Li-
brary: https://www.wdl.org/en/item/11602/ (last access 2019, August 9).

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Mariia GULEVA

Figure LL-Lc: CHEN Yifan 陳 依 範 Figure LL-LR: CHEN Haoxiong: “Xi-

[Jack Chen]: “The League investi- banya Neizhan de guojihua” 西班牙
gates”43 內 戰 的 國 際 化 (Internationalisation
of Spanish Civil War)44

The Chinese title is slightly different The left bull has “Popular Front” written
from the laconic English variant, which on its side, the right one has “Fascists”.
reads: Investigation committee of the The two figures riding the right bull are
League of Nations goes to an occupied inscribed “Germany” and “Italy” (that
country! and iconographic traits make them re-
cognizable as HITLER and MUSSOLINI).
The placard between two animals reads
“Spanish bullring”, while the document
in the hand of the pilot (upper left cor-
ner, also note the Union Jack pattern on
the tail of the plane) reads “Non-inter-
ference agreement”.

43 In: SHMH no. 9 (January), 1937. Jack CHEN is one of the most unusual figures of the
cartooning circles of Shanghai. For his biography and impact see BEVAN: A Modern Mis-
cellany (2016).
44 In: SDMH no. 29 (August), 1936.

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 Visual Perceptions of the West and Russia in Chinese Cartoon Magazines of the pq}rs

Figure LL-JS: WANG Zimei: “Xibanya guominjun lingxiu” 西班牙國民軍領袖

(Spanish nationalist army leader…)45

The captions under each cartoon read (right to left, top to bottom):
Adam and Eve / Infancy period / Eccentricity / Spanish dance with a fan / Tarzan
manner / Faithful disciple / New Don Quixote / Pirate posture.

45 In: SDMH no. 35 (February), 1937. Such “psychological analysis” can be regarded as a
re-interpretation of a strip by William SHARP, where an analysis of HITLER’s psyche is of-
fered. SHARP’s cartoon was quoted in SHMH some half a year before this work by WANG
Zimei was published (Willim (sic!) SHARP 威廉希浦: “Xitela zhi jingshen fenxi” 希特拉
之精神分析 (Hitler’s psychological analysis). In: SHMH no. 4 (August), 1936).

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Mariia GULEVA

Figure LL-JL: ZHANG Zhengyu: Figure LL-JJ: FENG Zikai 豐子愷:

“Zhanshen dui hepingshen shuo” “Shanzai lao yisheng” 善哉老醫生
戰神對和平神說 (The god of war (The good old doctor…)47
tells the angel of peace…)46

The caption reads: The god of war tells The caption reads: The good old doctor
the angel of peace: You hussy48 , so pa- listened, shook his head, frowned and
thetic that no pity is enough! said: this gentleman is very ill.

46 In: DLMH no. 3 (October), 1935.

47 In: SDMH no. 21 (September), 1935.
48 The phrase xiao tizi 小蹄子 used here is an abusive form of address to a girl (lit. “small
hoofs”, thus a reference to bound feet, but not exclusively). An authoritative dictionary goes
so far as to translate it as “bitch” in addition to “hussy” chosen here (WU Jingrong 吴景荣,
CHENG Zhenqiu 程镇球 (eds.): “Xin shidai Han-Ying da cidian” 新时代汉英大词典 (New
Age Chinese-English dictionary), Beijing: Shangwu Yinshuguan 2005, p. 1702). Such an
offensive address creates the sense of falsehood in the following pitying remark.

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 Visual Perceptions of the West and Russia in Chinese Cartoon Magazines of the pq}rs

The Spanish Civil War was depicted differently from the Abyssinian Crisis. While
the civilians, innocent victims of the bloodshed, were pitied and mourned for, there
was no symbolic hero of this conflict. When choosing tropes suitable for cartoons
about the hostilities in Spain, the artists resorted to the images of bull-, crab- or
cockfighting, endless ruins, and mutilated bodies, and, importantly, various repre-
sentations of foreign manipulations in the events. For example, what might be a
corrida scene gets turned into a clash between two bulls, the “Fascist” one of which
is being ridden by HITLER and MUSSOLINI (see fig. LL-LR). In another bloodthirsty
cartoon, Fascists “re-inflate” a fallen bull so that the animal can attack a toreador
again49 while, in the third example, HITLER singlehandedly roasts a whole (and
very dead-looking) bull on a turnspit with a swastika-shaped handle.50 The Com-
munist interference is well visible in the crab-battle in the already quoted fig. LL-L,
where one of the crabs even grows a hammer and a sickle for pincers. Soviet and
Fascist meddling is also satirized in a caricature of STALIN and HITLER about to
engage in a fight while the much smaller figure of General FRANCO leads some
swastika-tagged tanks into battle at their feet.51
FRANCO himself, as visible in Table LL-J, does not appear in the cartoons very
often although there is at least one whole-page strip demonstrating his “biography”
in a very telling way (see fig. LL-JS). His figure appears in turns armed with mul-
tiple kinds of weapons, presented as a primitive barbarian, feminized, or mock-
ingly glorified, all in the best traditions of caricature art. FRANCO’s friendly en-
counter with the skeletal embodiment of death present in this set is recreated in
another of WANG Zimei’s multi-figure cartoons, where a skeleton entrusts
FRANCO with a sword.52 This generally leads the cartoons’ readers to perceive
FRANCO interchangeably as HITLER’s and MUSSOLINI’s protégé or as Death’s am-
bassador on Earth. This is further emphasized by the cartoons and photomontages

49 ZHANG Ding 張仃: “Zhu Jie wei nüe zhe zai zhe dang-er yao gei tamen tiaoting le” 助
傑為虐者在這當兒要給他們調停了 (Those who help the tormentor are about to act as go-
betweens). In: SHMH no. 2-1 (July), 1937. The character 傑 here substitutes Jie 桀, a tyrant
of the mythological Xia 夏 dynasty.
50 AI Zhongxin: “Xibanya de mo ri” 西班牙的末日 (The last day of Spain). In: SHMH no.
11 (April), 1937.
51 WANG Zimei: “Shui you bu ping shi? Jin ri ba shi jun, shuang ren wei chang shi, shi nian
mo yi jian” 誰有不平事？今日把示君，霜刃未嘗試，十年磨一劍 (Who does unjust
deeds? Today I show to you, the frosty blade as yet untried, the sword polished for ten
years). In: SHMH no. 10 (March), 1937. The title of the cartoon is a reference to JIA Dao’s
賈島 (779–843) poem “The swordsman”, which has the same wording, but the four lines
go in reverse order. A possible explanation is that such inversion creates an additional level
of mockery toward the falsehood of foreign “good intentions” at meddling in the complica-
tions of internal strife.
52 WANG Zimei: “Assembly of heroes”. In: SHMH no. 10 (March), 1937.

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presenting ruins of Spanish towns with either MUSSOLINI and HITLER “showing
appreciation to Fascist warriors” against the background of wanton destruction53
or women and children left homeless, alone, and desperate amidst desolation.54
Moreover, the Chinese cartoonists did not miss the chance to explore the parallels
between the Civil War of LRNe–LRNR and the century-old events of the Peninsular
War (LcSK–LcLQ) shown in Francisco GOYA’s “The disasters of war” (Los desastres
de la guerra); Shidai Manhua published a selection of K prints from this se-
ries.55The cartoonists appear to have been outraged by the atrocities of a war inside
one country, al-though so far I have found no cartoons directly comparing the
Spanish events to China’s own recent fratricidal battles.56 It is noticeable, however,
that both the Abyssinian Crisis and the Spanish Civil War were often depicted

53 A vivid example is the anonymous photomontage: “Diao jin zhanchang tu” 弔今戰場
圖 (Grieving on today’s battlefield). In: SDMH no. 30 (September), 1936. Although the
image is claimed to be a shot by “World Peace” news agency (世界和平通訊社攝), it is a
clear montage of two photographs: one of a city annihilated almost to the ground and an-
other of HITLER and MUSSOLINI walking side by side. Another case of similar photomontage
is an anonymous work: “Ouzhou jiti anquan yundong chenggong” 歐洲集體安全運動成
功 (Success of Europe’s collective security movement). In: MHJ no. 6 (September), 1936.
Here the background is a photograph of multitudes of people marching with flags and ban-
ners containing pacifist and Communist slogans (all in Spanish) and hammer and sickle
emblems, while in the foreground are MUSSOLINI and HITLER shaking hands. Again this is
quite obviously two images pasted together, although similarly the caption claims that the
image was telegraphed by a news agency.
54 Author unstated: “Xibanya Neizhan zhong panjun qianxian mudu canzhuang ji” 西班牙
內戰中叛軍前線目睹慘狀記 (Eyewitness account of the tragedies at the front of the rebel
army in the Spanish Civil War). In: SDMH no. 36 (March), 1937; WANG Zimei. “Zhanling
Bierbo” 佔領比爾波 (Occupying Bilbao…). In: SDMH no. 39 (June), 1937; Author un-
stated: “Canku de Xibanya Neizhan! Zhe ban wu linghun de qinshou!!” 慘酷的西班牙內
戰！這般無靈魂的禽獸！！(The cruel Spanish Civil War! Those soulless beasts!!). In:
ZGMH no. 14 (June), 1937.
55 GEYA 哥雅 [Francisco GOYA]: “Bai nian qian Xibanya Neizhan de canku yiji” 百年前
西班牙內戰的殘酷遺跡 (Ruthless traces of Spanish Civil War a hundred years ago). In:
SDMH no. 30 (September), 1936. The translator, QIAN Boming 錢伯明, mistakenly calls
the Spanish events of the 19th century a civil war, thus making them directly equal in their
monstrosity to the horrendous hostilities of the day.
56 The only possible exception, and rather far-fetched at that, can be a set of drawings
united under the title “Left and Right”. Here a tight-rope walker tagged “Spain” is balancing
between left and right, while a neighbour image is that of Confucius dragged in the opposite
directions by HITLER and STALIN. However, this is reference not so much to the civil wars
in Spain and China or their victims, but rather to the choice the whole planet faced in the
1930s: the choice between Communism and Fascism as ideologies of totalitarian control.
That is confirmed by yet another cartoon in the same set, where the whole globe is divided
into a Taiji scheme with a hammer and sickle emblem and a swastika instead of two dots.
HUANG Baibo 黃白波: “Zuo yu you” 左與右 (Left and right). In: SDMH no. 36 (March),
1937.

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either through photographic images or via strips of several cartoons. This is most
probably a trend similar to the one analyzed by Susan SONTAG in Regarding the
Pain of Others in a sense that photographs can act as clearer accusations because
they add verisimilitude and create an illusion of eyewitness involvement.57 Sets of
several cartoons tied into a narrative chain of evidence aim to demonstrate the
many faces of horror, and the Spanish Civil War thus becomes the crescendo of
despair right before the full-scale eruption of the Sino-Japanese War in July LRNK.

Peace on Earth and Danse Macabre

The avalanche of aggressive acts, ubiquitous struggle for world dominance, the
League’s failure to uphold justice, and ultimate inability of countries and, more
generally, humans to reach peaceful coexistence and security led the LRNSs car-
toonists to an unmistakably pessimistic outlook on the prospects of China, human-
kind, and the planet at large. The magazines provide a wide assortment of predic-
tions, almost all of which forebode destruction of humanity.
The premonition of a new world war was a widespread feeling of the LRNSs,
not only in China, but also in the West. For example, Richard OVERY notes about
Britain that: “[w]ar was regarded as unavoidable whatever the nature of modern
humans or modern civilization. This was a profoundly pessimistic conclusion be-
cause a common assumption in the inter-war years was the relationship between
the next war, if it came, and the end of civilization.”58 It is precisely that premoni-
tion of doom that can be seen vividly in most of the cartoons included in the num-
bers of table LL-N. China was, of course, in a very vulnerable position, being among
the first victims and participants of clashes which eventually fused into World War
II. Being in a state of unannounced hostilities with Japan and torn by internal con-
tradictions, China and its society had every reason for a grim view of the days to
come. The word collocation “second world war” appeared in Shidai Manhua’s
West-related cartoons in January LRNe,59 but the idea of a nearing global conflict

57 Susan SONTAG: Regarding the Pain of Others, N.Y.: Picador 2004, pp. 6, 116–122.
58 Richard J. OVERY: The Inter-War Crisis 1919–1939, 2nd ed., Harlow: Pearson Educa-
tion Ltd. 2007 [1994], p. 47. See also chapter 8, “The voyage of the ‘Death Ship’: war and
the fate of the world” in his other book (Richard J. OVERY: The Morbid Age: Britain be-
tween the Wars, London: Allen Lane 2009).
59 HUANG Miaozi: “Shijie di er ci dazhan de Shanghai kuangxiangqu” 世界第二次大戰的
上海狂想曲 (Shanghai rhapsody of the second world war). In: SDMH no. 25 (January),
1936.

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was envisioned earlier, first through questioningly tentative works containing mil-
itary vocabulary or symbols (for example, a cartoon titled “New Front?” showing
the march of Fascists against the background of crimson color60), then through
bolder depictions of forsaken corpses, total armament61 and gunpowder barrels62,
and finally through the arrival of Mars or the god of war (zhanshen 战神) chasing
the whole planet.63 The opposition of the god of war and the angel of peace became
a recurring motif for the manhua magazines.64 While the angel (always a feminine
winged creature) might try to leave the planet, the god of war, on the contrary, was
very eager to get hold of it. He would poke the “belly” of the planet to see if it was
“ready”,65 or run around with a torch setting gunpowder on fire,66 or invite the
whole of humankind into a grave.67

60 YE Qianyu 葉淺予: “Xin zhenxian?” 新陣線？ (New front?). In: SDMH no. 1 (April),
1934.
61 Author unstated: “Ouzhou jindai shi de guocheng ji qi xian jieduan – zhanzheng yu hep-
ing yundong” 歐洲近代史的過程及其現階段——戰爭與和平運動 (The course of recent
European history and its current stage – war and pacifist movement). In: SDMH no. 6 (June),
1934.
62 ZHOU Hanming 週汗明: “Wanyi-er (Xituola xiang)” 玩意兒 (希脫拉像) (Toy (Hitler)).
In: SDMH no. 11 (November), 1934.
63 TAN Meizi 譚沬子: “Diqiu ai hua” 地球哀話 (Earth’s pitiful words). In: SDMH no. 22
(October), 1935. This is the first appearance of Mars in Shidai Manhua.
64 See fig. 11-21. More examples are: Author unclear: “Heping zhi shen shi zhanshen de
duishou ma?” 和平之神是戰神的對手嗎？ (Is angel of peace an equal opponent to god of
war?). In: SDMH no. 27 (June), 1936; MA Mengchen 馬夢塵: “Bu dikang zhuyi de xiang-
zheng” 不抵抗主義的象徵 (Symbol of non-resistance). In: SDMH no. 28 (July), 1936;
Author unstated: “Xin shi le tu” 新失樂圖 (New paradise lost). In: SHMH no. 1 (May),
1936, Cover; WANG Lijun 王立鈞: “Weixian de biaoyan” 危險的表演 (Dangerous perfor-
mance). In: SHMH no. 2 (June), 1936; QING Ru 青如: “Shou qi” 受欺 (Bullied). In: QZMH
no. 2 (April), 1935, p. 43. See also fig. 11-5, where the “War” is not Mars per se, but rather
a skeletal embodiment of death, and yet the juxtaposition of war and peace is present.
65 CHEN Yifan: “Mars: Are they ready?” In: SHMH no. 12 (May), 1937.
66 CHEN Quanke 陳權可: “San ge huoyaoku” 三個火藥庫 (Three gunpowder magazines).
In: DLMH no. 5 (November), 1935.
67 YU Yan 愚言: “Zhangshen shuo: ‘Zhe shi nimen zui anquan chu a’” 戰神說：“這是你
們最安全處啊” (The god of war says: “This is the safest place for you”). In: QZMH no. 3
(May), 1935, p. 95.

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Table LL-N: Quantity of references to a future war and planetary catastrophe in

Shidai Manhua and Shanghai Manhua cartoons

Shidai Manhua Shanghai Manhua

Future war dQ JS
God of war, Mars d e
Angel of peace c R
Dove of peace, olive branch c e
Macabre (skulls, mutilated bodies, Je LQ
skeletons, graves, etc.)
Planet, globe LN LQ
Death personified K e
Peace on Earth in absence of humankind e d

In several cases the planet is depicted as a ball playfully tossed around by different
powers, such as Mars himself, Japan, Fascists, or Communists, or else the earth
turns into a bomb with the wick already on fire.68 The very idea that the planet
suddenly becomes so small and defenseless is accompanied by the perception of
the world becoming sick (see fig. LL-JJ). This reflects a vast change in the angle
of Chinese perceptions: from the imperial times of China as the centre of civiliza-
tion and from the LRth century ideas of motherland besieged by barbarians to a
new perspective, where civilization is still besieged and threatened by uncivilized
warmongers, but it is not only China, and not even mainly China but, rather, it is
the whole planet and human civilization nearing destruction and not getting any
help from anywhere.
The pessimism of this outlook was explicitly conveyed in over a dozen car-
toons foretelling the end of the world, establishment of a kingdom of death, and
the total extinction of humankind. The words “the last day(s)” or “doomsday”,
mori 末日, featured in several titles,69 and the traditional idea of universal peace,
tianxia taiping 天下太平, also turned into an apocalyptic vision of peace with no
survivors. Perpetual wars (or the perception of wars becoming an inevitable

68 CHEN Shaobai 陳少白: “Zhanshen zhi xishua pin” 戰神之戲耍品 (Mars’ trinket). In:
QZMH no. 3 (May), 1935, p. 95; HUANG Baibo: “Left and right”. In: SDMH no. 36 (March),
1937; ZHAN Yihe 詹益和: “Hai wai qi tan” 海外奇談 (Of amazing things abroad). In:
SDMH no. 17 (May), 1935; ZHANG Guangyu: “Hepingshen wu li zu di” 和平神無立足地
(The angel of peace has no foothold anywhere). In: DLMH no. 1 (September), 1935, Cover.
69 AI Zhongxin: “Kexue shijie de mo ri” 科學世界的末日 (Last days of the scientific
world). In: DLMH no. 5 (November), 1935; HUANG Wenqing 黃文清: “Shijie mo ri” 世界
末日 (Last days of the world). In: SHMH no. 3 (July), 1936; see also fig. 11-23.

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element of existence) led to the obvious conclusion that at some point everyone
would be dead and only after that the ultimate tranquility would be achieved (see
fig. LL-JN). The statement that peace will prevail after everyone dies occurs several
more times in different variations.70 The appearance of corpses walking, skeletons
dancing, and graves covering the surface of the planet was all in line with the idea
of inevitable death. This trend can be found both in cartoons dealing with specific
conflicts (e.g., Italian soldiers “returning from Abyssinia” in a train cart seen as a
pile of uniform-clad corpses in a cartoon by TE Wei71) and in depictions of uni-
versal, cosmic calamity (most of those quoted in this paragraph are in said cate-
gory).
The atmosphere created on the magazines’ pages by these ominous apparitions
was further emphasized by the Danse Macabre cartoons of Death personified. Its
arrival is announced by a relatively light-hearted work by MAI Lüzhi 麥綠之
where a skeleton is dancing next to a severed head of one who used to dream of a
crown (see fig. LL-Jd). The image references two Christian visual traditions at once:
the ‘Dance of Death’ and Salome with the head of John the Baptist. As more con-
flicts erupted in the LRNSs, the imagery became more sinister: the same MAI Lüzhi
produced a vision of death in a much darker style only a year later (see fig. LL-Je).

70 LAN Weibang 藍蔚邦: “Zui hou, liang ge shengwu si le, shijie zhongyu heping le” 最
後，兩個生物死了，世界終於和平了 (In the end, the two living creatures died, and the
world was finally peaceful). In: SHMH no. 6 (October), 1936; LIAO Bingxiong: “The end
of the great tragedy”. In: SHMH no. 1 (May), 1936; WU Zhen 吳震 and DA Lei 大雷:
“Shijie zui xin xiangqi pu” 世界最新象棋譜 (World’s newest manual on playing chess).
In: SDMH no. 14 (February), 1935; YAN Zhexi: “Pu tian tong qing tu” 普天同慶圖 (Uni-
versal rejoicing). In: SDMH no. 30 (September), 1936; YANG Bian 楊鞭: “Xian zhanzheng
er hou heping” 先戰爭而後和平 (First war and then peace). In: SDMH no. 22 (October),
1935; see also fig. 11-24.
71 TE Wei: “Cong Abixiniya huilai” 從阿比西尼亞回來 (Returning from Abyssinia). In:
DLMH no. 8 (January), 1936.

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Figure LL-JN: FENG Teng 馮騰: “Shijie Figure LL-JQ: XIN Feng 信風: “Diqiu
mo ri, renlei cai you zhenzheng de de zongduanmian” 地球的縱斷面
heping” 世界末日，人類才有真正 (Vertical section of earth) (top).
的和平 (Only in the last days of the “Zhansi de guangrong” 戰死的光榮
world will humankind have real (The glory of dying in battle) (bot-
peace)72 tom)73

Characters on the hemispheres mark The caption to the top cartoon reads:
oceans and continents.
Sand layer – bones / Fertile layer – rot-
ting corpses / Surface layer – debris /
Atmosphere – poison gas / Cloud layer
– airplanes / The times of the world’s
loneliness are not far away.

72 In: SDMH no. 22 (October), 1935.

73 In: SHMH no. 4 (August), 1936.

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Mariia GULEVA

Figure LL-Jd: MAI Lüzhi [MAI Fang- Figure LL-Je: MAI Lüzhi: “Tianxia
ming 麥放明]: “Dazhan de qianye” yingxiong, wei wo shi cong” 天下英
大戰的前夜 (The eve of the great 雄，惟我是從 (Heroes of the world,
war)74 obey me…)75

The caption reads: The caption reads:

When the skeleton dances in the pal- Heroes of the world, obey me, ha! ha! I
ace of death, kings and emperors are come again.
still dreaming about crowns!

74 In: SDMH no. 12 (December), 1934.

75 In: SDMH no. 25 (January), 1936. The phrase “obey me” is a reworded idiom “always
do as told” 惟命是從, lit. obey the fate, but here “fate” becomes “me”, i.e. death.

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 Visual Perceptions of the West and Russia in Chinese Cartoon Magazines of the pq}rs

Other cartoonists engaged in depicting death, moved by China’s own misfortunes

and international plummet into disaster: Death walked over bodies of new-born
baby soldiers, ran into battle carrying assorted weapons, smiled down on fields of
the dead as a skull-faced Moon, threw corpses down cannon muzzles while wear-
ing Papal robes, and dropped a bomb onto a city over the shoulder of the Pope of
Rome.76

Getting on with daily life

Shockingly, yet reasonably, this all-devouring whirlwind of apocalyptic visions

existed parallel to a completely different world of daily life. The cartoons in this
section are hard to categorize because the group is at once noticeable and yet so
diverse and dispersed between many small issues that almost no patterns emerge.
It is noticeable, because there are no less than KS cartoons or even sets of cartoons
from the Shidai Manhua’s LcS works related to the aspects of the West (around Ld
items out of Shanghai Manhua’s eS), so this is by no means a small fraction. How-
ever, the wide range of topics appearing in this “daily life” group means that for
each topic there are but a few cartoons. From the point of view of contents, there
are items describing: cinema and celebrities; fine art and literature; foreigners in
China; Christianity; architecture; fashions, lifestyles, and entertainment; Western-
ized Chinese; common people abroad; and foreign cartoon art.

76 TE Wei: “Yuce” 預測 (Prediction…). In: MHJ no. 7 (October), 1936; XU Yan 許炎:
“Weilai de zhanshi” 未來的戰士 (Warrior of the future). In: SHMH no. 4 (August), 1936;
Author unstated (reprint of foreign cartoons): “Shouhuo zhi yue” 收穫之月 (Harvest moon).
In: SDMH no. 17 (May), 1935; TE Wei: “Luoma jiaohuang” 罗马教皇 (Pope of Rome…).
In: SDMH no. 23 (November), 1935; HU Dan 胡丹: “Bei tian min ren” 悲天憫人 (Lament
[the state of] heaven and pity [the state of] man). In: SDMH no. 23 (November), 1935. The
two cartoons satirizing the Pope’s role in warmongering are probably a reaction to the Vat-
ican’s inactivity in preventing Italian invasion of Ethiopia in the previous month. For more
about the relations between the Pope and Fascist Italy see: Lucia CECI; Peter SPRING
(transl.): The Vatican and Mussolini’s Italy, Leiden: Brill 2017. About the Vatican’s rela-
tions with Fascist regimes in other countries see: Emma FATTORINI; Carl IPSEN (transl.):
Hitler, Mussolini, and the Vatican: Pope Pius XI and the Speech That Was Never Made,
Cambridge: Polity Press 2011; Karlheinz DESCHNER: God and the Fascists: the Vatican
Alliance with Mussolini, Franco, Hitler, and Pavelić, N.Y.: Prometheus Books 2013. A
startling example of cartoons envisioning China’s own sufferings as Death’s plough is a
cartoon where a dystrophic peasant whips his bull to carry on plowing across a field of
skulls; the whole cartoon done in black-and-red: ZHANG Ding: “Chun geng tu” 春耕圖
(SPRING plowing). In: SDMH no. 34 (January), 1937.

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Mariia GULEVA

The last topic, including both reprints of Western (rarely Japanese) cartoons and
lengthy explanations of the cartooning tradition, is one of the largest by quantity:
nearly every issue of Shidai Manhua contains a special section (often more than
one page long) devoted to introducing and demonstrating works of Miguel CO-
VARRUBIAS, Honoré DAUMIER, Alois DERSO and Emery KELEN, David LOW, Bo-
ris YEFIMOV (EFIMOV), Sapojou (Georgy SAPOZHNIKOV), and generally French,
British, German, American, and other “Western” cartoonists or whole magazines,
primarily Punch, but also Life, Simplicissimus, Krokodil, Tokyo Puck, and oth-
ers.77This reflects an important mission for Shidai Manhua, published through the
efforts of SHAO Xunmei 邵洵美, its owner, and LU Shaofei, its editor: SHAO
Xunmei was eager to prove that manhua magazines can be “serious”, and provid-
ing the evidence from foreign experience was in line with this idea.78 Thus, in a
sense, reproducing foreign cartoons as an example provided both glimpses of for-
eign lifestyles and a way to legitimize manhua’s own existence in China. Shidai
Manhua was not the only periodical to reproduce such sets of foreign cartoons:
Wanxiang, Duli Manhua, Manhuajie, Shanghai Manhua, etc. were also quite ea-
ger to familiarize their readers with the already mentioned foreign cartoonists and

77 GEWALUOBIYASI 哥瓦羅彼亞斯 [Miguel] COVARRUBIAS: “Moxige canjia geming jun

de nüren” 墨西哥參加革命軍的女人 (Mexican women participating in revolution). In:
SDMH no. 2 (February), 1934; [Bernard PARTRIDGE]: “Jue bu qufu” 絕不屈服 (Uncon-
querable). In: SDMH no. 10 (October), 1934; LI Baoquan 李寶泉: “Shi xiang manhua de
linghun” 世相漫畫的靈魂 (The soul of worldly cartoons). In: SDMH no. 11 (November),
1934; WANG Dunqing: “‘Benzhuo’ xiansheng xiaozhuan”《笨拙》先生小傳 (A short bi-
ography of Mr. “Punch”). In: SDMH no. 14 (February), 1935, continued in: SDMH no. 15
(March), 1935; Idem: “Manhua de xuanchuan xing” 漫畫的宣傳性 (The propagandistic
nature of cartoons). In: SDMH no. 17 (May), 1935; Idem: “Meiguo youmo zazhi de jiantao”
美國幽默雜誌的檢討 (About American humour magazines). In: SDMH no. 20 (August),
1935; Idem: “Manhua de leibie” 漫畫的類別 (Kinds of cartoons). In: SDMH no. 21 (Sep-
tember), 1935; Idem: “Weilian GELUOPO qi ren ji qi zuopin” 威廉格羅泊其人及其作品
(William Gropper: man and his works). In: SDMH no. 22 (October), 1935; Idem: “Man-
huajia de xiuyang” 漫畫家的修養 (Cartoonist’s cultivation). In: SDMH no. 23 (November),
1935; Idem: “Yingguo xinwenjie de manhua dashi LUO Dawei” 英國新聞界的漫畫大師
羅大維 (The great cartoonist of English journalism, David LOW). In: SDMH no. 30 (Sep-
tember), 1936; Idem: “Ziji jiaoyu er chenggong de manhuajia MEI Feier” 自己教育而成功
的漫畫家梅菲爾 (Self-taught successful cartoonist Phil MAY). In: SDMH no. 32 (Novem-
ber), 1936; Idem: “Xiyang lüxing manhua teji” 西洋旅行漫畫特輯 (Special edition of
Western travel cartoons). In: SDMH no. 33 (December), 1936; Idem: “‘Benzhuo’ de chang-
pian youmo” 《笨拙》的長篇幽默 (Long-format humour [pieces] in “Punch”). In: SDMH
no. 38 (May), 1937; ZHANG Ruogu 張若谷: “Faguo shijiu shiji de manhua” 法國十九世紀
的漫畫 (French 19th century cartoons). In: SDMH no. 18 (June), 1935. The list is not ex-
haustive.
78 For more about attitudes to pictorials and SHAO Xunmei’s endeavors see: BEVAN:
A Modern Miscellany (2016), pp. 56–59.

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 Visual Perceptions of the West and Russia in Chinese Cartoon Magazines of the pq}rs

magazines, as well as with others, e.g. Diego RIVERA, Mitchell SIPORIN, George
GROSZ, in rare cases even giving a retrospective of cartoon art in China itself.79
These reproduced foreign cartoons covered various aspects of politics, society,
and entertainment, proving at once that foreigners laugh, too, and that cartooning
can reach high artistic levels.
The other fields of Western creative endeavors reflected in manhua magazines
include literature (references to GOETHE’s Faust, GORKY (GORʹKIĬ)’s life and cre-
ations, Henrik IBSEN’s A Doll House, etc. can be found80), architecture (in the form
of either occasional photographs of streets and cartoons with cityscapes and sky-
lines or rare pictorial jokes, e.g. relating to skyscrapers81), and, of course, stage
and cinema. For China, as for the rest of the world, the LRNSs became the age of
talking pictures, and this triggered a huge demand for celebrities’ photos and

79 Some examples are: Diego RIVERA: “Diyage Lifeila zhi bihua” 第亞戈·李費拉之壁畫
(Diego RIVERA’s mural paintings). In: WX no. 1 (May), 1934; WANG Dunqing: “Jieshao
Shanghai zui lao de yi ben youmo zazhi” 介紹上海最老的一本幽默雜誌 (Introducing
Shanghai’s oldest humour magazine). In: DLMH no. 2 (October), 1935; Idem: “Di yi hui
shijie dazhan de manhua zhan” 第一回世界大戰的漫畫戰 (Cartoon war during WWI). In:
DLMH no. 3 (October), 1935; Mitchell SIPORIN: “Xijuhua le de shijie zhengzhi zhongxin
renwu” 戲劇化了的世界政治重心人物 (Theatricalized key figures of world politics). In
MHJ no. 4 (July), 1936; Baolisi AIFEIMAOFU 鮑里斯·愛菲冒夫 [Boris YEFIMOV] 鮑里斯·
愛菲冒夫: “Yi jiu san si nian yiqian shijie heping de yuyan manhua” 一九三四年以前世
界和平的預言漫畫 (Prophetic cartoons about peace in the world before 1934). In: MHJ
no. 4 (July), 1936; YU Er 魚兒: “Xiang ming shijie di yi liu manhuajia George Grosz” 享
名世界第一流漫畫家 George GROSZ (World-renowned master cartoonist George GROSZ).
In: MHJ no. 5 (August), 1936; Weilian GELUOPO 威廉·格羅泊 [William GROPPER] 威廉·
格羅泊: “Maxituan yi lan” 馬戲團一覽 (Circus at a glance). In: SHMH no. 5 (September),
1936; Autuo SUOGELUO 奧托·梭格羅 [Otto SOGLOW] 奧托·梭格羅: “Pingmin huangdi
canjia pingmin baodong” 平民皇帝參加平民暴動 (Common emperor participates in com-
mon riot). In: SHMH no. 5 (September), 1936; Xisi LUOBINSHENG 錫斯·羅賓生 [W. Heath
ROBINSON]: “Mei ri xing yi shan ju de tongzijun” 每日行一善舉的童子軍 (A boy scout
who makes a good deed every day). In: SHMH no. 6 (October), 1936; Author unstated:
“Xiyang xiaohua” 西洋笑話 (Western jokes). In: SHMH no. 10 (March), 1937.
80 ZHANG Guangyu: “Fushide laoren de beiai” 浮士德老人的悲哀 (Old Faust’s grief). In:
SHMH no. 7 (November), 1936; WANG Zimei: “Lu Xun fendou hua zhuan” 魯迅奮鬥畫
傳 (LU Xun’s illustrated biography). In: SDMH no. 32 (November), 1936; Idem: Crucifix.
In: SHMH no. 6 (October), 1936; Idem: “Lu Xun yu Gao’erji” 魯迅與高爾基 (LU Xun and
GORKY). In: SHMH no. 7 (November), 1936, Cover; LIU Zhongwei 劉仲煒: “Liuyue shiba
ri zhe yi tian” 六月十八日這一天 (The day of June 18th). In: Wanxiang Tuhua Yuekan 萬
像圖畫月刊 no. 1 (September), 1936; LU Shaofei: “Xin wan’ou” 新玩偶 (New dolls). In:
SDMH no. 19 (July), 1935.
81 ZHANG Guangyu: “Xitele wan zi shangbiao de youlai” 希特勒卐字商標的由來 (Ori-
gins of HITLER’s swastika emblem). In: WX no. 1 (May), 1934; Idem: “Pai yongchang” 派
用場 (Putting it to use). In: SDMH no. 15 (March), 1935; WANG Dunqing (compil.): “Xi-
yang shehui dongtai de yi pie” 西洋社會動態的一瞥 (A glance at trends in Western soci-
ety). In: SDMH no. 37 (April), 1937; see also figs. 11-9 and 11-27.

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biographies, advertisements for movies, and news of world tours. Hollywood stars
were eulogized and mocked,82 Tarzan and Charlie CHAPLIN reached the popularity
of such a degree that their images were re-applied in political cartoons,83 and one
of the most popular cartoon characters, Niu Bizi 牛鼻子 (lit. “Ox-nose”), went
into deep grief upon hearing the news that his “beloved Jena (sic!) HARLOW”, a
Hollywood actress, died.84 In other words, images of the West and Westerners cre-
ated by imported films reverberated further by being reproduced and remade in
printed cartoons.
Yet, if it came to commoners, not celebrities, and realistic scenery, not ideal-
ized city- or landscapes of Hollywood films, a reader of magazines would have a
very vague idea of Western life. There are very few photographs, and even those
are mostly of curious people or objects rather than what one might come across on
a daily basis; the resulting image of ‘abroad’ would thus be a distorted picture.85

82 For some examples see: Author unstated: “Zhaoyao Haolaiwu tiankong de si ke

mingxing” 照耀好萊塢天空的四顆明星 (Four stars that shine in the sky of Hollywood).
In: WX no. 1 (May), 1934; WANG Zimei: “Haolaiwu Shuihu renwu xuan” 好萊塢水滸人
物選 (Selection of characters from Hollywood’s “Outlaws of the Marsh”). In: SHMH no. 4
(August), 1936; Author unstated: “Shi nian lai qianhou Meiguo shu Hua yingpian de jinbu
guan” 十年來前後美國輸華影片的進步觀 (Progress of American films imported in
China in the last 10 years). In: SDMH no. 37 (April), 1937.
83 For an example of Tarzan references see fig. 11-20, where FRANCO wears animal hide
as a loincloth; a similar reference is applied to MUSSOLINI and STALIN in a cartoon by ZHU
Jinlou 朱金樓: although here the commentary does not allude to Tarzan, the very idea of
“primitive” clothes is visually quite close (ZHU Jinlou: “Xin ‘Shitu xing zhuan’” 新《使徒
行傳》 (New “Acts of the Apostles”). In: ZGMH no. 9 (October), 1936). Charlie CHAPLIN
figures in a cartoon clearly quoting the film “Modern Times”, while satirizing social and
economic injustice through the appearance of a “capitalist” (AI Zhongxin: “Modeng shidai”
摩登時代 (Modern times). In: SHMH no. 3 (July), 1936). An even more explicit case is a
cartoon where CHAPLIN appears thinking about China’s military and political troubles (see:
HUANG Ling 黃陵: “Huoshao Hongliansi” 火燒紅蓮寺 (Burning the Red Lotus temple).
In: ZGMH no. 6 (April), 1936).
84 HUANG Yao 黃堯 and XU Ruoming 徐若明: “Ying mi ‘Niu Bizi’ ru sang kao bi” 影迷
《牛鼻子》如喪考妣 (Movie fan “Niu Bizi” is grief-stricken). In: SDMH no. 39 (June),
1937. Jean HARLOW was one of the most famous stars of the decade, a “sex goddess” as her
official website calls her (note the very existence of a website for an actress who did indeed
die on 7 June 1937; “Jean HARLOW, the official website”, 2019. Available online:
https://www.jeanharlow.com/, last access 2019, August 12). The cartoon with Niu Bizi is a
collage of photographed puppet Niu Bizi cropped into a drawing of sacrificial table before
the funerary scrolls, amongst which a photograph of a very scantily dressed Jean HARLOW
appears. The visual irony is reinforced by the title, since ru sang kao bi 如喪考妣 means
“to be sorrowful as if one’s parents died”.
85 This is quite understandable given the specifics of a manhua magazine; more photo-
graphs appeared in other periodicals, such as the famous “Young Companion” (Liangyou
良友), but photographs are quite a different source, closer to cinema in some sense, and

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 Visual Perceptions of the West and Russia in Chinese Cartoon Magazines of the pq}rs

Seeing foreigners inside of China gave a clearer understanding of their ways, and
it also concerned the cartoonists much more, especially since the foreign presence
in China touched upon the injured national feelings. For that reason, two narratives
catch the eye: one is foreigners themselves, their lives and habits, and another is
foreign influence – bad for the most part – on Chinese people and life. These two
narratives are closely intertwined, with foreigners in China rarely shown as posi-
tive elements of urban daily life.
One group of foreigners living in China in the LRNSs stands aside from other
Westerners: namely, Russian emigrants. “White Russians”, bai’e 白俄, generally,
were seen as an object of condescending disapproval from the cartoonists; being
foreigners yet not enjoying any of the special rights in China, they attracted some
sympathy as homeless exiles, but more often it turned into contempt or irritation,
though rarely open hostility. This group produced an unpleasant and unfavorable
impression on the Chinese and wealthier foreigners in China alike. Generally, the
cartoons categorized Russian émigrés into three “professions”: “ladies”, trades-
men, and military men. While the “Russian ladies” (Luosong taitai 羅宋太太) –
i.e. prostitutes – were seen as a bad influence and demonstrated the depths of im-
morality,86 the other two groups invited other sentiments. Tradesmen, i.e. shop
owners, restaurant keepers, tailors, and other representatives of honest toil, ap-
peared to be the least obtrusive. The cartoonists ironically noted that White Rus-
sian stores were ready to serve anyone with money, including the Chinese; this
visibly set them apart from the Western stores dealing in trade exclusively with
Western clientele and discriminating Chinese.87 It can be said that the cartoons did
not produce an impression of objecting to the presence of Russian competitors.88

deserve a separate study. It should also be kept in mind that technical difficulties of typog-
raphy and black-and-white technique available in the 1930s meant that photography was
hardly a very realistic medium.
86 Among the most typical cases of cartoons about Russian “ladies” plying the streets are:
Huazi 華子: “Xiafei lu shang de Flirtation” 霞飛路上的 Flirtation (Flirtation on Xiafei
street). In: SDMH no. 7 (July), 1934; SHEN Yiqian 沈逸千: “Xiafei lu de yese” 霞飛路的
夜色 (Xiafei street’s twilight). In: SDMH no. 21 (September), 1935.
87 Japanese stores attracted attention of a different kind due to calls for the boycott of Jap-
anese goods although sometimes they appeared along with other foreign enterprises. For an
example, see: WU Shiji 吳實基: “Zai Shanghai de waiguo dian huanying zhe women ne!”
在上海的外國店歡迎著我們呢！ (Shanghai foreign stores are welcoming us!). In: SDMH
no. 1 (April), 1934.
88 For example, see descriptions of Russian life, including prostitutes and business endeav-
ors, on Avenue Joffre in Shanghai: Huazi: “Flirtation on Xiafei street”. In: SDMH no. 7
(July), 1934. Another case, albeit not a cartoon but a text, is about a Chinese who prefers to
eat cheaply, yet in a restaurant, thus choosing a Russian establishment: ZHU Qing 竹青: “Si
yao mianzi” 死要面子 (To save face at all costs). In: SDMH no. 27 (June), 1936. However,
the Russians’ readiness to serve whoever had money was not always noted – an example is

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What they did object to, however, was the pompous behavior of former generals
and ex-nobility, who, while being degraded to begging in the streets or working in
the lowest ranks of city police, put on airs and looked down on the Chinese them-
selves.89 Their pretense, “eagle-like” noses, and attempts to look “like nothing had
happened” (ruo wu qi shi 若無其事) caused some sharp remarks from journalists,
and the lack of gratitude to the country that sheltered “eternal exiles” triggered
reactions verging on enmity – consequently the emigrants were called “Russian
high-class beggars” (Eguo de gaoji bisan 俄國的高級畢三).90 All in all, not many
aspects of Russian daily life side by side with the local population were noted in
the cartoons, and those matters that were commented upon ran along the lines of
either pity or ridicule, but, unlike cartoons about other foreigners, no hint of
China’s injured national pride was visible here.
It is unsurprising that the presence of the British in Hong Kong and Shanghai
(as well as in other concessions) caused much more criticism. Of the Je cartoons
mentioning the UK, five do so in connection to Hong Kong (see table LL-L above).
Such references include the behavior of British or Hindu policemen and discrimi-
natory attitudes of the British to the Chinese populace.91 Apart from the British,
cartoonists were concerned about and sometimes outraged by the offenses of un-
specified Westerners in China: those ranged from drunken sailors creating demand
for prostitutes to a Chinese girl being raped by a member of an international circus
touring the world.92 Interestingly, almost no blame was placed on foreigners for

a set of photographs, where several foreign stores’ windows are shown, and, although all
stores are located in Shanghai, none have inscriptions in Chinese – a Russian shop appear-
ing in this set shows how Russians were not always seen as welcoming Chinese customers.
See: WU Shiji: “Shanghai foreign stores are welcoming us!” In: SDMH no. 1 (April), 1934.
89 A good example of textual description can be found in: OU Luluo 歐露羅: “‘Cha paisi’
ji” 《查派司》記 (On “checking the documents”). In: SDMH no. 19 (July), 1935.
90 LUO Shan 羅姍: “Allegretto”. In: SDMH no. 13 (January), 1935; LÜ Zhen 履箴 (WANG
Dunqing). “Weishenme wo chuan zhongshanzhuang” 為什麼我穿中山裝 (Why I wear
Sun Yatsen-style suit). In: SDMH no. 12 (December), 1934; Piaobo wang 漂 泊 王:
“‘Wuqiong’ de xiwang” “無窮”的希望 (“Inexhaustible” hope). In: SDMH no. 1 (April),
1934; WU Chang 無常: “Eren dalishi” 俄人大力士 (Russian strongman). In: SDMH no. 12
(December), 1934.
91 LIN Yan 林焱: “Lüxing manhua shouzha” 旅行漫畫手札 (Cartoon notes of a journey).
In: SDMH no. 23 (November), 1935; JIN Mo: “Xianggang qiaobao huawai ji” 香港僑胞化
外記 (Uncivilized compatriots in Hong Kong). In: SDMH no. 24 (December), 1935; LAO
Ji: “Ji ren li xia de tongku xianzhuang” 寄人籬下的痛苦現狀 (Hard situation of living
under another’s roof). In: SDMH no. 37 (April), 1937.
92 JIN Mo: “Huanghun de Zhujiang shui mian” 黃昏的珠江水面 (Dusk on Zhujiang river).
In: SDMH no. 19 (July), 1935; LAN Weibang: “Street angel”. In: SDMH no. 9 (September),
1934; LU Zhixiang 陸志庠: “The most marvelous performance of the Isako’s circus – the
rape of a young Chinese girl”. In: SDMH no. 17 (May), 1935.

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 Visual Perceptions of the West and Russia in Chinese Cartoon Magazines of the pq}rs

the opium trade in manhua magazines’ cartoons, although drug-addiction itself

was frowned upon there as well as in other media. Prostitution, on the other hand,
disgusted the cartoonists somewhat more, both in the case of Chinese girls selling
themselves to foreign clients and in the case of foreign women giving a bad exam-
ple, as already mentioned above.
Other foreigners and items of Western culture present in Chinese cities did not
inspire warmer remarks either. Even things smaller than prostitution or the police’s
lawlessness, such as drinking Coca-Cola,93 wearing exceedingly Westernized suits,
and the existence of strip-tease shows, evoked criticism. 94 Nationalist feelings
were offended by the mass popularity of dancing, learning and speaking English
even among Chinese, listening to Christian priests, forgetting national celebrations,
and generally being Westernized. At the same time, this was all in a form of car-
toons, strange and foreign in themselves. The cartoonists, while mocking their
compatriots’ desire to be more European than Europeans, laughed at the over-con-
servative part of Chinese society as well. A good example of such dubious satire
is apparent in fig. LL-Jc, where Confucius and some of his disciples find themselves
in LRNSs Shanghai. The oddness of it all is that for every situation there is a (more
or less) suitable quotation from The Analects, but since every quotation loses its
philosophical meaning, Confucius, the embodiment of Chinese traditions, gets de-
graded to the level of an old village bumpkin, surprised and disapproving of the
new devices and manners, but eventually giving in to some of them.
A vivid example of a panoramic view of the West is fig. LL-JK, done by WANG
Dunqing. He was the most active propagandist of learning from foreign examples
in cartoon art in Shidai Manhua and other magazines.95 Yet in this case, he created

93 Prostitution is among the most frequent evils appearing in relation to the Westerners’
effect on daily life. See: CAI Ruohong 蔡若虹: “Dushi li de seqing shangren” 都市裏的色
情商人 (Pornography merchants of the city). In: SDMH no. 24 (December), 1935; JIN Mo:
“Dusk on Zhujiang river”. In: SDMH no. 19 (July), 1935; LAN Weibang: “Street angel”. In:
SDMH no. 9 (September), 1934. The Coca-Cola reference appears on a cartoon by TAO
Mouji 陶謀基, where a fashionably dressed couple are sitting at the table sipping their
drinks and discussing how stupid peasants suffer from lack of water. The two wonder, “why
do the peasants even need water, when there is Hires and Coca-Cola?” It is hard to tell if
the cartoonist meant to allude to the notorious “Qu’ils mangent de la brioche”, but the per-
ceived gap between the depicted couple and Chinese peasants suffering from drought is as
wide as between the apocryphal princess and French commoners. TAO Mouji: “He guo le
Hires” 喝過了 Hires (Drank Hires…). In: SDMH no. 8 (August), 1934.
94 LI Kangnian 李康年: “Yishu sixiang” 藝術思想 (Artistic thinking). In: SDMH no. 10
(October), 1934; LIU Xiyun 劉茜芸: “Shechipin” 奢侈品 (Luxurious items). In: SDMH no.
15 (March), 1935; ZHANG Zhenshi 張振仕: “Shui shuo fentong bu hui Ouhua!” 誰說糞桶
不會歐化！ (Who said that a dung barrel cannot become Europeanized!). In: SDMH
no. 21 (September), 1935.
95 See notes 77 and 79 in this chapter.

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Mariia GULEVA

a highly unattractive image of “Western civilization”. A row of naked dancers is

followed by marching soldiers against the unsettling cityscape of factories, a ca-
thedral, and windowless skyscrapers. All of these are seen as being blessed by a
priest wearing a gasmask while the whole picture is a big playing card, a queen of
hearts, whose pallid countenance adds to the eerie atmosphere of the cartoon. Alt-
hough there is no direct statement of “bad influence” on Chinese culture, it is
hardly wrong to assume that the cartoon warns against the temptations and pleas-
ures of Western civilization, behind which trouble lurks. It is apparent that here,
in the “daily life” narratives dealing with more “nationalist” issues, the contradic-
tions between the “Chinese” and “foreigners” were still strong whereas in the
“world politics” group, such contradictions moved further into the background.

Figure LL-JK: WANG Dunqing: “Xiyang wenming” 西洋文明

(Western civilization)96

96 In: SDMH no. 15 (March), 1935.

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 Visual Perceptions of the West and Russia in Chinese Cartoon Magazines of the pq}rs

Figure LL-Jc: GAO Longsheng 高龍生: “Kongfuzi you Shanghai” 孔夫子游上海

(Confucius wanders in Shanghai)97

Captions to individual cartoons (right to left, top to bottom):

The Master said: Eight rows of dancers in the court, if he can bear to do this, what may
he not bear to do!

The Master said: How can a large carriage be made to go without the crossbar for
yoking the oxen to, or a small carriage without the arrangement for yoking the horses?

Yan Yuan, in admiration of the Master’s doctrines, sighed and said: I looked up to
them, and they seemed to become more high!

The Master said: I will not be concerned at men’s not knowing me; I will be concerned
at my own want of ability.

97 In: SDMH no. 22 (October), 1935. All captions are direct or slightly changed quotes
from The Analects, so the translations given here are either verbatim or readjusted versions
of James LEGGE’s translation: James LEGGE (transl., comm.): The Chinese Classics with a
Translation, Critical and Exegetical Notes, Prolegomena, and Copious Indexes, vol. 1:
Confucian Analects. The Great Learning. The Doctrine of the Mean, 3rd ed., Taipei: SMC
Publishing Inc. 1991. Wade-Giles transliteration is changed into Pinyin here for consistency
with the rest of the text.

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Mariia GULEVA

Confucius having visited Nan Zi, Zi Lu was displeased.

The Master said: Do not eat [meat] which was not cut properly…

Qi, by one change, would come to the State of Lu.

The Master said: What the superior man seeks, is in himself. What the mean man seeks,
is in others.

The Master said: The study of strange doctrines is injurious indeed!

When there was an abundance of provisions set before him, he would change counte-
nance and rise up.

The Master said: He who offends against Heaven has none to whom he can pray.

The Master said: After the pouring out of the libation, I have no wish to look on!

The Master said: The filial piety nowadays means the support of one’s parents, as for
dogs and horses!

Well pleased and smiling, Confucius said: Why use an ox knife to kill a fowl!

The Master, when he entered the grand temple (probably by mistake it was the city
god’s temple), asked about everything.

It is said in the Book of Poetry: We should be apprehensive and cautious, as if on the

brink of a deep gulf, as if treading on thin ice.

Concluding remarks

The cartoons produced in LRNSs Shanghai present an eclectic mosaic of situations

in which China, its people, and the world found themselves. Perceptions of the
West and Russia intertwined with concern for China’s misfortunes, and from the
frequent news of military clashes on Chinese soil and further away arose the om-
nipresent fear of a global war which would leave the planet devastated and destroy
humankind. The might of warmongers was emphasized by both the weakness of
their victims and by the helplessness of international negotiations on peacekeeping
and disarmament, as well as by the League of Nations’ passivity. The cartoonists
did not praise any of the Western powers: neither Communism, nor Fascism, nei-
ther liberalism nor capitalism appeared in a favorable light in the manhua form.
This is in part due to the very nature of caricature, cynical and critical in itself, but

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 Visual Perceptions of the West and Russia in Chinese Cartoon Magazines of the pq}rs

also to the sentiments of Chinese people who felt discriminated against and humil-
iated by “imperialists” and did not expect any support from the totalitarian regimes
either. A cartoon, itself a Western phenomenon, was thus turned against the West
by the Chinese. At the same time, the very fact that foreign practices assimilated
quite easily into China’s daily life manifested itself in the production and mass
popularity of manhua magazines and cartoon art. The visual clichés of world af-
fairs (with the narrative of the West interwoven with the rest of the world) and
those of foreign presence in China as well as of the life of Westerners abroad were
fixed through the foreign medium of the cartoon with ease and readiness.
The inflow of information, including visual materials, allowed the Chinese so-
ciety to better imagine the world outside its national borders, and the accumulation
and absorption of this multitude of information brought with it the illusion of prox-
imity and interconnectedness of events on the planet; comparisons between Abys-
sinian and Chinese problems as well as depiction of the Earth as a small globe in
somebody’s hands demonstrate that for the cartoonists and (to some extent) their
readers, China stopped being the only concern. The reconsideration of the foreign
world visible through the cartoons provides evidence that the traditional paradigm
of civilized center against barbarian periphery changed into a contraposition of
peace-seeking humanity against power-hungry belligerents.

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Nikolay SAMOYLOV

LJ Visual Images of the Soviet Union

and the West in China (LRdSs–LReSs)

Abstract. Visual images have a great impact on any nation’s formation of percep-
tions about others. This is particularly typical of the countries where the literacy
rate and levels of education are not considered very high. Politicians are highly
aware of the role of visual images and their significance for political propaganda,
and, therefore, work hard to construct effective images of themselves and “the oth-
ers”. In the LRdSs–LReSs in the People’s Republic of China, visual images (portraits,
posters, cartoons) played a very important role in mass propaganda and were used
to introduce official ideas to the public. In that period the image of America and the
West as a whole was negative in China, and it did not change much. The image of
the Soviet Union, in contrast, was entirely positive in the LRdSs, but during the “Сul-
tural Revolution” it underwent significant changes, in many respects becoming sim-
ilar to the image of the West. All these changes were reflected through posters and
cartoons. Based on a review of Chinese visual sources (posters, cartoons, and
nianhua), this chapter aims to study how visual images functioned in China’s public
life in the LRdSs–LReSs. In this regard, the article is intended to provide a basis for
understanding the issue and suggest future research directions in this area.

Keywords. China, the West, USSR, USA, Visual images.

Published in: Gotelind MÜLLER and Nikolay SAMOYLOV (eds.): Chinese Perceptions of
Russia and the West. Changes, Continuities, and Contingencies during the Twentieth Cen-
tury. Heidelberg: CrossAsia-eBooks, JSJS. DOI: https://doi.org/LS.LLdcc/xabooks.eeL.

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Nikolay SAMOYLOV

Study of Visual Images: Methodological Remarks

Upon conducting full-scale studies of the interrelation between states and nations
at the present time, apart from economic, political, and cultural factors which must
be taken into account, it is also necessary to consider images of any nation, which
are related to social ideas and overall mentality of other ethnic groups. As Iver B.
NEUMANN convincingly argues, an ever-present image of “the Other” not only
influences the relations between different peoples in the obvious manner, but is
also reciprocated in the development of political relationships between states. 1
Nowadays, this condition is taken into consideration in international activities of
many countries and their foreign policy propaganda. This, as it were, determines
the scope of the so called “soft power policy”, which explains why the way in
which the countries and their representatives create an impression of other coun-
tries’ images on the global stage is one of the most important features of foreign
affairs. In addition, based on the recently conducted research, there have been im-
ages and stereotypes of mutual perception between different nations throughout
the course of known history. Likewise, preexisting forms of such images have
been shown to influence their subsequent development.
Accordingly, studying national and ethnic images and stereotypes in the cur-
rent context becomes extremely important in relation to scholarly and practical
significance. It is required, not only to trace the evolution of images of various
nations, by means of defining the tendency of their space-time development, but
also to find causes for appearance and persistence of certain images representing
other countries as being ‘alien’ and thus opposed to ‘native’ within a certain na-
tional mentality. Consequently, a certain amount of historical research, methods,
and data from other disciplines (sociology, ethnology, social psychology, literary
studies, etc.) are crucial and important in terms of practicality. It is impossible to
understand the persistence or development of the images without an interdiscipli-
nary approach.
It can be said that the continuity of images and stereotypes is generally an in-
tegral part of the general process of communication between societies and cultures.
By implementing various scientific methods, scholars widely practice analyzing
said characteristics. Currently it is possible to say that a new cross-disciplinary
scientific trend, imagology, has entered the scholarly field. Imagology is consid-
ered to be an overarching academic discipline in humanities that examines the
processes whereby images are formed, perceived, and transformed. By now, some

1 Iver B. NEUMANN: Uses of the Other. The 'East' in European Identity Formation, Minne-
apolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press, Borderline Series 1999.

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 Visual Images of the Soviet Union and the West in China (pq~rs–pq•rs)

results in studying images of Russia in China in the JSth century have been ob-
tained. First and foremost, one should pay attention to the book written by famous
Russian sinologist Sergey TIKHVINSKY (LRLc–JSLc): Chinese perceptions of the
image of Russia.2 He was the first to suggest a detailed historical overview and
analysis of Russia’s image in China, with the JSth century included. A monograph
by a young Russian researcher Natalia TEN was recently published and describes
the up-to-date stage of evolution of this image.3 One should notice that the term
“imagology” (xingxiang xue 形象学) in Chinese academic literature was used for
the first time by MENG Hua in JSSS. 4 After a while, the relevant research on
China’s image in Russia and Russia’s image in China was carried out. Attention
should be paid to the interesting and substantiated monographs of SUN Fang and
CHEN Jinpeng,5 and LI Suian,6 which represent a large period of history. More re-
cently a joint research of Russian and Chinese scholars in this area has also been
conducted.7
It needs to be stated that, for learning about the evolution of Russia’s image in
China in the JSth century, a set of circumstances relating to previous historic pe-
riods should be taken into account. First of all, the most important point to be made
is that the process of mutual perception between the Russians and the Chinese was
subsumed under a broader phenomenon of reciprocal interpenetration of two sta-
ble sociocultural traditions: one being Confucianism, and the other Russian Ortho-
doxy. For this reason, relevant ethnic images are heavily tied to the perception of
another type of culture, other forms of social and political organization.8

2 Sergeĭ TIKHVINSKIĬ: Vosprii͡atie v Kitae obraza Rossii (Chinese perceptions of the image
of Russia), Moskva: Nauka JSSc.
3 Natalʹi͡a TEN: Ot Pushkina do Putina: Obraz Rossii v sovremennom Kitae (pqqp–Žrpr)
(From Pushkin to Putin: Image of Russia in contemporary China, LRRL–JSLS), Moskva: No-
voe literaturnoe obozrenie JSLe.
4 MENG Hua 梦华: Xingxiang xue yanjiu yao zhuzhong zongti xing yu zonghe xing 形象学
研究要注重总体性与综合性 (Imagological studies should focus on overall and compre-
hensive approach). In: Zhongguo bijiao wenxue zazhi no. Q, JSSS, pp. L–JS.
5 SUN Fang, CHEN Jinpeng: Eluosi de Zhongguo xingxiang 俄罗斯的中国形象 (Image of
China in Russia), Beijing: People’s Publishing House JSLS.
6 LI Suian 李随安: Zhongguo de Eluosi xingxiang (pqwq–Žrrq) 中国的俄罗斯形象 (LRQR–
JSSR) (Image of Russia in China, LRQR–JSSR), Harbin: Heilongjiang jiaoyu chubanshe JSLJ.
7 Nikolaĭ SAMOĬLOV, LI Suĭanʹ: “Obraz Sovetskogo Soi͡uza v kitaĭskikh uchebnikakh
LRdS-kh godov” (Image of the Soviet Union in the Chinese textbooks in LRdSs). In: Vestnik
Sankt-Peterburgskogo Universiteta ser. LN, no. Q, JSLJ, pp. LQ–JJ.
8 More details in: Nikolaĭ SAMOĬLOV: Rossii͡a i Kitaĭ v XVII – nachale XX veka: tendent͡sii,
formy i stadii sot͡siokulʹturnogo vzaimodeĭstvii͡a (Russia and China in the 17th – early 20th
centuries: Tendencies, Forms and Stages of Socio-Cultural Interaction), St. Petersburg: Iz-
datelʹskiĭ dom Sankt-Peterburgogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta 2014.

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Nikolay SAMOYLOV

In this context, examining visual images is crucial for general image studies. Vis-
ual symbols have long been a central component of political communication, and
their importance has increased as the visual medium of television and the internet
has become the dominant source of political information. Politicians understand
the significance of visuals and work equally hard to construct effective image bites.
In short, visual images play a central role in constructing political images. Despite
their central position in political communication, these visual symbols have his-
torically been overlooked in research. Based on a review of the growing and sub-
stantial literature, this chapter argues that it is time for political communication
scholars to delve deeper into how visual symbols function in public affairs. To that
end, this chapter seeks to provide a theoretical and literature basis to facilitate this
change in focus and to suggest future avenues for research in this area.
W.J.T. MITCHELL reconsiders visual culture to be a form of life and contends
in his book Picture Theory that nowadays we can speak of a new “Turn” i.e. the
“Pictorial Turn”. This turn will supplant the study of culture as we have known it
under the sign of the “Linguistic Turn”: “It is the realization that spectatorship (the
look, the gaze, the glance, the practices of observation, surveillance, and visual
pleasure) may be as deep a problem as various forms of reading (decipherment,
decoding, interpretation, etc.) and that visual experience or “visual literacy” might
not be fully explicable on the model of textuality.”9 In Picture Theory, the book
that many scholars consider to be one of the seminal texts on the Pictorial Turn in
contemporary philosophy,10 W.J.T. MITCHELL aims to identify the picture as the
subject where various disciplinary traditions (from philosophy to semiotics, from
the arts to media studies) finally converge into visual studies. He explains that it
is impossible to consider the visual as a “pure” field of representation that stands
in extrinsic relation to the verbal: “The interaction of pictures and texts is consti-
tutive of representation as such”.11
A significant transformation of historical studies takes place under the influ-
ence of the recent Pictorial Turn, both in terms of a set of sources and in terms of
methodology. The development of visual anthropology has also become an obvi-
ous factor and contributed to the development of the Pictorial Turn in the studies
of history. Today, historians studying various manifestations of visualization use
new tools for collecting and recording data. The growing popularity of historical
photographs and documentaries, museum installations, and historical recon-

9 W. J. Thomas MITCHELL: Picture Theory: Essays on Verbal and Visual Representation,

Chicago: The University of Chicago Press LRRQ, p. LL.
10 Alberto MARTINEGRO: “From the Linguistic Turn to the Pictorial Turn – Hermeneutics
Facing the ‘Third Copernicus Revolution’”. In: Proceedings of the European Society for
Aesthetics vol. 5, 2013, p. 302.
11 MITCHELL: Picture Theory (LRRQ), p. d.

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 Visual Images of the Soviet Union and the West in China (pq~rs–pq•rs)

structions testifies to the intensification of the role of visual images in historical

research. New methodological approaches to the study of visuality make it possi-
ble to reexamine the mechanisms of image formation, as well as the use of images
for political and ideological purposes. Visual studies and studies visualization
have become the trend these days.
Undoubtedly, visual studies cannot be equated with image studies; the latter
covers a far broader scope. In this sense, MITCHELL’s argument can stand that the
study of visual images is just one component of a larger field. However, one should
bear in mind that this component is an extremely important one. MITCHELL also
recognizes the difference between a picture and an image.

I like to start from the vernacular, listening to the English language, in a distinction
that is untranslatable into German: ‘you can hang a picture, but you can’t hang an
image.’ A picture is a material object, a thing you can burn or break. An image is
what appears in a picture, and what survives its destruction – in memory, in narra-
tive, and in copies and traces in other media.12

To this convincing idea one can only add that the difference between “picture” and
“image” in Russian and Chinese is even greater, and the contents of the concept
of image is much more multifaceted.
Visual images have a great impact on the forming of any nation’s perceptions
about other peoples. This is particularly typical of the countries where literacy rate
and levels of education are not very high. It is obvious that visual images have
long been a central component of social, political, and cultural communication,
and their importance has increased in our time, as the visual environment of tele-
vision and the internet has become the dominant source of information. In many
cases, visual images play a central role in building political images. Politicians are
highly aware of the role of visual images and their significance for political prop-
aganda, and, therefore, work hard to construct effective images of themselves and
“the others”. However, despite the crucial place of visual images in political com-
munication, scholars have, for a long time, ignored these images in their studies.

12 MITCHELL: Picture Theory (1994), p. 16.

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Nikolay SAMOYLOV

The Role of Visual Images in LRdS’s Chinese Political

Propaganda

In the LRdSs–LRKSs in the People’s Republic of China (PRC), visual images (por-
traits, posters, and cartoons) played a very important role in mass propaganda and
were used to introduce official ideas to the national consciousness. After LRQR most
posters and cartoons that appeared in China had to promote the main ideological
principles of the Communist Party, including its foreign policy. MAO Zedong and
other leaders of communist China suggested socialist realism, as it had been prac-
ticed in the Soviet Union since the pre-War period, to be the best tool to develop
new ideas and forms of art. It provided a positive view of life, represented in the
rosy colors of optimism, though largely seen through a political lens. Socialist re-
alism in the USSR was focused on industrial constructions, power stations, collec-
tive farms, and the working people.
In the first decade of the PRC times, many Chinese artists studied painting and
applied art in Soviet art academies; others were educated by Soviet professors who
came to teach in Chinese art institutions. Therefore, the influence of socialist real-
ism was very strong. Posters and pictures that appeared in China after the for-
mation of the PRC contain evident and well-recognized elements of socialist real-
ism, inspired by the examples from the Soviet Union. However, additionally, they
were also featured with many characteristics of guohua 国画 (traditional Chinese
paintings) and nianhua 年画(folk paintings) – sweet colors applied in soft grada-
tions or a combination of black contours with bright flat colors.13
At the same time, in the first years after the formation of the PRC, a peculiar
type of fine art, the xin nianhua 新年画 (new nianhua), developed actively in
China, combining all the forms and techniques of traditional nianhua painting with
new propaganda tasks.
After LRQR, both pictures and posters with realistic plots (socio-political, his-
torical, and portraiture) became most widespread. The household genre also un-
derwent active transformation. At that time, it was also associated with socio-po-
litical issues and had to demonstrate the advantages of socialism. Artists had to
cover important social events. MAO Zedong’s ideas on the general accessibility of
art and on the priorities of socialist values over art exerted a significant impact on

13 Stefan LANDSBERGER: Chinese Propaganda Posters: From Revolution to Modernization,

Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe 1995; “Chinese Posters: Propaganda, Politics, History, Art”,
2020, March 26. Available online: https://chineseposters.net/index.php (last access 2020,
April 21).

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 Visual Images of the Soviet Union and the West in China (pq~rs–pq•rs)

xin nianhua 新年画. Such aspects as “general accessibility” and political program-
ming brought about a tremendous narrowness of the new nianhua genre.
Many Chinese artists who created xin nianhua 新年画14 turned to realistic oil
painting techniques as this genre had everything that was needed to show a new
life of ordinary people and “their struggle for the brighter future”. Taking realistic
symbols as the basis, the artists constructed new visual images. They sought to
demonstrate to the audience the drama of the revolutionary years, the pathos of
victory, the exploits of real people, achievements of the country, portraits of lead-
ers and outstanding figures. Many of them tried to create a synthetic style that
combined elements of European paintings with Chinese folk painting traditions.
In these works, attempts can be seen to preserve the direct techniques of folk art:
the brightness of silhouettes, the rhythmic combination of color spots and symbol-
ism of images. For the better development of contemporary themes, painters began
to use new materials and techniques. There appeared a great variety of technical
means of printing, including black and white and color woodcuts, color lithogra-
phy and color printing.
More often artists were assigned enlightening and propaganda tasks. The
works of this period were devoted to the themes of grandiose economic construc-
tion, military victories, glorification of the heroes of labor, struggle against illiter-
acy, and clarification of new laws and regulations. Since the main consumer group
of xin nianhua belonged to Chinese peasants, most of the images were devoted to
the political course of the Communist Party in terms of the agricultural sphere and
social transformations of villages. These were stories about the agrarian reform,
the creation of agricultural brigades, agricultural cooperation, struggle to increase
production rates and harvest output. In accordance with the literacy program,
Nianhua workshops printed numerous pictures promoting culture and education
(see fig. LJ-L).
Today, St. Petersburg State University Library’s collection contains three fold-
ers of xin nianhua pictures (xin nianhua xuanji 新年画选集) printed in a typo-
graphic manner in Beijing in LRdS.15 Among the pictures, predominant are exam-
ples showing peasant life and agricultural activities, but there are also nianhua
related to foreign affairs. Although these xin nianhua differ greatly from tradi-
tional nianhua, their creators, nevertheless, clearly borrowed a number of easily
recognizable traditional ideas, images, forms and details from old nianhua and

14 From this point onwards, the terms nianhua 年画 and xin nianhua 新年画 remain indi-
cated in Pinyin in italic but without Chinese characters unless necessary.
15 Xin nianhua xuanji 新年画选集 (Anthology of New Year paintings), vol. L–J, Beijing:
Rongbaozhai xinji LRdS.

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Nikolay SAMOYLOV

Chinese medieval paintings. All visual images were understandable for both urban
and rural population.

Figure LJ-L: Du bao tu 讀報图 (Reading newspaper).16 Xin nianhua

in the form of a traditional lunar calendar.

16 Designer: LI Qun 力群. From the collection of St. Petersburg State University Library
(Oriental Department).

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 Visual Images of the Soviet Union and the West in China (pq~rs–pq•rs)

“Laodage”:
Visual Images of the Soviet Union in China in the LRdSs

In LRdS the Soviet Union and the People’s Republic of China signed the Treaty of
Friendship, Alliance, and Mutual Assistance, which established close relations and
cooperation in different areas. The Treaty was supposed to foster the rapproche-
ment of the socialist countries in their struggle against imperialism. In the LRdSs,
large-scale propaganda campaigns launched both in the USSR and in China were
to create extremely positive images of “fraternal peoples” and “brothers forever”.
Their goal was to arouse a feeling of mutual understanding between the two na-
tions and bring the Soviet people closer to the Chinese, who could serve as a val-
uable ally in the USSR’s struggle against the United States. Communist China was
interested in receiving economic, military, scientific, and technical assistance from
the Soviet Union, as well as in the training of qualified personnel. Economic co-
operation became an important component of the bilateral relations and enabled
China to achieve fruitful results in industrial growth. It also helped to supply China
with Soviet weapons and equipment for modernization of the Chinese army, navy
and air force, changing it from a primitive and poorly equipped armed force into
a modern one; the largest in Asia. For all these reasons, mass propaganda cam-
paigns were carried out on a grand scale in both countries, and visual images
played a particularly important role in these campaigns.
The central idea for this visual propaganda was set to present Josef STALIN
with MAO Zedong as the major pillars of Sino-Soviet friendship. Their figures
took central position everywhere because in the LRdSs “China Stalin” became the
image and symbol of peace and socialism all over the world. Images of STALIN
and MAO standing side by side were intended to symbolize not only the strength
of the two communist nations, but also to personify the power of the entire socialist
camp. On the posters, two powerful figures of the communist leaders opposed the
entirety of the imperialist West (fig. LJ-J). The poster designed by LI Binghong
with portraits of STALIN and MAO amidst people in folk dresses dancing on the
Red Square and Tiananmen is accompanied with the slogan: “The Sino-Soviet
Alliance for Friendship and Mutual Assistance promotes enduring world peace”.17
Portraits of the two communist leaders are present even on the nianhua along with
celebrating children (fig. LJ-N).

17 LI Binghong (黎冰鸿). In: Chineseposters.net. Available online: https://chineseposters.

net/artists/libinghong.php (last access 2020, April 29).

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Nikolay SAMOYLOV

Figure LJ-J: “Under the banner of STALIN – MAO Zedong

forward, to victory!”.18 Poster.

Figure LJ-N: “Zhong su youhao wansui 中蘇友好萬歲 (Long live the

China-Soviet friendship)”.19 Xin nianhua.

18 Designer: LI Zongjin 李宗津. Narodnyĭ Kitaĭ (People’s China). 1952. No. 22, p. 10.
From the collection of St. Petersburg State University Library (Oriental Department).
19 Designer: ZHAO Min 赵敏. From the collection of St. Petersburg State University Li-
brary (Oriental Department).

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 Visual Images of the Soviet Union and the West in China (pq~rs–pq•rs)

In the LRdSs, a large number of posters and other illustrations were published to
familiarize the Chinese people with the phenomenon of the Russian teacher who
would provide them with assistance. The Soviet people were portrayed as good
friends, laodage 老大哥 (the “elder brothers”), from whom Chinese people were
supposed to learn everything about modernization. This idea was to be promoted
in many propaganda posters. The “elder brother” was always represented with the
position of a teacher, while the Chinese were depicted as attentive pupils, absorb-
ing every word spoken by their teacher. At that time, a large number of posters
and xin nianhua appeared in China, depicting well educated skilled Soviet people
(engineers, professors, agronomists, doctors, experienced workers) who taught
their Chinese counterparts and helped them fulfil new scientific and technological
achievements, as well as offer them practical recommendations (fig. LJ-Q). On
these posters Soviet people always looked more mature and more experienced than
their Chinese “comrades” and students so that the image of an “elder brother” was
even strongly visualized. On one of the xin nianhua pictures, one can see Soviet
specialists with the Gold Stars of the Heroes20, which was meant to show the or-
dinary Chinese people that the most honored Soviet citizens were sent to help them
(fig. LJ-K). Posters and paintings usually demonstrate the moment of communica-
tion between Soviet specialists and their Chinese counterparts or students. In one
of them, a reputable Soviet engineer is explaining something to a young Chinese
(fig. LJ-d). In another, an elderly Russian worker is sharing his experience with a
young Chinese friend, which takes place in front of a huge modern factory building
(fig. LJ-e). Another poster “Great friendship, fraternal feelings!” designed by
WANG Naizhuang (王乃壮) shows steelworkers (Russian and Chinese) engaged
in steelmaking together while it is clearly visible that it is the Soviet engineer who
is controlling the steel melting process. The image was based on a photograph
published in China Reconstructs (August LRdd).21
Many posters and pictures portray friendly meetings of Chinese workers and
peasants with guests from the Soviet Union as well. These show how warmly and
cordially the Chinese greet their “elder brothers” (fig. LJ-K). One of the nianhua
shows that the Chinese meet Russian friends in the same way as they celebrate
New Spring, New Year (fig. LJ-c).

20 The Gold Star medal (in Russian: “Zolotai͡a Zvezda”) was a special insignia that identi-
fied recipients of the title “Hero” in the USSR.
21 Great friendship, fraternal feelings! In: Chineseposters.net. Available online: https://chi-
neseposters.net/posters/e15-866.php (last access 2020, April 29).

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Nikolay SAMOYLOV

Figure LJ-Q: “Elder brother from the USSR”.22 Xin nianhua.

Figure LJ-d: “Xuexi sulian xianjin jingyan jianshe women de zuguo

學習蘇聯先進經驗建設我們的祖國 Study the Soviet Union’s
advanced experience to build up our nation”.23 Poster.

22 Designer: WU Dezu 武德祖. Narodnyĭ Kitaĭ (People’s China). 1952. No. 3-4, p. 40.
From the collection of St. Petersburg State University Library (Oriental Department).
23 Designer: DING Hao 丁浩. Narodnyĭ Kitaĭ (People’s China). 1953. No. 21, p. 19. From
the collection of St. Petersburg State University Library (Oriental Department).

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 Visual Images of the Soviet Union and the West in China (pq~rs–pq•rs)

Figure LJ-e: “Study the advanced production experience of the Soviet Union,
struggle for the industrialization of our country!”.24 Poster.

Figure LJ-K: “Huanying sulian pengyou 歡迎蘇聯朋友

(Welcome to Soviet friends)”.25 Xin nianhua.

24 Designer: LI Zongjin 李宗津. Narodnyĭ Kitaĭ (People’s China). 1953. No. 4, p. 19. From
the collection of St. Petersburg State University Library (Oriental Department).
25 Designer: DENG Shu 邓树. From the collection of St. Petersburg State University Li-
brary (Oriental Department).

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Nikolay SAMOYLOV

Figure LJ-c: “Youyi xinchun 友誼新春 (Friendship’s New Spring)”.26

Xin nianhua.

Figure LJ-R: “Xin Zhongguo de ertong 新中國的兒童

(New China Children)”.27 Xin nianhua.

26 Designers: WEN Tao 文韬, WANG Huizhi 王慧芝. From the collection of St. Petersburg
State University Library (Oriental Department).
27 Designer: ZHANG Ding 张仃. From the collection of St. Petersburg State University Li-
brary (Oriental Department).

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 Visual Images of the Soviet Union and the West in China (pq~rs–pq•rs)

Through such visual images, often created in the form of nianhua which were ac-
cessible to the common people, even illiterate and poorly educated peasants per-
ceived the idea that the Soviet people were true friends and “elder brothers” of the
Chinese. Captions of these nianhua are often very concise and easy to read. Nu-
merous Chinese posters and photographs in different magazines were designed to
reflect the success of the Soviet Union in industrial construction, science, and art,
and the victories of the Red Army in the Great Patriotic War. Images of the first
Soviet space satellites (sputnik), atomic icebreakers, and other achievements of the
USSR in the use of peaceful atom appeared on the Chinese propaganda posters
designed by LI Lang (李浪) and SONG Xishan (宋锡山), in LRdc.
The impression of fraternal friendship between the Soviet people and the Chi-
nese were usually supplemented with appropriate slogans and appeals on such
posters. These slogans were supposed to strengthen “the elder brother” image:
“The Soviet Union is an example to follow”, “Study the Soviet Union's advanced
economy to build up our nation”, “Study the advanced production experience of
the Soviet Union, struggle for the industrialization of our country”, “Study the
Soviet Union, to advance to the world level of science” etc. A special series of
posters was devoted to military cooperation between the USSR and China. As a
rule, representatives of the two friendly armies or navies were portrayed. They
were portrayed as strong young men as well as “brothers-in-arms”. These visual
images were usually accompanied by specific slogans such as: “Long live the
friendship between the peoples and armies of China and the Soviet Union” or “The
Sino-Soviet alliance is invincible in the world”. In contrast, the capitalist world
and Old China were painted in dark colors, and unpleasant images were used.

“Paper Tigers”: Visual Images of the USA and the West in

China at the Time of the Korean War

“Paper tiger” is the English translation of the Chinese term zhilaohu28 (纸老虎). It
refers to something or someone that claims to be powerful and threatening, but is
actually ineffectual and unable to withstand challenge. The expression became

28 Originally, “paper tiger” is an ancient description used in Chinese culture. It first

appeared in Western literature and was translated into English in the book The Chinese: A
General Description of the Empire of China and Its Inhabitants (published in LcNe) by Sir
John Francis Davis, a British diplomat and sinologist who served as chief superintendent of
British trade in China from LcNN to LcQc and governor of Hong Kong from LcQQ to LcQc.

NKR
Nikolay SAMOYLOV

popular as a catchphrase which MAO Zedong first put into practice and used
against his political opponents, and later was actively applied in communist China
to criticism about Western imperialism, particularly the U.S. government. MAO
first introduced his concept of “paper tigers” in August LRQe in his talk with the
American journalist Anna Louise Strong (Lccd–LRKS): “All reactionaries are paper
tigers. In appearance, the reactionaries are terrifying, but in reality, they are not so
powerful. From a long-term point of view, it is not the reactionaries but the people
who are powerful.”29 This was a very important statement by MAO concerning the
international and domestic situation not long after the end of World War II. There,
MAO Zedong put forward his famous slogan to the masses: “All reactionaries are
paper tigers!”. This thesis armed the people ideologically, strengthened their con-
fidence in victory and played a significant role in the People’s War of Liberation.
Just as LENIN considered imperialism a “colossus with feet of clay”, so MAO
Zedong regarded imperialism and all reactionaries as “paper tigers”; both dealt
with the essence of the matter. This thesis is a fundamental strategic concept for
the revolutionary people. Later on, plenty of times he compared imperialism with
a “paper tiger”:

To destroy the rule of imperialism, feudalism and bureaucrat-capitalism in China,

it took the Chinese people more than a hundred years and cost them tens of millions
of lives before the victory in LRQR. Look! Were these not living tigers, iron tigers,
real tigers? Nevertheless, in the end they changed into paper tigers, dead tigers, and
bean-curd tigers. These are historical facts. Have people not seen or heard about
these facts? There have indeed been thousands and tens of thousands of them!
Thousands and tens of thousands! Hence, imperialism and all reactionaries, looked
at in essence, from a long-term point of view, from a strategic point of view, must
be seen for what they are - paper tigers. On this, we should build our strategic think-
ing. On the other hand, they are also living tigers, iron tigers, real tigers that can
devour people. On this, we should build our tactical thinking.30

After MAO’s speeches the “paper tiger” image was used everywhere in China.
With such an image, it was much easier to motivate and mobilize the masses to
fight against imperialists, and MAO Zedong actively used it:

29 “Talk with the American Correspondent Anna Louise Strong” (August 1946). In: Se-
lected Works of Mao Tse-tung, vol. 4, Beijing: Foreign Languages Press 1961, p.100.
30 Speech at the Wuhan Meeting of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the
Chinese Communist Party (December LRdc). In: Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung, vol. IV,
Beijing: Foreign Languages Press LReL, pp. Rc–RR.

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 Visual Images of the Soviet Union and the West in China (pq~rs–pq•rs)

I have said that all the reputedly powerful reactionaries are merely paper tigers. The
reason is that they are divorced from the people. Look! Was not HITLER a paper
tiger? Was HITLER not overthrown? I also said that the Tsar of Russia, the emperor
of China and Japanese imperialism were all paper tigers. As we know, they were
all overthrown. U.S. imperialism has not yet been overthrown and it has the atom
bomb. I believe it also will be overthrown. It, too, is a paper tiger.31

In October LRdS, just one year after the People’s Republic was founded, the Chi-
nese People’s Volunteers stepped in to support North Korean communist forces in
the Korean War (LRdS–LRdN). The Korean War marked the period of a strong rise
in patriotism among Chinese people. After the beginning of the Korean War, the
USA officially became China’s main foreign opponent and most vicious enemy.
The slogan “Resist America and Support Korea!” was very popular in mass prop-
aganda and was supplemented by another one: “Defend Home and Motherland!”.
The war time provided numerous opportunities to demonstrate Americans and
other “Western imperialists” in an extremely disgusting guise. American soldiers
murdering and looting in Korea became popular characters on Chinese posters and
caricatures. Sometimes ugly and revolting military men on the Chinese caricatures
resembled the U.S. president Harry TRUMAN or general Douglas MACARTHUR,
the commander of the American troops in Korea. A popular theme in political
propaganda of that time was the accusation that the USA was engaged in bacteri-
ological warfare against Chinese.
During the Korean War, there appeared a considerable number of propaganda
posters illustrating the victories of the North Korean army and Chinese People’s
Volunteers. These were posters designed in a realistic manner or in the form of
caricatures. The Americans and their allies were shown either as defeated and cap-
tive (in realistic posters), or as miserable and puny midgets on whom the young
and strong Chinese and Korean warriors were easily cracking down (via carica-
tures). After the start of the Korean War, the United States officially became
China’s main foreign adversary. The war provided numerous opportunities to
show Americans in a bad light. At that time, Chinese propaganda posters and car-
icatures formed the common Chinese perception of American imperialism as a
“Paper Tiger”, which could easily be coped with and defeated (cf. fig. LJ-R). The
image of American imperialism and the United States in the form of a paper tiger
played a highly important role in the education of Chinese children after the Ko-
rean War. Americans in the form of paper tigers appeared in children theater plays,
puppet shows, posters hung around in schools and kindergartens, and even in the
English language textbooks. An important theme in Chinese newspapers and

31 Speech at the Moscow Meeting of Communist and Workers’ Parties (November Lc,
LRdK). In: Quotations From Chairman Mao Tse-tung, Beijing LRee, p. Qe.

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Nikolay SAMOYLOV

magazines at the time of the Korean War was the accusation that the U.S. military
forces were engaged in bacteriological warfare against China.32 On this occasion,
the Chinese and North Korean officials repeatedly made their statements.33
It has been suggested that starting from LRdJ, the American activities included
the utilization of disease carrying rats, insects, and other vermin on the Chinese
territory. In response, the Chinese government organized mass inoculation cam-
paigns within the framework of the Patriotic Health Campaign to combat unhy-
gienic conditions in urban and rural areas, and to annihilate potential disease
spreading animals and insects. The Patriotic Health Campaign started in LRdJ after
the appearance of the first “poisonous insects”. The American germ-warfare in
North Korea had been reported earlier, but in LRdJ Chinese officials linked these
reports with the occurrence of domestic epidemics. In March LRdJ, some accounts
confirmed the spraying of germs by Americans in Manchuria and Qingdao. Since
then, Chinese newspapers began to publish articles and information notes which
set out more and more facts about the germ-warfare that moved to China itself.
Under the circumstances the Chinese government established a special committee
for epidemic prevention and launched programs for anti-epidemic injections.
Poster propaganda of anti-epidemic activities was an integral and important part
of that campaign. The image of the USA and American soldiers on the anti-epi-
demic posters became violent and negative. Their images were connected with the
images of disease-carrying rats and insects. On the poster “Resolutely cut off the
bloody and criminal hand of the American aggressor that spreads germs!” is writ-
ten and it depicts the bloody hand of American imperialism, decorated with the
dollar sign symbol, swastika, and the Japanese flag, with a disease carrying rat;
injections and the hygiene campaigns were directed against the germs “spreading
by American imperialism”. Another poster designed by YE Shanlu (叶善箓) was
given the caption: “Everybody must take precautions against epidemics to smash
the germ warfare of American imperialism”. 34 Therefore, the Patriotic Health
Campaign and the visual propaganda they employed played an important role in
promoting the negative image of the USA and the West in the LRdSs China.
At that time the image of the United States became equal to the image of the
West in China. The West was almost identified with the United States. Other

32 “Against U.S. Bacteriological War: A Statement by the P.P.C.C. and Democratic Parties
of China issued on March 8, 1952”. In: People’s China, March 16, 1952, pp. 3–4; “Foreign
Minister Chou En-lai’s Statement of March 8, 1952”. Ibid., pp. 4–5; “Down with the Germ-
War Criminals! Editorial”. Ibid., pp. 5–6.
33 “U.S. Germ-Warfare Denounced: Statements by the Korean and Chinese Foreign Min-
isters on U.S. Bacteriological Warfare in Korea”. Ibid., pp. 34–35.
34 “Patriotic Health Campaign (1952)”. Available online: https://chineseposters.net/
themes/patriotic-health-campaign.php (last access 2020, April 23).

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 Visual Images of the Soviet Union and the West in China (pq~rs–pq•rs)

Western countries were mentioned rather rarely, let alone depicted. In addition to
the United States, only satirical images of West Germany, which was positioned
as an American satellite and semi-colony, can be seen in Chinese caricatures of
the LRdSs. The cartoons most often demonstrate how America is reviving German
militarism (junguozhuyi 军国主义). Another caricature shows Berlin divided into
two parts: light (East Berlin) and dark (West Berlin). In this picture the divided
city is similar to the image of traditional Chinese dualistic symbol yin 阴 and yang
阳 (dark-bright, negative-positive).

National Liberation Movements, the Second Indochina War,

and the Image of the USA in China

Shortly before and during the Cultural Revolution in China, American imperialism
and the West as a whole continued to be heavily criticized. As the self-proclaimed
leader of the so-called Third World, China supported many national liberation
movements and radical revolutionary parties in Asia, Africa, and Latin America.
This struggle was seen as part of a global movement in which the “countryside”
(the Third World states) would fight against the “cities” (developed and industri-
alized countries of the Second and First Worlds) and conquer them. In many ways,
China supported the anti-colonial and anti-imperialist wars, that is, the armed
struggle of the peoples of the Third World against Western imperialism, propagat-
ing its own experience of the armed struggle against the Kuomintang (Guomin-
dang 国民党, the Nationalist Party, in China until LRQR and in Taiwan since then).
Due to the insufficiency of Chinese economic and military potential, the support
was only moral for friendly nations and radical revolutionary parties in Asia, Af-
rica, and Latin America. In this sense, visual propaganda played a big role (cf. fig.
LJ-LS).

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Nikolay SAMOYLOV

Figure LJ-LS: “Baowei heping! 保衛和平! (Defend peace!)”.35 Poster.

35 Designer: SU Guojing 苏国惊. Narodnyĭ Kitaĭ (People’s China). 1952. No. 7-8, p. 19.
From the collection of St. Petersburg State University Library (Oriental Department).

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 Visual Images of the Soviet Union and the West in China (pq~rs–pq•rs)

A large number of anti-imperialist posters aimed at supporting the national liber-

ation movements were to there to convince the Third World countries to support
their struggle against the United States and Western countries.36 Chinese posters
of the time called for: “Vigorously support the anti-imperialist struggle of the peo-
ples of Asia, Africa and Latin America” and persuaded the “awakened peoples” to
“form the possible united front in order to win the war against imperialism”. Visual
images of Americans and other Westerners in these posters were very repulsive in
appearance. They were portrayed in the form of wretched little men trying to op-
pose the rise of national liberation movements. Sometimes they were depicted in
the form of wolves or other predatory animals. In any case, the muscular and well
angulated representatives of the peoples of Asia, Africa and Latin America swept
them out of their way.
During the Second Indochina War (LRdK–LRKd) the renaissance of the “Paper
Tiger” image can be seen. At that time China not only kept a close watch on the
U.S. military activities south of its borders (in Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia), but
tried to support anti-American forces in that region. A potential spillover of hos-
tilities into the Chinese territory seemed rather possible, as the PRC had taken side
on Democratic Republic of Vietnam. The struggle of the peoples of Indochina
(especially the Vietnamese) against the American intervention provided inspira-
tion to many Chinese artists in the LReSs to the early LRKSs, and their posters
strongly influenced the popular consciousness leading to the rise of patriotism.
The slogans “Down with American imperialism!” and “American imperialism is
the common enemy of all the people in the world!” became increasingly frequent
at that time. A huge number of Chinese posters of the LReSs–LRKSs depicted Viet-
namese partisans (and even Vietnamese children) who heroically fought against
the American invaders. “American imperialism must be beaten!” was also the fre-
quently used slogan on Chinese posters of that time.
On some posters, the scene of parachuting American pilots being shot down in
the sky of Vietnam is also found. One of the pilots has the face of the U.S. presi-
dent Lyndon JOHNSON, who was responsible for escalating the Vietnam War. This
example proves that Chinese artists as the authors of propaganda posters sought to
visualize the image of the enemy by adding the features of a concrete politician.
Welcoming the victories of the Vietnamese partisans, Chinese propaganda tried to
bring their struggle to the level of an absolute and emphasized its global signifi-
cance.

36 “Foreign Friends: National Liberation Movements”. Available online: https://chinese

posters.net/themes/liberation-movements.php (last access 2020, April 23).

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Nikolay SAMOYLOV

Images of the USSR from the Time of the Sino-Russian Split

While the image of America and the West as a whole was still negative in China
and did not change much, the image of the Soviet Union, in comparison, was en-
tirely positive in the LRdSs. However, during the Сultural Revolution period sig-
nificant changes can be noted in many respects as the image of the Soviet Union
was becoming similar to the image of the West. The transformations were mostly
reflected on posters and cartoons.
When the Sino-Soviet split started in the LReSs and especially after the LReR
border conflict over Zhenbaodao 珍宝岛 (or Damanskiĭ) Island, the most explicit
Chinese propaganda was directed against the USSR. During this period, there ap-
peared a great number of posters that called for Dadao Su xiu 打倒苏修 (fighting
against the Soviet revisionists), who, like the Western imperialists before them,
were depicted as vile ugly dwarfs. Sometimes “Soviet revisionists” were portrayed
along with “American imperialists”. On the posters both were being swept out of
the way by the valiant Hongweibing 红卫兵 (Red Guards). The slogan “All peo-
ples of the world, unite, to overthrow American imperialism, Soviet revisionism
and reactionaries of various countries!” became very popular in the course of the
Cultural Revolution. MAO Zedong’s political opponents who were attacked by the
Red Guard were often called the “Chinese Khrushchevs” on propagandist posters.
Typical examples of the Maoist propaganda at the turn of the LRKSs were the
publications of political comics. In the comics “Soviet spy arrested” was described
in a typical spy story. It was about a spy group from the USSR Embassy, which
engaged in espionage by the order of the Soviet government. In the suburbs of
Beijing, a spy cache was made for the spies. Police and security services seized
evidence from them proving their espionage. The Soviet Embassy officers abused
their diplomatic status, tried to undermine the sovereignty of China and violated
the generally accepted norms of international law by engaging in espionage, and
they thus committed a crime. The Chinese government deported the Soviet spies
from the country in protest against the actions of the Soviet authorities. The ap-
pearance of such publications contributed to a change in the image of the Soviet
Union in China, especially among the younger generation.
Finally, it is noteworthy that at the period of the Cultural Revolution and the
Sino-Soviet Split, “Soviet revisionists” and the Soviet Union were never called
“paper tigers”, despite the fact that numerous posters appeared against both Amer-
ican imperialism and Soviet revisionism. The former (i.e. American imperialism)
was represented in Chinese propaganda posters and caricatures as a paper tiger,
which could be easily coped with and defeated, and this perception of America

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 Visual Images of the Soviet Union and the West in China (pq~rs–pq•rs)

was effectively indoctrinated in China. The last poster with the caption “Imperial-
ism and all reactionary forces are paper tigers” was published in January LRKL. A
few months later the Ping-pong diplomacy started, which paved the way for a visit
of president Richard NIXON to Beijing in LRKJ.

NcK
Min-Chin Kay CHIANG

LN “Reviving” the Russian Orthodox

Church in Taiwan

Abstract. As early as the first year into Japanese colonization (LcRd–LRQd), the Rus-
sian Orthodox Church arrived in Taiwan. Japanese Orthodox Church members had
actively called for establishing a church on this “new land”. In the post-WWII pe-
riod after the Japanese left and with the impending Cold War, the Russian commu-
nity in China migrating with the successive Kuomintang government brought their
church life to Taiwan. Religious activities were practiced by both immigrants and
local members until the LRcSs. In recent decades, recollection of memories was in-
itiated by the “revived” Church; lobbying efforts have been made for erecting mon-
uments in Taipei City as the commemorations of former gathering sites of the
Church. The Church also continuously brings significant religious objects into Tai-
wan to “reconnect” the land with the larger historical context and the church net-
work while bonding local members through rituals and vibrant activities at the same
time. With reference to the archival data of the Japanese Orthodox Church, postwar
records, as well as interviews of key informants, this article intends to clarify the
historical development and dynamics of forgetting and remembering the Russian
Orthodox Church in Taiwan.

Keywords. Russian Orthodox Church, Russia and Taiwan, Russian émigrés, Sites
of Memory, Japanese Orthodox Church.

Published in: Gotelind MÜLLER and Nikolay SAMOYLOV (eds.): Chinese Perceptions of
Russia and the West. Changes, Continuities, and Contingencies during the Twentieth Cen-
tury. Heidelberg: CrossAsia-eBooks, JSJS. DOI: https://doi.org/LS.LLdcc/xabooks.eeL.

NcR
Min-Chin Kay CHIANG

An Orthodox church in the Traditional Taiwanese Market

In winter JSLc, I walked into a traditional Taiwanese market in Taipei and surpris-
ingly found a Russian Orthodox church at a corner of small alleys deep in the
market. Later I figured out that this whitewashed old concrete building was a ghost
money1 and incense shop before being turned into a church. The pictures of the
church aroused great interest of friends, including those who lived in the neigh-
borhood, without realizing that it was a Russian Orthodox church. A strong feeling
of alienation was clearly there the moment one steps into the church from the hus-
tle and bustle of the lively market. On the white façade of the church building, a
sentence written in Chinese characters says: “Jidu fuhuo le; 基督復活了 (Christ
is risen)”. This shows not only an important religious message, but also a message
from the Church2 to the local community: fuhuo le (復活了) in Chinese could also
mean “revived” (see fig. LN-L). Efforts to “revive” the memory of a Russian Ortho-
dox church on this island have been made by the Church through religious activi-
ties as well as recounts of its history.
With relatively few research on the Russian Orthodox Church in Taiwan, this
article is based on the data of Seikyō jihō 正教時報 and Seikyō shinpō 正教新報
published by the Japanese Orthodox Church; Taiwan Nichinichi Shinpō 臺灣日日
新報; and data collected through on-site visits and interviews. It also aims to sort
out the historical development of the Russian Orthodox Church in Taiwan. Overall,
the religious development of the Orthodox Church has been closely related to var-
ious political transitions in Taiwan. This indicates chronologically unavoidable
disruption and disconnection. Through the study of current data, three phases of
the Russian Orthodox Church in Taiwan can be identified: The Japanese Period of
the Harisutosu seikyōkai ハ リ ス ト ス 正 教 会 (Haristos/Khristos Orthodox
Church) (LcRd–LRQd), the Post-WWII White Russian Period (LRQR–LRcSs), and the
Post-LRRSs “Revival” Period.

1 Also known as “joss paper” or “hell money” used during the religious rites for offering
to ancestors, ghosts, or the deities.
2 As a particular Christian organization, thus uppercased.

NRS
 “Reviving” the Russian Orthodox Church in Taiwan

Figure LN-L: Church building in November JSLc

Photo taken by Min-Chin Kay CHIANG

NRL
Min-Chin Kay CHIANG

Japanese Period of the Haristos Orthodox Church ハリストス

正教会 in Taiwan (LcRd–LRQd)

The beginning of the institutionalization of the Orthodox Church in Taiwan cannot

be separated from its development in Japan. The Russian Orthodox Church as an
organization was founded in Meiji Japan and soon successfully attracted numerous
followers. In LRSS, the membership reached Jd,KSS, which was double the number
of Presbyterians and almost half of the total number of Catholics. The number
increased to NJ,SSS at the end of the Meiji period.3 This was quite surprising espe-
cially when the Russo-Japanese relation was challenged by the Tripartite Interven-
tion in LcRd by France, Germany, and Russia. Most researches attributed the suc-
cess to St. Nikolai (St. Nikolaĭ), a charismatic missionary who introduced the Or-
thodox Church to Japan.
Nikolai (LcNe–LRLJ; baptized as Ivan Dmitrievich KASATKIN) arrived in Hako-
date 函館, Hokkaidō in LceL as a chaplain at the Russian consulate. In Lcec he
baptized his first three converts including SAWABE Takuma 沢辺琢磨 (LcNN–LRLN),
originally a Tosa 土佐 samurai and an adopted son of a Shintō priest in Hakodate.
He later became the first Japanese Orthodox priest in LcKd. The conversion of
SAWABE indicated that the social atmosphere veered toward Christianity in the
Meiji period. The Meiji government was eager to promote the image of new Japan
as a modern country. In the late Tokugawa period and the early Meiji period, many
young ex-samurais were looking for a new direction in life; they were attracted by
the charismatic Nikolai and the image of the Christian Church which linked to the
advanced social ideology, although the Orthodox Church seemed to affiliate more
with the conservative in Russia. With the assistance of SAWABE, Nikolai was able
to expand the mission in northeast Japan and set up the first church in Sendai. In
LcKJ Nikolai moved to Tsukiji 築地 in Tokyo and since then Tokyo has become
the headquarter of the Japanese Orthodox Church.
Although in LccR the Meiji Constitution (Dai-Nippon Teikoku Kenpō 大日本
帝國憲法, The Constitution of the Empire of Japan) finally announced religious
freedom, which must be under the condition of not violating the social order and
one’s obligations as the subject of the country and the emperor,4 the Christian

3 BALLHATCHET, H. J.: “The Modern Missionary Movement in Japan: Roman Catholic,

Protestant, Orthodox”. In: Mark MULLINS (ed.): Handbook of Christianity in Japan, Leiden:
Brill 2003, pp. 35–68.
4 Cf. the clause no. 28 of the Constitution of the Japanese Empire: “Japanese subjects shall,
within limits not prejudicial to peace and order, and not antagonistic to their duties as sub-
jects, enjoy freedom of religious belief.” In: “The Constitution of the Empire of Japan –

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 “Reviving” the Russian Orthodox Church in Taiwan

religion had long been banned especially during the Tokugawa period (LeSN–Lcec).
In the Meiji period, the government pursuing Western modernization chose to be
affiliated with the Church while pushing for the integration of religious and polit-
ical regimes under the Emperor at the same time. Moreover, the interest in Chris-
tianity of some intellectuals overlapped with their human rights movements that
might pose challenges to the status of the Emperor as the sole authority. The ten-
sion between religion and political power was inevitable in Meiji Japan, and was
further exacerbated by the nationalist competition and colonial expansion in the
early JSth century. In LcRd, among other war profits, Japan seized the Liaodong
Peninsula and Taiwan from Qing China; yet in the same year, Russia, Germany,
and France intervened in the negotiation. In the end, Russia took away two treaty
ports, Lüshun and Dalian, in north-east China. This event directly triggered the
Russo-Japanese War from LRSQ to LRSd. This was the social atmosphere, in which
Nikolai started his evangelical work and developed the Russian Orthodox Church
in Japan. The tension could be felt in criticism against the construction of “Ni-
korai-dō” in LcRL.
“Nikorai-dō ニコライ堂 (the Nikolai church)” refers to the cathedral built in
Tokyo in LcRL. With the elaborate Byzantine tower and ornaments, the impressive
architecture received criticism not only from the public but also from the Church
itself. Overlooking the Imperial Palace, the cathedral was criticized for its height;
at the same time, the coworkers were against the construction plan due to the
Church’s financial difficulty. Eventually the building was completed per Nikolai’s
wish to build a site of memory that would become a part of the cityscape. The
criticism against the “Nikorai-dō” represented the unenthusiastic relation between
the Russian Orthodox Church and the Meiji authority. When the Russo-Japanese
nationalist tension rose, Nikolai showed great flexibility in localizing the Ortho-
dox Church in Japan. With a relatively open attitude to local customs, death related
rites in particular, he was also well aware of the intertwining relationship between
religion and the political regime. He was considered adept at dealing with it. As
he approached his Japanese coworkers during the Russo-Japanese War, he encour-
aged them to pray for Japan while he himself refrained from public prayer events;
he had to remain loyal to his country. In this way, he was able to maintain the
Orthodox Church’s expansion even during the tense period of Russo-Japan rela-
tion and after his death in LRLJ.5

Birth of the Constitution of Japan”. Available online: https://www.ndl.go.jp/constitu-

tion/e/etc/c02.html#s2 (last access 2020, May 3).
5 BALLHATCHET, H. J.: “The Modern Missionary Movement in Japan: Roman Catholic,
Protestant, Orthodox”. In: Mark Mullins (ed.), Handbook of Christianity in Japan, Leiden:
Brill 2003, pp. 35–68.

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Min-Chin Kay CHIANG

Japan took over Taiwan from the Chinese Qing Dynasty in LcRd. Following the
colonial government, Japanese religious groups came to Taiwan out of religious,
as well as colonial, impetus. The Japanese Christian Church was one of the earliest
and initiated its first missionary activity in LcRe. Before the Japanese period, Chris-
tianity had already reached Taiwan when the major population, Han Taiwanese
and Austronesian-speaking indigenous groups had various local beliefs. In the LKth
century, the Dutch V.O.C. (Vereenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie) brought the
Dutch Reformist Church (De gereformeerde kerk) to southern Taiwan while Span-
ish Dominican missionaries came to the northern part around the same time. Both
had some impacts on the indigenous groups yet reduced when the Dutch and Span-
ish powers retreated from Taiwan in the late LKth century. Before the Japanese
colonial government took control in LcRd, both the Dominicans and the Presbyter-
ians were the major Christian groups on the island in the late LRth century as sev-
eral Taiwanese ports were opened to Western traders under the Treaty of Tianjin
(Lcdc). In LcdR, the Catholic Dominican Church from Manila became widespread
over the entire island of Taiwan while the Presbyterian Church was brought to the
southern area by British missionaries in Lced. In LcKJ, the Canadian missionary
MACKAY brought Presbyterians with him into the north.6
At the time when the Japanese took over Taiwan, Japanese Christian Churches
were introduced to the island by various interest groups, including the Nihon Kiri-
suto Kyōkai / Riben Jidu Jiaohui 日本基督教會 (Church of Christ in Japan), Ni-
hon Seikōkai / Riben Shenggonghui 日本聖公会 in Japan (the Anglican-Episcopal
Church NSKK), Nihon Kumiai Kirisuto Kyōkai / Riben Zuhe Jidu Jiaohui 日本
組 合 基 督 教 (Congregational Christian Church of Japan), Nihon Mesojisuto
Kyōkai 日本メソヂスト教会 (The Methodist Episcopal Church in Japan), Nihon
Seikyōkai / Riben Shengjiaohui 日本聖教會 (Japan Holiness Church), Salvation
Army, and the Greek Orthodox Church7 etc.8 The “True Jesus Church” was also
brought over from China in the early period of Japanese colonization. According
to the report of Taiwan Nichinichi Shinpō on July Lc in the year Shōwa J (LRJK),
there were Lec assembly places, JJN missionaries, J,NKQ Japanese, and Nc,LKK Tai-
wanese believers (including Han Taiwanese and Austronesian indigenous popula-
tion). These numbers included all Christian sects of Catholic, Presbyterian, Japan
Congregational Church, the Anglican-Episcopal Church in Japan, Orthodox

6 WU Xueming 吳學明: “Zhongzhan qian zai Tai jidujiaopai guanxi zhi yanjiu” 終戰前在
臺基督教派關係之研究 (Research of Christianity in Taiwan Before the End of the Second
World War). In: Taiwan Wenxian 臺灣文獻 (Taiwan Historica) No. eN:Q, JSLJ, pp. LSL–LNe.
7 It was actually the Russian Orthodox Church yet appeared as Greek Orthodox Church in
the Taiwan Nichinichi Shinpō many times.
8 WU Xueming: “Zhongzhan qian zai Tai jidujiaopai guanxi zhi yanjiu” (2012).

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 “Reviving” the Russian Orthodox Church in Taiwan

Church, and Holiness Church. The total number of the Christian population was
at QS,ddL, out of LJe,dNQ of all religious believers in Taiwan.9 The Orthodox Church
was already included in the statistics in LRJK. It means that the Orthodox Church
was one of the identifiable Christian Churches in the mid-Japanese colonial period.
The establishment of the Orthodox Church in Taiwan was inseparable from the
will of Nihon Harisutosu Seikyōkai 日本ハリストス正教会 (the Orthodox
Church in Japan). According to the record of Seikyō shinpō 正教新報, the official
publication of the Orthodox Church in Japan, on September L, LRSL,10 the author
Isaiya MIZUSHIMA (イサイヤ水島行楊 MIZUSHIMA Kōyō) mentioned that “the
call for sending missionaries to Taiwan had been loud a few years ago. It has been
even louder since Taiwan became a part of the imperial land of Japan”.11 Fr. Sim-
eon (YUKAWA Kinji 湯川謹次) was assigned to visit Orthodox followers in Tai-
wan and to inspect the missionary work in September and October LRSL. It could
be inferred from the record that before LcRd there had been discussion among the
Orthodox Church in Japan about expanding the missionary work into Taiwan.
Moreover, in LRSL there were already JR Orthodox believers in Taiwan.12 Fr. Sim-
eon YUKAWA was assigned to visit Taiwan again in LRSN and asked for a regular
priest to reside in Taiwan. By examining the diary of Nikolai and the Seikyō shinpō
in this period, TSUKAMOTO Zenya 塚本善也13 found that the Orthodox Church,
especially Nikolai himself, had been enthusiastic about sending a regular priest to
Taiwan and yet was intervened by the eruption of the Russo-Japanese War in LRSQ.
The war directly impacted on the finance of the Russian Orthodox Church.

9 “Quandao ge jiaohui xiankuang he shendao fojiao jidu xintu ji shier wan liu qian wubai
sanshisi ren” 全島各教會現況合神道佛教基督信徒計十二萬六千五百三十四人 (Cur-
rent state of the religions of the whole island including Shinto, Buddhist, and Christian
religions: the total number of believers are 126,534). In: Kanbun Taiwan Nichinichi Shinpō
漢文臺灣日日新報 (Chinese-language Taiwan Daily), no. 4, 1927, July 18, p. 4.
10 Isaiya MIZUSHIMA Kōyō イサイヤ水島行楊: “Shimeon YUKAWA-fu no Taiwan-gyō o
okuru” シメオン湯川父の臺灣行を送る/水島行楊 (Seeing Fr. Simeon YUKAWA off to
Taiwan). Seikyō shinpō, no. 498, 1901, September 1, pp. 5–8.
11 Ibid., p. 5.
12 “Taiwan-jima zaijū shinto” 臺灣島在住信徒 (The believers residing in Taiwan). Seikyō
shinpō, No. 502, 1901, pp. 18–19. On the website of Orthodoxy in Taiwan: in 1901 the
“Christ the Savior Parish” was established in Taiwan. In 1900 there were 15 or 17 believers,
and went up to 29 the following year. The number reached forty-four in 1903. See. Ortho-
doxWiki contributors: “Orthodoxy in Taiwan”, 2016, May 16. Available online: https://or-
thodoxwiki.org/Orthodoxy_in_Taiwan (last access 2019, December 8).
13 TSUKAMOTO Zenya 塚本善也: “Nihon Harisutosu seikyōkai no Taiwan dendō” 日本ハ
リストス正教会の台湾伝道 (Missionary Work of the Japanese Haristos Orthodox
Church in Taiwan)”. In: NAKAMURA Yoshikazu 中村喜和 et al. (eds.): Haruka nari: Waga
kokyô – Ikyô ni ikiru III 遥かなり、わが故郷-異境に生きる III (Faraway Homeland –
Living in a Foreign Land III), Yokohama: Seibunsha 2005, pp. 157–169.

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Min-Chin Kay CHIANG

As Japan and Russia competed for the control over northeast China and Korea, in
November LRSN, only a few months before the Russo-Japan War, a report on Tai-
wan Nichinichi Shinpō states that, “[d]ue to the tension between Japan and Russia,
the priest Nikolai announced that he would return to Russia and would not fund
the missionary work in Japan. Hence the Japanese missionaries and servants were
anxious about this possibility”.14 Under such circumstances, the pastoral work was
still officially launched in Taiwan in LRLL. The priest Fr. Titus KOSHIYAMA (KO-
SHIYAMA Shō 越山照) arrived in Taiwan in July and the Christ/Haristos Orthodox
Church (Kirisuto seikyōkai 基督正教會) was officially founded.15 In the Seikyō
shinpō in August LRLL, “the official beginning of the missionary work in Taiwan”
was announced and documented by one article entitled “Important record of the
Board of the Church)”.16 On September JL, LRLL, the Taiwan Nichinichi Shinpō
reported the missionary plan of KOSHIYAMA:

The priest of the Orthodox Church KOSHIYAMA Shō (越山照) arrived in Taizhong
and founded the assembly place on the LQth of this month. He used this as the base
and sent missionaries to Taipei, Tainan and important locations on the island to
fully promote the Orthodox belief. This church belonged to the Greek Orthodox
Church.17 KOSHIYAMA has been ordained by Bishop Nikolai, as aforementioned;
this time he was assigned as priest to the Taiwan parish. Furthermore, the number
of believers living on the island including the Secretary Officer SAITŌ (齋藤),
Councilor SAKURAI (柵瀨) et al., are around fifty.18

However, KOSHIYAMA did not stay in Taiwan for long. TSUKAMOTO suggested
that KOSHIYAMA was not in the service in Taiwan even before August LRLJ.
After Fr. Titus KOSHIYAMA, the priest Antoniĭ TAKAI (TAKAI Makio 高井万
亀尾) was assigned to continue the missionary work in Taiwan. With the main
base in Nagasaki, he only visited Taiwan annually. The Seikyō jihō 正教時報
carried detailed records of his two visits: February Q to March K in LRLN; and Feb-
ruary Jc to March NL in LRLQ. He arrived in Keelung port (Jilong gang 基隆港) and
visited Taipei, Miaoli (苗栗), Taichung (Taizhong 台中), Chiayi (Jiayi 嘉義),

14 “Eguo zhengjiaopai shuaishi” 俄國正教派衰勢 (Decline of the Russian Orthodox

Church). In: Taiwan Nichinichi shinpō, 1903, November 7, p. 4. (Article in Chinese.)
15 “Kirisuto seikyō dendō kaishi 基督正教傳道開始 (The Start of Evangelical Work of
the Christ/Haristos Orthodox Church). In: Taiwan Nichinichi shinpō, 1911, July 22, p. 1.
16 “Sōkōkai jūyō kiji” 總公會重要記事 (Important record of the Board of the Church). In:
Seikyō shinpō, 1911, August 1, no. 736, p. 10.
17 It was actually the Russian Orthodox Church.
18 “Kirisuto seikyōkai kaisetsu” 基督正教會開設 (Founding of the Christ/Haristos Ortho-
dox Church). In: Taiwan Nichinichi Shinpō, 1911, September 21, p. 2.

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 “Reviving” the Russian Orthodox Church in Taiwan

Kaohsiung (Gaoxiong 高雄), and Pingtung (Pingdong 屏東).19 From his travelling
route, Orthodox followers in the early LRLSs seemed to aggregate mainly in the
cities, especially along western Taiwan. In LRLd, Fr. Foma (MAKI Tsunetarō 真木
常太郎) replaced TAKAI and served as the resident priest in Taiwan until LRNS. He
resided in Chiayi in southern Taiwan. Although Fr. Foma MAKI was the official
priest assigned by the Japanese Orthodox Church, his activities were rarely shown
on the Seikyō jihō or the Taiwan Nichinichi Shinpō. In comparison, both frequently
reported about the activities of the Taipei Orthodox Church conducted by MATSU-
DAIRA Yoshihiro 松平慶宏 who was already active in the late LcRSs by frequently
appealing to Nikolai for a resident priest position in Taiwan.
The prevailing activities of the Russian Orthodox Church in Taiwan could be
seen from the Seikyō jihō 正教時報 published by the Orthodox Church of Japan.
The Taipei Harisutosu Seikyōkai 臺北ハリストス正教會 (Taipei Haristos Or-
thodox Church) was officially established on December LNth, LRLe with MATSU-
DAIRA’s efforts. The Female Society of Taipei Orthodox Church was founded in
the following year.20 Self-funding his missionary work, MATSUDAIRA applied to
the Taipei state government for establishing the church and received official ap-
proval. The number of newly baptized believers reached Qc; with another JK be-
lievers migrated from the Japanese mainland, the total number of believers reached
Kd in LRLR. However, MATSUDAIRA and his family moved back to Japan in May
LRLR, three years after he founded the Taipei Church. During the period from late
LRLe to LRLR, the Taiwan Nichinichi Shinpō published weekly reports on Sunday
activities of the Taipei Orthodox Church21 with little reference to MAKI’s activi-
ties; mainly concerning his visit to the church in Taipei. The frequent reporting on
the Taipei church ceased in LRLR after MATSUDAIRA’s departure. Even though the
priest MAKI Tsunetarō kept his residency in Chiayi and later carried on the mis-
sionary work in Taipei, after MATSUDAIRA’s leave, there were nearly no important
religious activities in Taiwan recorded by the Seikyō jihō during this period. The
last related record before WWII was in LRNQ, a detailed note on the proto-priest
TAKAI Makio’s trip to Taiwan.22

19 “Takai shisai Taiwan kikō” 高井司祭臺灣紀行 (Record of the priest TAKAI’s visit to
Taiwan). In: Seikyō jihō, vol. 2, no. 7, 1913, April 5, pp. 49–55.
20 “Taihoku seikyō fujinkai setsuritsu” 臺北正教婦人會設立 (Founding of the Female
Society of the Taipei Orthodox Church). In: Seikyō jihō, 1917, August 15, p. 42; “Taihoku
seikyōkai” 臺北正教會 (Taipei Orthodox Church). In: Seikyō jihō, 1918, January 15,
pp. 34–35.
21 The Church located at MATSUDAIRA’s house at the address Bajiazhuang (八甲庄) in the
current Wanhua District in Taipei.
22 TAKAI Makio: “Junkai nisshi” 巡迴日誌 (Diary of the visit). In: Seikyō jihō, vol. 23,
no. 3, 1934, pp. 30–32.

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Min-Chin Kay CHIANG

TAKAI’s visits were recorded in vol. JJ no. N in LRNN and vol. JN no. N in LRNQ by
the Seikyō jihō.23 Both records showed that after LRNS, the Orthodox Church in
Japan assigned TAKAI to Taiwan again and restarted the annual religious visit after
LRNS. This was related to MAKI’s death on November JK, LRNS.24 During these two
trips, different from his previous visits in the LRLSs, TAKAI went to a larger area
including eastern Taiwan. It is noteworthy that several names of Russians were
mentioned during his second trip in LRNN when visiting Taipei, Chiayi, Kaohsiung,
and Tainan.25 The report on April R, LRJd of the Taiwan Nichinichi Shinpo indi-
cated that “[t]hirty Russian sellers still resided on the island.” Whether they are
related to the Orthodox believers aforementioned or to Belo emigrants (a term for
white émigrés, especially Russian émigrés) staying after the Russian Civil War
(LRLc–LRJJ) remains unanswered.26
Through two detailed records of TAKAI’s Taiwan visits, it is clear that Russian
Orthodox Church believers were distributed all over western Taiwan and part of
the east coast in the early LRNSs. Most of time, he stayed in Taipei, and then the
area between Chiayi and Tainan. This is not surprising because the priest MAKI
based in Chiayi. Yet the considerable number of believers in Taipei showed the
impact of frequent evangelical activities conducted by MATSUDAIRA before LRLR.
We can also see different groups of immigrants from the Japanese mainland to
Taipei. Furthermore, as shown in the record, most believers he visited were Japa-
nese, few Russians and only one mention of Taiwanese. This indicated the ethnic
composition of believers in the LRNSs. The activities of the Orthodox Church went
down after the mid-LRNSs under the impacts of MAKI’s death and the prewar at-
mosphere.
The Orthodox Church in the Japanese mainland was seriously affected by the
Russian Civil War particularly due to the shrinkage and eventually cut of financial
support from Russia. Salaries of priests, catechists, and clerks were cut off; schools
and related organizations were suspended. The situation worsened in the pre-
WWII period. In LRNR Japan announced that they began the wartime “national mo-
bilization,” and intended to control and appropriate religions, treating them as the
nationalist and imperialist propaganda instruments. On the one hand, the Ministry
of Education led the policy to unite religions, putting them into the officially de-
fined “orthodoxy”; on the other hand, the National Army promoted a “Pan-Asian
Orthodox Church” as an anti-Soviet propaganda tool. Under these conditions, in

23 Hence it is suggested that the visits were at the end of 1932 and 1933.
24 TAKAI visited the “widow” of MAKI and held the farewell ceremony for him. Cf. “TAKAI
chō-shisai no Taiwan junkaiki” 高井長司祭の臺灣巡回記 (Record of the visit of proto-
priest TAKAI). In: Seikyō jihō, vol. 22, no. 3, 1933, pp. 15–20.
25 TAKAI Makio: “Junkai nisshi”. In: Seikyō jihō, vol. 23, no. 3, pp. 30–32.
26 TSUKAMOTO: “Nihon Harisutosu seikyōkai no Taiwan dendō” (2005), pp. 157–169.

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 “Reviving” the Russian Orthodox Church in Taiwan

LRQS the Japanese Orthodox Church cut off the link with the Russian Orthodox
Church and was forced to accept the new Bishop through the Manchuria Diocese
of the Russian Orthodox Church Outside Russia. The Church almost stopped run-
ning in LRQQ when most of the first generation of Church leaders passed away.27
As a result, it is not surprising to see the Church become inactive in Taiwan after
the mid-LRNSs as the principal Church in Japan was undergoing large changes.

The Postwar Period

After the war, the elites of the Japanese Orthodox Church in Tokyo applied to the
Moscow Patriarchate or the “American Metropolia” for a Russian Orthodox “res-
cue mission”. The result was out of hand with the ongoing Cold War separation of
blocs and their affiliates.28 In LRQK, the bishop of the American Metropolia, Ben-
jamin (BASALYGA) of Pittsburgh, visited Japan, led pastoral tours, and ordained
ten people as new clerics. Yet the full recovery of the Japanese Orthodox Church
came only when the activist Metropolitan Irenaeus (Irineĭ) (BEKISH) took charge
of the Japanese Church in LRdN. According to KHARIN (JSLL), “It was undoubtedly
under Irenaeus ‘the reconstructor’ that the Japanese Orthodox Church regained
coherence and entered a new ‘American’ phase in its existence, which would last
until the major U.S.-USSR ecclesiastical settlement of LRKS, and in many cultural
trends until the present”.29
Similar to the Japanese Orthodox Church after the war, the Orthodox Church
in Taiwan also entered the new era with the Cold War realignment. After WWII,
Taiwan was ceded by Japan to the reign of Kuomintang (Guomindang 國民黨, the
Chinese Nationalist government, henceforth KMT) led by CHIANG Kai-shek (蔣
介石 JIANG Jieshi) in China. Defeated in the following Chinese Civil War by the
Communist Party, the KMT government retreated to Taiwan in LRQR. Affiliated to
the Western Bloc led by the U.S. in the Cold War, the KMT government in Taiwan
was against the USSR-led Eastern Bloc and the Communists from the People’s
Republic of China.

27 KHARIN, I. N.: Self-Realization of the Japanese Orthodox Church, 1912–1956, PhD

Dissertation, Princeton University, 2011.
28 Ibid., pp. 70–71.
29 Ibid., pp. 72.

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Min-Chin Kay CHIANG

As opposed to the prewar period, the call for an Orthodox Church in Taiwan
emerged from another community: the émigré Russians. When the KMT govern-
ment resettled in Taiwan, some Russians joined the retreat and formed a new group
of Orthodox believers. In response to their call, the Bishop John (Ioann)
(SHAKHOVSKOĬ)30 took his first visit to Taiwan during the Korean War (LRdS–LRdN).
In LRdK the Metropolitan Irenaeus (BEKISH) from Tokyo visited Taiwan and hosted
services in a family style church named John the Baptist until the mid-LReSs.31
According to Gleb RAHR (RAR),32 during his stay in Taiwan from LRdK to LReS,
he met several Russians who had come to Taiwan through different means: George
Konstantinovich ELSNER (Georgiĭ Konstantinovich ĖLʹSNER), the owner of Café
Astoria in Taipei where the Russian community gathered, had moved to Taiwan
from the Russian emigrant colony of Shanghai; Yury (I͡Uriĭ) Romanovich
LARIKOV, a former member of the Kolchak army, worked in an artillery laboratory
of the Chinese National Army (ROC).33 There was also a comparatively larger
group of Russian women who immigrated with their husbands, mostly members
of the Flying Tigers (American Volunteer Group or AVG) or officers of the Chi-
nese National Army. The last immigrant group was Russian women from Xinjiang

30 See introduction in: OrthodoxWiki contributors: “John (SHAHOVSKOY) of San Fran-

cisco”, 2012, March 11. Available online: https://orthodoxwiki.org/index.php?ti-
tle=John_(Shahovskoy)_of_San_Francisco&oldid=107655 (last access 2019, December
14).
31 LAI Yingchuan: “‘Luoye Shenggen’ yi ‘Huhua Chunni’? Shitan Taiwan ‘Baie’ de Lisan
Jingyan (1949–1989) (Yi Wuchangjie yiduan qihao ji Yige eguo jiazushi huiyilu weili)”
「落葉生根」抑「護花春泥」? 試探臺灣「白俄」的離散經驗(1949–1989) (以《武
昌街一段七號》及《一個俄國家族史》回憶錄為例) (‘Stayers’ or ‘Passers-by’? A Pre-
liminary Research on the Diasporic Experiences of Belo emigrants in Taiwan (1949–1989)
(Memoirs of No. 7, Sec. 1 of Wuchan Road and the History of a Russian Family). In Section
of Digital Collection of the Library of the National Chengchi University (ed.): Zhenshi yu
Xiangxiang: Bainian Tai-E Guanxi Lueying 真實與想像: 百年臺俄關係掠影 (Reality and
Imagination: One Hundred Years of Russia-Taiwan Relation), Taipei: Chengchi University
Library 2018. pp. 257–277.
32 Gleb RAR: I budet nashe pokolenʹe davatʹ istorii otchet: Vospominanii͡a (…And our gen-
eration will report to history: Memoirs), Moskva: Russkiĭ putʹ JSLL.
33 “Gregore R. LARIKOVE”, i.e., Y. R. LARIKOV, was born in Siberia and graduated from a
military school in 1916. He followed the Russian army, retreated to Japan through Russian
Kamchatka after the Russian Revolution, and then moved with the army to Shenyang in
China. He advised the Chinese military government to develop canons and artillery as a
Russian advisor, and later joined the Chinese army in 1936 to design artillery. He became
a Chinese citizen in the same year. See JIAN Jinzhui 簡錦錐 and XIE Zhufen 謝祝芬: Minx-
ing Kafeiguan 明星咖啡館 (Café Astoria), Taipei: Ink 2015, p. 107.

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 “Reviving” the Russian Orthodox Church in Taiwan

(China) who fled to Taiwan through India.34 Gleb RAHR described their migration
route to Taiwan. Some Russians settled in Chinese Turkestan during the period of
the Russian Empire. At times of the Russian Civil War, thousands of refugees from
Orenburg, Ural, and Semirechʹe Cossacks flooded into Chinese Turkestan and
thereafter established the Orthodox Church parishes, Russian primary schools and
a Russian gymnasium in Urumqi. During the Chinese Civil War, the young offic-
ers of the Rth Army of Kuomintang bastioned in Xinjiang married Xinjiang Rus-
sians.35 They then moved to India with their husbands for internship and fled with
the KMT government to Taiwan in LRQR. Their living conditions were bad with
underpaid army salaries and the negative image of Russian wives in the KMT army
career. In some other cases, such as the mother of Mrs. Lidia CHANG (or Nina
CHANG) who was married to Councilor CHANG Ta-tien (ZHANG Datian 張大田),
both (Nina and her mother) were Russians from Harbin, China.
RAHR and his family came to Taiwan in LRdK from Germany as he worked as
the director of the Free Russia Radio. When invited to Taiwan, RAHR was working
for the NTS (Narodno-Trudovoĭ Soi͡uz, the National Labor Union) in West Ger-
many and the NTS had an agreement with the Asian Peoples’ Anti-Communist
League (APACL) and the KMT government to broadcast radio programs to Russia
and Siberia from Taiwan. The Free Russia Radio was set up by the Free Radio
under the funding from the U.S. parliament under the terms of the Sino-American
Mutual Defense Treaty36 after the Korean War. In LRdK, the Russian radio station
was set up in Tamsui (Danshui 淡水), a district of the current New Taipei City.
This “meant that the number of Russian émigré intelligentsia increased”.37 As a
journalist, RAHR was actively involved in promoting Orthodox Christianity and
Russian culture, and “had great impact on reuniting the Russian Orthodox Church
Outside Russia with the Moscow Patriarchate amid the dissolution of USSR”38. In
his memoir, RAHR provides the names of Russian colleagues at the Free Russia
Radio Station including Dima IVANOV, Kosti͡a FELʹZING, and Dima ZHANG (a half
Chinese, half Russian radio engineer). Their salary and living standard were sim-
ilar to the members of the Flying Tigers; much different from those from Xinjiang.

34 See English translation in Gleb RAR: “Historical Notes about Orthodox Church Life in
Taiwan during 50–60 years of 20 cent” (Kiril MIRAKOVSKI, trans.). Available online:
http://orthodox.cn/localchurch/taiwan/glebrar_en.htm (last access 2019, August 14).
35 As the local population in Xinjiang, the Uighurs and Kazakhs, were a nomadic popula-
tion and Muslims as well, the Russians preferred to marry the Chinese officers who also
had the problem of finding spouses since local Uighurs and Kazakhs did not like the Chi-
nese.
36 The official full title is “Mutual Defense Treaty between the United States of America
and the Republic of China”.
37 LAI: “ ‘Stayers’ or ‘Passers-by’ ?” (2018), p. 264.
38 Ibid.

QSL
Min-Chin Kay CHIANG

Many of the aforementioned groups left Russia after the LRLK Revolution and
moved to China through Siberia. Nearly NSS,SSS White Russians were in this wave
of emigration and settled in China in the LRJSs.39 Some of the former anti-Bolshe-
viks army members assisted the KMT in military trainings and equipment mainte-
nance in China and followed the KMT’s retreat to Taiwan after LRQR. Mostly Or-
thodox believers, they formed the major group to request for building a Russian
Orthodox church in Taiwan after the war. A couple among the earliest arrivals in
Taiwan, Roman Nikolaevich and Li͡udmila Glebovna REDLIKH invited the Metro-
politan Irenaeus (BEKISH) from Tokyo in LRdK40 and had divine services at their
home in Taipei.41 After that, the family of RAHR continued this role in LRdc. As
RAHR moved to Japan in LReS and his and his wife’s role was replaced by A. A.
and E. R. PERUAN. Since the REDLIKH’s, the RAHR family and the following PE-
RUAN’s resided at the same house overlapping or at different times, this location
in Taipei was the most active Orthodox religious place of the period. In RAHR’s
memoir, one photo reveals that Metropolitan Irenaeus chaired the Orthodox ser-
vice in a room with an iconostasis at RAHR’s house; and the other shows Metro-
politan Irenaeus on the three-wheeled rickshaw in front of the RAHR’s house.
RAHR particularly mentions that the time when Metropolitan Irenaeus served the
liturgy on September LL LRdc, the day of the Beheading of St. John the Baptist, the
Taipei parish gained a patron saint. Around QS people attended the service.
An article in the Japanese Seikyō jihō documents the visit of the Metropolitan
Irenaeus (BEKISH) from April J-R, LRdR, one of his annual visits between LRdK and
LRdR. According to the article, believers in Taiwan reached around LSS in LRdc;
mostly from Russia, the U.S., China, and Greece. There was no church, hence they
gathered at RAHR’s home for religious activities. During Irenaeus’ visit, Ld people
were baptized including LQ Chinese and one Russian child.42 This description sug-
gests that a larger portion of locals, although not sure whether they were Chinese
immigrants or local Taiwanese, converted to Orthodox Christianity in the late
LRdSs.

39 CHEN Tianquan 陳天權: “Dongzhengjiao chuanru Xianggang licheng” 東正教傳入香

港歷程 (The Journey of the Orthodox Church to Hong Kong): https://www.master-in-
sight.com/東正教傳入香港歷程/ (Accessed 20 August, 2019).
40 Based on the memoir of Gleb RAHR.
41 The address was: No. 18, Lane 132, Jianguo North Road, Taipei City (台北市建國北路
132 巷 18 號).
42“Irinei daishukyō. Taiwan hōmon saru” イリネイ大主教 台湾訪問さる (The visit of
Patriarch Irenaeus to Taiwan). In: Seikyō jihō, no. 834, 1959, May 5, p. 12.

QSJ
 “Reviving” the Russian Orthodox Church in Taiwan

The last record directly related to Taiwan in the Japanese Seikyō jihō was in the
edition of January JS, LRed (Shōwa QS),43 describing the five day visit of the Met-
ropolitan of Japan Vladimir (NAGOSKY), 44 the American Air chaplain Peter
ZURNOVICH, and Fr. Kirill ARIHARA (有原) from December Je-NS, LReQ. As de-
scribed by the author, the total number of Orthodox believers in Taiwan in the
LReSs was around JSS, most of which lived in the area of Taipei. They did not have
a church to go to; believers expected to have a resident priest who could plan
building their own church. During the five-day visit, Taipei, Taichung, and Chiayi
were the three major cities where services were held. The locations remind the
distribution of believers in the pre-war period. However, the relationship between
the believers before and after the war seemed to be disconnected. This is reflected
in the content of the report, written by the only Japanese member of the group, Fr.
Kirill ARIHARA: “After an approximately two-and-a-half-hour flight we arrived in
Taiwan, which until twenty years earlier had been Japanese territory but which
was now a foreign country. After reaching a place where many Japanese believers
had lived, there was a kind of lonely feeling.”45 Moreover, the report showed that
priests of the Episcopal Church long helped to perform services for sickly or dying
amongst Orthodox followers in Taipei since there had been no regular resident
Orthodox priest. The situation was similar to that in the prewar period.
Although the believers in Taipei planned to initiate building their church, the
expectation has never been fulfilled. Similar to the LRdSs and eSs, the religious
activities continued to be held at a believer’s home or a Catholic church, for in-
stance the Holy Family Church Taipei during the LRKSs.46 However, the religious
activities became very few. Some former Orthodox believers joined the Catholic
Church instead. The anti-communist propaganda and the political atmosphere of
White Terror until LRcK quieted down many local believers; the image of Russians
was very often directly linked to communism and the USSR. JIAN Jinzhui 簡錦錐,
the Taiwanese partner of Café Astoria, recalled the LRQR negotiation to rent the
place for the cafe, in which the property owner immediately refused to let the
house to the “communists” when he noticed that other partners of the cafe were

43 “Taiwan no seikyōto o tazunete” 台湾の正教徒を訪ねて (Visiting the Orthodox Chris-

tians in Taiwan). In: Seikyō jihō, no. 901, 1965, January, p. 7.
44 “In March 1970, Abp. Vladimir was elevated to the rank of Metropolitan by the Moscow
Patriarchate when the Patriarchate granted autonomy to the Church of Japan” in: Ortho-
doxWiki contributors: “Main page”, 2017, October 19. Available online: https://ortho-
doxwiki.org/ (last access 2019, December 14).
45 English translation by Fr. John BARTHOLOMEW quoted from the website of the “Ortho-
doxy in China”. See: “Taiwan jiaotang” 台灣教堂 (Churches in Taiwan). Available online:
http://www.orthodox.cn/localchurch/taiwan/index.html (last access 2019, December 15).
46 Interview with Fr. Kirill at the Taipei Elevation of the Holy Cross Church, Songshan
District, Taipei. 2018, November 27.

QSN
Min-Chin Kay CHIANG

Russians47. The political situation also made White Russians hesitant to stay in
Taiwan. The Korean War in the early LRdSs caused the fear that communists of the
People’s Republic of China may eventually capture Taiwan. Many chose to emi-
grate to Australia, Brazil, the U.S., and other countries in the LRdSs and LReSs.48 It
suggests that the composition of Orthodox believers in Taiwan was in constant
change. Believers in the LRcSs either left or deceased, and religious activities soon
became inactive. Many local Orthodox Christians either converted to Catholicism
or completely retreated from the Christian religion. As Taiwan was under White
Terror until LRcK, the fear of being labeled as a communist suppressed some local
believers who couldn’t even dare admit their Orthodox belief.49
After the Second World War, the number of Orthodox Christians in Taiwan
increased from LSS in the LRdSs to JSS in the LReSs. Although Taiwan was ceded
from Japan in LRQd, the Cold War placed the development of the two Orthodox
Churches in the same bloc. Missionary work of both Churches was taken care of
by the U.S.-channeled Orthodox priests. The Japanese Orthodox Church rebuilt
relations to the Moscow Patriarchate in LRKS and became an autonomous Church
while Taiwan was still cared for by the U.S. army chaplains in the LRKSs. Since the
U.S. army withdrew from Taiwan in LRKR after the U.S. ended the official rela-
tionship with the Republic of China, the Orthodox U.S. army chaplains have not
continued to cover Taiwanese believers. This may be the core reason of the drastic
drop of Orthodox religious activities in Taiwan in the LRcSs.

The Orthodox Church in Taiwan After the LRRSs

Orthodox religious activities started to become more active again only after the
LRRSs when the global and domestic political circumstances changed. In LRRL, the
USSR dissolved and Taiwan also went through an intensive process of democra-
tization after lifting herself out of the Martial Law in LRcK. Liberated from the
Chinese Nationalist “anti-communism and anti-USSR” propaganda, the new po-
litical environment started up new diplomatic relation between Taiwan and Russia.
In LRRJ, Taiwan and Russia signed the mutual agreement for establishing the Mos-
cow-Taipei Coordination Commission on Economic and Cultural Cooperation

47 JIAN / XIE: Café Astoria (JSLd), p. KQ.

48 Ibid., p. 80.
49 Interview with Fr. Kirill at the Taipei Elevation of the Holy Cross Church, Songshan
District, Taipei. 2018, November 27.

QSQ
 “Reviving” the Russian Orthodox Church in Taiwan

(MTC). As a result, the MTC in Moscow was founded in July LRRN and the MTC
in Taipei was officially set up in December LRRe. In JSSJ, the semi-governmental
Taiwan-Russia Association was founded. In September LRRN, the direct flight route
between Taipei and Moscow was approved by both countries. With this welcom-
ing environment, it attracted more Russians to Taiwan as well as lead the believers
to call for establishing an Orthodox parish in Taiwan.50
Noticing the demand from Orthodox Christians in Taiwan, the proto-priest Di-
onisiĭ POZDNIA ͡ EV from Hong Kong visited Taiwan first in LRRR and thereafter
every two years to deliver divine liturgies.51 In JSSd, Bishop Ilarion ALFEEV from
the Moscow Patriarchate visited Taiwan. Later, the Moscow Patriarchate sent per-
sonnel three times to examine the possibility of building a parish in Taiwan.52 Yet,
due to the Church’s financial situation, the official announcement of establishing
the parish was postponed to JSLJ. Fr. Kirill SHKARBUL53 was assigned by the Mos-
cow patriarch to rebuild the parish. In February JSLN, the Taipei parish was offi-
cially “reactivated”. This was aimed at “reviving” the Taipei Orthodox Church
founded in “LRSL” during the Japanese colonial period. This Church, based in Tai-
pei City,54 was named the Taiwan Orthodox Christian Church (Moscow Patriar-
chate) (Taiwan jidu zheng jiaohui – Mosike da mu shouzuo 台灣基督正教會-莫
斯科大牧首座).55
In Taiwan, there has been another Orthodox church active since the LRRSs: the
Orthodox Church in Taiwan (Taiwan jidu dongzhengjiao hui 台灣基督東正教會),
belonging to the Orthodox Metropolitanate of Hong Kong and Southeast Asia un-
der the Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople. The Church is based in Xin-
dian, New Taipei City, and is led by Fr. Jonah (李亮).56 The Metropolitanate of
Hong Kong and Southeast Asia, led by Metropolitan Nektarios TSILIS, in fact
started religious activities in Asia earlier than the Moscow Patriarchate. The parish
in Hong Kong was established in LRRK, and Fr. Jonah assigned by the Metropoli-
tanate as the priest of the Taipei parish in JSSL. The Church was officially

50 Ibid.
51 Ibid.
52 More information can be found on “Brief History of Taiwan Orthodox Church” (Taiwan
zheng jiaohui jian shi 台灣正教會簡史). In: “Taiwan jidu zheng jiaohui” 台灣基督正教
會 (the Orthodox Church in Taiwan). Available online: http://orthodoxchurch.tw/ (last ac-
cess 2019, December 15).
53 Fr. Kirill SHKARBUL’s nationality is Canadian.
54 The location was moved from Songshan District to Zhongzheng District in July 2019. It
was named the Taipei Elevation of the Holy Cross Church (Taibei juyang sheng shizi
jiaotang 台北舉揚聖十字教堂).
55 “Taiwan jidu zheng jiaohui” 台灣基督正教會 (the Orthodox Church in Taiwan). Avail-
able online: http://orthodoxchurch.tw/ (last access 2019, December 15).
56 V. Reverend Archimandrite Jonah MOURTOS. Fr. Jonah is of Greek nationality.

QSd
Min-Chin Kay CHIANG

registered by the government in JSSQ. In response to the “reactivation” of the Tai-

pei parish of the Moscow Patriarchate, the Metropolitan Nektarios issued an en-
cyclical letter in June JSLN to denounce the deed of having “created a schismatic
‘Church’”.57 The tension between the two parties rose over time.
The Taiwan Orthodox Christian Church (Moscow Patriarchate) was officially
registered with the government in JSLe. According to Fr. Kirill, there were already
four regular locations in November JSLc for divine services of the Russian Ortho-
dox Church in Taiwan: Taipei, Hsinchu (Xinzhu 新竹), Taichung, and Kaohsiung.
Here is the number of attendants in Taipei: Regular attendants for the Sunday ser-
vice are around JS; attendants in the two most important services, Christmas and
Easter, are around eS. The total number of “claimed” believers is around dSS-eSS.
The number of attendants at other places is similar. Half of the attendants are from
the former USSR region such as Russia, Ukraine, and Georgia; around NS percent
from Taiwanese locals and the rest from other countries, including the U.S., the
Philippines, and Greece. The services are thus held in three languages: Mandarin,
English, and Russian.58 During one observation visit, the number of attendants to
the New Year ceremony in Taipei on January e JSLR were around JQ-NS, among
which nine were Taiwanese.

Conclusion: Building Sites of Memory for Being Orthodox

Orthodox Christianity arrived in Taiwan with Japanese followers amid political

transition in the late LcRSs. The early development of the Orthodox Church in Tai-
wan was hence inseparable from the Japanese Orthodox Church built by Nikolai
(later known as St. Nikolai of Japan) from the Church of Russia in the Meiji period
of Japan. Under Nikolai’s anticipation of integrating Taiwan into the pastoral area
and assistance, Fr. Simeon arrived in Taiwan in LRSL while the official resident
priest, Fr. Titus (KOSHIYAMA), was assigned a decade later in LRLL. With Nikolai
passed away in LRLJ and the later strong impacts of the Russian Civil War on the
Japanese Orthodox Church, the Church in Taiwan rather refrained from external
influence. This may also be due to Taiwan Church’s ‘autonomous’ status particu-
larly in terms of finance during most of the Japanese colonial period. The

57 Ecumenical Patriarchate Orthodox Metropolitanate of Hong Kong and South East Asia
(OMHKSEA): “Excommunication of the Schismatics in Taiwan”, 2013, June 10. Available
online: http://www.omhksea.org/archives/4619 (last access 2019, December 15).
58 Interview on November 27, 2018.

QSe
 “Reviving” the Russian Orthodox Church in Taiwan

influential catechist MATSUDAIRA had himself devoted time to introducing Ortho-

dox Christianity to Taiwan from the late LccSs. He had the parish of Taipei offi-
cially established in LRLe without financial support from the Japanese or Russian
Orthodox Church. After his leave in LRLR, the resident priest Fr. Foma (MAKI)
continued divine services until LRNS albeit less active. Without the resident priest,
the Orthodox Church in Taiwan gradually lapsed into inactivity before the Second
World War.
After the war, Taiwan was no longer a part of the Japanese territory and thus
the connection to the Japanese Orthodox Church was also cut off. Moreover, as a
result of being affected by the Cold War, Orthodox Christians, both in Japan and
Taiwan, could only seek to follow Russian Orthodoxy through the U.S.-affiliated
channels and mainly within the context of Russian émigrés. Noteworthy is that at
this stage the Orthodox Christian community in Taiwan was vastly different from
the community under Japanese rule. Postwar Russian émigrés and their families
became the core of the community. However, this composition changed again after
the LReSs as many of them were gone and left the Church to local Orthodox Chris-
tians. In the LRcSs, the Church further subsided after the separation of the official
relationship between the U.S. and the Republic of China. During the Cold War,
the Orthodoxy in Taiwan had little connection to the Moscow Patriarchate.
In the LRRSs, the change of the political-economic context of Taiwan played an
influential role. With another group of Orthodox Christians emerging with new
demand, two Orthodox churches were built in Taiwan subsequently. Under the
tension between Orthodox Patriarchate of Moscow and Ecumenical Patriarchate
of Constantinople, retrieving the connection to authority for the canonical devel-
opment history became important. On the official website of the Taiwan Orthodox
Christian Church (Moscow Patriarchate), the “Brief History of [the] Orthodox
Church in Taiwan” particularly focuses on the year of LRSL when Nikolai assigned
Fr. Simeon to Taiwan. September of that year saw the start of the priest’s annual
visits and believers’ regular meetings at a gathering place. Although the Taipei
Orthodox Church was only officially registered by the government in LRLe, its mis-
sionary work, as written on Taiwan Nichinichi Shinpō, began in LRLL. The year
LRSL is recognized as the beginning for the “revival” of the “Taipei Christ the Sav-
ior Orthodox Church” (Taibei jidu jiushizhu zhengjiaotang 台北基督救世主正教
堂). In February JSLN, the believers in Taiwan celebrated the LLJth Anniversary of
the Taipei Christ the Savior Orthodox Church and the Anniversary of Church’s
“reactivation”. The icon of St. Nikolai was fixed on the wall near the entrance to
present the historical link and the “origin”. The Church also regularly brings sig-
nificant religious objects into Taiwan in order to “reconnect” the country, the

QSK
Min-Chin Kay CHIANG

larger historical context, and the church network while trying to bond local mem-
bers through rituals and vibrant activities.

Figure LN-J: Icon of St. Nikolai at the Russian Orthodox church in Taipei
Photo taken by Min-Chin Kay CHIANG

In the long process of development in Taiwan, the Orthodox Church never had a
fixed location and architecture as the physical church. Believers usually gathered
in their peers’ residence. Before the war, the place of MATSUDAIRA at the address
Bajiazhuang (八甲庄) in the current Wanhua (萬華) District in Taipei often ap-
peared on newspaper as the site for divine liturgies before LRLR. Believers needed
to use Anglican churches and asked Anglican priests for important rituals most of
the time. During the postwar period, private houses, such as the house of the
RAHR’s at Jianguo North Road in Taipei, were used for services, so were Catholic
churches. The previous gathering places in Taipei are mostly gone due to urban

QSc
 “Reviving” the Russian Orthodox Church in Taiwan

rezoning or reconstruction. Even the site used by the Russian Orthodox Church
has, since JSLJ, also become unsecure; the Church had to move to a new address
in Taipei in July JSLR. Fr. Kirill mentioned during the interview about the church’s
intention to set up monuments at some previous gathering locations to commem-
orate the history and to connect the Russian Orthodox Church to Taiwan.
Particularly in the competition for “orthodoxy” after the JSSSs, the Russian
Orthodox Church in Taiwan has been trying to connect itself to the past through
“naming”, recounts of historical events and acts of materialization. In the “reviv-
ing” process, the Orthodox Church in Taiwan seems to support the idea of building
the “sites of memory”. These “sites of memory” come from the modern fear that
“there is no spontaneous memory, that we must deliberately create archives, main-
tain anniversaries, organize celebrations, pronounce eulogies, and notarize bills
because such activities no longer occur naturally”.59 Whether in material or non-
material form, Pierre NORA’s popular notion of “sites of memory” implicates the
intention for a fixed, bounded place to anchor memories and memorialization. It
further triggers the question of whose memory this would be. As the historical
narration of the Orthodox Church has always been in relation to immigrant believ-
ers coming and leaving due, largely, to the political transitions in Taiwan, how
local believers react to the version of narration, and whether the struggle of the
denominations may or may not be compatible with their theological understanding
will be the core of further investigation.

59 Pierre NORA: “Between Memory and History: Les lieux de mémoire.” In: Representa-
tions, no. Je, LRcR, pp. K–JQ. Quoted from p. LJ.

QSR
LI Suian

LQ The Attitude of Harbin Towards

European Architecture (LRQR–JSLR)

Abstract. Over the last KS years (LRQR–JSLR) in the People's Republic of China (PRC), the
attitude of people from Harbin 哈尔滨 (the Harbinese) toward European architecture has
changed at various times, which reflects Harbin’s tortuous process of perception and ac-
ceptance of European culture. Harbin city is the product of the Chinese Eastern Railway
built in the late LRth and early JSth century, where consulates of LK countries were estab-
lished and various schools of European architecture were presented. More than LS years
since the founding of the PRC the relationship between China and the Soviet Union re-
mained friendly. China launched a campaign for the so called Xuexi Sulian 学习苏联
(Learn from the Soviet Union) and actively introduced Soviet culture, including architec-
tural art. During this period, a number of buildings in European or, precisely speaking, So-
viet style were built in Harbin. The remains of such architecture stayed under protection at
the same time. In the course of the Sino-Soviet confrontation period, especially during the
Cultural Revolution, Chinese society showed hostility to foreign historical and cultural her-
itage. Regarding European architecture (mainly Russian architecture) as the mark of the
colonial era, the proof of a Russian invasion under the Tsarist regime, and the symbol of
disgrace to the nation, the Harbinese took actions to destroy said architectural buildings. In
the wake of the Cultural Revolution, China entered the historical period of Gaige Kaifang
改革开放 (Reform and Opening). Chinese society has undergone tremendous changes
since then, and so have the thoughts and values of the Harbinese accordingly. They have
come to realize the aesthetic value of the relics in European architecture and acknowledge
that these relics are precious pieces of cultural heritage. As a result, a new attitude toward
European monuments in Harbin is adopted; a caring attitude toward restoration and preser-
vation of the old, but also construction of the new, buildings in European architectural style.

Published in: Gotelind MÜLLER and Nikolay SAMOYLOV (eds.): Chinese Perceptions of
Russia and the West. Changes, Continuities, and Contingencies during the Twentieth Cen-
tury. Heidelberg: CrossAsia-eBooks, JSJS. DOI: https://doi.org/LS.LLdcc/xabooks.eeL.

QLL
LI Suian

Therefore, Harbin has been provided with a different European characteristic from
other cities in China. Harbin’s care for European architecture at the time of the Re-
form and Opening shows the spirit of the era in which China as a whole has been
actively integrating, and enthusiastically learning and adopting foreign culture. In
this article, the term “European architecture” can be used interchangeably with
“Russian architecture” and “Soviet architecture” in some cases for two reasons: first,
there are many types of architecture involved in this article. It is more convenient
to use the term European architecture. Second, Russian architecture/Soviet archi-
tecture is the product of Russia through studying Western European culture, which
is a variety of European architecture.

Keywords. Harbin, European architecture, Russian architecture, Soviet architec-

ture, Perception.

Buildings in Soviet Architectural Style in the LRdSs

The PRC was founded on October L, LRQR. China soon established an alliance with
the Soviet Union, and both states began a period of friendly relation for more than
LS years. The campaign “Learn from the Soviet Union” sprang up in China, which
brought in aspects of Soviet culture on a large scale, including architectural art.
Given this background, buildings in Soviet architectural style were being built
everywhere in Heilongjiang 黑龙江.
Heilongjiang Province used to border the Soviet Union; a certain number of
Russian expatriates were living in the Chinese territory. In addition, of the total
Lde projects of technical assistance in industrial enterprises by the Soviet Union
(hereinafter “Lde projects”), JN were arranged in Heilongjiang Province. The
friendly atmosphere of China and the Soviet Union in this province was ever
stronger as opposed to inland provinces, the Soviet style buildings there thus also
outnumbering those anywhere else. The Soviet style buildings constructed during
this period mainly include the Harbin Institute of Technology Main Building, the
Harbin Workers Culture Palace, and the Harbin Youth Palace.
The construction of the magnificent Harbin Institute of Technology Main Build-
ing (henceforth HIT Main Building, fig. LQ-L) began in August LRdR and was com-
pleted in LRed. It consists of LN floors above ground and one floor underground with
the total height of Kd.eLm and a total mass area of LK,RJN mJ. Fully equipped with a
lobby, an auditorium, conference rooms, and VIP rooms, the building as such adopts
a frame structure, which belongs to the socialist ethnic architectural style of the for-
mer Soviet Union. It absorbs, and derives from, a variety of European architectural

QLJ
 The Attitude of Harbin Towards European Architecture (pqwq–Žrpq)

styles, standing grand and stately with its breathtaking majesty. The mechanical
building (LRdQ) and the motor building (LRdd) were built respectively on the east and
west side of the HIT Main Building. With the same shape and scale, both buildings
also fulfill a sense of architectural eclecticism. These three buildings altogether form
a complete and spectacular building complex.1
It is commonly known that the HIT Main Building imitates Moscow Univer-
sity. The former is a simplified and miniature version of the latter. This imitation
embodies the spirit of times during “Learn from the Soviet Union” and the Sino-
Soviet friendship. In addition to Harbin Institute of Technology, the Heilongjiang
University and the Northeast Forestry University incorporate Soviet architectural
style in their own main building as well (fig. LQ-J).
The Harbin Workers Cultural Palace was completed in November LRdK in the
Russian Baroque style. The main structure is a total of N floors. The internal struc-
ture is designed for cultural and artistic functions, providing venues such as a con-
cert hall, theatre, rehearsal studio, lecture hall, library, and chess and card room etc.
The Workers Culture Palace was the largest public venue for cultural events in Har-
bin as well as the largest workers cultural palace in the country at that time. From
its completion until early LRRSs, the Workers Culture Palace served as a venue for
large scale cultural events in Harbin (fig. LQ-N). There have been performances by
Matsuyama Ballet Company from Japan, Berlin Police Orchestra from Germany,
and A.V. ALEKSANDROV Twice Red-bannered and Red-starred Academic Song
and Dance Ensemble of the Soviet Army from the Soviet Union (now the Alexan-
drov Russian Army Song and Dance Academic Ensemble from Russia).2
The Harbin Youth Palace is located in the Stalin park by the Songhua River
(fig. LQ-Q). The construction with a concrete block structure in modernist style was
finished on May Q, LReL. The Old Harbin Measuring & Cutting Tool Factory also
belonged to one of the “Lde projects” assisted by the Soviet Union, which was built
in accordance with eclectic architecture. It is now used as a hotel (fig. LQ-d).

1 “Finalist for the Architectural Creation Award - the Harbin Institute of Technology Main
Building”, 2010, July 9. Available online: http://www.chinaasc.org/project/Show_arti-
cle3A.aspx?id=573 (last access 2010, December 14).
2 “Past and present of the Harbin Workers Cultural Palace”. Available online:
http://z943631.blog.163.com/blog/static/16626521320106210563973/ (last access 2010,
December 2).

QLN
LI Suian

Figure LQ-L: The HIT main building3

Figure LQ-J: The main building of Heilongjiang University4

3 “Finalist for the Architectural Creation Award - the Harbin Institute of Technology Main
Building”, 2010, July 9.
4 “Dongbei diqu gaoxiao qian shi ming, zhe liang suo 985 gaoxiao shei shi di yi?” 东北地
区高校前十名，这两所 985 高校谁是第一？ (The first ten higher education institutions

QLQ
 The Attitude of Harbin Towards European Architecture (pqwq–Žrpq)

Figure LQ-N: The Harbin Workers Cultural Palace

Photo taken by LI Suian

Figure LQ-Q: The Harbin Youth Palace

Photo taken by MEI Qingji

Figure LQ-d: The Old Harbin Measuring & Cutting Tool Factory
Photo taken by LI Suian

of Dongbei region, which one of these two leading institutions is at the top?). Available
online: http://mini.eastday.com/a/180921204814246.html (last access 2020, March 10).

QLd
LI Suian

Apart from Heilongjiang Province, there were several Russian style and Soviet
style buildings, e.g. the “China-Soviet Friendship Building” and the “Palace of
China-Soviet Friendship”, in Beijing 北京, Shanghai 上海, Guangzhou 广州,
Changsha 长沙, Wuhan 武汉, and other main cities. All these buildings carry a
symbolic representation, depicting the relation between China and Russia as solid
as rock and the loftiness of friendship between their people. They are preserved to
this day, offering the people of China a strong visual impact.
Among all, the Soviet Exhibition Hall in Beijing and the Sino-Soviet Friend-
ship Building in Shanghai are the most famous buildings, of which Soviet archi-
tects participated in the design and construction (fig. LQ-e, LQ-K). Given the Rom-
anesque and Gothic elements used on its exterior decoration, as well as the Russian
classical architectural style for its main structure, the exterior of the Soviet Exhi-
bition Hall (now Beijing Exhibition Hall) clearly follows that of the Admiralty
Building in St. Petersburg (built in LcSe–LcJN).
Due largely to its arresting and unique figure in Russian classical style, the
Sino-Soviet Friendship Building (now Shanghai Exhibition Center) still stands out
from numerous skyscrapers in Shanghai today. It is awarded as the “Top LS Shang-
hai architecture” for the period from LRQR–LRcR and the golden prize of “Top LS
classical architecture selection for the dSth Anniversary of the PRC”.
It is common for China and other countries within the socialist community to
build Russian style buildings and Soviet style buildings given the high prestige of
the Soviet Union in the LRdSs. The same can be said for the House of the Free Press
(Casa Presei Libere) in the Romanian capital Bucharest, and the Palace of Culture
and Science in the Polish capital Warsaw, the HIT Main Building in China is mod-
elled after the design of the Main Building of Lomonosov State University in Mos-
cow. It is a valid example of China being passionate about Soviet architectural art,
imitating the famous Soviet Russian architecture, besides expressing China’s
friendship with the Soviet Union and its adherence to the Soviet model.

QLe
 The Attitude of Harbin Towards European Architecture (pqwq–Žrpq)

Figure LQ-e: The Soviet Exhibition Hall (now Beijing Exhibition Hall)5

Figure LQ-K: The Sino-Soviet Friendship Building

(now the Shanghai Exhibition Center)6

5 “Yi ge 30 wan pingfang mi zhanguan – Beijing shi fou xuyao?” 一个 30 万平方米展馆

—北京是否需要？ (A 300,000 m2 exhibition hall - is it needed in Beijing?), 2014, July
31. Available online: http://news.expoon.com/c/20140731/9709.html (last access 2019, De-
cember 10).
6 “Shanghai zhanlan zhongxin” 上海展览中心 (Shanghai Exhibition Center). Available
online: http://dp.pconline.com.cn/sphoto/list_1876387.html (last access 2020, March 10).

QLK
LI Suian

The Harbinese Destruction of Russian Style Buildings During

the Cultural Revolution

A LS-year cultural revolution began in China in the LReSs. Ironically, although this
political storm was called “the Cultural Revolution”, what happened instead was
actually a cultural destruction indeed. Foreign cultural heritage was damaged, but
Chinese cultural heritage also suffered.
In this period, there was a trend of extremist thought in Chinese society (usu-
ally called “ultra-left” thought in Mainland China), which manifested itself in hos-
tility toward intellectuals but also historical and cultural heritage. Extreme
thoughts led to extreme behavior such as the persecution of intellectuals across the
country, the destruction of scenic spots and historical sites, and the burning of
books. The Confucius Cemetery in Qufu 曲阜, Shandong Province 山东省, was
damaged; Confucius’ grave was dug out. The Red Guards also planned to demol-
ish the imperial palace of numerous former Chinese emperors, the Forbidden City.
However, the palace was fortunately spared from demolition thanks to the military
protection dispatched by ZHOU Enlai 周恩来 (LcRc-LRKe).7
In such a social environment, the recognition of foreign cultural heritage hap-
pened to be seriously mistaken for which the remains of Russian architecture in
China were treated as the symbol of colony and the disgrace to the nation. Sino-
Soviet relations broke down in the early LReSs, and both states then engaged in
confrontations with each other for almost JS years; military clashes along the border
also occurred. Under these circumstances, the Russian architecture had to bear an-
other blame — the mark of “Tsarist Russia” (T͡Sarskai͡a Rossii͡a) and “Soviet revi-
sionism”, and the proof of Russian invasion under Tsarist regime. Such prejudices
led the Red Guards to speedily destroy any related architecture. The famous St.
Nicholas Cathedral and the Holy Annunciation Church in Harbin were no exception.
Named after Saint Nicholas, the Harbin St. Nicholas Cathedral was designed
by architect I.V. PODLEVSKIĬ of the Orthodox Church and built in LRSS. The icon
of the mother of God above the main entrance but also the frescoes inside the
cathedral were painted by Russian artist D.I. GLUSHCHENKO. As the logs were red
pines brought from Canada, the interior decorations were transported from Mos-
cow including the relics, holy icons and the big bronze bell which was manufac-
tured by a family factory in Lcee in Tyumen (Ti͡umenʹ), Russia. From its location

7 “‘Wenge’ shi po si jiu, weihe Gugong mei shou chongji?” ‘文革’时破四旧，为何故宫

没受冲击? (Why did the Forbidden City survive the destruction caused by the Cultural
Revolution and its breaking of the Four Olds?), 2011, September 2. Available online:
http://history.people.com.cn/GB/205396/15572764.html (last access 2012, February 6).

QLc
 The Attitude of Harbin Towards European Architecture (pqwq–Žrpq)

on top of Qinjiagang 秦家岗 (now the Nangang district 南岗区) facing the Harbin
Railway Station, this cathedral was a classic work of the Orthodox Church and a
landmark in Harbin (fig. LQ-c).
SONG Hui 宋挥, a photojournalist of Heilongjiang News and Photo Agency,
was a witness of the Red Guards demolishing the cathedral. Here is his description
of the situation at that time:

“On August JN, LRee morning, my colleague Wan Jiyue 万继跃 and I accompanied
the volleyball team of the Albanians in Harbin and held interviews with them for
the upcoming match. The team was received by our province vice governor, Sun
Xiqi 孙西岐. The Albanians lost three consecutive games to us, so we formed an-
other team to play - the Federation of Trade Unions. They finally managed to defeat
us once. It was about eleven o'clock after the match was over at the stadium in
Nangang (across the street from the northeast of the St. Nicholas Cathedral). Back
in the international travel agency, looking from the windowsill on the second floor
we saw huge crowds of people at the “Lama Tai” 喇嘛台 (namely the St. Nicholas
Cathedral). Two men and one woman even climbed to the top of it, chanting slogans
and giving speeches with all the fervor. Many long placards of slogans were hang-
ing around the cathedral, which mainly expressed the idea of destroying the signs
of imperialist aggression against China, and the den of feudalism, capitalism, and
revisionism. Many participants in the destruction were workers and students mainly
from secondary schools and partly from colleges; no specific information was given
about where exactly they worked or studied though. Everyone was wearing an arm-
band. The Albanian guests were very interested, and the team leader went down-
stairs to watch. Some students approached him and asked whether he supported
their revolutionary action. The leader expressed his support and voiced his opinion
in a seemingly decent and beautiful manner. I went closer to the cathedral to take
photos with my camera. A tall man suddenly came up. His name was Li 李, and he
said he was a [second] year student of [the] mechanical department at Harbin Insti-
tute of Technology. A moment ago, they reportedly found someone from Denmark
who did not support them, so they exposed his film and took him out. Worried that
I was a special agent, Li was going to snatch my camera. I showed my press card
and told him that I am a photojournalist accompanying the volleyball team from
Albania. I said this was precious history material and were to be left to commemo-
rate this revolutionary action. Li promised to let me freely take pictures but also
gave me a special treatment: [f]our people each in the front and in the back led me
into the cathedral. As I went inside, the students were busy smashing things and
burning the scriptures or something. The smoke and dust inside were suffocating. I
aimed my camera at them. Moving up and down I took two rolls in total with my
Rollei camera (LJ rolls each, exe). After the photos came out, I lent them to Li and
a teenager wearing glasses called Chen 陈 from the Harbin Sport University to have
a look. Then I came out from the inside and heard that the two men and the woman
[just mentioned at the beginning] could not get down from the top of the cathedral.
The vice governor Sun told the director of the public security bureau to send a fire

QLR
LI Suian

ladder to take them down. … After a long weary day, at midnight, the whole cathe-
dral collapsed with a loud crash. The situation outside the cathedral was shot by my
colleague Wan until the scene was cleared. The leader of the entire demolition was
Su Guangming 苏广铭 (the National Model Worker and worker at the Harbin Ve-
hicle Factory); some other model workers were also involved.”8

DONG Jixiang 董吉祥, employee of the Harbin Railway Station, was just a junior
high school student at that time. Hearing people shouting “remove the ‘Lama
Tai’!”, he also went to take a glance. It was around eight or nine o’clock in the
morning. A ceremony was held where the host announced and asked SU Guang-
ming to give a speech to the crowd before they chanted slogans and began to tear
down the cathedral (fig. LQ-R, LQ-LS). DONG could see many in the crowd were
workers. Considerable security measures were taken to prevent people from being
hit by accident; ropes were put around the scene, and many people were keeping
order. No one was allowed to go in and out as they liked.9
The misfortune of the St. Nicholas Cathedral also fell on the Holy Annuncia-
tion Church in Harbin (KHarbinskiĭ blagoveshchenskiĭ khram) a few years later
(fig. LL). Built in LRSS and completed in May LRSN, this is a Russian Orthodox
church in Byzantine style located at the intersection of the Jingcha Street 警察街
(now Youyi Road 友谊路) and the Zhongguo Street 中国大街 (now Zhongyang
Street 中央大街) in the Daoli District 道里区. The fire broke out on February JN,
LRLc before it was rebuilt in the same year until LRLR.

8 “Faxian zhi lü – xiaoshi de jianzhu” 发现之旅 – 消失的建筑 (Discovery journey — dis-

appearing architecture). Available online: http://jilu.cntv.cn/humhis/xiaoshidejianzhu/ class-
page/video/20100420/100004.shtml (last access 2011, March 1). Cf. United States Central
Intelligence Agency: “Albanian Visitor Lauds Red Guard Activities”. In: Daily Report: For-
eign Radio Broadcasts, No. 166–170, Ohio: Ohio State University 1966, August 27.
9 FAN Zhengmei 范正美: “Zhui meng zhi si” 追梦之思 (Reflection on chasing dreams).
In: FAN Zhengmei: Qiu meng zhuisi 秋梦追思 (Reminiscence of autumn dreams), Beijing:
Higher Education Press 2007. DONG Shi 董时: “Ni gu la jiaotang bei hui jishi” 尼古拉教
堂被毁纪实 (On-the-spot report of the destruction of Harbin St. Nicholas Cathedral). In:
DONG Shi: Lao zhaopian 老照片 (The old photographs), Jinan: Shandong Pictorial Pub-
lishing House 1997, pp. 50–54.

QJS
 The Attitude of Harbin Towards European Architecture (pqwq–Žrpq)

Figure LQ-c: St. Nicholas Cathedral in Harbin10

Figure LQ-R: The Red Guards destroying the St. Nicholas Cathedral
Photo taken by WAN Jiyue

10 ZHOU Zongshu 周宗澍: “‘Manzhou heishou dang’ biji – ben shu zhong de Ha’erbin
miaoxie” 《满洲黑手党》笔记——本书中的哈尔滨描写 (Notes of the Manchurian Ma-
fia – Description of Harbin in this book), 2018, January 29. Available online: https://book.
douban.com/review/9111538/ (last access 2020, March 10).

QJL
LI Suian

Figure LQ-LS: The Red Guards destroying the St. Nicholas Cathedral
Photo taken by WAN Jiyue

Figure LQ-LL: The Blagoveshchenskai͡a Church

(the Russian name of the Holy Annunciation Church in Harbin)11

11 “Ha’erbin Bulageweiyinsikaya jiaotang” 哈尔滨布拉格维因斯卡娅教堂 (Blagovesh-

chenskai͡a Church in Harbin), 2011, February 19. Available online: http://blog.sina.com.
cn/s/blog_4dee14e30100okni.html (last access 2011, March 1).

QJJ
 The Attitude of Harbin Towards European Architecture (pqwq–Žrpq)

The second reconstruction took place in LRNS and finished in LRQL. With tremen-
dous artistry and exquisite architecture, it was known in the Far East area as the
most magnificent and spectacular church which had a capacity of L,JSS worshipers.
As it was demolished in LRKS, the structure of the church was said to be very sturdy
that it took several times to dynamite but still it was not completely bombed out.
The remaining part of the church can be found in the building of Harbin Architec-
tural Designing Institute today.12
The Holy Iveron Icon Orthodox Church (KHram v chestʹ Iverskoĭ ikony
Bozhieĭ Materi) in Harbin was severely damaged as well, although it survived the
demolition (fig. LQ-LJ to LQ-LQ). It is a typical Russian Yaroslavl style (stilʹ ͡iaro-
slavskikh ͡tserkveĭ) multi-domed church. The architecture shows the pattern of the
Greek cross and the prominent Russian Byzantine style. The five onion shaped
domes stand tall and straight. The iron eaves are in the Art Nouveau style. The
apses, arches, doors, and windows under the eaves are all Roman style. It is
uniquely elegant and beautiful especially above the bell tower where the onion-
domed pedestal and the Roman style apses are joined to complement each other.
All that is left now is the orphanage, an outbuilding left with exquisite shapes and
rich details, showing the bright colors of mosaics at the entrance of the building.
In LRJK, under the initiative of archpriest Dimitriĭ VOZNESENSKIĬ and the liberal
artist BARANOVA-POPOVA of the Kiev Conservatory, the Harbin Musical Training
Institution was founded in the Holy Iveron Icon Orthodox Church to provide piano,
violin, and vocal classes, and nurture numerous music talents. The church suffered
severe damages during the Cultural Revolution. The onion-shaped domes on the
church were pulled down. Other outbuildings vanished except the orphanage. Af-
ter the Cultural Revolution, the internal structure and external walls were ruined;
the church was surrounded with broken scaffolds.13
Although the St. Sophia’s (Sofii͡a) Church in Harbin was not completely re-
moved, it had almost fallen to pieces. It was once used as a warehouse and sur-
rounded by messy buildings. Not only did the Russian buildings in Heilongjiang
suffer, but also the Soviet Martyrs Cemetery in Lüshun 旅顺, Liaoning Province
辽宁省, was destroyed.

12 “Harbin Central Bookstore - Architectural Picture Exhibition of Harbin Churches”.

Available online: http://shequ.kongfz.com/225766.html (last access 2011, March 1).
13 XU Ping 徐平 and JIN Xin 金鑫: “Ha’erbin ni huifu bainian Sheng Yiwei’er jiaotang
bing jiang pijian guangchang” 哈尔滨拟恢复百年圣伊维尔教堂并将辟建广场 (Harbin
intends to restore the century old Holy Iveron Icon Orthodox Church and open a square),
2005, March 25. Available online: http://heilongjiang.dbw.cn/system/2005/03/25/05000
6981.shtml (last access 2011, March 1).

QJN
LI Suian

Figure LQ-LJ: The Holy Iveron Icon Orthodox Church14

Figure LQ-LN: The Holy Iveron Icon Orthodox Church after its domes being removed15

Figure LQ-LQ: The Holy Iveron Icon Orthodox Church after its domes being removed16

14 “Jiu ying – Ha’erbin Sheng Yiwei’er jiaotang” 旧影 – 哈尔滨圣伊维尔教堂 (Old Pho-

tographs — The Holy Iveron Icon Orthodox Church in Harbin), 2017, December 8. Avail-
able online: https://www.sohu.com/a/209175462_350855 (last access 2020, March 10).
15 2015, July 3. Available online: https://touch.travel.qunar.com/comment/3818452?from
=client (last access 2020, March 10).
16 Ibid.

QJQ
 The Attitude of Harbin Towards European Architecture (pqwq–Žrpq)

Buried in the cemetery were Soviet pilots who fought alongside the Chinese army
during the Korean War. At times of the Sino-Soviet confrontation, vandalizing the
cemetery became a way for the Chinese to vent their dissatisfaction with the Soviet
Union.17 In summary, the period of the Cultural Revolution was a special one in
which the construction of Russian style buildings ceased in Heilongjiang, and the
remains of colonial Russian architecture were ignored, antagonized, and destroyed.

The Revival of Russian Architecture in the Era of Reform and

Opening

Following the end of the Cultural Revolution, China entered a new historical pe-
riod. The reformists under the core leader DENG Xiaoping 邓小平 led the ideolog-
ical liberation movement and promoted the policy of Reform and Opening. Given
that extreme ideologies over the course of the Cultural Revolution were now aban-
doned, ideologies and values of Chinese people changed significantly.
This new historical period sees the Harbinese no longer showing the hostility
to colonial European architectural remains. LI Shuxiao 李述笑, a specialist in the
history of Harbin, puts forward his viewpoint that European architectural remains
in Harbin are the witness to colonial history rather than the criminal evidence of
colonial history. To put it simply: the colonizers are guilty, but the European ar-
chitecture left by them is not.
The Reform and Opening period brought huge progress to the thoughts and
concepts of people from Harbin - realizing the aesthetic value of European archi-
tectural relics, but also recognizing that as appreciation and pursuit of beauty are
human instincts, these relics are precious relics of human cultural heritage. The
disregard and destruction of these monuments during the Cultural Revolution do
not necessarily mean that people from Heilongjiang province had no spiritual de-
mand for aesthetics at that time, but that this spiritual demand of the Chinese in
general was suppressed and distorted by fanatical ideology in the course of the
revolutionary movement. After the revolution ended, Chinese gradually recovered
their normal aesthetic psychology. It is such a stark contrast of how the European
buildings were looked at between the era of the Cultural Revolution and that of

17 “Yi ge Zhong Mei Su xinzhao bu xuan, yanshou le 50 nian de mimi” 一个中美苏心照

不宣、严守了 50 年的秘密 (A secret strictly guarded for 50 years by tacit consensus
among China, the U.S. and the Soviet Union), 2010, July 6. Available online:
http://news.yorkbbs.ca/world/2010-07/399028.html (last access 2011, March 1).

QJd
LI Suian

DENG Xiaoping; in the former the Red Guards looked at them with hostility and
hatred while in the latter the Harbinese looked at them with admiration and praise.
Finally, it is necessary to point out that commercial considerations are a huge
driving force for the restoration and rebuilding of European architecture in Hei-
longjiang. The European architectural remains exclusive to Heilongjiang as a re-
gion adjacent to Russia are the unique tourism resources, which cannot be found
in other provinces. Heilongjiang strives to develop tourism by highlighting the
“European style” and “Russian atmosphere” as their own regional characteristics
to enhance the popularity of their hometown and to attract domestic and foreign
tourists. Heilongjiang’s largest city Harbin and the border city Manzhouli 满洲里
are particularly successful examples. In order to boost tourism, no effort has been
spared to enrich the exotic atmosphere in these two cities. To be precise, it is to
attach great importance to restoring and conserving the European architectural
buildings as the remaining historical heritage while new buildings in European
style are to be constructed. Apart from the various factors in advocating the revival
of the foreign architecture in Heilongjiang, the following three approaches have
been taken to fulfil the task.

Restoration and conservation of old European style architecture

Government officials are in charge of this approach as a project. This is not only
applied to individual European style buildings, but also to the streets and the com-
munities with many such buildings, which are entirely renovated and transformed
into a lively European-esque hotspot.
Let’s take Harbin as an example. In order to preserve and make use of Euro-
pean architectural heritage, the Harbin municipal government has established the
notion for more than NS years: “not only to preserve historical buildings, but also
to preserve the surroundings”; “not only to preserve the historical districts, but also
to preserve the urban patterns, structures, and characteristics” [of these districts].
Following a set of main tasks has been also undertaken:

L. To draw up protection laws and regulations for famous historical

cities and accordingly to preserve historical and cultural heritage:
approved by the municipal government, the “administrative
measures for the protection of buildings, streets, and districts in Har-
bin city” were implemented on January J, LRRK. The “Regulations
for Preserving Buildings and Areas of Harbin City” were also issued
in JSSL.

QJe
 The Attitude of Harbin Towards European Architecture (pqwq–Žrpq)

J. To clarify the scope of protection: after three times of approval by

the municipal government, JQK buildings and LQ blocks were listed
for protection and confirmed.
N. To map out a series of specific plans: There have been more than
JSS plans that effectively guide the corresponding projects such as
the master plan for the conservation of famous historical cities, the
comprehensive renovation plan for plaza L and J of Zhongyang
Street, and the reconstruction plans for the plaza L to N of the St.
Sophia’s Church Square.

The specific maintenance and conservation work can be divided into three stages:

L. From LRcQ to LRRe. A stage to conduct research, investigation, res-

toration, and maintenance of historical and cultural sites and pro-
tected architecture units.
J. From LRRe to JSSL. Second stage to undertake comprehensive reno-
vation in the surroundings of the historical and cultural sites and
protected architectural buildings such as both sides of Zhongyang
Street, Jingyu Second Street 靖宇二道街 in the Daowai 道外 area,
and the St. Sophia’s Church Square etc.; to remove the majority of
buildings which were privately or improperly constructed during the
LS years of social unrest, in order to reproduce the historical features
of the city.
N. From JSSJ to the present. The third and final stage to work on the
entire region. The pedestrian area of the Zhongyang Street, the Rus-
sian Style Town at Sun Island, and the blocks with Jewish architec-
ture have already been well renovated.18

The Holy Iveron Icon Orthodox Church and the St. Sophia’s Church can be taken
as examples to show the way Harbin preserves the Russian style architecture. With
reference to information from GUO Changwu 郭长武,19 it helps shed light on how
Harbin managed to refurbish the badly damaged Holy Iveron Icon Orthodox
Church with a new look (fig. LQ-Ld to LQ-JS).

18 YU Binyang 俞滨洋: “Cong Ha’erbin lishi wenhua mingcheng baohu yu chengshi fux-
ing kan Huayuan jie lishi jiequ de guihua yu fazhan” 从哈尔滨历史文化名城保护与城市
复兴看花园街历史街区的规划与发展 (Viewing the planning and development of histor-
ical blocks in Huayuan Street through the protection and revival of the Famous Historical
and Cultural City Harbin). Available online: http://www.upp.gov.cn/view/ghdt/article/013
127.html (last access 2011, March 1).
19 GUO Changwu 郭长武: “Chengshi de jiyi – Sheng Yiwei’er jiaotang” 城市的记忆 – 圣
伊维尔教堂 (The memory of the city – the Holy Iveron Icon Orthodox Church), 2018,
November 24. Available online: http://blog.sina.com.cn/s/blog_c0a5d5890102y7ip.html
(last access 2019, February 1).

QJK
LI Suian

Figure LQ-Ld: Restoration starting with clearance of the surrounding area –

April LN, JSLK 20

Figure LQ-Le: Restoration of the exterior finished first without the domes –
October Jd, JSLK 21

20 GUO Changwu: “Chengshi de jiyi – Sheng Yiwei’er jiaotang” (2018).

21 Ibid.

QJc
 The Attitude of Harbin Towards European Architecture (pqwq–Žrpq)

Figure LQ-LK: Seven wrought onion shaped domes waiting to be mounted22

Figure LQ-Lc: Mounting the domes on the church – December e, JSLK 23

22 GUO Changwu: “Chengshi de jiyi – Sheng Yiwei’er jiaotang” (2018).

23 Ibid.

QJR
LI Suian

Figure LQ-LR: The completely restored version of the Holy Iveron Icon
Orthodox Church24

Figure LQ-JS: The restored Holy Iveron Icon Orthodox Church and the
newly built North Square of Harbin Railway Station25

24 “Ha’erbin Sheng Yiwei’er jiaotang” 哈尔滨圣伊维尔教堂 (The Holy Iveron Icon Or-
thodox Church in Harbin), 2018, June 26. Available online: https://www.douban.com/pho-
tos/photo/2526240762/ (last access 2019, June 24).
25 “Ha’erbin Sheng Yiwei’er da jiaotang” 哈尔滨圣伊维尔大教堂 (The Great Holy
Iveron Icon Orthodox Church in Harbin), 2018, August 25. Available online: https://weibo.
com/ttarticle/p/show?id=2309404276882186052783 (last access 2019, June 24).

QNS
 The Attitude of Harbin Towards European Architecture (pqwq–Žrpq)

The restoration process of the St. Sophia’s Church is similar to that of the Holy
Iveron Icon Orthodox Church (fig. LQ-JL, LQ-JJ). A tourist attraction with European
characteristics was set up around the St. Sophia’s Church as the core of the square.
In addition of the above mentioned two churches, other churches in Harbin have
also been renovated, such as the two neighboring ones on Dongdazhi Street 东大
直街 shown below (fig. LQ-JN to LQ-Jc).
Two streets in Harbin have been transformed into Russian featured streets due
to an extensive amount of Russian architecture being found there. One of them is
the above-mentioned Zhongyang Street (known as Zhongguo Street (China Ave-
nue) during the colonial period, fig. LQ-JR, LQ-NS). Thanks to the concentration of
Russian architecture, this street is also called Harbin’s “Arbat Street” 阿尔巴特街
(the famous old street in Moscow). Now it has been renovated into a charming
pedestrian street of a high national standard.
The reconstruction of the Harbin Railway Station in recent years has reflected
Harbin’s persistence in maintaining the Russian featured look of the city (fig. LQ-
NL to LQ-NQ). The main body of the former Harbin Railway Station is shown below.
It was the design of architect Ignacy CYTOWICZ who adopted the Art Nouveau
architectural style that was popular in Russia and Western Europe. The original
“Russian feature” disappeared in LRcc after the Harbin Railway Station was rebuilt.
Another round of reconstruction was launched in November JSLd, with the goal of
restoring its appearance to its earlier form to highlight its Slavic nature. Completed
in November JSLR, the renovated version as such has been deemed to be successful
in relinking the historical context of Russian architecture with Russia-featured
look of the city.

QNL
LI Suian

Figure LQ-JL: The restored version of the St. Sophia’s Church

photo taken by ZHAO Tianhua

Figure LQ-JJ: The night scene of St. Sophia’s Church26

26 “Ha’erbin – xuexiang – Yabuli – Malapali – menghuan jiayuan” 哈尔滨-雪乡-亚布力-

马拉爬犁-梦幻家园 (Harbin – Snow Village – Yabuli – Horse sleigh - Dreamland). Avail-
able online: https://www.tuniu.com/tour/210411883 (last access 2020, April 10).

QNJ
 The Attitude of Harbin Towards European Architecture (pqwq–Žrpq)

Figure LQ-JN: Two neighboring churches on Dongdazhi Street

photo taken by LI Suian

Figures LQ-JQ and LQ-Jd: Harbin Nangang Christian Church

photo taken by LI Suian

QNN
LI Suian

Figures LQ-Je and LQ-JK: Church of the Intercession, Harbin

photo taken by LI Suian

Figure LQ-Jc: Church of the Intercession – Subordinate

cemetery pavilion for prayers
photo taken by LI Suian

QNQ
 The Attitude of Harbin Towards European Architecture (pqwq–Žrpq)

Figure LQ-JR: Zhongyang Street

photo taken by ZHAO Tianhua

Figure LQ-NS: Night scene of Zhongyang Street27

27 Available online: http://travel.qunar.com/travelbook/note/5148920 (last access 2020,

April 10).

QNd
LI Suian

Figure LQ-NL: The main area of the former Harbin Railway Station28

Figure LQ-NJ: The Harbin Railway Station in LRcc

photo taken by LI Suian

28 LUAN Deqian 栾德谦: “Ha Shi 68 sui Fu Xingzhong jia zhong zhencang liang zhang
hanjian caise mingxinpian, bashi nian qian mingxinpian chongxian lao Ha zhan ‘fangrong’”
哈市 68 岁富兴中家中珍藏两张罕见彩色明信片，八十年前明信片重现老哈站“芳
容 ” (Two rare colored postcards have been collected at 68-year old Harbiner Fu
Xingzhong’s home, the “beautiful countenance” of old Harbin station reappears on the
eighty-year-old postcard). In: Shenghuo bao 生活报 (Life) no. 9, 2017, March 25. Availa-
ble online: http://epaper.hljnews.cn/shb/20170325/265194.html (last access 2020, June 16).

QNe
 The Attitude of Harbin Towards European Architecture (pqwq–Žrpq)

Figure LQ-NN: The sketch of the reconstruction result presented

at the Harbin Railway Station
photo taken by LI Suian

Figure LQ-NQ: The Harbin Railway Station today

photo taken by LI Suian

QNK
LI Suian

New construction and reconstruction of Russian style buildings

The Harbinese have expressed their enthusiasm for European architecture not only
through restoration and maintenance but also through largescale new constructions,
especially over the past JS years. Despite MA Zhongjun 马忠骏 as one of the Har-
binese participants in the construction, it was extremely rare to see Harbinese-built
European architecture in the early JSth century. At that time, Russian architecture
was basically imitated and combined with Chinese architecture, and the “Chinese
Baroque” style was thus produced. From the end of the century onwards, the Har-
binese were able to construct typical Russia-style buildings on a scale much larger
than before. It is no exaggeration to say that a huge trend has emerged in increasing
Russian style buildings in Harbin over the past ten years.29
On top of that at the leading role of the local government, some individuals
managed the reconstruction very well in the current upsurge of Russian style build-
ings. During the colonial period, almost no one from Heilongjiang province had
the skills to handle typical European architecture. However, there appeared a
wealthy class in the beginning of the JLst century, and some of them put their
investment in the reconstruction of Russian style buildings. Among all of them,
HUANG Zuxiang 黄祖祥 was the most noticeable while the resort park, the Volga
Manor, he invested in has earned an increasing reputation in both China and Russia.
Compared with the government, individuals like HUANG pay more attention to
detail and quality when it comes to building Russian style architecture. The re-
sponsibility for the entire construction plan, design of specific buildings, and su-
pervision of construction of the Volga Manor was all assigned to Russian archi-
tects. Dozens of exquisite and unconventional buildings have been built in the
manor, forming a panoramic view and fully showing the splendidness of Russian
classical architecture. It is more than apt to call the Volga Manor a miniature mu-
seum of Russian classical architecture. Even more commendable is that some clas-
sical architectural buildings which long disappeared in Russia or became debris

29 The imitation of foreign architecture also happened in other regions of China. A govern-
ment office building in Anhui resembles the White House in the USA typical medium-sized
German town in a Bauhaus style was constructed in Anting Town, Shanghai, 2006. There
stands the copied statue of GOETHE and SCHILLER. The romantic town Hallstatt, Austria's
world cultural heritage, is also being copied in Guangdong Province. The town’s mayor,
Alexander SCHEUTZ, is discontent with the Chinese version of Hallstatt and has asked
UNESCO for help. UNESCO officials said that the consent to copy in such a manner should
in principle be obtained from the corresponding country. Cf. “De mei: Zhongguo mimi
fuzhi Aodili xiao zhen” 德媒：中国秘密复制奥地利小镇 (German media: China secretly
copies Austrian town), 2011, June 20. Available online http://world.people.com.cn/GB/
14946613.html.

QNc
 The Attitude of Harbin Towards European Architecture (pqwq–Žrpq)

and ashes because of the brutal Red Guards have been added on the lands of the
manor. Without Huang’s efforts, these buildings would not have reappeared in the
suburbs of Harbin.
The gate of the Volga Manor was modelled after that of a castle which no
longer exists on the outskirts of Irkutsk, Russia (fig. LQ-Nd, LQ-Ne). In Nizhny Nov-
gorod (Nizhniĭ Novgorod), the hometown of Soviet writer Maxim GORKY
(Maksim GORʹKIĬ) in Russia, the exhibition hall of a jute mill was built in LcRe and
demolished in LRJd. After more than cS years the jute mill has been reproduced in
the Volga Manor, right at the reception center (fig. LQ-NK). The Volga Hotel in the
manor was another reproduction of architectural work also originally built in Rus-
sia in LcRe and destroyed in LRJd. The Pavlov Castle, tumbled down after two tu-
multuous centuries in Russia, is also modelled after and newly built here inside
the resort park (fig. LQ-Nc).
Among numerous European style buildings newly built in Harbin since the
period of Reform and Opening, even some public facilities have also adopted Eu-
ropean architecture, such as blood donation centers shown below. The public toilet
in the Cultural Park has also been seen as one of the most special toilets in Harbin
city. In a contemporary Harbin, you can see helmet shaped domes and Gothic
spires on top of newly constructed buildings. They altogether constitute a perfect
skyline of Harbin. Even several bus shelters and kiosks are featured with beautiful
elements of European architecture as well to decorate the city (fig. LQ-NR to LQ-QN).

QNR
LI Suian

Figure LQ-Nd: The Volga Manor

photo taken by ZHAO Tianhua

Figure LQ-Ne: Main gate of the Volga Manor30

30 Available online: http://www.mafengwo.cn/sales/2605839.html?cid=1030 (last access

2020, April 10).

QQS
 The Attitude of Harbin Towards European Architecture (pqwq–Žrpq)

Figure LQ-NK: Reception Center of the Volga Manor with

the rebuilt St. Nicholas Cathedral
photo taken by LI Suian

Figure LQ-Nc: The newly built Pavlov Castle in the Volga Manor
photo taken by LI Suian

QQL
LI Suian

Figure LQ-NR: Blood donation center in European style in Harbin

photo taken by LI Suian

Figure LQ-QS: The public toilet in a European style in the Harbin Cultural Park
photo taken by LI Suian

QQJ
 The Attitude of Harbin Towards European Architecture (pqwq–Žrpq)

Figures LQ-QL, LQ-QJ and LQ-QN: European design adopted

on newly constructed buildings
photos taken by LI Suian

QQN
LI Suian

Using European architecture as the theme of painting and sculpture

Painters, ice sculptors, and photographers in Harbin use the preserved historical
European architectural buildings as the subject matter, that is, the objects they
paint, and reflect this in their artistic creations. The artistic genre of their works is
thus incredibly special. For example, the historical building in the first picture be-
low used to be the official residence of the director of the Chinese Eastern Railway
(CER) Company, built in LRJS in the Art Nouveau style with a wood and brick
structure (fig. LQ-QQ, LQ-Qd). The painter WANG Huandi 王焕堤 took this residen-
tial building as a model for his gouache painting (fig. LQ-Qe to LQ-Qc).
In his published collection Ha’erbin shuicai biji31 哈尔滨水彩笔记 (My Gou-
aches of Harbin), the paintings depict European, and especially Russian, architec-
ture. As an artist, he hopes to strengthen the diplomatic relationship between China
and Russia by means of folk art instead of governmental diplomacy. In June JSLR,
he presented his collection as a gift to the Russian Ambassador to China Andrey
Ivanovich DENISOV (Andreĭ Ivanovich DENISOV).
On the other hand, watercolor painter CHEN Song 陈松 hopes to reflect history
through his painting. As he believes that buildings in various styles in Harbin are
actually expressive of their times, he has recreated in his works the look of those
buildings in earlier days.32 In his collection Yi tiao jie yu yi zuo cheng 一条街与
一座城 (A historical street in a historical town), the first piece “Painting SSL” is
the Restaurant Miniatur33 built in LRJK representing an Art Nouveau building with
a wood and brick structure.

31 WANG Huandi 王焕堤: Ha’erbin shuicai biji – xian hua shuicheng 哈尔滨水彩笔记 -
闲画水城 (My Gouaches of Harbin – leisurely painting of a city in watercolor), Harbin:
North Literature and Art Press 2019.
32 “Shuise de yongtan: CHEN Song ‘Yi tiao jie yu yi zuo cheng’ xilie shuicai zuopin” 水色
的詠嘆：陳松《一條街與一座城》系列水彩作品 (The sigh for the days gone by in wa-
tercolors: the series of watercolor pictures A historical street in a historical town by Chen
Song), 2018, June 29. Available online: https://www.xuehua.us/2018/06/29/%E6%B0%
B4%E8%89%B2%E7%9A%84%E5%92%8F%E5%8F%B9%EF%BC%9A%E9%99%88
%E6%9D%BE%E3%80%8A%E4%B8%80%E6%9D%A1%E8%A1%97%E4%B8%8E
%E4%B8%80%E5%BA%A7%E5%9F%8E%E3%80%8B%E7%B3%BB%E5%88%97%
E6%B0%B4%E5%BD%A9%E4%BD%9C/zh-hk/ (last access 2020, March 19).
33 Transliteration of Russian “Miniati͡ur”. Cf. Nikolay Petrovich KRADIN (Nikolaĭ Pe-
trovich KRADIN): “From the history of Russian culture park creation in Harbin” (2013).
Available online: https://www.yumpu.com/en/document/view/8388098/np-kradin-kradin-
nikolay-petrovich-doctor-of-architecture-pjau (last access 2019, February 26).

QQQ
 The Attitude of Harbin Towards European Architecture (pqwq–Žrpq)

Figures LQ-QQ and LQ-Qd: The residence of the director of CER Company today
photo taken by LI Suian

Figure LQ-Qe: WANG Huandi’s gouache painting using the residence

of the director of CER as the model
photo taken by WANG Huandi

QQd
LI Suian

Figure LQ-QK: WANG Huandi’s gouache using the residence

of director of CER as the model
photo taken by WANG Huandi

Figure LQ-Qc: Cover of “My Gouaches of Harbin – leisurely

painting of a city in watercolor”
photo taken by WANG Huandi

QQe
 The Attitude of Harbin Towards European Architecture (pqwq–Žrpq)

In LRJK, the head office of the American Thriftoor Bank was set up at N Zhongyang
Street, moved to Shanghai in LRNQ, and subsequently closed in LRNd. This historical
building was unfortunately removed at the end of the JSth century but is repre-
sented in “Painting SSc”. Needless to say, CHEN Song has tried to paint the former
look of the buildings based on historical photographs (fig. LQ-QR to LQ-dL).
Unlike WANG Huandi’s and CHEN Song’s painting method, two other Har-
binese artists, YOU Kunlun 由昆仑 and LI Gangfeng 黎纲峰, portray the Russian
architecture in Harbin in a different way, with pen and ink drawings. The historical
look of the aforementioned architectural buildings at Zhongyang street such as St.
Sophia’s Church and the Restaurant Miniatur are finely drawn in detailed black
and white tones by YOU Kunlun (fig. LQ-dJ, LQ-dN). Another outstanding pen draw-
ing by him is the “Wangguo Foreign Firm”, a historical building built in LRJJ with
a two-story concrete block structure in eclectic architectural style located at LNS
Zhongyang Street (fig. LQ-dQ). The pen and ink works by LI Gangfeng (also known
as a sculptor) are as impressive as those by YOU Kunlun. Just take a look at his
refined drawings of both the past and present of St. Nicholas Cathedral (fig. LQ-dd,
LQ-de). During the national struggle against the new coronavirus JSLR (JSLR-nCoV),
LI presented a picture to advise Harbin citizens to wear masks with the picture of
the St. Sophia’s Church in Harbin wearing a surgical mask and the slogan “Behave
yourself, wear a mask!” (fig. LQ-dK).
Harbin, just as other cities in China, has launched a campaign called “creating
a civilized city” to improve the image of the city. Moreover, the Harbin Municipal
Government has also carried out publicity campaigns in order to promote the core
values of socialism for instance. In the course of these campaigns, many posters
and billboards have been produced, posted on the walls and the streets. The gov-
ernment has been used to adopting churches and other European architectural
buildings as the cultural symbols of Harbin on the layout of these posters and bill-
boards. Below are some examples:
Next to the picture of the St. Sophia’s Church, the slogan in green on the top
right reads “Ni wo gong jian wenming Ha’erbin” 你我共建文明哈尔滨 (Let us
create a civilized Harbin) with the catchphrase in the middle “Hongyang hexin
jiazhiguan, chuangjian quanguo wenming cheng” 弘扬核心价值观，创建全国
文明城 (Promote core values; create a national civilized city) and the message at
the bottom reads “Welcome to Harbin” (fig LQ-dc).
On the next poster (fig. LQ-dR), one can see the upper part of several churches.
The slogan in purple reads “Langman dingxiang cheng, wenming Ha’erbin 浪漫丁
香城，文明哈尔滨 (Romantic Lilac City; civilized Harbin). As lilac is the repre-
sentative city flower of Harbin, Harbin is hence also renowned as the “Lilac City”.

QQK
LI Suian

Figures LQ-QR and LQ-dS: A historical street in a historical town –

Paintings SSL (left) and SSc (right)34

Figure LQ-dL: A historical street in a historical town – Painting SSN

34 “The sigh for the days gone by in watercolours: the series of Gouaches in Yi tiao jie yu
yi zuo cheng” 一条街与一座城 (A historical street in a historical town) by CHEN Song,
2017, May 10. Available online: http://www.sohu.com/a/139560923_713474 (last access
2019, November 2).

QQc
 The Attitude of Harbin Towards European Architecture (pqwq–Žrpq)

Figures LQ-dJ and LQ-dN: St. Sophia’s Church by YOU Kunlun (left) and
The Restaurant Miniatur by YOU Kunlun (right)

Figure LQ-dQ: Wangguo Foreign Firm by YOU Kunlun

QQR
LI Suian

Figure LQ-dd: St. Nicholas Cathedral before demolition by LI Gangfeng

Figure LQ-de: Rebuilt St. Nicholas Cathedral in the Volga Manor by LI Gangfeng

Figure LQ-dK: St. Sophia’s Church wearing a surgical mask by LI Gangfeng

QdS
 The Attitude of Harbin Towards European Architecture (pqwq–Žrpq)

Figure LQ-dc: Poster with St. Sophia’s Church

photo taken by LI Suian

Figure LQ-dR: Poster with the upper part of several historical churches
photo taken by LI Suian

QdL
LI Suian

The text at the top left corner of the following poster (fig. LQ-eS) reads “Yi sheng
suo ai – wei geng hao de jiayuan xingdong” 一生所爱 – 为更好的家园行动
(Love for all generations; action for a better hometown). The building standing
next to the church is the office building of the Songpu Foreign Firm in the colonial
period at Zhongyang Street.
The slogan in the following left picture (fig. LQ-eL) reads “Da shu cong zhongzi
kaishi, wenming cong yanqian zuo qi” 大树从种子开始，文明从眼前做起
(Huge trees grow from small seeds, a civilized city starts right before our eyes).
The slogan in the right picture (fig. LQ-eJ) reads: “Jingcai rensheng lu, wenming
di yi bu” 精彩人生路，文明第一步 (A civilized city is the first step on the way
to a wonderful life). The following billboards show the combination of St. So-
phia’s Church and the face of the national hero LEI Feng (on the right, fig. LQ-eQ)
as well as the slogan (on the left, fig. LQ-eN) “Zai pan wenming chuangjian xin
gaofeng, yingzao zhenxing fazhan hao huanjing 再攀文明创建新高峰，营造振
兴发展好环境” (Let’s establish a new level of civilization; let’s build, revitalize
and develop our environment in a good way).
Every winter, ice sculpture artists in Harbin treat European architecture as their
most important source materials. Their ice sculptures present a fantasy art world
across the backdrop of the dark night. Here are some pictures of the scenes
(fig. LQ-ed to LQ-ec).
Even the traditional screens made in Harbin are decorated with the European
architectural buildings (fig. LQ-eR). Such screens usually belong to Chinese furni-
ture. It used to provide concealment in a room but it has more recently become a
highly decorative work of art. Playing the role of a decorative ornament to embel-
lish the house and beautifully enhance the living room, the screens contain cultural
features embedded in the shape, pattern, and text, which reflects the taste of the
owner. The photograph below presents a good example of an elegant five panel
folding screen made in Harbin featuring Chinese calligraphy and European archi-
tecture in a traditional Chinese painting.
From right to left, the first panel shows the title of the screen in golden print
“Bing cheng yinxiang” 冰城印象 (Impression of the icy city – Harbin). The build-
ing on the second panel next to the title panel is the Italian building “Palazzo di
Gibello-Socco” (Gibello-Socco Palace), which was the former Consulate of Italy
in Harbin during the colonial period 35 . The remaining three panels show the

35 ZHUANG Haowen 莊皓文: “Ha’erbin zui mei weilan yuan Yidali lingshiguan Jibieluo-
Suoke dalou yi lei baohu weilan yi chaichu” 哈爾濱最美圍欄原義大利領事館基別洛索
科大樓一類保護圍欄已拆除 (The most beautiful fence in Harbin, the original Italian Con-
sulate Buidling, Palazzo di Gibello-Socco, has been demolished), 2019, September 1.
Available online: https://kknews.cc/world/nl69ae2.html (last access 2020, March 19).

QdJ
 The Attitude of Harbin Towards European Architecture (pqwq–Žrpq)

classical Russian buildings in Harbin which have already been mentioned: St. So-
phia’s Church (the middle panel), the Songpu Foreign Firm (the fourth panel) and
St. Nicholas Cathedral (on the far left).

Figure LQ-eS: Poster with a European Church and

Songpu Foreign Firm at the center
photo taken by LI Suian

Figures LQ-eL and LQ-eJ: Billboards with a slogan and church picture
photos taken by LI Suian

QdN
LI Suian

Figure LQ-eN and LQ-eQ: Billboards of pictorial combination

with slogan (left) and Lei Feng (right)
photos taken by LI Suian

Figures LQ-ed and LQ-ee: Scenes of ice sculptures of European architecture36

36 “Ha’erbin – Manzhouli – Haila’er – Hulunbei’er wu ri you. Yong zhe de lücheng.”

哈尔滨-满洲里-海拉尔-呼伦贝尔 5 日游。勇者的旅程。(Harbin – Manjur - Hailar -

QdQ
 The Attitude of Harbin Towards European Architecture (pqwq–Žrpq)

Figures LQ-eK and LQ-ec: Scenes of ice sculptures of European architecture

photo taken by ZHAO Tianhua

Figure LQ-eR: Five panel folding screen made in Harbin

featuring European architecture
photo taken by CHEN Wenlong

Hulunbuir five-day travel. A trip for the brave.) Available online: https://www.tuniu.com/
tour/210062117 (last access 2020, April 4).

Qdd
LI Suian

Harbinese cherishing European architecture through the nostalgia for

the St. Nicholas Cathedral

At times of the Reform and Opening movement, there was strong condemnation
in Harbin of what the Red Guards brutally did against the St. Nicholas Cathedral
during the Cultural Revolution. Meanwhile, people in Harbin felt regretful and
nostalgic for the disappearing architecture. Driven by these mixed feelings, the
Harbinese took subsequent action.
First, the cathedral mindlessly torn down by the Red Guards has been recreated
in the Volga Manor in a perfect replica (fig. LQ-KS). In order to perfect the recrea-
tion, Nikolay Petrovich KRADIN, PhD in architecture, corresponding member of
the Russian Academy of Architecture and Construction Sciences (RAACS), pro-
fessor of Architecture and the Urban Planning Department of Pacific Nation Uni-
versity (KHabarovsk), was invited to be the leading designer. Dr. KRADIN is an
active participant in the restoration of Russian monuments as well.
As the original St. Nicholas Church was designed in the former Russian capital
St. Petersburg, the relics, holy icons, and bronze bells inside the church were trans-
ported from Moscow to Harbin. HUANG Zuxiang, major investor in the Volga
Manor wanted to see the replica designed, measured, and built in exactly the same
way as the original cathedral. He, his team, and Dr. KRADIN cooperated to achieve
this goal with several key methods. First, they imported the same kind of logs and
timber used for the original cathedral from Russia. Secondly, they looked for and
hired only those skilled craftsmen who are capable of the meticulous refined carv-
ing and conforming to blueprints of the original cathedral, especially the propor-
tions. Third, they ordered most of the interior and decorative objects, be it bronze
bells, holy icons, candlesticks etc., from Russia. Even the styles and colors of some
of the tables and chairs were consistent with those of the original cathedral. All in
all, they skipped no tiny detail, such as where nails are used and where not, what
size and shape of the decorative patterns on the outer wall are taken and so forth,
in order to recreate an architectural copy of the original one.37

37 PENG Bo 彭博 and XU Jiandong 徐建东: “Ha Shi xiangfang ‘Fu’erjia zhuangyuan’

chongxian Eluosi jingdian jianzhu” 哈市香坊“伏尔加庄园” 重现俄罗斯经典建筑 (Volga
Manor in Harbin recreates Russian classical architecture). Available online: http://house.fo-
cus.cn/newshtml/680 494.html (last access 2011, March 17). Cf. Nikolay Petrovich KRA-
DIN: “From the history of Russian culture park creation in Harbin” (2013).

Qde
 The Attitude of Harbin Towards European Architecture (pqwq–Žrpq)

Figure LQ-KS: Newly built St. Nicholas Cathedral in the Volga Manor
photo taken by LI Suian

Figure LQ-KL and LQ-KJ: Miniature version of the St. Nicholas Cathedral
near the original location
photos taken by LI Suian

QdK
LI Suian

Figure LQ-KN: The carved drainage cover of the cathedral near

Harbin West Railway Station Square
photo taken by LI Suian

Figures LQ-KQ, LQ-Kd and LQ-Ke: From left to right - the carved drainage
cover opposite the North Theatre, near the Qiulin
Company and opposite HIT Main Building
photo taken by LI Suian

Qdc
 The Attitude of Harbin Towards European Architecture (pqwq–Žrpq)

It was a great dedication of both Chinese and Russian teams in the reconstructing
of the historical Russian architecture on Chinese soil. Now that the resultant rep-
lica towers in front of them makes them feel gratified by and large, but they truly
wanted the replica to leave nothing to be desired. Dr. KRADIN, in particular, con-
tinues to believe things could have been done better. After the completed recon-
struction, this critical architecture expert took a long walk through the Volga
Manor day after day, looking at the architectural buildings, scrutinizing them in
silence and pondering over some tiny detail or another. One day, he found a fly in
the ointment of the replica and said to a Chinese team member and colleague “The
roof color of the cathedral is too light, that gets mixed up with the color of the
sky.”38
Another example to prove Harbin’s nostalgia for the St. Nicholas Cathedral
can be found around JSS meters away from the original location of the cathedral.
A miniature version has been built there as a street decoration, which is very eye-
catching day and night. Furthermore, you can find carved images of the cathedral
even on some drainage covers on the street (fig. LQ-KL to LQ-Ke).

European Architecture in Other Chinese Cities and

Conclusion

Toward the end of the discussion, it is worth talking about the Chinese attitude
toward another specific type of European architecture, that is, namely German ar-
chitecture. The destruction European architecture suffered during the Cultural
Revolution was not limited to Harbin but in fact everywhere in China. Just as the
Red Guards and their fellow revolutionary groups in Harbin demolished the St.
Nicholas Cathedral built by Russians, the Red Guards in Qingdao 青岛, Shandong
Province, also tried to blow down a Catholic church built by Germans for the same
reason: it represented a colony. The German church made the invasive coloniza-
tion unforgettable and reminded Chinese people of the colonial disgrace. Conse-
quently, attempts were made to pull down this church, and yet the violent demoli-
tion teams were unsuccessful because the church was too sturdy (fig. LQ-KK, LQ-Kc).

38 GAO Mang 高莽: “Zhongguo you ge ‘Fu’erjia zhuangyuan’” 中国有个 “伏尔加庄园”

(A “Volga Manor” in China). Available online: http://www.cass.net.cn/show_news.asp?
ID= 281239 (last access 2011, March 20).

QdR
LI Suian

Figure LQ-KK: The sturdy surviving Catholic church in Qingdao

photo taken by LI Suian

Figure LQ-Kc: Marital couples taking pictures in front of the church

photo taken by LI Suian

QeS
 The Attitude of Harbin Towards European Architecture (pqwq–Žrpq)

Similar to the situation in Harbin, the attitude of people from Qingdao toward this
church since the act of Reform and Opening has changed fundamentally. The
Catholic church, like many other European architectural buildings left by the Ger-
mans, is treated as an important part of Chinese cultural heritage. Careful renova-
tion has also been done to the church. It is now a sightseeing place in Qingdao as
well as a popular spot for young marital couples.
Nevertheless, the significant architectural achievement of Germany in China,
the Tianjin-Pukou Railway 津浦铁路 Jinan Station 济南站 (a.k.a Jinan Old Rail-
way Station) completed in LRSR39, did not survive the removal commanded by ig-
norant officials in LRRJ (fig. LQ-KR). Furious at the unscrupulous officials of those
days, people in Jinan now are all missing the old railway station and hoping to see
this great German station building realized once again. NIU Changchun 牛长春,
head officer of the Jinan Planning Bureau, states that “The Old Jinan Railway Sta-
tion with a mixture of Gothic and eclectic architecture is hardly forgettable among
Jinan citizens. Especially in recent years, a group of the NPC (National People’s
Congress) representatives of Jinan, members of the CPPCC (Chinese People's Po-
litical Consultative Conference) and many Jinan residents have repeatedly pro-
posed that the integration project of the new Jinan North Square Station should
show the characteristics of the Old Jinan Railway Station. This is not only a cul-
tural symbol of Jinan, but also a nostalgia complex of the entire Jinan [area]”.40
A typical medium sized German town in a Bauhaus style was constructed in
Anting Town 安亭镇, Shanghai, JSSe (fig. LQ-cS, LQ-cL). There stands the copied
statue of GOETHE and SCHILLER originally from Weimar, a city symbolizing Ger-
man culture (fig. LQ-cJ). The replica of this popular statue is also reported to be
found in Cleveland, Milwaukee and San Francisco. The design of this new com-
munity in Shanghai was conducted by nearly a hundred German designers from
more than ten German design firms including ASP, GMP, ABB, IFB, W & R, A
+ W, B + S, Zahn, Behnisch & Partner etc. Professor Albert SPEER, chief planner
of the world expo Hannover, Germany in JSSS, was the leader of this group of
German designers. In JSLS, he came to Anting New Town to inspect the results
and commented: “This looks really like an authentic German town”.

39 Cf. LI Hongmei: “On the Architectural and Cultural Value of Jinan Old Railway Station”.
In: CS Canada vol. 10, no. 6, 2014, pp. 158–161. DOI: 10.3968/5071.
40 FU Xiaoying 付晓英: “Jinan lao huoche zhan: Juejue chaichu yu caoshuai fu jian” 济南
老火车站：决绝拆除与草率复建 (The Jinan Old Railway Station: Opposition to destruc-
tion and hasty reconstruction), 2013, September 6. Available online: http://qd.ifeng.com/
xinwenzaobanche/detail_2013_09/06/1192265_0.shtml (last access 2019, February 6).

QeL
LI Suian

Figure LQ-KR: The Jinan Old Railway Station

photo taken by LU Shen

Figures LQ-cS, LQ-cL and LQ-cJ: Anting Town and the

copied statue of GOETHE and SCHILLER41

41 “Anting xinzhen – Wanke Anting xinzhen jiage” 安亭新镇 – 万科安亭新镇价格 (Ant-

ing New Town – Prices for Vanke’s Anting New Town), 2019, January 1. Available online:
https://www4.freep.cn/id1836523.html (last access 2019, June 24).

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 The Attitude of Harbin Towards European Architecture (pqwq–Žrpq)

Looking at all the examples we have discussed in this article, one can confirm that
European architecture has become a symbol of beauty in the eyes of the people of
Harbin and an indispensable part of Harbinese culture. The buildings of this kind
of architecture like the St. Sophia’s Church, the Holy Iveron Icon Orthodox
Church and so on have become landmarks in Harbin. The modified Harbinese at-
titude toward European architecture after the Reform and Opening period reflects
the reformed spirit of the era in which China as a whole has been actively integrat-
ing into the world and enthusiastically learning from foreign culture. Such positive
attitude and the actions taken in Harbin are the epitome of all people of China. To
conclude, the spread of European architecture in Harbin, but also across the whole
of China, embodies the twists and turns of how modern China has come to accept
Western culture.

(translated from Chinese by Neshric TIMOTHY)

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Gotelind MÜLLER

Ld Whose Heritage?
Western and Russian Tombs on Chinese
Soil as Tangible Sites of Alterity

Abstract. Among the enduring forms of tangible Western and Russian heritage in
Greater China there are not only buildings or statues, but also tombs and cemeteries.
These tell their own history of place which may well be at variance with the one
locally preferred, and they are, as opposed to buildings for example, evidently not
open to potential adaptive “reuse”. At the very most, they can be reframed. Neither
can they be simply transferred to museums as one may do with a statue. Their
existence and the question of their preservation pose a particular challenge to the
present-day surrounding society since they are not only representing but also mate-
rially hosting “foreign dead”, i.e. “ancestors” of “others” whose physical remains
are interred in Chinese soil. In short, “their” memory is not – or not necessarily –
“our” memory from the viewpoint of the culture and society they are situated in.
On a political level, this entails potential diplomatic issues, and also extends to
issues of colonialism and post-colonialism. On the other hand, the tombs and cem-
eteries also speak of Western/Russian views of death, religion and the body, and
they visually manifest those to the Chinese society surrounding them today. This
study therefore argues for the importance to not only look into Western and Russian
material heritage of, and for, the living in Greater China, but to include also the
remaining dead. These stand for (local and translocal) history and foreign agency
in the past at large, but also more personally for the very individuals and their dif-
ferent societal roles; and their material legacy links them to the place far from their
own homes and to the context of a foreign society and culture. Cemeteries, while
reminding everyone of the common fate of a finite existence shared by all human
beings, are nevertheless culturally inscribed, and thus foreigners’ tombs are a
material and visual presence of alterity physically grounded in a Chinese context.

Keywords. Cultural heritage, Greater China, Cemeteries, Military, Religion.

Published in: Gotelind MÜLLER and Nikolay SAMOYLOV (eds.): Chinese Perceptions of
Russia and the West. Changes, Continuities, and Contingencies during the Twentieth Cen-
tury. Heidelberg: CrossAsia-eBooks, JSJS. DOI: https://doi.org/LS.LLdcc/xabooks.eeL.

Qed
Gotelind MÜLLER

Modern-day heritage politics in Greater China have to deal with the question of
what to do with the particular material legacy represented by locally extant West-
ern/Russian tombs and cemeteries?1 Should they be kept, and if so how, for whom,
and by whom? Since it is not only tombstones but also human remains that are
involved, any decision is bound up with issues of piety, if not religion. Tombs are
personal and private, but they can be made to serve also politics and be “national-
ized”. While memorials concern the living more than those remembered, physical
remains in a cemetery remind the living that the dead cannot be completely left
out of the picture; they “demand” their share of attention,2 whatever might be
attached to their tombstones above ground, and in whatever context they are placed
by others. Although their tombstones are – to use Alois RIEGL’s terminology –
“intentional” (gewollte) monuments with historical commemorative value (Erin-
nerungswert), their “present-day value” (Gegenwartswert) is questionable and rel-
ative according to whom they are for,3 however being attached to human remains
as they are, they are simply more than just monuments.4
At times, the picture becomes additional complicated by further players,
namely – in our case in Greater China – with the Japanese when they were masters
at some locations. For example, in Taiwan during the Japanese colonial period,
Western cemeteries were “used” to serve diplomatic agendas, most notably with
the “French Military Cemetery” in Keelung (Jilong 基隆) set up for French casu-
alties during the Sino-French War of LccQ/cd (fig. Ld-L). Since the Japanese who
held Taiwan as their colony from LcRd to LRQd had no reason to commemorate the
Qing soldiers (and local volunteers) who fought against the French in LccQ/cd, they
turned the foreign site, i.e. the French military cemetery, into a museum-like site,
which was, in LRJN, even visited by the Japanese crown prince (the later Shōwa
Tennō 昭和天皇) (LRSL–LRcR). This, in turn, did not render the site particularly

1 Cf. for just one of many similar cases, here in South Asia, Ashish CHADHA: “Ambivalent
Heritage: Between Affect and Ideology in a Colonial Cemetery”. In: Journal of Material
Culture vol. 11, no. 3, 2006, pp. 339–363.
2 Cf. Thomas W. LAQUEUR: The Work of the Dead: A Cultural History of Mortal Remains,
Princeton and Oxford: Princeton University Press 2015, with a focus on Western Europe.
3 For the terminological system of RIEGL which provided a basis for international heritage
preservation concepts, namely the Venice Charter (1964), see Ernst BACHER (ed.): Kunst-
werk oder Denkmal? Alois Riegls Schriften zur Denkmalpflege (Work of Art or Monument?
Alois Riegl’s Writings on the Preservation of Monuments), Wien et al.: Böhlau 1995. An
English translation of the main part of his major work in this regard is: Alois RIEGL: “The
Modern Cult of Monuments, its Charter and its Origin”, transl. by K.W. FORSTER and D.
GHIRARDO. In: Oppositions, no. 25, 1982, pp. 21–51.
4 Similarly, RIEGL had been careful about religious monuments, since here, too, additional
factors beyond art and matter come into play.

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Whose Heritage? Western and Russian Tombs on Chinese Soil as Tangible Sites of Alterity

endearing to the Taiwanese population. 5 There were apparently larger designs

planned by the Japanese to turn the site into a showcase memorial, but the French
pointed out that the site was a cemetery and thus a commemorative place. This
reveals the difference of a “heritage site” for those somehow involved (i.e. the
French standing for the “bereaved” and caring for those buried) and those merely
“managing” the site (the Japanese, aiming at some benefit from what is visible
above ground). In Lüshun 旅顺 in Manchuria, in turn, the victorious Japanese took
over the place formerly held by the Russians during the Russo-Japanese War of
LRSQ/Sd and were the ones to bury most of the Tsarist dead there, here successfully
setting up a showcase cemetery after the war, with classical-style mausoleum and
(Latin) marble crosses included (fig. Ld-J, Ld-N, Ld-Q). This means that what is to
be seen in this “Tsarist” part of the present-day cemetery is, in fact, a Japanese
construct of “Westernness” with references to Greek antiquity with the “mauso-
leum”, and to Christianity in a broad sense by the crosses, but not explicitly “Rus-
sian” in visual appearance.6 In fact, Western European models, namely the Victo-
rian “fashion”, spread all over the British Empire and imitated beyond, 7 were
likely on the Japanese mind for setting up a “state-of-the-art” cemetery.

5 See Gotelind MÜLLER: Challenging Dead: A Look into Foreigners’ Cemeteries in Macau,
Hong Kong, and Taiwan, Heidelberg and Berlin: CrossAsia-Repository 2018, available
online: DOI: https://doi.org/10.11588/xarep.00004145, p. 30. For the “touristic value”, see
XU Yuliang 許毓良: “Jilong Faguo gongmu kao” 基隆法國公墓考 (Study on the Keelung
French cemetery). In: Taiwan fengwu 臺灣風物 (“The Taiwan Folkways”) vol. 52, no. 2,
2002, pp. 111–137, there pp. 130–131. The 1923 visit of Crown Prince Hirohito 裕仁 to
Taiwan has been studied by WAKABAYASHI Masahiro since the 1980s in various articles.
See, e.g., WAKABAYASHI Masahiro 若林正丈: „Sen kyūhyaku nijūsan nen Tōgū Taiwan
gyōkei to ‘naichi enchō shugi’” 一九二三年東宮台湾行啓と“内地延長主義” (The 1923
Taiwan visit of the Crown Prince and the “ideology of extension of the homeland”). In:
Iwanami kōza: Kindai Nihon to shokuminchi 2: Teikoku tōchi no kōzō 岩波講座。近代日
本と植民地２。帝国統治の構造 (Iwanami symposium: Modern Japan and the colonies
2: The structure of imperial rule), Tokyo: Iwanami shoten 1992, pp. 87–119.
6 It might be mentioned that at the time the Japanese cast themselves in the role of the
defenders of Western civilization against the “oriental” Russians. Cf. Naoko SHIMAZU: Jap-
anese Society at War: Death, Memory and the Russo-Japanese War, Cambridge: Cam-
bridge University Press 2009. As it seems, the Greco-Roman “mausoleum” in Lüshun de
facto did not contain any human remains and thus is a memorial building only.
7 Cf. James Stevens CURL: The Victorian Celebration of Death, Stroud: Sutton Publishing
2000.

QeK
Gotelind MÜLLER

Figure Ld-L: Keelung: French Military Cemetery: monument to the French officers,
soldiers and marines who died during the Sino-French War in Keelung ©JSLc

Figure Ld-J: Lüshun: Soviet Military/ “Martyrs’” Cemetery: Japanese-built “mau-

soleum” for Russian war dead erected after the Russo-Japanese War ©JSLc

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Whose Heritage? Western and Russian Tombs on Chinese Soil as Tangible Sites of Alterity

Figure Ld-N: Lüshun: Soviet Military/ “Martyrs’” Cemetery: Japanese-built indivi-

dual tombs of Russian officers erected after the Russo-Japanese War ©JSLc

Figure Ld-Q: Lüshun: Soviet Military/ “Martyrs’” Cemetery: Example of

collective tomb for Russian war dead at single battle sites erected
by the Japanese after the Russo-Japanese War ©JSLc

QeR
Gotelind MÜLLER

The defeated Russians themselves were only allowed in LRLJ to take an active part
again in the cemetery which hosted their own dead,8 setting up a large Orthodox
cross with an icon of St. Nicholas the Wonderworker and a tiny chapel dedicated
to St. Equal-to-the-apostles Vladimir,9 thus “Russianizing” the cemetery (fig. Ld-d).

Figure Ld-d: Lüshun: Soviet Military/ “Martyrs’” Cemetery: Restored

Tsarist huge cross for the Russo-Japanese War dead ©JSLc

8 See Gotelind MÜLLER: Ambivalent Remains: China and the Russian Cemeteries in Har-
bin, Dalian and Lüshun, Heidelberg and Berlin: CrossAsia-Repository 2019, available
online: DOI: https://doi.org/10.11588/xarep.00004181, esp. pp. 49–55.
9 According to architectural historian LEVOSHKO, it was probably to be kept small as to not
tower over the Japanese-built mausoleum. S.S. LEVOSHKO: “Arkhitekturnye tradit͡sii
pami͡ati v pravoslavii: khramy-pami͡atniki pavshim voinam na Dalʹnem Vostoke (k 100-
letii͡u russko-i͡aponskoĭ voĭny 1904–1905 gg.)” (Architectural traditions of memory in
Orthodoxy: sanctuary-monuments to fallen soldiers in the Far East (to the 100th anniversary
of the Russo-Japanese war of 1904–1905). In: V.G. BABIN (ed.): Makarʹevskie chtenii͡a:
Materialy chetvertoĭ mezhdunarodnoĭ konferent͡sii (21–22 noi͡abri͡a 2005 goda) (Macarius
readings: Proceedings of the fourth international conference (November 21–22, 2005)),
Gorno-Altaĭsk: RIO GAGU 2005, 7 pages, there p. 5. Paper available online via the index
page: http://e-lib.gasu.ru/konf/mak/arhiv/2005/index.html.

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Whose Heritage? Western and Russian Tombs on Chinese Soil as Tangible Sites of Alterity

The controversial icon designed for Lüshun to ward off “paganism” which did not
arrive in time for the Russo-Japanese war, understandably never made it to the
place during the years of Japanese occupation. It is somewhat ironic that it is now
installed in a consecrated copy at the time of a Chinese Communist regime offi-
cially subscribing to atheism, although here the potential “anti-Japanese” associa-
tion is most probably much welcome. Needless to say, for the faithful the icon has
more important connotations than politics, but it is kept publicly inaccessible most
of the time by the cemetery administration anyway.10
Another factor making things even more complicated is the fact that “Western”
cemeteries were not necessarily exclusively “hosting” “Westerners”, if one thinks,
for example, of the British military which is commemorated today in Common-
wealth War Graves Commission cemeteries, in the Greater China area represented
in Hong Kong: “British military” included also Indians and other “non-Westerners”
(fig. Ld-e, Ld-K). And also in terms of a religious perspective, beyond the Christians
there are also Jews, and these include – beyond the European/Russian Jews buried
in Harbin and Hong Kong until today – also the so-called Baghdadi Jews from
British India (and Iraq), whose tombs are still to be found in Hong Kong. Many
Sephardic Baghdadi Jews as well as Ashkenazic Russian Jews had also been bur-
ied in Shanghai once, but there no Jewish cemetery has survived, just scattered
tombstones and some single (relocated) tombs, e.g. of the influential Baghdadi
KADOORIE family in the “international cemetery”.11 This leaves Harbin with the
“largest Jewish cemetery of East Asia” as the only one in mainland China which
mostly “hosts” Ashkenazic Russian Jews,12 and Hong Kong with a mixed Jewish
representation of Sephardim and Ashkenazim (fig. Ld-c, Ld-R).

10 The chapel in Lüshun is usually closed to the public.

11 See Gotelind MÜLLER: Between History, Heritage, and Foreign Relations: Extant West-
erners’ Cemeteries in Guangzhou and Shanghai, Heidelberg and Berlin: CrossAsia-Re-
pository 2018, available online: DOI: https://doi.org/10.11588/xarep.00004163, p. 17 and
p. 31.
12 See MÜLLER: Ambivalent Remains (2019), pp. 26–30.

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Gotelind MÜLLER

Figure Ld-e: Hong Kong: Sai Wan War Cemetery (Common-

wealth War Graves Commission) ©JSLc

Figure Ld-K: Hong Kong: Sai Wan War Cemetery: some non-
Briton / non-Christian tombs ©JSLc

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Whose Heritage? Western and Russian Tombs on Chinese Soil as Tangible Sites of Alterity

Figure Ld-c: Harbin: Jewish cemetery: restored tomb-

stones and name plaques ©JSLc

Figure Ld-R: Hong Kong: Jewish Cemetery ©JSLc

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Gotelind MÜLLER

With these caveats in mind, and with the awareness that in a more general vein
“foreigners” in the area also included Muslims and Indian Parsees in terms of
religion,13 as well as Vietnamese, Koreans, Mongolians, and the numerous Japa-
nese in terms of ethnicities, most of the “foreign dead” still to be found in the
Greater China area are Westerners or Russians. Apart from the Jewish dead, they
are for the most part Christians. With the Soviets, finally, a secularized form of
burial made its way to China as well. Whereas the orthodox Russians, especially
in the pauper cemeteries, sometimes used wooden crosses which easily decayed,
the more frequent case was tombs in stone, and these had, by the very nature of
the material, better chances to “survive”.
Thus, what the Chinese encounter today are these remaining tangible visual-
material sites of alterity. Still, not all cemeteries are exclusively “foreign”, and in
some cases there is a mixture of foreign and Chinese graves in the cemeteries,
usually in those cases where Christian denomination is the defining criteria. For
example Harbin’s “Orthodox cemetery” hosts Russian as well as Chinese ortho-
dox, or Hong Kong’s Catholic cemetery “St. Michael’s”, while visually being
dominated by “Western” tombstone design with statues and angels (fig. Ld-LS),
from the start hosted whatever Catholic, regardless of nationality. In fact, the Cath-
olics insisted on rejecting the “race” segregation suggested by the British colonial
authorities and integrated the Chinese Catholics from the very start.

Figure Ld-LS: Hong Kong: St. Michael’s Catholic Cemetery ©JSLc

13 Beyond the Sino-Muslims (hui 回), there are also, e.g., Arabic traders’ tombs. Notable
foreign Muslim populations were usually present at places of trade. The Parsees, in turn,
still have a running cemetery in Hong Kong, while the ones in Macau and Guangzhou are
historical.

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Whose Heritage? Western and Russian Tombs on Chinese Soil as Tangible Sites of Alterity

On the other hand, an important factor was the question of who is running the
cemetery: if it is the municipality, then there is no reason to exclude whoever lives
there. The “Hong Kong Cemetery” (earlier also named “Protestant” or “Colonial
Cemetery”) thus became fairly mixed in time in the sense that it not only took in
the equally foreign Japanese, but also a substantial number of (selected) Chinese,
though being visually defined by “Western” tomb architecture and the garden
cemetery design popular since the Lcth century in Britain (fig. Ld-LL).14 The most
mixed of all, though, is the Macau “S. Miguel” cemetery which, in spite of having
a large part of Christian crosses and statues and a chapel (fig. Ld-LJ), now provides
also clearly visible signs of Buddhist, Daoist, and other creeds (fig. Ld-LN). And the
longer a cemetery is used beyond the “colonial” or foreign-imprinted period, the
more it obviously changes. Thus, while the “Hong Kong Cemetery” is basically
closed today, the Harbin “Orthodox Cemetery” and the “S. Miguel” cemetery in
Macau are still fully in use (though numbers between the two differ substantially,
given the tiny Orthodox parish in Harbin) (fig. Ld-LQ). This, in turn, also means
that for “heritagization”, mainly the closed cemeteries are those available for such
a process, while cemeteries still running are not easy to protect as heritage, as they
are continually changing. Furthermore, funerary policies are a decisive factor as
well; while old tombs may be protected, the newer ones usually are only set up on
slots leased for some time and will be replaced. Thus, only those sections of a
running cemetery, i.e. the oldest ones that are “perpetual tombs”, will remain,
while other tombs are designed to be replaced as to not run out of space. While
“heritagization” implies tombstones and artwork above ground are to be kept,
newer tombstones are already set up with the knowledge that they will be there
only for some time (and as long as there are relatives caring for said tombstones).
This binds tombs more strictly to the bereaved and the people interred, while “her-
itagization” rather focuses on the durable artwork above ground (and possibly the
prominent character of the particular person interred).

14 For a brief overview on the development of cemeteries in Western Europe, see James
Stevens CURL: “A Short History of the Cemetery Movement”. In: Richard BARNES: The Art
of Memory: Sculpture in the Cemeteries of London, Kirstead: Frontier 2016, pp. 7–41.

QKd
Gotelind MÜLLER

Figure Ld-LL: Hong Kong: Hong Kong (Protestant/Colonial) Cemetery ©JSLc

Figure Ld-LJ: Macau: S. Miguel Arcanjo Cemetery ©JSLc

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Whose Heritage? Western and Russian Tombs on Chinese Soil as Tangible Sites of Alterity

Figure Ld-LN: Macau: S. Miguel Cemetery: different creeds ©JSLc

Figure Ld-LQ: Harbin: View into the Orthodox Cemetery ©JSLc

QKK
Gotelind MÜLLER

With the Soviet burial tradition which has left a profound imprint on the PRC by
its so-called “martyrs’ cemeteries” (lieshi lingyuan 烈士陵园/ lieshi gongmu
烈士公墓), which are most prominent in Manchuria, another tangible visual-ma-
terial site of alterity is created. (This cemetery type would also serve as a model
for similar cemeteries for Chinese Communist “martyrs”.) Here it is the celebra-
tion of “the cause” for which a “martyr” laid down his (or sometimes: her) life, by
which, as Reinhard KOSELLECK aptly remarked, “the visible legitimation of what
for one died swallowed the reason why one died”,15 and also how. Although the
“heroes” (as the Soviets called them, while the Chinese used “martyr” in English
for lieshi 烈士 in Chinese) died for “a cause”, their commemoration picks up
Western traditions of mourning, from antiquity to Christian symbolism,16 turning
them, however, into a secularized form. The individuals are “nationalized” in the
process and no longer are “of their families”. In the Soviet case of the ones who
died in China, the majority were Red Army soldiers, and thus the military topic is
paramount (fig. Ld-Ld). (Some civil Soviet specialists who died in China are in-
cluded, however, as are family members of the Red Army where the latter was
stationed for some more time as in the Lüshun 旅顺 - Dalian 大连 area, including
Jinzhou 金州). The design of these military tombs was not only for the dead, but
more pronouncedly for the living, stressing the educative function of these “mar-
tyrs’ cemeteries” for the younger generations. Heritage is thus also integrated into
education programs, e.g. in the patriotic education programs in the PRC.17 But
also in Hong Kong, the “Stanley War Graves Commission Cemetery” (fig. Ld-Le)
has been assigned an educative function.

15 Reinhardt KOSELLECK: Zur politischen Ikonologie des gewaltsamen Todes: Ein deutsch-
französischer Vergleich (On the political iconology of violent death: a German-French
comparison), Basel: Schwabe & co. 1998, p. 8.
16 For a “classical” overview of the development of funerary monuments from antiquity to
the Renaissance in an art-historical perspective, see Erwin PANOFSKY: Tomb sculpture:
Four lectures on its changing aspects from Ancient Egypt to Bernini, London: Phaidon 1992
[1964]. For Western views on death through time, see Philippe ARIÈS: Western Attitudes
Toward Death from the Middle Ages to the Present, Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University
Press 1974. See also Michel VOVELLE: La mort et l’occident de 1300 à nos jours (Death
and the Occident from 1300 to our days), Paris: Gallimard 1983.
17 Thus, the Lüshun Soviet Martyrs’ Cemetery is today officially Chinese graded heritage
and integrated into patriotic education programs.

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Whose Heritage? Western and Russian Tombs on Chinese Soil as Tangible Sites of Alterity

Figure Ld-Ld: Harbin: Soviet Military/ “Martyrs’” Cemetery ©JSLc

Figure Ld-Le: Hong Kong: Stanley Military Cemetery (Common-

wealth War Graves Commission) ©JSLc

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Gotelind MÜLLER

The Stanley Cemetery not only hosts representatives of the British military, but
also volunteers who participated in the fight against the Japanese when the latter
attacked and took Hong Kong in LRQL (and during their occupation also killed op-
positional people in the concentration camp located in close proximity to the cem-
etery). As George MOSSE has pointed out, the inclusion of volunteers’ tombs adds
a particular emotive value to such cemeteries for the surviving community.18
While Western and Russian tombs at times create some aspects of “nostalgia”
even for local Chinese inhabitants, e.g. in Harbin or Shanghai,19 other places have
started to playfully integrate them as is the case in Keelung in Taiwan with the
“French Military Cemetery” which is today included in local Ghost Festival activ-
ities; an important part of local intangible heritage. On the other hand, the tangible
monumentality of Soviet military commemoration has left a deep impression with
Chinese visitors.20 The large figures transport a Western-coded monumentality on
deathscapes unknown before in the Chinese context (fig. Ld-LK).21 Chinese tombs,

18 Cf. George MOSSE: Fallen Soldiers: Reshaping the Memory of the World Wars, Oxford:
Oxford University Press 1990, chapter 2.
19 For Harbin, see the Harbin writer [WANG 王] Acheng 阿成 who reflects on local history
and repeatedly refers to the foreign cemeteries, e.g. in Haerbinren 哈尔滨人 (Harbiners),
Nanjing: Nanjing daxue chubanshe 2014; or in: Acheng: He shangdi yiqi liulang: Youtairen
Haerbin binanji 和上帝一起流浪。犹太人哈尔滨避难记 (“The Jews in Harbin”, lit.:
Wandering with God: record of the Jews seeking refuge in Harbin), Chongqing: Chongqing
chubanshe 2008. ([WANG] Acheng should not be confounded with the more well-known
Chinese writer and playwright [ZHONG 钟] Acheng). The famous “Shanghai nostalgia”
already grew into a whole genre in the 1990s already.
20 Cf. TIAN Zhihe on the Lüshun cemetery: TIAN Zhihe 田志和: Yongheng de huainian:
Zhongguo tudishang de Sulian hongjun bei ta lingyuan 永恒的怀念。中国土地上的苏联
红军碑塔陵园 (Eternal cherishing: Monuments and Cemeteries for the Soviet Red Army
on Chinese soil), Dalian: Dalian chubanshe 2010, pp. 194–195. Monumentality flows from
LENIN’s early advocation of “monumental propaganda”. Cf. his comments to Anatoliĭ
Vasilʹevich LUNACHARSKIĬ (1875–1933), the responsible Commissar, pushing him into ac-
tion, referred to by Christina LODDER: “LENIN’s Plan for Monumental Propaganda”. In:
Matthew Cullerne BOWN and Brandon TAYLOR (eds.): Art of the Soviets: Painting, Sculp-
ture and Architecture in a One-Party State, 1917–1992, Manchester and New York: Man-
chester University Press 1993, pp. 16–32. And more recently and comparatively: Leah
DICKERMAN: “Monumental Propaganda”. In: October no. 165, summer 2018, pp. 178–191.
21 There were some first moves in this direction by the GMD in Republican times, though,
for example with the large SUN Yat-sen tomb in Nanjing. Still, these mainly referred to
Chinese traditional architecture with some Western models (e.g. the LINCOLN memorial)
included, notably with the huge statue of the deceased. As, e.g., UNFRIED has pointed out,
Stalinist monumental sculptures, in turn, functioned as a semisacred form, based on Tsarist
monumentality, and as a religious substitute. Berthold UNFRIED: “Denkmäler des Stalinis-
mus und ‘Realsozialismus’ zwischen Ikonoklasmus und Musealisierung” (Monuments of
Stalinism and ‘real socialism’ between iconoclasm and musealization). In: Österreichische
Zeitschrift für Geschichtswissenschaften (Austrian Journal of Historical Studies) no. 5,

QcS
Whose Heritage? Western and Russian Tombs on Chinese Soil as Tangible Sites of Alterity

traditionally not placed in “cemeteries”, were typically individual tombs set up at

some hill site, if available, or at best gathered in an area where, e.g., a native-place
organization looked after a proper burial, if families were not at hand.22 In the case
of foreign cemeteries (if open to the public), Chinese tourists are coming to look
at other peoples’ graves which the Chinese usually would not do. A cemetery as a
place to visit and stroll through (à la Père Lachaise in Paris) is a fairly new phe-
nomenon in China, which is also connected to the aspect of visual experience.
Without much “interesting” things to see above ground, no one would probably
visit but for the relatives, not to mention Chinese folk beliefs which rather
suggested to avoid contact with death beyond what was deemed absolutely neces-
sary. “Romantic” involvement with death was, in the end, a Western phenomenon.
The topic of “heritagization” implies the question as to the connection of this
“other” to the “self”, and what it means for the construction of the categories of
“Russian” / “Western” in Chinese minds via this particular form of tangible and
visual-material sites that are cemeteries. First of all, the fact as to what remains (or
has been rebuilt) today is largely the outcome of choices on the Chinese side: either
these cemeteries were seen as useful, e.g. in terms of foreign policy (fig. Ld-Lc),23
or they are directly linked to the “self”, e.g. via the Soviet (or others) “help” given
to China to fight against the Japanese in WWII, or against the U.S. during the
Korean War (LRdS–LRdN). Those cemeteries were to be kept for political reasons in
the PRC to show China’s indebtedness to this legacy, and also in Hong Kong, e.g.,
the “Stanley Cemetery” which has also retained this connotation of foreign help
following the post-handover times.

1994/2, pp. 233–258. And architect Louis KAHN has famously enlarged the definition of
“monumentality” to be “a spiritual quality in a structure which conveys the feeling of its
eternity, that it cannot be added to or changed”. Louis I. KAHN: “Monumentality”. In: Paul
ZUCKER (ed.): New Architecture and City Planning, New York: Philosophical Library 1944,
pp. 577–588, there p. 577.
22 Cf. the study on Shanghai by Christian HENRIOT: Scythe and the City: A Social History
of Death in Shanghai, Stanford: Stanford University Press 2016.
23 This does at times include cases where it was deemed unwise to upset foreigners, as with
the Shanghai “International Cemetery”, now part of the “Song Qingling Memorial Park”,
where remains were moved to and reburied (but without original tombstones of pre-PRC
times which obviously had, in the meantime, been destroyed) with new name plaques above
ground. These foreigners seem to be mostly “normal” people without any particular “polit-
ical” problem. Another example is in Canton/Guangzhou 广州 which mostly “hosts” sailors,
merchants etc. but also the first U.S. resident minister to China in the 19th century. Cf.
MÜLLER: Between History (2018).

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Gotelind MÜLLER

Figure Ld-LK: Lüshun: Soviet Military/ “Martyrs’” Cemetery: Central stele with
monumental bronze figures to both sides ©JSLc

Figure Ld-Lc: Guangzhou: Foreigners’ Cemetery ©JSLc

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Whose Heritage? Western and Russian Tombs on Chinese Soil as Tangible Sites of Alterity

Some cemeteries are cared for by foreign institutions, e.g. the War Graves Com-
mission cemeteries in Hong Kong, while in some cases the official administering
entity is local with foreign entities just helping with care (e.g. with the Tam-
sui/Danshui 淡水 “Foreigners’ Cemetery” in Taiwan where nowadays the Cana-
dian Chamber of Commerce cares for cleaning, or in Keelung where the French
Le Souvenir Français gives a hand). Another motivation for upkeep is religion:
Churches, e.g., run some cemeteries like the Catholic Church does with “St. Mi-
chael’s” in Hong Kong, or the (now autonomous Chinese) Orthodox Church with
the orthodox in Harbin, while in the Soviet cemeteries (which de facto sometimes
“host” Tsarist or “White” tombs, too) the Russians were, directly or indirectly via
some private agency in between, caring for restorations, though only carefully in-
volving the Russian Orthodox Church.24 As for the Jews, only Hong Kong has a
local community looking after the cemetery, while in Harbin the “Jewish Ceme-
tery” is historical and cared for by the municipality.
As for the construction of what “Russian” and “Western” means to the Chinese
with regard to the cemeteries, “Russian” was largely perceived as either “orthodox”
with iconic architectural features like onion domes on churches and “orthodox”
crosses in cemeteries, or Soviet. (The “mixed” Jewish legacy is in Chinese, at least
PRC, eyes not “Russian”, e.g., but connected to Israel in spite of “hosting” tombs
mostly predating that state’s founding.) While, in fact, in contexts where “Rus-
sianness” is no issue, also Russians used, e.g., Latin crosses, in the contexts where
distinction was perceived needed, the “orthodox” cross was prevalent. This can be
seen, e.g., in the “Hong Kong Cemetery” where the Russians tend to stress their
specificity by orthodox crosses with the lower slanted crossbeam between all the
Latin ones (or other tombstone designs) around (fig. Ld-LR).

24 E.g., Russian Orthodox priests also visited the Harbin “Soviet Martyrs’ Cemetery” or
the Lüshun “Soviet Martyrs’ Cemetery” to pray there for the “compatriots” interred. While
the former is purely “Soviet”, the latter is, as mentioned, “hosting” many Tsarist and “white”
tombs. At the reopening ceremony after restoration of the large Lüshun cemetery, the Rus-
sians invited, beyond the Russian Orthodox, also a rabbi and a mufti, due to the fact that
the Tsarist (and partly the Red) armies were multi-cultural and multi-religious, and thus the
cemetery also has some non-orthodox tombs. See MÜLLER: Ambivalent Remains (2019),
p. 61.

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Gotelind MÜLLER

Figure Ld-LR: Hong Kong: Hong Kong Cemetery: some Russian graves ©JSLc

In this sense, although the context is Christian, the particular denomination was
clearly expressed. On the other hand, Soviet secularized cemeteries were per-
ceived by the Chinese as the model of how a “modern” and “socialist” cemetery
should look like. Still, in spite of some early pushes for cremation in the Soviet
Union, basically the Soviet practice did not uproot the Russian orthodox tradition
of earth burials,25 while the Chinese Communists since the mid-LRdSs advocated
cremation with more and more vigor,26 though opposition was not easy to over-
come here either. In fact, only since the LRcSs was the push for cremation more
thoroughly implemented,27 and only very few people (Muslims, e.g.) exempted.
This, in turn, bespeaks the fact that earth burial became a privilege, and the em-
balming of MAO Zedong 毛泽东 (LcRN–LRKe), in imitation of LENIN (LcKS–LRJQ),

25 Orthodox Church Law prohibited cremation. MERRIDALE mentions that although there
was a tendency to argue for cremation in the early Soviet Union among the Bolsheviks, the
topic was not followed through. Catherine MERRIDALE: Night of Stone: Death and Memory
in Twentieth-Century Russia, New York: Viking 2000, pp. 133–136, p. 142, pp. 280–282.
26 For the development in China, see the Shanghai Funerary Museum catalogue: Shanghai
Binzang Bowuguan 上海殡葬博物馆 (“Shanghai Funeral Museum”), n.p. [Shanghai], n.d.
[2009 or after].The argumentation picked up on those Soviet precedents that had argued for
it, most extremely with the Bolshevik and Central Committee Member Mikhail Stepanovich
OLʹMINSKIĬ (1863–1933) who declared he wanted to be used “rationally” after his demise
as fertilizer to demonstrate his material-atheist view on death. Cf. MERRIDALE: Night of
Stone (2000), p. 142.
27 Cf. Shanghai Binzang Bowuguan [n.d.], pp. 78–79.

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Whose Heritage? Western and Russian Tombs on Chinese Soil as Tangible Sites of Alterity

and of him alone, underlines this development further. 28 More recently, even
tombs are becoming considered a nuisance, and thus “green burial” with ashes
dispersed is advocated which, needless to say, also has its advocates in the West
as “modern” and “ecological” beyond saving space and money for care after rela-
tives might have moved away.29 In terms of military tombs, it is furthermore note-
worthy that while in the West the tradition of not differentiating any longer in
tombstone outlook between ranks was established in the JSth century, the Soviets
kept the differentiation, and also in the cemeteries located in China, a “graded”
treatment of the Soviet dead was practiced. In other words, in the Red Army, a
“democratization” was not taken up.
MAO Zedong had sanctioned the differential treatment of death in his own ide-
ological way by referring to the Han-dynasty scholar SIMA Qian’s 司馬遷 Shiji
史記 (Record of the Historian, roughly LSS BC) and his statement that death can
be weightier than Mount Tai 泰山 or lighter than a feather, depending on what
someone’s life ended for.30 This means that it is down to posterity to decide on
whose death “counted” and thus on the question as to whose tomb was to be pre-
served. Thus, MAO also suggested to exorcize all “unwelcome” “ghosts” of the
past, including the foreigners not deemed “helpful” for China. MAO, in fact, com-
mented in this way on the Hangzhou West Lake tombs during his stays there where
he complained of the many tombs surrounding him. These tombs were of outstand-
ing Chinese of the past, but also of several Western foreigners, including the mis-
sionary parents of the last U.S. ambassador to GMD-governed China, John Leigh-
ton STUART, he himself being born in Hangzhou, whom MAO had famously ridi-
culed on his leave when the Communist takeover was imminent.31 This past, in

28 Cf. Frederic WAKEMAN Jr.: “MAO’s Remains”. In: James L. WATSON and Evelyn
RAWSKI (eds.): Death Ritual in Late Imperial and Modern China, Berkeley and Los Ange-
les: University of California Press 1988, pp. 254–288.
29 As KONG has pointed out, this led also to a new kind of “placeless and immaterial space
for the dead”, i.e. a cyberspace where the dead can be memorialized instead. (Lily KONG:
“No-Place, New Places: Death and Its Rituals in Urban Asia”. In: Joanne Punzo WAGHOREN
(ed.): Place/No-Place in Urban Asian Religiosity, Singapore: Springer 2016, pp. 49–70.
This development, though, has been mainly spearheaded by Japan – which strangely has
not been covered in this volume on “Urban Asian Religiosity”).
30 Cf. MAO’s piece: “Serve the People” (wei renmin fuwu 为人民服务) on the death of the
Red Army soldier ZHANG Side 张思德. See also the chapter “The Cult of the Red Martyr”
by Hung-tai CHANG: Mao’s New World: Political Culture in the Early People’s Republic,
Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press 2011, pp. 213–234.
31 Interestingly, in a move to ameliorate U.S.-PRC relations, in 2008, i.e. more than four
decades after STUART’s demise, his ashes were interred according to his last wish near West
Lake; without publicity in China but reported in U.S. media. See David BARBOZA: “John
Leighton Stuart, China Expert, Is Buried There at Last”. In: The New York Times, Novem-
ber 19, 2008, p. A16.

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Gotelind MÜLLER

other words, was deemed a burden “haunting” the living, and should be removed
(and their representatives symbolically put to the ultimate death)32 to sanitize the
present and build a future unburdened.
Since these posterior contexts for presentation and “heritagization” very much
depended on the local situation, let us turn to a “system-specific” observation with
L. Macau and Hong Kong for colonial (Portuguese and British) contexts, both then
having been “handed back” to the PRC in the late LRRSs; J. with Taiwan which has
gone through several shifts, including Japanese colonialization and then the GMD
authoritarian rule up to present-day democratic rule; and finally N. the Chinese
mainland which has not only undergone a decisive rupture with the Communist
takeover but partly also earlier, namely in Manchuria, due to the Japanese-
Manchukuo rule.

Macau and Hong Kong

Here the colonial authorities could largely implement policies from their respec-
tive homeland. For the Portuguese, this meant that the “city of the name of God”,
as Macau was proudly called, was since their fixed settlement in the Leth century
conceived of as a Catholic city. While most of the Chinese living there would
transfer their dead back to their native place, those buried in the tiny area (which
only in LcKL became an official colony of the Portuguese) were Westerners and
Catholics who, as was the custom of the time in Europe in the Leth century and
beyond, were buried in churchyards around their parochial church. In time, though,
Macau as an important entrepôt was also confronted with the problem of non-
Catholics who happened to die in the area. At first, this was handled by transferring
those outside of the city walls, but since the Chinese villagers living close by did
not welcome burials of foreigners in a territory they considered their own, a strong
sense of unsafety of the tombs pushed for a burial space inside the city walls also
for non-Catholics. In spite of official Portuguese regulations that no soil was to be
“given away” on the one hand, and Catholic Church law on the other which pre-
scribed that only Catholics may be buried in Catholic consecrated soil, the English

32 As scholarship on iconoclasm and the Western ancient tradition of damnatio memoriae

in their effects on tombstones and epitaphs has made clear, the destruction of tombstones
and epitaphs was conceived of as “the ultimate murder, the ultimate death” in the words of
Karl GUTHKE. (See his Epitaph Culture in the West, Lewiston et al.: Edwin Mellen Press
2003, p.1).

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Whose Heritage? Western and Russian Tombs on Chinese Soil as Tangible Sites of Alterity

East India Company which had a residence in Macau, finally managed to strike a
deal to set up the “Old Protestant Cemetery” with a first burial in LcJL inside the
city walls on private ground (fig. Ld-JS).33

Figure Ld-JS: Macau: Old Protestant Cemetery ©JSLc

With changed legislation in Portugal in the mid-LRth century, though, all inner-city
cemeteries were to be closed, and thus all burials were now transferred to the area
outside of the city walls.34 In this context, the present-day “S. Miguel” cemetery
was set up, and also the “Old Protestant” one was closed and a “New Protestant
Cemetery” opened instead. The more aggressive assertion of Portuguese control
also in the area beyond the city walls (which were to be removed subsequently)

33 It might have helped that in Rome the “non-Catholic cemetery” (Cimitero Acattolico)
was opened at the same time (though it was not the first in Italy which was the “Old English
Cemetery” in Livorno). Since the “Old Protestant Cemetery” of Macau was placed (and
remained) inside the former city walls, this also means today that it is covered (and thus
protected) by the UNESCO world heritage site of Macau’s historic center, unlike any other
cemetery.
34 By this, the Portuguese state not only aimed at ameliorating inner-city hygiene in line
with similar moves in many other Western countries at the time, but also tried to wrest
authority (and burial fees) from the Church. By additionally transferring the say on the dead
from priests to modern doctors who had to certify death (against payment), these changes
sparked widespread resistance in Portugal at the time. See LAQUEUR: The Work of the Dead
(2015), pp. 307–308.

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Gotelind MÜLLER

led to repeated clashes with the Chinese villagers living there at first, but ended
with Macau’s being officially acknowledged as a Portuguese “colony” by the Qing
government, and through this act also the cemetery area for the Portuguese was
secured. Since the municipality was in charge of the “S. Miguel” cemetery, the
Catholic Church, however, was no longer able to claim the cemetery exclusively
for Catholics. Furthermore, after Portugal became a republic, in LRLJ an outright
policy of secularization also meant that the cemetery became “pluralized”: on prin-
ciple, now every citizen was entitled to be buried in “S. Miguel” (or any other of
the municipal cemeteries established in the meantime), regardless of religion. This
made for “S. Miguel’s” already mentioned mix of creeds, “hosting” tombs of Cath-
olic bishops of a diocese which once “governed” large parts of East Asia, besides
tombs with Buddhist or Daoist visual markers, and covering a wider range of eth-
nicities.
Hong Kong, in turn, reflects the British colonial administration’s preoccupa-
tion with “racial” differentiation: cemeteries were at first only designed for West-
erners, while it was assumed that the Chinese, who usually lived there only tem-
porarily, would in any case transfer their dead back to their place of origin. Much
more than Macau, Hong Kong was seen from all sides, both Chinese and Western,
as a temporary abode where death would only occur by chance. Still, the fact was
that, not the least because of diseases and frequent plagues but also because of the
military, there were many deaths occurring, and thus the British had to quickly set
up cemeteries. This they did for the Anglicans/Protestants, but given the many
Irish amongst the troops, also almost immediately for the Catholics, too. In time,
beyond the military personnel, more and more civilians flocked to Hong Kong.
While the Catholic Church ran the “St. Michael’s” cemetery where, as mentioned,
foreign as well as Chinese Catholics were buried, the “Hong Kong Cemetery”, as
it is called today, was originally intended for British Anglicans/Protestants only,
at first denying Chinese access even in life.35 Basically, since the “Hong Kong
Cemetery” was run by the municipality, it could, however, not easily refuse non-
British and non-Protestants in the long run, but given that the Catholics had
“St. Michael’s” next door, only those Catholics refused there, e.g. if they had
joined Freemasonry, were taken in. Furthermore, in time, also Armenians and Rus-
sian Orthodox, but also the equally “foreign” Japanese as well as some (Christian)

35 Cf. KO Tim-Keung: “A Review of Development of Cemeteries in Hong Kong: 1841–

1950”. In: Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. 41, 2001: pp.
241–280, there p. 247. It should be noted that by 1880 the British “Burial Laws Amendment
Act” settled the older divisive burial issues between the Anglican Church and various non-
Anglican Protestant denominations by the state, granting them access to graveyards equally.
(On the problems before, see LAQUEUR: The Work of the Dead (2015), pp. 161–182).

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Whose Heritage? Western and Russian Tombs on Chinese Soil as Tangible Sites of Alterity

Chinese were included.36 On principle a zoning approach was intended, although

this was only partly realized in practice. After Japanese Buddhist burial customs
led to complaints from some Westerners, they were simply pragmatically concen-
trated in a far-off angle up the hill. Muslims, Jews, Hindus and Parsees had set up
their own cemeteries anyway. Still, both “St. Michael’s” as well as the “Hong
Kong Cemetery” are visually strongly Western-coded in tombstone design which
apparently also appealed to some non-Westerners, namely the Christians. The
establishment of specific cemeteries for Chinese Protestants, in turn, “relieved”
the “Hong Kong Cemetery” of caring for those under normal circumstances, while
a special Eurasian one cared for those of “mixed” descent neither being counted
as “Western” nor “Chinese” in British colonial taxonomy.37 The “Hong Kong
Cemetery”, though, retained an aura of “superiority”, since well-known Chinese
as well as Eurasians would rather apply for (and were admitted to) the “Hong Kong
Cemetery” instead of going to the Chinese Protestant or the Eurasian or the “Chi-
nese Permanent Cemetery”, the latter being modeled upon the “Hong Kong Cem-
etery” for non-Christian upper-class Chinese.38 In a sense, the “Hong Kong Cem-
etery”, like “S. Miguel” in Macau, received those that had no other “specialized”
cemetery to go as, for example, the Muslims or Parsees had in both places, but,
unlike Macau, the “Hong Kong Cemetery” retained this aura as the “best” choice,
if available, i.e. had something of a “class” distinction to it. In fact, one had to
apply for getting in. And, unlike “S. Miguel”, the “Hong Kong Cemetery” is now,
as mentioned, basically closed. For the British military, in turn, which had at first
also been buried there, the War Graves Commission Cemeteries were set up which
reflect the World Wars and are closed today as well.
In terms of material and visual markers, the Westerners’ tombs and burial prac-
tices differed from the traditional Chinese one: as mentioned, the idea of an (often
fenced-in) cemetery was set against the typically individual Chinese hillside burial
mounds. The “garden cemetery” as a European/Western development since the
late Lcth century which appeared also in the “Hong Kong Cemetery”, for example,
acted as a role model,39 and was appreciated also by some Chinese (although death

36 For a “thick description” of the “Hong Kong Cemetery”, see Patricia LIM: Forgotten
Souls: A Social History of the Hong Kong Cemetery, Hong Kong: Hong Kong University
Press 2011. See also LIM’s database: https://www.hkmemory.hk/collections/hong_kong_
cemetery/about/index.html.
37 Cf. MÜLLER: Challenging Dead (2018), p. 13.
38 For the different cemeteries, cf. KO: “A review” (2001) and MÜLLER: Challenging Dead
(2018), pp. 12–15.
39 Cf. Ken NICOLSON: The Happy Valley: A History and Tour of the Hong Kong Cemetery,
Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press 2010, pp. 5–7. It should be noted that in the
colonial setting the British often erected more lavish tombs than those they had at home.
Cf. CURL: “Short history” (2016), p. 12, with reference to British India.

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Gotelind MÜLLER

is largely tabooed in Chinese culture and tombs of ancestors only visited at special
occasions, and never tombs of “others” on top of that). The simplicity of Western
burial practices (e.g. no valuables in coffins), the gravity of funeral processions
and interment services etc. were also a diverging feature from Chinese custom.
The crosses, including the orthodox ones for Russians, e.g. in the “Hong Kong
Cemetery”, statues as, for example, in the Catholic ones, and different tomb
designs with stones flat or upright, columns etc., were also noted by the Chinese
as peculiar. In this regard, also the Jewish tombs in Hong Kong’s “Jewish Ceme-
tery” did not diverge very much, that is except for their inscriptions. In other
words: tomb designs in the “Jewish Cemetery” which in any case is also much less
frequently visited and thus less “present” for Chinese viewers do not substantially
differ from, for example, the “Hong Kong Cemetery”. Typically, the Sephardic
Jews used tomb architecture similar to the British with a preference for horizontal
layout, while the Ashkenazic Jews rather opted for vertical headstones.40
In terms of heritage preservation, this means that in Hong Kong (and partly in
Macau) the visual markers of foreignness in the cemeteries are, since the hand-
over, largely “museum-like” to the Chinese public. Those tombs that stand for
“problematic” or, in a Chinese perspective, “ambivalent” if not “dissonant” herit-
age when recording people and events lauded by the colonizers but condemned by
the Chinese, are a challenge.41 While statues could be easily removed from town-
scapes, in cemeteries things are less easy.
In fact, the Westerners buried represented various “sorts” of foreigners: not
only women (often “wives of”) and children, but also men with various profes-
sions such as: merchants, missionaries, physicians, sailors, or military staff. In
Chinese eyes, especially in the post-colonial era, the foreigners were either “good”,
“neutral”, or “bad”, depending on their former role and attitude via-à-vis the local
society. This, in turn, means that the heritage preservation of today confronts the
question as to whose heritage is deemed desirable to be preserved, especially if
there are no relatives laying claims to them, and whether it is possible (e.g. for
diplomatic reasons) to clear those whose heritage is not deemed desirable. The
strategies followed differ: in Macau’s “S. Miguel”, for example, the politically

40 Although most Jews abhor a physical representation of the deceased, the Hong Kong
“Jewish Cemetery” has one Russian tombstone with a photo – something typical for Rus-
sian Orthodox cemeteries and also often seen in Harbin’s “Jewish Cemetery”. In fact, also
elsewhere Jewish tombstone layouts resemble those of the respective majority culture. In
Hong Kong, therefore, British as well as Russian influence is mirrored in the “Jewish Cem-
etery”.
41 For the concept of “dissonant heritage”, see John E. TUNBRIDGE and Gregory J. ASH-
WORTH: Dissonant Heritage: The Management of the Past as a Resource in Conflict, Chi-
chester: Wiley 1996.

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Whose Heritage? Western and Russian Tombs on Chinese Soil as Tangible Sites of Alterity

controversial tomb and statue of Macanese Colonel Vicente Nicolau de MESQUITA

(LcLc–LccS) who had once “fought for” Macau against the Chinese and thus was a
hero in the colonial perspective but a villain in the nationalist Chinese one, is still
in place after the handover (fig. Ld-JL), although his statue in town had already
been razed by rioters during the times of the Cultural Revolution in the neighbor-
ing PRC that also led to turmoil in Macau. Thus, the “S. Miguel” cemetery and
MESQUITA’s tomb there is the only place where this piece of history still survived
with a material legacy, however here, with tombstone architecture connected to
his physical remains. This case, though, also has additional layers to it, connected
to MESQUITA’s individuality. MESQUITA died by suicide after having killed his
wife and one daughter (and wounded two further of his children), arguably out of
a psychic crisis. This crisis is said to have, at least partly, been triggered by his
feelings of being discriminated against as someone of “only” (mixed) Macanese
decent, since he was not adequately awarded for his decisive services by the Por-
tuguese. Given the whole background, his interment had at first been a problem.
Catholic canon law did not allow for a Catholic burial in such a murder/suicide
case, and it was only after years that he was posthumously rehabilitated and
granted reburial in the same “S. Miguel” cemetery, shifting him from a not conse-
crated section to the consecrated one, being close again to his family, and this time
the burial was done with full military honors.

Figure Ld-JL: Macau: S. Miguel Cemetery: monument to MESQUITA ©JSLc

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Gotelind MÜLLER

In Hong Kong, in turn, the memorial column to controversial British trade envoy
and Royal Navy officer William John NAPIER (LKce–LcNQ) who figured in the trade
issues between Britain and China in the years leading to the Opium War (LcNR–
LcQJ) and who was indirectly responsible for the British choosing Hong Kong as
their foothold subsequently, was transferred from the “Hong Kong Cemetery” to
the Hong Kong Museum of History after the handover. NAPIER had died in Macau
in LcNQ after his failure to negotiate better terms of trade with the Chinese in
Guangzhou 廣州, had first been buried in Macau’s “Old Protestant Cemetery” and
then was shipped back home to Scotland where he is ever since lying in peace. His
memorial column had resurfaced in Hong Kong after WWII and was put in the
“Hong Kong Cemetery” by the colonial authorities, but with the post-hand-over
transfer to the museum it was tellingly turned from a (positive) memorial into a
(controversial) historical exhibition piece. The absence of his physical remains fa-
cilitated, of course, this recontextualization.

Taiwan

While the situation in Macau and Hong Kong was fairly stable due to the long
colonial rule of the Portuguese and British up to the late LRRSs’ handover, in Tai-
wan things went through several shifts. When in LcRd the Japanese received Tai-
wan as one of the spoils of war from the Qing to become their very first colony,
Westerners’ cemeteries were already in place, namely in the South in today’s Tai-
nan 臺南 and Gaoxiong/Kaohsiung 高雄 (both today no longer extant as cemeter-
ies), 42 and in the North in Danshui/Tamsui and Jilong/Keelung. Both the “For-
eigners’ Cemetery” in Tamsui (fig. Ld-JJ) and the “French Military Cemetery” in
Keelung are officially declared heritage sites today, but during the Japanese colo-
nial period they served foreign policy agendas of the Japanese: the Tamsui ceme-
tery adjacent to the tomb of Canadian missionary George Leslie MACKAY (LcQQ–
LRSL) and those of his missionary staff, Taiwanese or foreign, was first cared for
by the British who often represented also other nationalities who did not bother to
open own representations on the island (fig. Ld-JN). Thus, either the respective em-
bassy in Tokyo or the British (and a few other) consuls on the island were caring
for those other nationalities that did not have representations there during the

42 Of the Kaohsiung cemetery, some tombstones have been found in the area. For an
attempt to reconstruct this cemetery’s history, see David Charles OAKLEY: The Story of the
Takow Foreign Cemetery, Gaoxiong: Gaoxiong shizhengfu wenhuaju 2016.

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Whose Heritage? Western and Russian Tombs on Chinese Soil as Tangible Sites of Alterity

Japanese colonial period (LcRd–LRQd). After the GMD government took over Tai-
wan in LRQd, the fate of the cemetery in Tamsui as well as of the “French Military
Cemetery” in Keelung was again closely connected to the diplomatic sphere, and
after the British gave up their diplomatic representation in Taiwan, the U.S.-Amer-
icans and finally the Canadians stepped in in Tamsui, while the local Presbyterian
Church which runs the secondary school on whose grounds the MACKAY tomb is
located, keeps an eye on the site and de facto provides access to both the mission-
ary cemetery around the MACKAY tomb, and the foreigners’ cemetery.

Figure Ld-JJ: Tamsui: Foreigners’ Cemetery ©JSLK

Figure Ld-JN: Tamsui: “MACKAY Cemetery” around the

highest monument of MACKAY ©JSLK

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Gotelind MÜLLER

In Keelung, in turn, the physical remains of some of the mid-level French com-
manders and troops of the Sino-French War LccQ/cd who mainly died from dis-
eases and were interred in Taiwanese soil, were centralized over time (fig. Ld-JQ),
if they had not been shipped back home like the remains of the main figure Admi-
ral Amédée COURBET (LcJK–Lccd) who had succumbed to disease, died during the
final stage of the war on his ship, and had been transferred back from the Pesca-
dores to receive a state funeral in France already at that time. The longstanding
debates about the Keelung “French Military Cemetery” in a society that did not
historically share the European treaty convention of respecting cemeteries of
friend and foe,43 however, show the difficulty for the local society to accept such
a “foreign” cemetery with the dead buried there representing one-time “enemies”
until only recently when the place was relabeled a “Memorial Park of the War
between the Qing and the French”, thus reframing the cemetery as a space of
education and leisure rather than commemoration of the dead foreigners. Here, too,
things were additionally complicated by the fact that the Japanese colonial admin-
istration which governed Taiwan after defeating the Qing, used the French ceme-
tery, as already mentioned, for its own diplomatic agendas. The GMD government
which took over Taiwan after WWII, was from the start rather hostile, and even
more so when France switched her diplomatic allegiance to the competing PRC,
playing up nationalist issues. However, in Keelung, being one of the major sites
of the “February Jc incident” of LRQK with the GMD’s crack-down on Taiwanese
opposition and its subsequent White Terror, local feelings toward the GMD were
mixed as well.44 In contrast, in Tamsui’s “Foreigners’ Cemetery” with its civilian
dead adjacent to the tomb of Canadian missionary Reverend MACKAY, who rep-
resented a more “positive” Sino-Western relationship with his educational, medi-
cal, and charity endeavors, things were overall less controversial.
In summary, in Macau, Hong Kong, and Taiwan, the physical remains of the
most controversial figures standing for the colonization of, or historical military
confrontation with, the Chinese had anyway already been transferred back to their
homelands, leading to a rather de-emotionalized present-day attitude toward this
foreign heritage.

43 One should, however, note that in Europe this implied mutuality, while in Taiwan, for
example, the relation was only “unilateral”.
44 Cf. MÜLLER: Challenging Dead (2018), pp. 27–33.

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Whose Heritage? Western and Russian Tombs on Chinese Soil as Tangible Sites of Alterity

Figure Ld-JQ: Keelung: French Military Cemetery: remains of Lieutenant

JEHENNE relocated from the Pescadores ©JSLc

Chinese mainland

Most of the foreigners’ cemeteries once on Chinese soil have, however, disap-
peared. While in some places of trade mainly civilians had been buried, usually
divided along religious lines, other places featured military cemeteries. Those still
extant are typically connected to WWII. There had once also been cemeteries with,
for example, the foreign Boxer War casualties (military or not), but their com-
memoration was and is anathema to the Chinese society, and thus they have been
levelled. Most of the Chinese mainland only went through a major change with
the Communist takeover, but in Manchuria the Japanese had intervened already
previously. Especially in Southern Manchuria in the Kwantung (Guandong) 關東
Leased Territory which the Japanese claimed from Russia after their victory in the
Russo-Japanese War of LRSQ/Sd, the Russian cemeteries were reshaped (as in Lü-
shun) or newly set up (like in Jinzhou) (fig. Ld-Jd) by the Japanese who buried the
fallen Russians after the war and used this for projecting their own nation posi-
tively to the world. In Jinzhou and, above all, in Lüshun/Port Arthur, both today

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Gotelind MÜLLER

part of the Dalian municipality, the Japanese imitated, as mentioned, Western cem-
etery and tomb designs when burying their dead Tsarist foes.45 Lüshun stood out
as the showcase cemetery par excellence, inviting the Russian Orthodox Church
as “guests” at the pompous opening in LRSc and trying to use the small but fledg-
ling Japanese Orthodox Church as a mediator.46 In northern Manchuria, though,
with Harbin the Japanese role became decisive only later after the “Manchurian
Incident” of LRNL and the subsequent founding of the “puppet state” Manchukuo,
although in terms of cemeteries and their layout the Japanese role was here rather
ephemeral.
In all of Manchuria, however, the LRQd “August Storm” of the Soviets who
“liberated” the area from the Japanese, left an enduring imprint via the military
cemeteries set up for the Soviet casualties. By this, they now also introduced
Soviet (military) burial practices to the Chinese society which up to then only
knew Christian or Jewish cemeteries as standing for “Westerners” or “Russians”.
Memorialization of “heroes”, as the Soviets called the fallen Red Army members,
with red starred tombstones and identification of rank, and, at times, army division,
e.g. with emblems of tanks or air planes, was a new, secular style (fig. Ld-Je, Ld-
JK). Army casualties augmented further during the Korean War, mainly with avi-
ators (fig. Ld-Jc). With the Soviets stationed in the Dalian-Lüshun area in LRQd–
LRdd who lived there with their families, and Soviet advisors coming to the early
PRC, also Soviet civilian tombs came to be added in time (fig. Ld-JR). While the
“Soviet Martyrs’ Cemeteries”, as they are called by the Chinese, introduced also
a socialist monumentality to the field of cemeteries, as mentioned, they provided
an example for Chinese “martyrs” (and high-level cadres) and their burial,47 and
they showed how one could integrate such places into socialist education activities.

45 However, some elements at the cemetery were similar to burial fashions as used (or
taken over) by the Japanese for themselves at the time, e.g. to bury the officers individually
but the normal soldiers together. Given the high numbers of the rank-and-file Russian sol-
diers claimed, they must have been cremated before as was customary to the Japanese burial
fashion, though official Japanese regulations at the time requested to bury the orthodox
Russians in “their” fashion, i.e. with earth burials. For the Japanese burial fashion for the
Russo-Japanese War military casualties, see Naoko SHIMAZU (2009), esp. p. 125.
46 For more on this, cf. MÜLLER: Ambivalent Remains (2019), pp. 52–53.
47 Cf. the Babaoshan 八宝山 Cemetery in Beijing for the highest-level cadres (most no
“martyrs”). See Hung-tai CHANG: Mao’s New World (2011), pp. 224–232. But “martyrs’
cemeteries” were set up all over China to remind the locals of the sacrifices others had taken
upon themselves, obliging the living generation to continue their unfinished task.

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Whose Heritage? Western and Russian Tombs on Chinese Soil as Tangible Sites of Alterity

Figure Ld-Jd: Jinzhou: Soviet Military/ “Martyrs’” Cemetery: Memorial to

the Russo-Japanese War dead first buried by the Japanese and
later memorialized by the Tsarist government ©JSLc

Figure Ld-Je: Dalian: Soviet Military/ “Martyrs’” Cemetery: Soviet

officers’ tombs with red starred headstones (photo of
deceased missing), flat ones for soldiers ©JSLc

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Gotelind MÜLLER

Figure Ld-JK: Jinzhou: Soviet Military/ “Martyrs’” Cemetery:

Example of Soviet tombstone featuring the symbol of the
military unit (tank) (photo of deceased missing) ©JSLc

Figure Ld-Jc: Lüshun: Soviet Military/ “Martyrs’” Cemetery:

The Soviet aviators’ section of the Korean War ©JSLc

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Whose Heritage? Western and Russian Tombs on Chinese Soil as Tangible Sites of Alterity

Figure Ld-JR: Lüshun: Soviet Military/ “Martyrs’” Cemetery:

post-LRQd children’s section ©JSLc

The fact that today the largest “foreigners’ cemetery” in mainland China is the
“Soviet Martyrs’ Cemetery” in Lüshun which de facto hosts, beyond the Soviets,
above all Tsarist dead of the Russo-Japanese War who are out of question to
memorialize for today’s Chinese since they were as imperialist as the Japanese in
Chinese view, throws into relief the problem of the national and the private. The
Soviet dead who “fell for the socialist cause” and more specifically “for China”
are nationalized and to be remembered, the more monumental the better. The oth-
ers, though, should be levelled in Chinese perspective. Only diplomatic relations
put a brake on this to not annoy the Russians who see all those dead as “compat-
riots”, but the complicated story of how earlier Russian/Soviet cemeteries were to
be renovated and who would, and could, be informed about this, shows the Chi-
nese ambivalence and sensitivity toward these foreign cemeteries.48 And it shows
the bifurcation between the Tsarist or “White” religious Russians (and religious
Westerners) and the atheist Soviets in Chinese perception. In fact, the present-day
official Russian appreciation of the Tsarist and “White” legacies vs the ambivalent
attitude toward the more divisive Soviet one, is criticized by the Chinese. The lat-
ter, in fact, try to pose as the “true heirs” to “the cause” the Soviet “martyrs” died
for.

48 For more on the renovation process, see MÜLLER: Ambivalent Remains (2019), pp. 56–62
for Lüshun, and pp. 34–37 for Harbin.

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Gotelind MÜLLER

On the other hand, a purely “historical” cemetery like the civilian Jewish Cemetery
in Harbin, though “religious” as well, is today less problematic and readily used
for bilateral relations with Israel, helped by the fact that it is hosting relatives of
some outstanding Israeli politicians, including former prime minister OLMERT (fig.
Ld-NS). Tellingly, the fact that most of those Jews were from Russia or the Russian
Empire is of no importance to the Chinese (and apparently also to the present-day
Russian authorities), and materially speaking, their tombstone outlooks are
strongly orientated toward Western fashions which had also been picked up in late
Tsarist Russia, often only by a Star of David and by the tombstone inscription
“outing” their being Jewish.49 However, different from the Hong Kong “Jewish
Cemetery”, e.g., in the PRC the Cultural Revolution intervened heavily for the fate
of cemeteries in general, as they were easy to attack and a “classical” feature of
Red Guard destructive activism, if they had not been damaged earlier in the brief
mid-LRdSs campaign triggered by MAO’s Hangzhou “impressions” mentioned
above. While the Shanghai Jewish cemeteries did not survive (only some tomb-
stones), the one in Harbin did, though with clear signs of destruction (fig. Ld-NL).
Also elsewhere in China, notably with Shanghai and its once numerous foreigners’
cemeteries, but also in Guangzhou, the Cultural Revolution heavily intervened.
While in some cases the tombstones (if not necessarily the human remains be-
neath) could be (re)assembled in the LRcSs, in other cases the human remains were
transferred but the tombstones had gone lost, as seems to be the case with China’s
most well-known “foreigners’ cemetery” in Shanghai: the “International Ceme-
tery”, as it was once called, now part of the “Song Qingling Memorial Park” (fig.
Ld-NJ).50 Most notably with “controversial” figures of importance and, above all,
religious figures, destruction in the Cultural Revolution could almost be counted
upon, and thus the tombs of clergy were particularly singled out for attack, as, for
example, can be seen with the Orthodox Russian (and Chinese) clergy in the still
used Harbin “Orthodox Cemetery” (fig. Ld-NN) (or, to a lesser extent, in the Dalian
“Soviet Martyrs’ Cemetery” which had been an, above all civilian, cemetery in the
hands of “White” Orthodox clergy up to the LRQSs, with Soviet tombs then added
later).51 But also Guangzhou’s protestant missionaries’ tombs, e.g. the ones of
well-known medical missionary John KERR and family, which have been recently
restored at a new location (fig. Ld-NQ), fared no better.52

49 There are, of course, exceptions, e.g. with the “oriental-looking” Jewish tombstone in
Lüshun of a young woman from present-day Ukrainian Ternopol (MÜLLER: Ambivalent
Remains (2019), p. 50), or with the tomb of the religious key figure, rabbi Aron Moshe
KISELEV (1863–1949) in Harbin (ibid. pp. 29–30), which are peculiar.
50 See MÜLLER: Between History (2018), esp. pp. 22–33.
51 See MÜLLER: Ambivalent Remains (2019), pp. 42–47.
52 See MÜLLER: Between History (2018), pp. 11–12.

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Whose Heritage? Western and Russian Tombs on Chinese Soil as Tangible Sites of Alterity

Figure Ld-NS: Harbin: Jewish cemetery: Newly restored tomb of

Ehud OLMERT’s grandfather ©JSLc

Figure Ld-NL: Harbin: Jewish Cemetery: Reassembled tombstone ©JSLc

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Gotelind MÜLLER

Figure Ld-NJ: Shanghai: SONG Qingling Memorial Park: Foreigners’ Cemetery:

small concrete slabs in place of tombstones ©JSLc

Figure Ld-NN: Harbin: Orthodox Cemetery: Plea to not destroy the tombstone at Fa-
ther Valentin Semënovich BARYSHNIKOV’s (LRSe–LReJ) tomb (backside) ©JSLc

dSJ
Whose Heritage? Western and Russian Tombs on Chinese Soil as Tangible Sites of Alterity

Figure Ld-NQ: Guangzhou: Protestant Cemetery: Missionary

KERR family tombs ©JSLc

While the tombs of the pre-PRC times tell of a religiously pluralized “West” and
an either Orthodox or Jewish “Russia”, the Soviet tombs became, as mentioned,
role models for a secularized dealing with death. Since the LRdSs the Chinese
argued strongly for cremation to do away with the Chinese custom of earth burial,
but the arguments now combined the practical ones of hygiene (which was a prob-
lem not only because of numbers but also since the Chinese rather put up mounds
than bury the dead deeply) or of saving land for “productive” uses, with the more
ideological of the body as material, which should and could be burnt, therewith
also going against “feudal” superstition which were deemed prevalent with tradi-
tional funerary customs. Care for the living instead for the dead, was the main
motto, and cities had set targets to “free” themselves of cemeteries, thus causing
transferals at best, while at the worst levelling for Chinese dead and their tombs
ensued.53 Once completed, the space occupied by the dead foreigners whose living
compatriots usually had had to leave the country after the Communist takeover
(excluding some socialist “brother nations”) had to be “dealt with”, too. While at
first burial practices not conforming to the new cremation standard, e.g. with the

53 See Thomas MULLANEY (ed.): The Chinese Deathscape: Grave Reform in Modern
China, Stanford: Stanford University Press 2019. Digital volume available online:
https://chinesedeathscape.supdigital.org.

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Gotelind MÜLLER

Orthodox earth burials, were still allowed, finally cremation was to be pushed
through nationwide. In this, the Chinese went beyond the Soviets, as mentioned,
who also had less problem with space. MAO’s call to do away with the many signs
of “ghosts” around West Lake was a call heeded, although ironically he himself
became a “socialist embalmed”, given the Soviet precedent with LENIN.54

Concluding remarks

However the Western and Russian tombs on Chinese soil fared throughout time,
today those remaining are visual material sites of alterity working against a “struc-
tural amnesia” (CONNERTON).55 While to the Chinese viewer they present mostly
religious, but also secular, ways of dealing with death, either private or more mon-
umentally nationalized, the remaining dead speak of the past and Western/Russian
agency of their time in a foreign land. In all cases, it has been of high importance
for the local authorities to stress that no matter who is interred, and which material
markers of foreignness might be above-ground, the soil is and will remain Chinese.
But beyond national(ist) sensibilities, arguing out of the defensive, heritage poli-
tics also offer on the positive side the possibility to discover (and protect) the

54 For a comparative view, see Gwendolyn LEICK: Tombs of the Great Leaders: A Con-
temporary Guide, London: Reaktion Books 2013, chapter 2. Notably, MAO, who had signed
the Communist cremation pledge back in the 1950s, had already chosen a family tomb slot
at the Babaoshan Cemetery together with his last wife, JIANG Qing, revisiting it several
times in his last years which shows he obviously cared, but at the time of his death (1976)
it was out of question for his successors to carry this out, and thus MAO was embalmed and
the Memorial Hall on Tiananmen Square created. (Cf. Ross TERRILL: MAO: A Biography,
rev. and exp. ed., Stanford: Stanford University Press 1999, p. 457.) Needless to say, JIANG
Qing who committed suicide in 1991 while serving her life sentence following MAO’s
demise, did not make it into that chosen family tomb slot of the prestigious Babaoshan
Cemetery either, but was buried in a “normal” cemetery in Beijing by her (and MAO’s)
daughter.
55 Cf. CONNERTON’s different types of forgetting: Paul CONNERTON: “Cultural Memory”.
In: Christopher TILLEY et al. (eds.): Handbook of Material Culture, London: Sage 2006,
pp. 315–324, there pp. 319–322. A more recent update can be found in: “Seven types of
forgetting” in: Paul CONNERTON: The Spirit of Mourning: History, Memory and the Body,
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 2011, chapter 2, pp. 33–50. “Structural amnesia”
– unfortunately the type least spelled out by CONNERTON – connotes a patterned forgetting
due to structures of a society to which something has no further social relevance. Those
tombs that were a heritage too “dissonant”, have undergone “repressive erasure”, instead,
and thus are no longer physically extant, e.g. the foreign Boxer War casualties.

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Whose Heritage? Western and Russian Tombs on Chinese Soil as Tangible Sites of Alterity

manifold layers historical encounters between cultures engendered, and how this
may relate meaningfully to the present. Given the enduring material presence of
cemeteries, they provide a visual and tangible starting point for digging out (in-
stead of corpses in a Red Guard fashion)56 the multiple stories enclosed, large and
small, local and translocal, telling of a richer interwoven past than some present-
day narrow interests may frame for achieving some specific short-term aim. For
better or for worse, this heritage is a “shared” one, and a “coming to terms” with
history entails also making peace with the dead. Nolens volens then, the shifts in
perceptions of Westerners and Russians also reflect the continuities and changes
Chinese self-perception has undergone in the JSth century and over the larger area
of Greater China, and the contingency of the respective forms this has taken.

56 One of the most extreme acts during the Cultural Revolution regarding tombs was to not
only destroy tombstones but even dig up human remains and scatter (or performatively
humiliate) them. The case of Confucius and his most recent descendants became widely
known in China but was only the tip of the iceberg. Cf. SANG Ye and Geremie R. BARMÉ:
“Commemorating Confucius in 1966–67: The Fate of the Confucius Temple, the Kong
Mansion and Kong Cemetery.” In: China Heritage Quarterly, no. 20, December 2009.
Available online: http://www.chinaheritagequarterly.org/scholarship.php?searchterm=0
20_confucius.inc&issue=020. Apart from politics, this was also to drive home the point of
materialism and to ward off any potential “superstition” on the part of the living. It had also
“socialist” antecedents in Soviet attacks on “White” enemies’ tombs (and in itself is in any
case a practice with an unfortunately long prehistory, East and West: cf. LAQUEUR: The
Work of the Dead (2015), pp. 103–106).

dSd
Nikolay SAMOYLOV

Concluding Remarks

Abstract. The concept of “imagology” has recently entered the circulation of hu-
manitarian sciences. Imagology is a scientific discipline with the subject of images
of “the Other” (“alien” nations, countries, cultures). Imagology is interdisciplinary
in nature: its sources are languages, culture (both mass and elitist), various types of
arts, literature, folklore, semiotics, ethnopsychology, ethnology, cultural studies,
history, political science and others. Imagology as science studies the dynamic nat-
ural image of the foreign culture, which has been historically formed. Studying the
materials obtained from these sources and scientific disciplines, imagology seeks
to generalize them and develop some common paradigms of the reception of “the
Others” in the space of one national consciousness or another. The sources for his-
torical imagology are materials of national history, archival documents, and mem-
oirs.

Keywords. Imagology, Image, Perception, Stereotype, China.

Published in: Gotelind MÜLLER and Nikolay SAMOYLOV (eds.): Chinese Perceptions of
Russia and the West. Changes, Continuities, and Contingencies during the Twentieth Cen-
tury. Heidelberg: CrossAsia-eBooks, JSJS. DOI: https://doi.org/LS.LLdcc/xabooks.eeL.

dSK
Nikolay SAMOYLOV

The origins of imagology are as ancient as the history that begins with cultural
differentiation, according to the principles of “we” and “they”, “I” and “the Oth-
er”, with mutual perception and mutual representations as well as with mutual fa-
miliarization. In other words, imagology studies the elements of the cultural un-
conscious. Imagology is also a new scientific direction, and, therefore, its subject
and research methods are not yet completely defined.
Some scholars consider imagology to be a part of historical studies and argue
that it should investigate perceptions of other peoples and countries that arose in
the public consciousness of a particular nation at a certain historical stage. Sources
for historical imagology are usually taken from materials of national and world
history. They are archival documents, as well as memoirs, from which information
can be obtained on how the representations of one people about another were
formed and changed throughout history. Painting, visual arts, and cinematography
also reflect perceptions of other cultures contained in artistic forms.
Others, first of all, turn their attention to literary texts. Literary scholars prefer
to talk about “artistic imagology”, which is mastered by comparative literary crit-
icism. Unlike historical imagology, the material of which is highly reliable, artistic
imagology has a different kind of authenticity: literature, with all its conventions,
is able to fully, vividly recreate the atmosphere of human relations; mentality,
characters, speech, stereotypes of everyday consciousness are all formed in one
national or social environment or another. At the same time, “artistic imagology”
requires an interdisciplinary approach, i.e., attracting data from history, cultural
studies, ethnopsychology, but also data on national character, lifestyle, behavior,
customs, religion, etc.
Cultural anthropologists and sociologists believe that the goal of imagology is
to study the ideas of the participants in a cultural dialogue and their perceptions
about each other.1

The ultimate perspective of image studies is a theory of cultural or national stereo-

types, not a theory of cultural or national identity. Imagology is concerned with the
representamen, representations as textual strategies and as discourse. That discourse
implicitly raises a claim of referentiality vis-à-vis empirical reality, telling us that
nation X has a set of characteristics Y, yet the actual validity of that referentiality
claim is not the imagologist’s to verify or falsify. The imagologist’s frame of refer-
ence is a textual and intertextual one.

1 Joep LEERSSEN: “Imagology: History and method”. In: Manfred BELLER and Joep LEERS-
SEN (eds.): Imagology: the Cultural Construction and Literary Representation of National
Characters; a Critical Survey, Amsterdam and New York: Rodopi 2007, p. 27.

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 Concluding Remarks

Researchers who work in the sphere of cultural paradigms have their own point of
view of the formation and functioning of images and stereotypes. They presuppose
that the ability to understand “uncommon” and “foreign” phenomena and their
communication processes is one of the most important problems in the history of
culture. On the other hand, cultural anthropologists state that the intention to un-
derstand “foreign” culture enables a person to exceed the bounds of his own world
and plunge into other cultural spheres. It is very important for the development of
his own culture. Nowadays, being influenced by globalization, this statement is
becoming more and more en vogue.
As for political scientists, the study of the rules according to which the images
of “the Other” could be created and introduced into public consciousness is con-
sidered the most important task of imagology.
Another group of scholars prefers to study national stereotypes, which are dis-
tributed in the ideas of one nation relative to another and have both positive and
negative sides. The positive side of national stereotypes is that they, as it were,
accumulate and store in short form, with the already existing experience of inter-
ethnic communication. The negative side of national stereotypes is known even
more as it can be the basis for the development of chauvinism. Thus, the basis of
stereotyping is the historical experience of the people and the experience of inter-
action between the nations. A factor that prompts the cognition and appreciation
of any “alien”, “other” culture is often a surprise at an unusual, unfamiliar one. In
the context of cultural globalization, the question of how the implementation of
perceptions and representations of “strange” nations, and the transformation of
these stereotypes (true and false) occur in the mass consciousness should be very
acute. In addition, the development of imagological studies is currently associated
with the need to promote mutual understanding between peoples and has a definite
humanitarian goal.
More recently, philology and cultural anthropology have been added to the
variety of human sciences, methods and approaches used in this multidisciplinary
endeavor. It is impossible to understand the dynamics, mechanisms and certain
ways of how a definite image of a country or a nation forms, or to understand the
transformation of that image into a stable stereotype, without applying the data of
sciences delineated above.
Scholars usually studying the problem within the framework of psychological
paradigms consider the concept of real and imagined images of any nation or eth-
nic group to be the subject matter of ethnic self-consciousness. On the subject of
ethnic stereotypes, one can safely assume they are formed on the basis of ethnic
imagery systems; they are generalized, stable, and highly charged; they are com-
posed through historical aspects of interethnic relations; and they regulate their

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Nikolay SAMOYLOV

carriers’ perception and way of conduct. A great influence of ethnic stereotypes

on interethnic relations is described in many works by modern social psychologists
and ethno-psychologists, who mention that ethnic stereotypes reflect cultural and
historical peculiarities of parties to ethnic relations: ethnic stereotypes and ethnic
auto-stereotypes, while depicting judgment-based and standard components of an
ethnos (as a sociocultural system) serves as a driving force for the self-identifica-
tion in ethnic communities and cultures continuum. Emotive and estimative char-
acter of ethnic stereotypes is one of the crucial points. There are three parameters
of an ethnic stereotype’s emotive and estimative component: ambivalence, expres-
siveness and target-orientation. These are important characteristics of an ethnic
stereotype, because they depict its “imagery”. Ethno-psychologists consider sta-
bility and rigidity to be another important quality of ethnic stereotypes. However,
a degree of relativity to this stability is also recognized.
Ethno-psychologists, while conducting applied research, pay much attention to
the formation of ethnic stereotypes and their functioning on the basis of cultural,
common and other specific features of an ethnic community determined through
the course of history. In this respect, it is noticed that ethnic stereotypes are the
components of a national mental makeup and the basis of national self-image for-
mation. At this point, meaningful results in the sphere of development of the con-
cept of ethnic stereotypes have been achieved. Ethnologists declare that ethnic ste-
reotypes have an absolute effect on peoples’ behavior and that they can form eth-
nic antipathies or good feelings, pushing nations apart or pulling them together.
They can also predetermine human behavior in any situation.
Russian historian and anthropologist A. S. MYLʹNIKOV, while developing an
ethnological component of research in imagology and stressing its interdiscipli-
nary nature, comes up with the term “ethnic imagology”. Its main components are:
L) The creation of an ethnic/ethnocultural worldview which tends to be different
from one nation to another during different historical periods; J) The study of the
formation of ethnic/ethnocultural stereotypes and activities concerning different
nations and their representatives; N) The development of a set of issues connected
with researching concepts of national character, ethnic mindset, and phenomena
that generate relevant ethnocultural stereotypes. Consequently, the analysis of this
set of issues is bound to be carried out by taking account of groupwide sociocul-
tural imagery that usually differs from general ethnical imagery; Q) The examina-
tion of the historical memory phenomenon that through an interrelation of ethnic,
spatial and diachronic factors secures a continuity of ethnic/ethnocultural tradi-
tions from the past into the present and the future. 2

2 Aleksandr MYLʹNIKOV: “Ėtnicheskai͡a imagologii͡a” (Ethnic imagology). In: Kur’er Pet-

rovskoĭ Kunstkamery (Messenger of Peter’s Kunstkamera) 1999, no. 8–9, p. 16.

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 Concluding Remarks

According to the concept of A. S. MYLʹNIKOV, the main branches of ethnic

imagology are: worldview, ethnocultural stereotypes, ethnic mindset and histori-
cal memory which altogether offer opportunities for understanding ethnopsycho-
logical mechanisms on systemic levels. Perception is the component of ethnic
imagology that depicts public feelings and conscience, and, as MYLʹNIKOV states,
“it is as unbiased as the things it depicts”3.
Thus, from the contemporary point of view, nowadays, imagology is considered
to be an overarching academic discipline in humanities that examines the process
whereby any images (country, nation, culture, etc.) are formed, perceived and trans-
formed. The main point in conducting imagology research is the certain way dif-
ferent ethnic groups, countries and cultures figuratively perceive something “un-
common”. The specified imagology subject matters are: L) stable images objectified
in literature (literary studies); J) national images and ethnic stereotypes, and the
ways they influence society (in ethnology); N) stereotypes of any language (linguis-
tic imagology); Q) mutual perceptions of participants in a cultural dialogue regard-
ing each other (in culture studies); and d) images of social function (in sociology).
At the end of the JSth and beginning of the JLst century the interdisciplinary
research space of historical imagology has been, and continues to be, expanding
and become conceptually saturated. Methods of imagological studies are based on
concrete historical analysis of the collective representations of other peoples and
states, as well as analysis of ethnic, national, cultural, auto- and hetero-stereotypes,
the ways of their formation, the ways of functioning and transformation processes
in the context of “we” and “they” relations. Having mastered historical anthropo-
logical, sociopsychological and cultural approaches, historical imagology has ac-
cumulated a significant amount of empirical research. The focus was on the com-
plex processes of the formation of ethnic representations and the creation of na-
tional identity. With respect to the studies of historically formed stereotypical
views of foreigners, multi-genre texts are used to reveal heterogeneous pictures of
the world.
Comparative historical analysis of national images provides an opportunity for
studying historical dynamics of the formation of the views, which, in turn, allows
us to comprehend the historical features of the development of different societies
and cultures. In this regard, the perceptions and the stereotypes formed on their
basis are the object of study by means of historical imagology. The study of na-
tional images is a comparative undertaking; it addresses cross national relations
rather than national identities. According to J. LEERSSEN’s conception:

3 Ibid., p. 17.

dLL
Nikolay SAMOYLOV

this indicates that national characterizations are often specific instances and combi-
nations of generic moral polarities, and that our way of thinking in terms of national
characters boils down to an ethnic political distribution of role patterns in an imag-
ined anthropological landscape. It is in this comparatist aspect that imagology holds
out a challenge and a promise for future research.4

The key methodological principles of the imagological research program are grad-
ually receiving more approval. First of all, one of the principles is the need to take
into account the psychological component of the process of forming ethnic and
national representations and images as a mixture of truth and fantasy, diligent ob-
servation and gross misconceptions. It is also very important to study prejudices
regarding “Others” and high self-esteem in the context of various processes taking
place in various areas of activity and external relationships of society at specific
points in its history. That is why the study of individual and collective ideas about
other peoples (leaving aside the question of their conformity to reality or its dis-
tortion) opens the way to the penetration into the spiritual life of the society in
which these ideas are formed and function.
The formation of mutual perceptions, images, and stereotypes occurs in the
process of sociocultural interaction of two or more nations. Sociocultural interac-
tion of two countries is significantly more complex than simple bilateral cultural
contacts or cultural interference. In this case, historians face the interaction pro-
cesses between both different cultures and different societies. These societies and
cultures are characterized by different levels of economic and social relations, re-
ligion and spiritual life. These differences allow discussion of the varying degrees,
phases and modules of that interaction process which is inherent in sociocultural
communities at defined stages of their social and cultural development.
Sociocultural interaction of countries and peoples is not a constant proximity
despite being geographical. Arising and moving forward in a historical continuum,
each nation passes through various stages, constantly replacing each other and de-
pending on their relative development at each discrete historical stage. Sociocul-
tural interaction represents the process of these concrete parameters, the ramifica-
tions and requirements of societal actions, their cultural, social and historical char-
acteristics, but also the external influence of worldwide historical development or
the phenomena of regional order. In addition to the aforementioned factors, history
also provides many examples of artificial and spasmodic development of these
specified processes.
On the basis of methodological approaches and the specified data of research
fields described above, first of all, we must define the connection between the

4 Joep LEERSSEN: “Imagology: History and method” (2007), p. 29.

dLJ
 Concluding Remarks

following concepts, such as “perception”, “stereotype”, “prejudice” and “image”

in order to study their formation and development within the framework of social
ideas and collective consciousness of any nation.
We consider “perception” to be an impression about another nation or country
and primary apprehension of this impression in an individual’s mind. More fre-
quently, “perceptions” occur on the basis of available information, which can ei-
ther be fragmentary or systematic (personal impressions and data obtained from
other people, literature, or under the weight of mass communication media). It
must be taken into account that this information can be subjective, unilateral, un-
reliable or even false. “Perceptions” can be easily changed. Also, they can be sta-
ble, positive as well as negative. The main point is that they are always oriented
on an individual’s mind. A set of perceptions forms a model that is strong enough
to influence stereotypes and form the images.
“Stereotype” (ethnic, national) in its turn is depicted as a component of collec-
tive consciousness. It is a stable representation which is set in the public mind and
which consists of standardized collective experiences one receives during the pro-
cess of communication (within a family, an educational institution, a community
or a state). “Stereotypes” can be based on both objective knowledge and misun-
derstandings formed in the society or created under the pressure of propaganda.
They can often be transformed into persistent forms lingering in the minds of some
groups of people or even nations.
“Perceptions” and “stereotypes” sometimes can cause “prejudice”, i.e., a nega-
tive attitude toward any ethnic group, nation or state. Ethnical prejudice often be-
comes an element of a global public mindset. They can engender various theoretical
constructs. On the basis of these constructs, many geopolitical and foreign policy
concepts are formed in an objective way or perhaps only to conform to a certain
political environment. A famous American psychologist Gordon ALLPORT (LcRK–
LReK) conducted research on the sources of prejudice and the role of prejudice in
the structure of national character. He tried to use sociological as well as historical
approaches and psychological data while writing his book The Nature of Prejudice5.
The combination of “perceptions”, “stereotypes” and, in some cases, “preju-
dice” forms the “image” of a nation: a specific collective portrait which is pro-
jected into its collective consciousness. On the basis of this, we can state that an
“image”, globally speaking, turns out to be an objective phenomenon which con-
sists of sets of perceptions and stereotypes depicted in different spheres of public
life and mass consciousness.
The joint German-Russian project provided by sinologists from Heidelberg
and St. Petersburg universities, which is a basis for this book, was aimed at

5 Gordon ALLPORT: Nature of Prejudice, New York: Doubleday Anchor Books 1958.

dLN
Nikolay SAMOYLOV

investigating shifts and continuities in Chinese perceptions of Russia and the West
during the JSth century. The shifts and continuities were studied in three major
areas: L. The field of socialization via an investigation into normative descriptions
of Russia and the West in Chinese school textbooks which define images of “the
Other” from childhood onwards; J. The field of literature and Chinese fictional
representations of Russia and “the West” consumed by the Chinese reading public;
N. The field of social, political and ethnic perceptions as reflected in visual sources.
The chosen areas of research are determined by their significance for under-
standing the processes of image formation. The time-frame includes the whole of
the JSth century, from Tsarist Russia through the Soviet Union to post-Soviet Rus-
sia, then from the two World Wars through the Chinese transition from Imperial
China to the Republic, and finally to the People’s Republic. The time of the Sino-
Soviet split, the end of the Cold War, and the new situation in the world after LRcR,
as well as its effects on China, are also interesting for detailed study. The focus on
“Chinese” perceptions, in turn, covers not only mainland China in the JSth century
but also post-LRQd Taiwan. These choices in terms of spatial and temporal cover-
age are to lead to a multifaceted research on how Chinese perceptions of Russia
and “the West” shifted, and, where possible, continuities might be detected.
The first block of the articles was devoted to the Chinese school textbooks.
The perceptions of other countries and their history constructed by school text-
books are extremely important because they form the schoolchildren’s views,
which remain with them for their entire life. Textbooks usually demonstrate that
the content of these texts reflects complex and multidirectional trends in the aca-
demic and political environment of the societies.
In the time between LRSS and LRQR (the late Qing and Republican period), both
Russia and the West in Chinese history textbooks were described through the same
categories, which define their image as either liberals and leaders of progress, or
aggressors and imperialists. Chinese textbooks from that period associated Russia
with the West but often presented Russians as the most despotic and aggressive
representatives of the Westerners. At the same time, it can be said that Russia stood
in a certain opposition to all the rest of the Western countries. There is a dual image
of the West in Chinese textbooks. The image of the Western countries in the text-
books on national Chinese history, due to aggression and wars, was mostly nega-
tive. In the world history textbooks, Western countries were portrayed as not only
the imperialists but also act as the authors of concepts such as human rights and
the constitution and liberalism. They were the creators of the Industrial Revolution
and proponents of the development of science and progress. Since the LRNSs, when
Kuomintang came to power, the textbooks have become extremely nationalistic.

dLQ
 Concluding Remarks

They stress China’s contribution to world culture, stating that many inventions
came from China and helped Europe develop.
The PRC school history textbooks began with an idealization of the USSR in
the LRdSs. School textbooks published in the People’s Republic of China in the
LRdSs, as well as the accompanying teaching materials, to a large extent, had cop-
ied similar textbooks and training programs used in the Soviet Union. This was
especially true of textbooks on world history. In the LRdSs, many Soviet historians
visited China and contributed to the development of world history teaching pro-
grams in Chinese universities and schools. It is therefore unsurprising that Chinese
textbooks on general history sought mostly to emulate Soviet publications. Special
emphasis is laid on the Industrial Revolution, which was the driving force behind
the development of colonialism. China enters the stage of world history as a victim
of Western colonialism, which is seen as the result of capitalism and an expression
of worldwide class struggle according to Leninism. It is shown how the West is
presented as an aggressor and how Marxism and the Communist Party are seen as
legitimate defenders of China.
With the split of the PRC-Soviet ties, a disenchantment with post-Stalinist
USSR ensues, and the PRC regards itself as the only true proponent of communism.
Western “progress” and “achievements”, in contrast, are deconstructed by expos-
ing their inhumane nature, especially in the LRdSs. With the “Reform and Opening”
politics and the “Four Modernizations” beginning in the late LRKSs, the West was
cautiously credited for technological innovation.
In the LRcSs, during the “Four Modernizations”, a more positive image of the
West appeared in China and was added to the history curricula and textbooks. Sci-
entific innovation during the Industrial Revolution now won high praise. In the
LRcSs, European history was instrumentalized to legitimize the Chinese Reform
and Opening policy. As the policy of the PRC was being altered, the concept of
history was likewise modified. The DENG Xiaoping Era’s idea of the Chinese fu-
ture was technocratic and modernized, or even westernized. Therefore, a new in-
terpretation of the world history and a more positive image of the West appeared
in Chinese textbooks.
Actual information on world events is just one aspect of world history educa-
tion. Our studies show that the underlying use of the said information always
speaks to the present and should be also understood as allegory, parable or coded
propaganda to legitimize domestic policies and the status quo of national identity.
This may be especially seen and pronounced in the shifts and rifts in PRC world
history textbooks. This is especially noticeable in the shift and schism in the PRC
textbooks on world history.

dLd
Nikolay SAMOYLOV

In recent decades the image of the Western countries and Russia has been defined
by Chinese political and economic policies aimed at its integration into the world’s
global institutions. For this purpose, previous historical concepts gave way to a
new theoretical framework. From this point of view, China became regarded as an
integral part of the global historical process led by the West to form a unified world
political and economic system. Western countries received, in historical textbooks,
much more positive assessment as the main leading states contributing to the for-
mation of the world economy system. At the same time, this global history concept
is used in Chinese textbooks as a tool for building national identity and supporting
the domestic political agenda.
Apparently, the image of Russia in modern Chinese and Taiwanese textbooks
is slightly different from that of rather positively assessed Western countries. Text-
books on both sides of the Taiwan Strait try to demonstrate that Tsarist Russia
always had development strategies of outward expansion. They detail the issues
of land expansion by Russia in the Far East.
Taiwanese textbooks give even more negative assessments in the section on the
history of China even though there has been a steady improvement in bilateral re-
lations between Russia and Taiwan since the LRRSs. This might be attributed to the
anti-Soviet and anti-Communist rhetoric of the LRdSs and KSs, which is left unat-
tended since the main focus is put on the revision of proper Taiwanese history.
Chinese and Taiwanese textbooks give different assessments of the LRLK revolution,
the key event in the history of Russia with world implications. Chinese textbooks
describe the October Revolution as a turning event in the world history, suggesting
a non-capitalist model of social development. The later Soviet experience of social-
ism is seen as an example of bad implementation, and thus a warning against mis-
takes that could be made on the way. In Taiwanese textbooks, the revolution of LRLK
is consistently shown as the result of military upheavals, which did not bring relief
to the people but rather deprived the country of democracy and freedom.
Formation of literary perceptions and Chinese fictional representations of Rus-
sia consumed by the Chinese reading public were demonstrated by the authors of
the book on the background of the history of Russian literature in China.
The introduction of Russian literature to China dates back to LcKJ. Sometimes
it was driven by the intention to expose the evils of the aggressive northern bar-
barians, sometimes by the desire of Chinese literati to learn the revolutionary ex-
perience of Russia in the LRth and beginning of the JSth centuries. Although ini-
tially the translation of Russian literature was lagging behind the Western litera-
tures, after the May Fourth movement in China in LRLR and the October Revolution
in Russia in LRLK, it started to attract more and more attention. After the split of the
GMD and the CCP in LRJK and the rupture of diplomatic relations between China

dLe
 Concluding Remarks

and the USSR in LRJR, the promotion of Soviet literature became not only prob-
lematic but also a rather dangerous affair. Nevertheless, it was at the beginning of
the LRNSs that the translation of Russian and Soviet literature underwent significant
acceleration. In the LRNSs, the Russian and Soviet literature became the second
most frequently translated foreign literature in China, and, from the LRQSs up to
the end of the LRcSs, it was dominating foreign literature. The contribution of left-
wing literati to the translation and promotion of Russian and Soviet literature in
China at the beginning of the LRNSs is widely acknowledged. However, their ideo-
logical rivals, i.e., Chinese nationalists, did not ignore Russian literature either.
Communist and nationalist literati each had their own reasons to address Russia
and created distinct images of Russia and Russian literature in their publications.
The third group of texts examines representations and visual images of Russia
and the West in the JSth century China. “Representation is a relatively new word
in the historian’s vocabulary. Instead of the concrete and factual, scholars inter-
ested in understanding the path are turning to thought and images”.6 Contemporary
trends in historiography are less concerned about the distinction between reality
and imagination. Visual images (pictures, cartoons, photos, films, sculptures, ar-
chitecture, etc.) usually inform the historians in specific ways. No doubt, the use
of visual materials does not replace the documental sources. Nevertheless, it cre-
ates new opportunities for understanding some of the trends of the past. By study-
ing visual images, we can definitely present new visions of the history.
Materials presented with visual images are extensive and diverse. Their form
and content can be influenced by ethnic and religious beliefs, myths or a game of
imagination, but commonly, politics and ideology. As shown in our book, visual
images that need to be studied are extremely diverse: nianhua, cartoons, carica-
tures, political posters and even cemeteries.
The Late Imperial China period is represented by traditional Chinese folk
woodblock printings. The appearance of new visual images of foreigners and for-
eign realities in China during that period is considered through the prism of tradi-
tional folk thinking. Paintings can be divided into three main groups: images re-
lated to Christian missionaries in China, images on historical and political themes,
and traditional benevolent paintings depicting Western advances in science and
technology. Each group was addressed to a specific “consumer”. Woodblock
prints associated with the activities of Christian missionaries in China, well-wish-
ing pictures with images of Western realities, as well as images on historical and
political topics that became particularly popular in early JSth century. It is proba-
bly for this reason that images with western “curiosities” make up the most

6 Yulia MIKHAILOVA and M. William STEELE (eds.): Japan and Russia: Three Centuries of
Mutual Images, Folkestone: Global Oriental 2008, p. 1.

dLK
Nikolay SAMOYLOV

numerous groups. This fact once again confirms that the art of nianhua was ex-
tremely responsive to changes in Chinese society and, among other things, brought
the information about the latest achievements to every corner of the country.
The Republican period shows a diverse and fluid picture of Chinese percep-
tions of Russia and the West – Cartoons which appeared at that time were a foreign
medium; which was eagerly accepted and adapted to local tastes. Through this
foreign medium, Russia and the West were depicted interchangeably together and
apart, as sources of inspiration and of danger, as governments and as commoners.
The cartoonists recognized the key threats of the decade to be coming from total-
itarian states, imperialist interests and militarist zeal, and yet the division into Axis
and Allied powers was not always clear at that time. The premonition of a looming
global war drove a part of Chinese society into visualizing the future as a clash of
defenseless humanity and unstoppable warmongers, a conflict not of country
against country, but of civilization against barbarianism. However, this massive
threat did not completely overshadow the more mundane matters of daily life,
where new films, intricate designs and celebrity trivia were still a part of what the
Chinese read about the West and about Westerners’ existence in China. Some is-
sues, such as British presence in Hong Kong or foreign sailors’ drunken behavior
in Shanghai, were the cause of indignation while others, like achievements of
painters, cinematographers or writers, would be praised and admired. In this cul-
tural sphere “the West” and “Russia” could be mixed together. The only sphere
where “Russians” were most often quite clearly separated from “Westerners” was
the narrative of Russian emigrants living in China and standing well apart from
both Chinese and other foreigners.
After the creation of the People’s Republic of China, in the LRdSs–LRKSs, visual
images presented in the form of pictures, portraits, posters and cartoons played a
very important role in mass propaganda and were used to introduce official ideas
to the public consciousness. After LRQR a lot of posters and cartoons that appeared
in China had to promote the main ideological principles of the Communist Party,
including its foreign policy. In that period, the image of the USA and the West as
a whole was negative in China and did not change much. The image of the Soviet
Union, in contrast, was entirely positive in the LRdSs, but underwent significant
changes during the Сultural Revolution, becoming similar to the image of the West
in many respects. All these changes attained their reflection in posters and cartoons.
Accordingly, the articles by the German, Russian, and Chinese scholars pre-
sented in this book reveal a wide range of issues and problems associated with the
formation of perceptions of Russia and the West in China, and their changes, con-
tinuities and contingencies on the base of imagological framework. This

dLc
 Concluding Remarks

publication opens the door to further research in this area and offers food for
thought not only to sinologists, but also to sociologists, anthropologists and liter-
ary scholars.

dLR
Index

absolutism, absolutist NJ, Nc, eQ, KL, anti-communism, anti-communist

Rc, LLL, LNJ, LNd, JSL, JSR JQ, cK, RS–J, Rd–c, LSN, LLd–e, LKS-
Abyssinian Crisis NLK, NNN–d, NNK, J, LKK, Jdd, NJR, QSN–Q, dLe
NQd–e see also Ethiopia Anting New Town QeL–QeJ
Adam LRQ, NQN antiquity LJN, LJe, LJc, LdJ, LeJ, JSJ,
aesthetic, aesthetics LcQ, Lcc, LRR, QeK, QKc
JLL, JLN, JQN, JQd, QLL, QJd ANTONOV, Sergey (Sergeĭ) JKS
Africa, African Nc, dL, eN, LSS, LNL, APACL see Asian Peoples’ Anti-
LQL, LKS, JRJ, NSS–L, NNL, NNQ, NNe– Communist League
K, NcN, Ncd ARIHARA, Kirill QSN
Albert I (of Belgium) NNe Armenian(s) JKc, Qcc
ALEKSEYEV (ALEKSEEV), Vasily Ashkenazic QKL, QRS see also Jews
(Vasiliĭ) JcR, JRR, NSN–e, NSR, NLN Asia, Asian Q–c, Nc–QS, QQ, QR, dL,
ALFEEV, Ilarion QSd dK, eL, eR–KL, cK, RJ, LSL–J, LJK–c,
alienate, alienation LR, LdR, LcK, LRL, LNL, LQL, LQe–K, Ldc, Lec–R, LKQ,
JSc, JNc, NRS LcN, JeN, JRJ, NSL–J, NKN, NcN, Ncd,
alterity J, Qed, QKQ, QKc, dSQ NRc, QSd–e, Qee, QKL, Qcc
America, American(s) J, LJ, JN, QQ, Asian Peoples’ Anti-Communist
dL–J, eJ–N, cL, RS, Rc, LSS, LLJ, League (APACL) QSL
LJS, LNL, LQS, LdL, Ldc, Lec, LKS, LKN, APACL see Asian Peoples’ Anti-
LKK, Jde, JeL, JKQ, JcR, JRQ, NLR, Communist League
NJS, NJd, NNS–L, NdQ, Nde, Ned, atheism, atheist JSe–K, JLS, JLJ–N,
NcS–N, Ncd–e, NRR, QSL, QSN, QQK, JLc, JJL, JJc, QKL, QcQ, QRR
QRN, dLN see also Latin America atomic bomb LNR, LQL, NcL
American Volunteer Group (AVG) Augustus LJd
QSS see also Flying Tigers Australia Jde, QSQ
ancestors eS, LJQ, Lcc, NRS, Qed, QRS Austria, Austrian(s) d, NR, QL, QN, dd,
ANDREEV, Leonid Nikolaevich ec, Rc, LNK, Jde, NQS, QNc
JJK–c, JQc Austronesian NRQ
Anglican NRQ, QSc, Qcc authoritarian, authoritarianism R,
Anglo-Saxons LNJ dK, RS, RJ, Re, LSN, LSe, Qce
Antichrist LcR, JSK, JLS, JLJ authorities, authority NR, cR, LJN,

dJL
Index

LRN, LRc, JLL, JLe, JJc–R, JNJ, JNd– LJc–NS, LNd–e, LQS–L
e, JQS–J, JQQ, Nce, NRN, QSK, QKQ, Boxer Rebellion QS, Qd, ee, RK, LSS
Qce–K, QRJ, dSS, dSQ BRAUDEL, Fernand Ldc
autocracy, autocratic R, QQ, eR Brazil QSQ
avant-garde JJR, JQQ, JKJ, NLc Britain, British d, LS, JJ, Nc, NR–QL,
aviator(s) JQ, QRe, QRc QN–d, dL, dK–c, eL–d, ec–KS, RK,
AVG see American Volunteer LLd, LNJ, LeS, Lee, Lec, LKL, JKe,
Group NSQ, NNL, NNe, NQK, NdQ, Ndc, NKR,
NRQ, QeK, QKL, QKQ–d, QcS, Qce,
Qcc–RS, QRJ–N, dLc see also Great
Britain, UK, England
BA Jin JKS BUCK, Pearl S. Jcd
Babaoshan QRe, dSQ Buddha, Buddhist, Buddhism JNd,
Baghdadi Jews QKL see also Jews JdN, NSd, NSc, NNd, NRd, QKd, Qcc–R
baihua (vernacular) JJK BUKHARIN, Nikolaĭ cS–L, cd
BAKHTIN, Mikhail LR, JLL–J, JNe, BULGAKOV, Mikhail LK–c, LcL, Lce,
JQL–N LcR, LRJ–N, JLN–d, JLK–JJ
BALDWIN, Stanley NJN BURCKHARDT, Jacob LcK
Baroque JNS, QLN, QNc BYRON, George LRQ–d
BASALYGA, Benjamin NRR
Bauhaus QNc, QeL
BEI Dao JRN
BEKISH, Irenaeus (Irineĭ) NRR–QSS, Café Astoria (Taipei) QSS, QSN
QSJ CAI Ruxian NSL
BELINSKY (BELINSKIĬ), Vissarion CAI Yingwen see TSAI Ing-wen
LRS–L, LRc–R, JQS–J Canada, Canadian(s) Jde, NRQ, QSd,
BERDYAEV (BERDIA ͡ EV), Nikolaĭ QLc, QcN, QRJ–Q
JSe–JLL CAO Hanmei NLR, NJN
BEVAN, Paul NLc Cape of Good Hope LNL
Bible LcK, JSc, NNQ capitalism, capitalist, capitalistic K,
bishop NRe, NRR–QSS, QSd, Qcc R, LQ, JJ–N, dR, eJ, eQ–d, KS, KJ,
body, bodily LJ, Lce, NNJ, NQd, NQR, Kd, KK, cS, cQ, LSc–R, LLc–R, LJL–J,
NdN, Qed, dSN LJc, LNJ–d, LNK–c, LQS–L, LdJ, LeS–
Bolshevik, Bolsheviks Kd, Jdc, Jed, e, Lec, LKQ, LKe–K, JLQ, JQR, NLR,
JKJ, JKQ, JKc, QSJ, QcQ NJL, NJc, NNL–J, Nde, NeJ, NKR–cS,
border conflicts, border issues JN, QLR, dLd–e
NQ, Qd–c, dK, eR, RL, LSS, LSe, LeJ– carnival LR, JNe, JQL–J, JQd
N, LKL, Ncd–e, QLc cartoon(s) JJ–N, LKJ, NSS, NLK–JN,
BORODIN, Mikhail LKJ NNL–K, NQN, NQd–dL, NdN–eN, Ned,
bourgeois, bourgeoisie cL, LLc–R, NKS, NcN, Nce, dLK–c

dJJ
 Index

catechist(s) NRc, QSe Chinese empire / imperial China N,

cathedral NJd, NeS, NRN, QLc–JJ, QQL, LL, LQN, LdR, NSS–J, dLQ, dLK
QQK, QdS, QdN, Qde–R see also Chinese history LN, JR, NJ–Q, QS, QQ,
church (building) QK, dN, ed, KN–Q, cS, cd, RQ–d, RK–
Catherine the Great, Catherine II d, LSS, LSN, LLS–L, LJS, LNL, LdL, LdN,
eK, LSS, LeK, JNd Ldc, LeL–J, Lee, Lec, LKJ, LKK, Lcd,
Catholic, Catholicism LK, Nd, QS, dQ, JeR, dLQ
de, eJ, LJR–NS, LRJ, JSR–LJ, NSd, Chinese history textbooks JR, NJ,
NRJ, NRQ, QSN–Q, QSc, QdR–eL, QKQ, NQ, QQ–e, dN, ed, KN–Q, cS, cd, Rd,
QcN, Qce–c, QRS–L LSS, LSN, LeL, dLQ
CCP see Chinese Communist Party Chinese Turkestan QSS–L
cemetery QLc, QJN, QJd, QNQ, Qee–cQ, Chinese Youth League JKS
QcK–dSQ Christ Nd, Qc, JSe–LS, JLc, NRS, NRd,
CER see Chinese Eastern Railway QSK
CERVANTES, Miguel de LJc Christian(s), Christianity d, c, LS, LQ,
Chahar NJc LK–c, JL, Nc, QN–Q, Qc, QR–dS, dQ–
CHAN, Adrian LcJ, LcQ, JJJ e, dc, eS–J, KS–L, LcL–N, Lce, Lcc–
CHANG Ta-tien see ZHANG Datian RJ, LRR–JSS, JSJ, JSd–c, JLS, JLc,
CHANG, Lidia QSL JJJ, JRR, NSQ–e, NSc, NLQ, NLK, NdS,
CHANG, Nina QSL NdN, NdR, NRS, NRJ–d, QSL–J, QSQ–
CHAPLIN, Charlie Nde K, QNN, QeK, QKL–J, QKQ–d, QKc,
Charles the Great Ne, QR, KL QcQ, Qcc–R, QRe, dLK
Charles XII (of Sweden) QJ church (building) Jd, NLK, NcR, NRS,
chauvinism RR, dSR NRN, NRe–K, QSS, QSJ–N, QSK–c,
CHEN, Jack (CHEN Yifan) NQJ, NQc QJS, QJN, QJR, QNL, QNN, QQK, QdL–
CHEN Song QQQ, QQK–c N, Qde, QdR, QeS–L, QcN, Qce see
CHENG Fangwu Lcd, Lcc also cathedral
CHIANG Ching-kuo (JIANG Jingguo) cityscape Ndd, NeS, NRN
RL–J, Re, LSN, LLe civilization(s) Lc, Nc, QJ, dL, dc, KS–
CHIANG Kai-shek (JIANG Jieshi) KL, Rd, LSL–LSN, LLJ, LJd, LeJ, LcL,
RS–L, Re, LSN, JdK, NJR, NQS, NRR LRL, JLN, JJd, JJR–JNJ, JNQ, JQJ,
Chiayi (Jiayi) NRe–c, QSN JQd, NLS, NLK, NQK, NQR, NeS, QdJ,
CHICHIKOV LcR–RS, LRJ, LRR QeK, dLc
Chinese Communist Party (CCP) class struggle Le, dR, LLe–K, LJe, LdS,
Ld–e, LR–JS, ed, RS, RK–R, LdS, Lde, LdN, LeS, LeJ, Lcc, dLd
Led, LKS–J, Lcd, JQR, Jed, JcL, NcS, CLEMENCEAU, Georges LNe
dLe clergy dJ, dSS
Chinese Eastern Railway (CER) LR, Coca-Cola NdR
JQR, Jdc, JeS, QLL, QQQ Cold War N–d, K–LL, Ld–e, JN–Q, cK,

dJN
Index

RS, Re, Rc–LSS, LSN, LSe, LLL, LeN, Convention of Peking QQ–d, dc
Led, LKL, LKQ, NcR, NRR, QSQ, QSK, COPERNICUS, Nicolaus LJR
dLQ corrida NQd
colonial, colonialism R, LQ–e, JQ–d, Cossack(s) dc, JNQ, JNK, JeS–J, QSL
NJ, Nc–R, dS, eJ–N, KL, cR, LSR–LS, COURBET, Amédée QRQ
LLJ, LLQ, LLc–R, LJK, LNS–J, LeL, Led, COVARRUBIAS, Miguel NdQ
LeK, LeR, LKe–K, JeN, NJS, NRN–d, Creation Society (Chuangzaoshe)
QSd–e, QLL, QJd, QNL, QNc, QdJ, QdR, Lcd–c
Qed–e, QKQ–e, Qce, Qcc–R, QRL–Q, cremation QcQ, dSN–Q
dLd Crimean War QL, QN, de, LKN
colonies, colony c, NR, dL, eN, cR, crusades, crusaders d, NK, QJ, QR–dS,
LLJ–N, LNL–J, LNd–e, JdN, JeS, NLK, eJ–N, LJK
NcN, QSS, QLc, QdR, Qee, Qce, Qcc, CUI Ruifang JKR
QRJ cultural heritage LeJ, JRd, QLL, QLc,
COLUMBUS, Christopher LNL QJd–e, QNc, QeL, Qed see also in-
comedy LR, JQL–d, JcS, JRL tangible, tangible
Comintern see Communist Interna- Cultural Revolution Le, Lc, JN, Jd,
tional Ke–K, LJS–L, JLd, JKJ, JKR, Jcc–R,
Commonwealth War Graves Com- JRd, NcN, Nce, QLL, QLc, QJN, QJd,
mission QKL–J, QKR Qde, QdR, QRL, dSS, dSd
communism, communist, com- cultural studies LcN, dSK, dSc
munists K, R, LS, JS, JJ, JQ, ec, cS, curricula(r), curriculum J, LN–e, NS–
cN, cR–RL, Rc, LSS, LSN, LSd–K, L, dJ–Q, dR–eS, eN, ed, ec–R, KL,
LSR–LL, LLN–e, LLR, LJL–J, LJe, LNS– Kd, cN, cK, RQ–LSJ, LSd–c, LLS–L,
L, LNc–R, LQL, LQN, LKS, LKQ–d, Lcd, LLQ, LLK–JS, LJJ, LNJ, LQN, LQK–dS,
Lcc, LRJ, JLQ–K, JdL, JdN–Q, Jdc– LdQ, Lde–R, LKS, LKd, dLd
eS, Jed, JKS, NLK, NJS, NJN, NNL–J, CYTOWICZ, Ignacy QNL
NQd–e, NQR, NeJ, NKS–L, NKN, NcS–
L, NRR, QSN–Q, QKL, QKc, QcQ–e,
QRd, dSN–Q, dLd, dLK–c
Communist International (Comin- DA VINCI, Leonardo LJc–R
tern) cS, cR, RR, LKJ Dalian NRN, QKc, QRe–K, dSS
Confucian, Confucianism dQ, LLd, Danshui see Tamsui
JNN, JNd, JQL, NSd, NeK DANTE ALIGHIERI LJc–R, LcN, JJN
Confucius LJQ, NQe, NdR, NeL–J, QLc, Daoism, Daoist QKd, Qcc
dSd DARWIN, Charles Robert eJ
Constantinople d, JQ, QSd, QSK DAUMIER, Honoré NdQ
Constitution(s), constitutional, con- De gereformeerde kerk see Dutch
stitutionalism JR, NJ, NQ–d, NK–R, Reformist Church
QJ, dJ, dK, eL, eK, KS–L, KR, RS, RJ, death cN, cd, LJS–J, LNd, LNR, LKN,
RK–c, LSK, LLQ, LNJ, JSL, NRJ, dLQ JNL, JNK, JQL–J, JKJ, JcL, JcR, NJK,

dJQ
 Index

NNN, NQd, NQc–dS, NdJ–N, NRN, NRc, Dominican NRQ

Qed, QKc, QcL, QcQ–R, dSN–Q Don Quixote JQL, NQN
Decembrists JJS Dongbei / North-East of China LKL,
deconstruct, deconstruction LNe, NJc see also Manchuria
LQJ–N, JLJ Dongyi tushuo NSL
democracy, democratic R, JJ, NN, eQ, DOSTOEVSKY (DOSTOEVSKIĬ),
eR, Re, RK, LSN, LSc, LLL, LJN, LNc, Fyodor (Fedor) LK–c, LcL, LcR,
LNR, LQN, LeJ, Lec, LKQ, LKe–K, NLR, LRL–J, JSN–LQ, JJJ–N
Qce, dLe DPP see Democratic Progressive
democratization Ld–e, RJ, Re, Lde, Party
LeK, QSQ, Qcd drama, dramatic LK, JLd, JNN, JdR,
Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) JKK–c, JcN, NKL
RJ, LdK, LdR, LeR DU Zhengsheng see TU Cheng-
DENG Xiaoping LJL–J, LeQ, JKJ, JcL, sheng
QJd–e, dLd Duli Manhua NLK–c, NJL, NNd, NdQ
DENISOV, Andrey (Andreĭ) Iva- DUNNING, William Archibald LLJ
novich QQQ Dutch Reformist Church (De gere-
DERSO, Alois NNN, NNK, NdQ formeerde kerk) NRQ
de-Stalinization LLR, LNK, JKe Dutch V.O.C. (Vereenigde Oost-
devil(s), Devil Lc, LcR–RS, LRJ, LRK, Indische Compagnie) NRQ
LRR, JSN, JSc, JLL, JLK–R, JNL, JNN, DZERZHINSKY (DZERZHINSKIĬ),
JNd–K, JNR, JQL, NSe–c see also Felix Edmundovich (Feliks
Mephistopheles, Satan Ėdmundovich) LNK, JKQ
dialectics, dialectical Lcc, JSS, JSe
Dianshizhai Huabao NLc
diary Lc, JJe–K, JJR, JNS–J, JNN,
JNR–QS, JQJ–N, JKd, JKc, JRL, NRd Eastern Europe Q–d, LS, QJ, eL, LdJ
DIAS, Bartolomeu LNL Eastern Roman Empire (E.R.E) dd,
dictator, dictatorship KK, RK–c, LNc– KL
LQS, JLQ–d, NNJ–N East-West Schism (Great Schism) d,
DING Ling JKS QK, QR, KL
diplomatic relations RL, JQR, QQQ, Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constan-
QRR, dLe tinople JQ, QSd, QSK
disarmament NLK, NJL, NNQ, NNK–c, EDEN, Anthony NQS
NeJ education policy NS–L, LQe–R, LKS
discourse(s) N–Q, e–K, cK, LJS, LdS, Edward VIII (UK) NJN
LdQ–d, Ldc, LeJ, Lee, Lec, LcJ–e, EFIMOV, Alekseĭ Vladimirovich LNQ
JSL, JJJ, JNc, JQd, Jed, JRJ, dSc Egyptian NNJ
domestic policy / politics / political EHRENBURG (ĖRENBURG), Ilya
agenda QJ, dK, cQ, LSd, LJL, LQd, (Ilʹi͡a) JKS
LQK, Led–e, LKJ, LKd–e, QSQ, dLd–e ĖĬDLIN, Lev Zalmanovich JRS

dJd
Index

ELSNER (ĖLʹSNER), George European style Jd, NLS, QJe, QNR, QQJ
(Georgiĭ) Konstantinovich QSS Europeanization / Europeanizers /
ELʹTS͡ IN, Boris K Europeanize c, QQ, eR, NLR, QJe
Elizabeth I (of England) LNJ Europeans QS, dS, dN–Q, eS, ed, LJR,
emperor(s) d, QN, dK–c, eQ, eK, eR, LNL–J, Ldc, LeR–KS, JeN, NSd, NdR
KL, LLN, LJd, LNR, LeK, NJd, NNL, NdJ, Eve NQN
Ndd, NcL, NRJ, QLc evil LK–c, NK, LNN–Q, LcL–J, LRd–R,
enclosure movement LNQ, LNd JSJ–N, JSd–c, JLL–Q, JLK, JLR,
encyclical letter QSe JJS–JN, JNN, JNd–e, JQL, JeR, NJK
enemy, enemies JN, QQ, cS, LSK, LSR, EVTUSHENKO, Evgeniĭ see YEVTU-
LLQ, LLR, LNR, JLJ, JeS, JeN, JKJ, SHENKO, Yevgeny
NSd, NcL, Ncd, QRQ, dSd exploit, exploitation JJ, eQ, KS, LLc,
ENGELS, Friedrich LLe, LLc, LNS, LNc LJe, LJR–NL, LNN, LNd–e, LQS, LQJ–N,
England, English d, NQ–d, NK, NR, dL– LeL, Led, JdN
J, eL, Rc–R, LSR, LLL, LJL, LJQ, LJc,
LNJ–e, LNc, LQS–L, JNN, JNe–K, Jdd–
K, JKN, JcQ, Jcc–R, NSd, NJN, NJd,
NNS, NNN, NQJ, NdR, NeR, NKR, NcL, FADEEV, Aleksandr JKN
QSS, QSN, QSe, Qee, QKc, Qc–K see Fantastic LRS, JLe, JLK, JNd, JNK
also Britain, British, Great Brit- Fasces NJJ, NNL
ain, UK fascism, fascist, fascists JJ, KR, cL,
English (Bourgeois) Revolution / LLc, LJS, LNc, LQS–L, NLK, NJJ–N,
Glorious Revolution LJL, LNJ, NNL–J, NQJ, NQd–e, NQc–R, NdN, NeJ
LNQ–e Faust LK–c, LcL, LcN, Lcd–K, LcR, LRJ,
Enlightenment LK, LLJ, LcQ, JLJ JLK–R, Ndd
Episcopal Church NRQ, QSN Faustian spirit Lc, LcN, Lcd
ĖRENBURG, Ilʹi͡a see EHRENBURG, February Jc incident LLL, QRQ
Ilya FELʹZING, Kosti͡a QSL
Ethiopia JJ, NLK, NNL, NNN–K, NQL, NdN FENG Jicai JL, JeK, Jcd–RS, JRQ
see also Abyssinian Crisis FENG Youlan LJQ
Eurasia, Eurasian e, cc, LSJ, LKL, JJd, FENG Zhi Lce–K
JQS, JQd, QcR feudalism, feudal NK, LLc–R, LNS–L,
European architecture Jd, QLL–J, LNN, LNd, JJR, JdN, NcS, QLR, dSN
QJd–e, QN–R, QQQ, QQK, QdJ, QdQ–e, fiction J, LK, LR, JLc, JNN, JdR, JeK,
QdR, QeL, QeN JKd–e, JKR–cS, JcN, NLR, dLQ, dLe
European culture Rc, LJK, JNS, QLL–J First Opium War see Opium Wars
European history / history of Europe First World War see World War I
QJ, Rd, LSJ, Lec, dLd Flying Tigers (American Volunteer
European literature LK, JJe, JdQ, Group or AVG) JQ, QSS–L
Jdc, JeQ folklore, folk literature LR, JL, LRK,
European painting NKL JJd, JNN–K, JNR, JQJ, JeJ, JcL–N,

dJe
 Index

JcR, JRR, NSJ–Q, NSR, NLN–Q, NKS– French Revolution Nd, NK–c, dJ, eQ,
L, NKN, QQQ, dSK, dLK LLJ, LNe, LeK
Forbidden City QLc FU Yanchang JdL–J
foreign aggression NN, Qe, KJ, LNR, funerary policies QKd
JQR
foreign countries/states LR, RK, RR,
LSS, LLR, LdS, Lde, Lec, JNR, JQc,
JRd, NSQ, NLS, NNL, QSN gaige kaifang see Reform and Open-
foreign history NL, KQ–d, RR, LdN, LeS, ing
QLL GALILEI, Galileo LJR
foreign invasion(s)/invader(s) Rc, GAMA, Vasco da LNL
LQL, NSc, NLN GANDHI, Mohandas JJ, NNd, NQS
foreign literature N, JQd, JQR, JdJ, Gaoxiong see Kaohsiung
JdQ–d, dLK garden QKd, QcR
foreign policy c–R, LQ, Le, Ldd, LeJ– GE Baoquan JKc, JcR, NJJ
N, LKJ–N, Nee, NKS, QcL, QRJ, dLN, Genesis (Bible) LcQ
dLc Geneva NJS, NNQ, NNK
foreigners N, JL–J, Jd, QS, JNc–R, George V (UK) NNL
JRR, NSS–J, NSQ, NSe, NLS, NLK, German(s), Germany J–d, c–R, LJ,
NJS–L, NdN, Ndd, NdK–eS, Qed, QKQ, LK, JJ, Jd, NR, QN, dS–J, eN, ec, KL,
QcL–N, Qcd–e, QRS, QRJ–d, QRR– cL–N, cR, LSe, LJd, LJR–NS, LNK–QL,
dSS, dSJ–N, dLL, dLK–c LeL, LKe, LcK, JJK, JNe, JNc, JdJ,
FORKE, Alfred LcJ JdQ, Jde–K, Jed, JcN, JRS–L, JRN,
FOUCAULT, Michel Lc, JJd, JJc, NJS–N, NJd, NNS, NNN, NNd, NQJ, NdQ,
JNS–N, JNd, JQS, JQQ NeR, NcN, NRJ–N, QSL, QLN, QNc, QdR,
Four Modernizations LSd, LJJ, dLd QeL, dLN, dLc
fox spirit JNR ghost(s) JNN–d, JNK, JQJ, NRS, QcS,
France, French d, LJ, NK–QL, Qd, dL– Qcd, dSQ
J, de–c, eN–Q, ec, Rc, LLL, LLd, LNN– global history Ld–Le, Re, LSJ, LSN,
Q, LNc, LQS–L, LeS, Lee–c, LKe, LRJ, LQd, LdL–N, LdR, dLe see also world
JdQ–K, Jcd, NJL–N, NJd, NNS, NNN, history
NQL, NdQ, NdR, NRJ–N, QeK, QcN, QRQ Glorious Revolution see English
FRANCO, Francisco NNQ, NQd, Nde (Bourgeois) Revolution
Free (Russia) Radio QSL GLUSHCHENKO, D.I. QLc
Freedom NJ, NQ, NR, QN, dJ, dK, LSc, GMD (Guomindang) Ld–e, LR–JS,
LLL–J, LJN, LNc, LQL, LKQ, LKK, Lce, JJ, JQ, NS–L, NN, QR, ed, ec–R, KL,
LRe, JSe–R, JLL–N, JJN, JNd, JKc, RS, LSe, LdS, JQR–dL, JdQ, JdK, JeL,
NRJ, dLe Jed, NcN, NRR, QcS, Qcd–e, QRN–Q,
French Military Cemetery Qee, Qec, dLe see also KMT, Nationalist
QcS, QRJ–d Party

dJK
Index

god / God Lc, eJ, LJc, LcQ, Lce–c, GUTENBERG, Johannes NR, dL, dN,
LRL, LRN–Q, JSS–L, JSd, JSK–LS, LJR
JLN, JLK, JJL, NSe, NQQ, NQc–R, NeJ,
QLc, Qce
GOEBBELS, Paul Joseph NNN
GOERING, Hermann Wilhelm NNN Haiguo tuzhi NSJ
GOETHE, Johann Wolfgang von LK– Haile Selassie I (Ethiopia) NNL, NNQ–
c, LcL, LcN, Lcd–R, LRJ–N, JLK–JS, K, NQL
JJN, Ndd, QNc, QeL–J Hakodate NRJ
GOGOL (GOGOLʹ), Nikolaĭ Va- hammer and sickle NJJ, NNL, NQe
silʹevich LK–LR, LcL, LcR, LRS–JSQ, handover QcL, QRS–J
JLN, JJJ–N, JJd–Ne, JNc–Qd, Jcc Hangzhou JdS, Qcd, dSS
GOLYGINA, Kirina LcQ Harbin JQ, JdR, QSL, QLL–N, QLd, QLc–
GONG Zizhen NQ JK, QNS–Q, QNe–R, QQJ, QQQ, QQe–
good and evil LcQ, Lce–c, LRL, LRR, K, QdJ–e, Qdc–R, QeL, QeN, QKL,
JSK–c, JLK, JLR, NJK QKN–d, QKK, QKR–cS, QcN, QRS, QRe,
GORBACHEV, Mikhail K, RJ, JcL QRR–dSJ
GORKY (GORʹKIĬ), Maxim (Maksim) Haristos / Khristos Orthodox Church
JKN, Ndd, QNR NRS, NRJ, NRe–K
GOYA, Francisco NQe HARLOW, Jean Nde
Great Britain JRQ see also Britain, HAYES, J. H. LLJ
UK, England, Scotland HE Bingsong ee–c, LLJ
Great Patriotic War cS, NKR see also HEGEL, Georg Wilhelm Friedrich,
World War II Hegelian LSK, Lcc
Great Powers R, NN, NR, QL, dL–J, eJ, hegemony Rc, LLN, LJK–c, LQN
eQ–d, KL, LLN Heilongjiang Qd–e, dK, QLJ–Q, QLe,
Greater China L, N, Jd, Qed–e, QKL, QLR, QJN, QJd–e, QNc
QKQ, dSd hell LcN, LRR, JNe, JeL, JKJ, JcL, NRS
Greece, Greek(s) Nd, NR, QN–Q, de, Henry VIII (of England) LNJ
LJN–Q, LJe, Jde, NRQ, NRe, QSJ, heritagization QKd, QcL, Qce
QSd–e, QJN, QeK Hires (drink) NdR
GROSZ, George Ndd HIROTA Kōki NNL
GU Hongming Lcd–K historical materialism LSR, LLK, LJe,
Guangdong see Kwantung LdL
Guangxu emperor LLN historiography NS, Nd, Qd, ed, LSc,
Guangzhou QLe, QKQ, QcL–J, QRJ, LLJ, LLe–K, LLR–JS, LJe, LJc, LNd,
dSS, dSN LdK–eL, LeN, LeR–KS, LKe–K, dLK
GULʹTIA͡ EVA, Galina Sergeevna history education Ld, KN, cK, RQ, Re,
NSN–Q LSN, LSe, LLJ, LLQ, LQS, LQe, LQR–dL,
GUO Moruo LcN, Lcd–K, LcR, JQR LdN, Ldd–e, LeL, LKd–e, dLd

dJc
 Index

history textbooks L–J, Le, JR, NL–NQ, identity e, Le–c, JQ–d, NN, LSe–c,
Qd–e, dN–d, dR, eR–KS, KN–Q, cL, LQd, LdQ, Ldc, LcJ, LcK, JSS, JJJ,
cQ–d, cK, RQ–d, LSS–L, LSN, LSc, JeK, Jce, dSc, dLL, dLd–e
LLK, LJL, LJN, LJd–e, LJR, LNJ, LNe, ideology, ideological Q–d, LS–J, Ld,
LQL, LQd, LQK, LdQ–c, LeS–L, Lec, Lc, JN, Jd, NL, NN, QN–Q, dd–e, dc,
LKd, dLQ–d ed, KJ, cK, RL–J, RR, LSN, LSe–c,
HITLER, Adolf JJ, LNR–QS, NJJ, NJe, LLS, LLJ, LLe, LLc, LJS, LJR, LQe,
NNL–N, NQS, NQJ–N, NQd–e, NQc, NcL LQc–R, LdL–J, LdQ–K, Led, LKS, LKd,
Hokkaidō NRJ LcJ–Q, Lcc, LRS, LRR, JLJ, JLd–e,
Hollywood NLK, Nde JJJ–N, JNJ, JQK, JdS–L, JeL, JKS,
Holy Alliance QN, dd–e NLR, NJL–J, NNL–J, NQe, NeR–KS,
Hong Kong L, N, Jd, LSN, LKJ, JRN–Q, NcS, NRJ, QJd, Qcd, dSN, dLK–c
NJJ, Ndc, NKR, QSd–e, QKL–e, QKc– idol, idolization Le, LSd, LSc–R, LJS,
cL, QcN–Q, Qce, Qcc–RS, QRJ, QRQ, LQJ–N
dSS, dLc illusion LRQ, JJc, JNS–L, JQL–J, JQQ,
Hsinchu (Xinzhu) QSe Jcd, NQK, NeN
HU Feng LRN image of Russia see Russian image
HU Shi LJR, LcQ image of the USSR see Soviet image
HU Tongguang NNd, NNR image of the USA/America LJ, QK,
HUA Junwu NLR dJ, eN, KJ, LJS, Ned, NcL–N, Nce, dLc
HUANG Shuqin JKN image of the West see Western
HUANG Zhenxia JdL, JdK, JdR, JeL–N image
HUANG Zuxiang QNc, Qde imagination N, cc, LRQ, JLe, JJd, JJc,
human remains Jd, Qee–K, dSS, dSd JNN–d, JNc–QS, JRQ, dLK
human rights JR, NJ, KL, LSc, NRN, dLQ imagology Nee–K, dSK–LJ
humanism LJc, Lec, LRL, JSe, JSR, immigrants Ldc, NcR, NRc, QSJ
JLQ, JJS, JJc, JQR imperial China see Chinese empire
humanity QK, LRQ, JSd, JSe, JSR, imperial Russia see Russian empire
JLJ–N, JJc, JeS, NSe, NQK, NeN, dLc imperialism, imperialist(s) LQ–Le,
humor JQL, JQN–Q, JRN–Q JJ, Jd, JR, NJ–N, NR, dK, dR, eJ–e,
Hundred Flowers Campaign LJL ec–KJ, Kd, cS, RS, Rd, RK, LSS, LSR,
Hundred Years’ War LNN LLJ–N, LLc–JJ, LNe, LeQ, Lec, LKL,
hybridity, hybridize JJR–NS LKe, JdN, Jdc, JeL, NJL, NNL–N, NeN,
NKN, NcS–N, Ncd–K, NRc, QLR, QRR,
dLQ, dLc
India, Indian JJ, QS, dL, eN, LNL, LNd,
IBIS, Paul cc–R LRQ, JNd, JdJ, Jde–K, Jed, NSL, NNJ,
IBSEN, Henrik Ndd NNd, QSS–L, QKL, QKQ, QcK, QcR
iconostasis QSJ Indo-European LJQ

dJR
Index

Industrial Revolution JR, dJ–dN, eL– Japanese Communist Party cR

J, eQ, KS, KJ, LLJ, LJJ, LJK, LdJ, LeL, Japanese invasion JJ, NJR
Led, LeK–c, LKe, JNN, dLQ–d Japanese militarism NNJ
industrialization Kc–R, LKN–Q, NKK, Japanese Orthodox Church NcR–RS,
NKR NRJ, NRK–R, QSQ, QSe–K, QRe
industry NL, eS, Kc–cS, LLN, LJc, LNQ– Japanese (history) textbooks NQ
d, LeQ, LKJ, NSL Jews QJ, dK, Jde, QKL, QcS, QcN, QcR–
innovation(s) LSd, LLJ, LLR, LJJ, LNN, RS, dSS
LQN, LQc–dL, LdQ, Lde, LeL, LeN, LeK, JIA Dao NQd
LKd, LKK, NSQ, NSR, NLS, dLd JIAN Jinzhui QSS, QSN
insanity, insane JJR, JNL–J JIANG Jieshi see CHIANG Kai-shek
intangible (heritage) JS, JQ, JRd, QcS JIANG Jingguo see CHIANG Ching-
intellectuals c, NL, NN–Q, NK, QQ, dS, kuo
dQ, eJ, LLJ, LLe, LLc, LJJ, LQN, LcL, JIANG Qing dSQ
LcN–c, LRe, JSS–J, JSd, JLL, JLd, Jiayi see Chiayi
JJS–L, JJJ–N, JNJ, JNR, JdL, JdK, Jilong see Keelung
JRN, NRN, QLc Jinan QeL–J
intelligentsia (intelligenzija) JJS–L, Jinzhou QKc, QRd, QRK–c
QSL Job (Bible) LcK, JSQ, JLL
intercultural Ldd, Ldc, LcL, LcQ, LRN JOFFE, Adolf LKJ
international relations ec, LSN, LQe, John the Baptist NdS, QSS, QSJ
LeJ, LeK, JNc, NSS, NLK JOHN, Griffith NSe
internationalism, internationalist JULLIEN, François LcJ
LSR, LLc, JdK, NQJ junzi Lce, JLQ
Iraq QKL
Irkutsk QNR
irrational LRd, JJc–R, JNL–J, JNK–c,
JQS, JQJ KAHN, Louis QcL
Israel QcN, dSS Kalinka JcJ, Jce–K
Italy JJ, NR, dL, eQ, LJR, LNc, LQL, LKe, Kamchatka Qd, QSS
JdQ, Jde, Jed, JRJ, NJS–N, NJd, KANG Youwei NQ, QQ, LLN
NNS–L, NNN, NNK, NQL–J, NdN, QdJ, KANT, Immanuel LRJ
QcK Kaohsiung (Gaoxiong) RJ, NRK–c,
IVANOV, Dima QSL QSe, QRJ
KASATKIN, Nikolaĭ, St. Nikolaĭ
NRJ–N, NRd–K, QSe–c
Katyusha (Kati͡usha) (song) JKS,
Japanese colony/ies, colonialism, JKc–R, JcL–J, JcK
imperialism c, Ld, JQ, dS, cR, LLS, Kazakhstan, Kazakhs RJ, QSL
LLQ, LQS, Lde, NNL, NcL, NcR, NRQ–d, Keelung (Jilong) NRe, Qee, Qec, QcS,
QSd–e, Qee, Qce, QRJ–Q QcN, QRJ–d

dNS
 Index

KELEN, Emery NNN, NNK, NdQ law JQ, NN, LLL, LJQ–d, LQS, LQN, LeJ,
KERR, John dSS, dSN Lcc, LRL, NKL, Nce, QJe, QcQ, Qce,
Khristos Orthodox Church see QRL
Haristos / Khristos Orthodox League of Nations JJ, NL, LSc, LNe,
Church LQS, LQe, NJS, NNQ, NNe–c, NQJ, NeJ
KHRUSHCHEV, Nikita LQ, cN–Q, LJL, LEBRUN, Albert NJN
JcL, JRJ, Nce LEE, Leo Ou-fan (LI Oufan) LJ, JJK,
KISELEV, Aron Moshe dSS JNN–d, JKN
KMT (Kuomintang) JQ, RS–J, RQ, LEE Teng-hui (LI Denghui) RJ, Re,
LSN, LSe, LSc, LLS–Q, LNR–QL, LQN, Lde
LdS, Lde–K, LdR, LeK, LKS–J, NcN, LEGGE, James LcQ, NeL
NcR, NRR, QSL–J, dLQ see also Legitimacy LQ, RL, LSe–c, LNR
GMD, Nationalist Party legitimization, legitimize LSd–R,
KOLCHAK, Aleksandr QSS LJJ, LNS–L, LQS–L, LQN, NdQ, dLd
KORCHAGIN, Pavel JKQ LEI Feng QdJ, QdQ
Korea QQ, LQe, LKS–L, NcL–J, NRe, LENIN, Vladimir I. Ld, ec, KQ–d, cS,
QKQ, QRe see also Korean War LLK, LJe, LNK–R, JLQ, Jed, JKQ, JKe,
Korean War JN, RS, NKR, NcL–J, QSS– JcR–cS, QcS, QcQ, dSQ
L, QSN, QJd, QcL, QRe, QRc Leninism, Leninist LLc, LNJ, LQN, LKJ,
KOSHIYAMA Shō Titus NRe, QSe dLd
KOSMODEMYANSKAYA (KOSMO- Leonardo see DA VINCI
DEMʹIA͡ NSKAIA͡ ), Zoya (Zoi͡a) JKQ LERMONTOV, Mikhail LRd
KRAMSKOĬ, Ivan JKK LESSING, Doris JKe
Krokodil NNc, NdQ LEUNG Ping-kwan (LIANG Bingjun)
KURIHARA Komaki JKK JRQ
Kwantung (Guandong) QRd LI Denghui see LEE Teng-hui
LI Gangfeng QQK, QdS
LI Jinxuan JdJ–d, Jdc
LIANG Qichao NQ, NK, QL, JdS
LACAN, Jacques J, LSK–c, LQN LIANG Shuming LcQ
language J, e, LS, JS, Qd, LLL, LNd, Liangyou Nde
LQc, LdQ, LeQ, LKS, LRQ, JNc–R, JQQ, Liaodong Peninsula Qd, NRN
JQc, JdN, JdK, JdR–eL, JKJ, NSN, Liaozhai Zhi Yi JJd, JNQ–QL, JQd
NeR, NcL, QSe, dSK, dLL liberalism, liberal JR, QJ, de–K, dR,
LARIKOV, Yury (I͡Uriĭ) Romanovich KS–L, RQ, LSR, LJc–R, LNR, Lec, LKd,
QSS JdL, Jec, JRd, NNL, NeJ, QJN, dLQ
Latin America LSS, LQe, LKS, NcN, lieu de mémoire JRe see also site(s)
Ncd of memory
laughter LR, JNe, JQL–d LIKHACHEV, D. S. JQL

dNL
Index

LIN Zexu NSJ MA Ying-jeou (MA Yingjiu) RJ,

LINCOLN, Abraham JdQ, QcS LQR, LdK
literary legacy JJd, JJR, JQd MA Zhongjun QNc
Literary Revolution Lcd, JJe Macau L, N, Jd, LSN, LNL, QKQ–K, Qce–
literati LRK, JLe, JJJ, JQK–dL, JdQ, RJ, QRQ
Jdc, Jed, dLe–K MACDONALD, Ramsay NJN
literature L–N, c, LS–L, LN, LK, LR–JS, MACKAY, George Leslie NRQ, QRJ–Q
Jd, NJ, dS, LJc, LRS, LRJ, LRd, JJR, mad, madness Lc–LR, JJd–NK, JNR–
JNL, JNN–d, JQd, JQK, JQc–dd, JdK– Qd, NJQ
R, JeQ–d, JeK–c, JKS, JKJ–N, JKd, Madrid NNQ
JKc, Jcc–R, JRe, NLQ, NdN, Ndd, MAGELLAN, Ferdinand LNL
NeK–c, NKR, dSK–c, dLL, dLN–Q, magic realism JNK
dLe–K MAI Lüzhi NdS, NdJ
Little Russia e, LR–JS, JNQ–d, JQS, MAKI Tsunetarō Foma NRK–c, QSK
JQJ, JcL Manchukuo c, Qce, QRe
little tradition LR, JJd, JNN–d, JQS, Manchuria c, LR, JJ, ec, LSS, JdR–
JQd eS, JeN, NcJ, NRR, QeK, QKc, Qce,
liturgy QSJ QRd, QRe see also Dongbei
LITVINOV, Mikhail NNK Manchurian incident JJ, JeN, NJS,
Liujiagang LNL NNd, NNK, QRe
Livorno QcK Mandarin QSe
LLOYD GEORGE, David LNe MANDELSHTAM, Osip JKe
local customs NRN manhua (cartoon) NLK–JN, NNL–c,
LOW, David NdQ NQe, NQc–R, NdQ–e, Ndc–R, NeJ–N
LU Shaofei NLR, NJJ–N, NQL, NdQ, Ndd Manhuajie NLK–c, NJL, NdQ
LU Xun Lc–R, LRN–K, JJN, JJd–NQ, Manila NRQ
JNK, JNR–Qd, JQR, JdL, JeN, JKS, MANN, Yuri JNQ, JNe, JQL
Ndd manorialism LNS
LUBIMOV (LIU ͡ BIMOV), Yuri (I͡Uriĭ) Manzhouli JRJ, QJe, QdQ
JLd MAO Zedong JN, Kd–e, LLc, LJS–J,
LUNACHARSKIĬ, Anatoliĭ Vasilʹevich LNN, LNe–K, LKN, JKS, JKJ, JcS, JRN,
QcS NKS, NKN–Q, NcS, Nce, QcQ–d, dSS,
Lüshun NRN, QJN, QeK–KL, QKc, QcS, dSQ
QcJ–N, QRd–e, QRc–dSS Mara LRQ–d
LUST, John NSQ Market R, cS, LLN, LNe, LQS, Led, Jec,
LUTHER, Martin LJc, LNS, LcN, JJN JKJ, NRS
MÁRQUEZ, Gabriel García JKc
Marriage d, JLR
Mars (God of war) NQc–R
MA Ning Jdc, JeS Martial Law JQ, cK, RS, RJ–Q, Re,

dNJ
 Index

LLL, LQS, Lde, QSQ Ming (dynasty) QS, dQ, LNL, JNQ, NSL
martyrs’ cemeteries QKc, QRe mission, missionary, missionaries
MARX, Karl LLe, LLc, LJe, LNS, LNQ, JL, NJ, QS, QQ, dQ, eJ, cc, LcN, LRc,
LNc, JKe JQc, JRR, NSQ–e, NRJ, NRQ–K, NRR,
Marxism, Marxist LS–L, ed, Kd, RS, QSQ, QSK, Qcd, QRS, QRJ, QRN–Q,
LSS, LSK, LSR, LLN, LLe–JS, LJN, LJR, dSS, dSN, dLK
LNL, LNN, LNK, LQN, LeL, LeQ–d, Lcc, MIZUSHIMA Kōyō Isaiya NRd
JdL, dLd modernity LQ, Le–K, LR, LLJ, LJK, LeJ,
Marxism-Leninism, Marxist-Lenin- LeK–c, LcN, JSJ, JJd, JQd, JKS
ist dR, Ke–K, LLd, LJS–L modernization QQ, cR, Rd, LLN, LJJ,
material heritage Qed LNJ, LQN, LQd, LeL, Lec–R, LKN, LKe–
MATSUDAIRA Yoshihiro NRK–c, K, LcN, JSL, JNL–J, JNQ, JQS, NKN,
QSe, QSc NKd, NRN, dLd
mausoleum JcR, QeK–c, QKS monarchy dR, KS–L, Rc, LNJ–N, LRS,
May Fourth Movement LJR, JJc, LRc, JSL–J, JJJ
JQd, JQc, dLe Mongol(s), Mongolian(s), Mongolia
MAYAKOVSKY (MAIA͡ KOVSKIĬ), d, LQ, Ne, dS–L, dN, eS, ee, ec, KL–
Vladimir JKN–Q J, RK, LSJ, LJK, LJR, LKJ, JeS, JeN,
Meiji K, NQ, cc, NRJ–N, QSe NJc, QKQ
memoir(s) JJe, JKd–e, JKR, JcK, monopoly JS
QSL–J, dSK–c monumentality QcS–L, QRe
memorial JS, JeK, JeR, JKd, JcK, morality, morals LLd, LQc, LdQ, JSS,
JRJ, JRe, Qee–K, QRJ, QRQ, QRK, JSJ, JLR, JJL, JNS, JQS, JQN, JQd,
dSQ JQc, NSe, NSc, NLS, NcN, dLJ
memory JS–L, JQ, cK, LSN, LSK, JeK, Moscow d–e, JQ, cc, RS–J, LRJ, JLc,
JKe–K, JRQ, JRe, NeR, NRS, QSR, JeL, JKS–N, JKe–K, JcS–J, JcQ,
Qed, QKS, dLS–L Jcc, JRS–L, JRN, JRd, NcL, QSQ–d,
mentality JJd, JNR, JQd, Nee, dSc QLN, QLe, QLc, QNL, Qde
Mephistopheles LK, Lce–c, LRJ, JLK, Moscow Patriarchate JQ, NRR, QSL,
JLR see also Satan QSN–K
MEREZHKOVSKY (MEREZHKOV- Mossolit JJL
SKIĬ), Dmitry (Dmitriĭ) LRS, LRR, MOTE, Frederick LcJ
JQL motif(s) JS, LcL, LcR, LRK, LRR, JSd,
MESQUITA, Vicente Nicolau de QRL JLJ–N, JLK, JLR, JJS, JJJ, JJK, JeN,
metaphysical LcQ, Lce, JLJ–N JcJ, Jcc, NQc
METTERNICH, Klemens von dd–e, musée imaginaire JRe
eK museum(s) LNK, JRR, NSN, Nec, QNc,
Miaoli NRe Qed–e, QRS, QRJ
Middle Ages LJK, LNL, LcQ Muslims dS, dN, QSL, QKQ, QcQ, QcR
militarism, militarist JQR, NJL, NJc, MUSSOLINI, Benito JJ, NJJ, NJe,
NNJ, NcN, dLc NNL, NNJ, NNe, NQS, NQJ, NQd–e, Nde

dNN
Index

mysticism LRL, JSR, JJc New Taipei City QSL, QSd see also
mythology JNN–Q, JNK, JQS Taipei
nianhua JL, JN, JRR, NSJ–Q, NSR,
NLN–d, Ned, NKS–R, dLK–c
NIETZSCHE, Friedrich JJe–c, JNJ
Nagasaki NRe NIKOLAYEVA (NIKOLAEVA), Galina
NAGOSKY, Vladimir QSN JKL
NAPIER, William John QRJ Niu Bizi Nde
Napoleon I d, QJ, eQ, eK, NJe, NNL NIU Changchun QeL
Napoleon III de NIXON, Richard Milhous LJL, NcK
Napoleonic Wars QN, eQ, eK Nizhny Novgorod QNR
Narodno-Trudovoĭ Soi͡uz (NTS) QSL nobility, noble(s) d, eS, LLK, LLR, LJe,
nation Ld, LK, LR, JS, NN, NR, QR, dR, LNS, LNN–Q, LQN, Ndc
eS, RL, RQ–d, RR, LSe, LSc–LL, LLc, nomadic NK, LSJ, LdJ, QSL
LJd, LJK, LJR, LNJ–N, LNR, LQe, LQR– normality, normal Lc, JQ, LKQ, JJc,
dS, LeS, LeK–c, LKd–e, JSd, JQQ, JNS–J, JQS, JQQ, QJd, QcL, QRe, dSQ
JdJ–K, JeQ, NLQ, NNS, NNJ, NNd, Nee, nostalgia JS, Jec, Qde, QdR, QeL, QcS
NKe, NKR, QLL, QLc, QRd, dSc–LN NTS see Narodno-Trudovoĭ Soi͡uz
national character LJN, LNN, JSe, dSc,
dLS, dLJ–N
National Labor Union QSL
national spirit JS, RR, LSN, LLd, LRQ, October Revolution LQ, dK, KQ–K,
LRc, JdK, JeQ–d KR–cL, cd, LLR, LNK–c, LeL, LeN–Q,
nationalism, nationalist LQ, LR, NL, LKN–Q, LKK, JLQ–d, JQc, JeQ, JcQ,
NN, ed, cK, RQ–e, LSN, LSe, LSc–LJ, dLe see also Russian Revolution,
LLe, LJS, LJR, LNL, LNe, LQR, JNR, socialist revolution
JQK, JdS–d, JdK–R, JeL, JeQ–d, OKADA Keisuke NNL
NQN, NeS, NRN, NRc, QSQ, QRL, QRQ, OKUDZHAVA, Bulat JRS
dLK OLMERT, Ehud dSS–L
Nationalist Party NS, LdS, NcN, NRR OLʹMINSKIĬ, Mikhail Stepanovich
see also GMD, KMT QcQ
nationality e, dS, dN, JSe, QSd, QKQ, Opium LNd, NdR
QRJ Opium War(s) NQ, NR–QS, Qd–e, eJ,
nationhood LQN ed, LLN, LLd, LQN, LeN, LKL, LKe, NSS,
Nazi(s) / National Socialists d, R, ec, NSJ, NSd, QRJ
cJ, LNc–QS, JcN oppression QQ, LLN, LNJ–N, LNe, LQN,
NECHAEV, Vladimir JKQ JNd
negation LcL, LcQ–d, LcK–c, LRS, LRd, Orenburg (Ural) QSL
JLN Orientalism LNJ, LcJ, Jcd
New Culture Movement LJR, Lcd Orthodox, orthodoxy d, LK, JQ, QQ,

dNQ
 Index

dc, cc, RS, RQ, LRL, LRc, JSJ, JSd, PERUAN, A. A. and E. R. QSJ
JSR–LL, JNN, JQS–L, NSd, NeK, NcR– Pescadores RS, QRQ–d
RS, NRJ–QSR, QLc–JS, QJN–Q, QJK, Peter the Great N–Q, e, LN, QJ–Q, dd,
QNS–L, QeN, QKS, QKQ–d, QKK, QcN– dc, ee, KS–L, LSS, LLN, LLR, LQN
Q, Qcc, QRS, QRe, dSS, dSJ–Q PETRARCH (PETRARCA, Francesco)
othering d, LSc, Lcc LJc
otherness c–R, Jd, LSN, LSK, LcL–J Philippines LNL, QSe
OVERY, Richard NQK Philosophy, philosophical NJ–N, dS,
KJ, LJQ, LQe, LdJ, LcN, LRJ, LRd, JSK,
JLL–J, JJJ, JJe–K, NdR, Nec
Phrygian cap NJJ
Pan-Asian JeN, NRc physical JL, JQ, LSJ, JNe, QSc, Qed–
PANOVA, Vera JKN e, QRS–J, QRQ
parliament NR, RJ, LNJ, QSL pietism LRL
Parsees QKQ, QcR pilot(s) NQJ, Ncd, QJd
PARTRIDGE, Bernard NNe, NdQ Pingtung (Pingdong) NRK
PASTERNAK, Boris JJS PODLEVSKIĬ, I.V. QLc
pastoral NRe, NRR, QSe Poland, Poles, Polish e, Nd, Nc–R,
patriarchal LRL, JSL, JJc, JeQ QJ–N, dc, eK, KL, cJ, LQL, JNc–R,
patriotism, patriotic LQ, Le, NL, dc–R, Jde, JcL, JRL, QLe
RQ–d, LSN, LLc–R, LQR–dS, JSS, NcL, policy, policies c–R, LQ, Le, NS–L, Nc,
Ncd, QKc QL–J, Qd, de–c, eN, ed–e, KL, KR–
PAVLENKO, Pyotr (Pëtr) JKe cS, RL, RQ, Re, LSS, LSd, LSK–R, LLN–
Peking University LLJ e, LJL–J, LJR, LQN, LQd–R, Ldd–K,
PENG Ke LRK LeJ–N, Led, LKS, LKJ–N, Jdc, JcS,
Peninsular War NQe NSJ, NSd, NNd, NNK, Nee, NKS, NRc,
People’s Republic of China (PRC) QJd, QKd, QcL, Qce, Qcc, QRJ, dLN,
N, R–LL, LQ,–c, JS, JN–JQ, NS–L, NN, dLd–e, dLc
KN–Q, cQ, LSN, LSd–R, LLe–JN, LJd– political power Nd, eQ, ec, LdQ, LcQ,
Nc, LQS–N, LQd–K, LQR, LeJ, Lee, NRN
LKL–Q, LKe, Jec, JKS, JKJ, JcL, Ned, polity LSe
NKS, NKN, Ncd, NRR, QSQ, QLL–J, QLe, POLO, Marco NJ, dN, eL, LJK
QKc, QcL, QcN, Qcd–e, QRL, QRQ, Polyphony, polyphonic JLL, JKd
QRe, dSS, dSN, dLd, dLc Pontius Pilatus JLR, JJL
perception L–Q, e–LN, Le, JQ–e, QQ, Pope LK, Nd–K, QN, QR–dS, de, eJ, KL,
LSN, LQJ, LeN, LcL, LcQ, LRL, JJc, LJR, JSR, NdN
JNN, JNK, JQd, JeQ, JeR, JKd, Jcc, Port Arthur (Lüshun) NRN, QJN, QeK–
JRd, NLK, NLR, NNc, NQR, Ned–K, NeR, KL, QKc, QcS, QcJ–N, QRd–e, QRc–
NcL, Nce, QLL–J, QRR, dSd, dSc–LQ, dSS
dLe, dLc Portugal, Portuguese NJ, NR, dL, eN,

dNd
Index

ed, LNL, LeK, LeR, NSL, Qce–c, QRL–J PUSHKIN, Aleksandr N, LRd, JQS,
post-colonial, post-colonialism cK, JQc, JKQ, JKc, Jcd, Jcc–R
Qed, QRS
post-Soviet Russia N, LRL, JRJ, dLQ
postwar Ld, cK, RL, Rd–e, RR, LSN,
LQS, LeL, NcR, QSc QIAN Boming NQe
POZDNIA ͡ EV, Dionisiĭ QSd QIAN Cheng JLd, JLK, JJS
PRC see People’s Republic of China QIAN Chunqi LcR
prejudice(s) QLc, dLJ–N Qianfeng Yuekan JQK, JdS–Q, JdK,
Presbyterian Church / Presbyterians JdR, JeL, JeN–Q
JQc, NRJ, NRQ, QRN Qianfeng Zhoubao JQK, JdS–J, JdQ–
preservation QLL, Qed–e, QRS d, JdK–R
prewar period NRR, QSN Qing (dynasty) JR–NS, NJ–d, Nc, QN,
priest NSc, NdR–eS, NRJ, NRd–c, QSN– Qd–dS, dJ, dQ–d, dK–c, eN, eR, KL,
c, QJN, QcN, QcK cc–R, Rc, LLd, LJL, LNR, LQJ–N, Lde,
primary school NL, Qe, eS, Lde, LKS, LeN, LKS–J, LKQ, LKK, JNQ, JNR, JdS,
QSL NSS, NSJ–Q, NLS, NRN–Q, Qee, Qcc,
printing NL, NR, dL–N, eS, LJc–R, JRR– QRJ, QRQ, dSQ, dLQ
NSS, NSN, NKL, dLK Qingdao NcJ, QdR–eL
progress LK, JR, NJ, NR, dS, eJ–N, KS– QU Qiubai LRK, JQR, JdL, JeL
J, LSd, LSc–R, LLJ–N, LJd, LJK, LQS– QUAN Ping Lcd, LcK–c
L, LQN, LeJ, Lec, LKe, LcK, LRL, Jdd, Qunzhong Manhua NLK–c
NSR, QJd, dLQ–d
proletariat, proletarian LR, Ke–K,
LSR, LLK–R, LJL, LNQ, LNc–LQS, LQN,
LeL, LeQ, JLQ, JdS, JdQ–d, Jdc–R, RABELAIS, François JNe
Jed race(s) JJ, Nd–e, QR–dL, ee, LLL, LRS,
propaganda QQ, cQ, Re, LSN, LLd, JLQ, JLN, JdN, JeN, NJS, QKQ
JeS, NLR, Ned–e, NeR–KL, NKN, NKd, RAHR (RAR), Gleb QSS–J
NKR, NcL–N, Ncd–e, NRc, QSN–Q, rapprochement R, JQ, LJL, LJR, JJJ,
QcS, dLN, dLd, dLc JcQ, NKN
PROPP, V. I. JQL–N rational, rationality LK, LR, Lec, LKe,
PRC see People’s Republic of China LRd, JSe, JLJ–N, JLc, JNJ
Protestantism, Protestant d, eJ, LNS, R/rationalism dN, eN, Lec, JSe, JLJ
NSd, QKd–e, QcK–R, QRJ RAZIN, Stepan (“Stenʹka”) LLK
PU Songling JJd, JNd, JNK–R reception LS–L, LcL, LcN, Lcd–e, LRL,
Puck NLR LRN–Q, LRe–R, JSL, JSQ–d, JJN, JNK,
PUETT, Michael LcQ dSK
Punch NLR, NNe, NdQ reconstruction Jd, QSc, QJN, QJK,
Puritan Revolution LNJ QNL, QNK–c, QdR, QeL

dNe
 Index

Red Army LQL, NKR, QKc, Qcd, QRe tion, socialist revolution
Red Guards Nce, QLc–R, QJL–J, QJe, RICCI, Matteo NJ, QS, dQ, eL
QNR, Qde, QdR RIFTIN, Boris JKJ, JcK, NLS, NLN
“Reds”, the R, LR, JeS RIVERA, Diego Ndd
REDLIKH, Li͡udmila Glebovna and ROBINSON, James Harvey LLJ
Roman Nikolaevich QSJ Roman Empire, Romans Nd, LJQ, NNL
Reform and Opening / gaige kaifang see also East Roman Empire
LSd, LSR, LJL–J, LJR, LQN, Lcc, LRL, Romanticism, romantic JS, dN, LRe–
LRR, JSd, QLL–J, QJd, QNR, Qde, QeL, c, JcJ, QNc, QQK, QcL
QeN, dLd Rome d, Nd, eL, LJQ, LJe, NdN, QcK
Reformation NK, QJ, LJK, LJR–NS ROOSEVELT, Franklin Delano LNc–
religion, religious, religiosity e, LQ, R, NJJ–N, NNL, NQS
Lc, Jd, NK, QS, dK, eK, KS–L, LJc–R, ROOSEVELT, Theodore NJJ
LcJ, Lcc, LRL, LRe–JSQ, JSc–LL, JLN, ROUSSEAU, Jean-Jacques NK
JLc, JJL, JJN, JQL, NSQ–K, NcR–RS, ruling class(es) LJL, LNN, LQJ
NRJ–d, NRK–c, QSJ–d, QSK, Qed–e, Russian / Soviet army / military de,
QKL, QKQ, QcS, QcN, Qcc, QRd, dSS, cL, cR, LLK, QSS, QLN, Qec–KS, QKR–
dSQ, dSc, dLJ, dLK cS, QcJ, QRK–R see also Red Army
REN Guangxuan LRc–JSL Russian character JSS, JSd
Renaissance NJ, Nc–R, dS–L, dN, eJ– Russian Civil War R, NRc, QSL, QSe
N, KL, LLR, LJd, LJK–R, LcL, LcN–Q, Russian classics LcL, LRN, JJJ
Lce–K, QKc Russian emigrants / émigrés JeS–J,
renovation QJK, QeL, QRR Jed, NJS, NdK, NcR, NRc, QSK, dLc
replica Qde, QdR, QeL see also White Russians
Republic of China (ROC) N, Ld, JQ, Russian empire / imperial Russia
NS, NN, QR, ec, cR, RS–J, RQ, LSN, cK–c, LSS, LNR, JNQ, JNc, JdQ, QSL,
LSd–LL, LLN–Q, LLe–K, LLR, LJL, LJN, dSS see also Tsarist Russia
LJd–NN, LNe, LNc–R, LQJ–N, LQd–R, Russian Federation LKS
Lde–K, LdR, Lec, LKL, LKN–Q, LKe, Russian Folk Choir JKS
NJR, QSS–L, QSQ, QSK Russian history / history of Russia
Republican Era NS, NR, Rc Ld, JS, QJ, ee, KN–Q, cd, Re, RR,
republicanism Nc, KJ LSJ, LLc, LeN, LKN–Q, LKK, dLe
restoration RL, LJL, LdR, LKS, JLQ, QLL, Russian image / image of Russia LJ,
QJe–K, QNL, QNc, Qde, QcN JR, NQ, QL, QQ–d, dQ, ee, KS, KQ, cd,
revisionism LJL, Nce, QLc–R LSd, LJL, LQK, LeS–L, LKS, LKJ, LKK,
revolt QS, QN, Qe, dJ, dK, eK, LJe, LNS, JQK–c, JeN, NLc, NeK, QSN, dLe
LRd, JLJ Russian literature LK, LRS, LRJ, JSQ,
revolution eK, Kd–e, LNK, LKQ, JJR, JNd, JQK–dS, JdQ, Jdc, JeQ–d, Jec,
JQR, JdQ, JeQ–d, JKd see also Oc- JKc, Jcc, dLe, dLK see also Soviet
tober Revolution, Russian revolu- literature

dNK
Index

Russian Orthodox Church JQ, cc, science JR, Nd, Nc, QS, dS, dJ, eS, eJ,
JLS, NcR–RS, NRJ–R, QSL, QSe–R, KS, LLJ, LJJ, LJc–R, LQS, LQe, LQc,
QcN, QRe LdJ, LeJ, Lec, JJJ, JNL–J, NKR, dSK,
Russian Revolution (of LRLK) ec–R, dSR, dLQ, dLK
KL, cR, LNK, LKQ, LKK, QSS–L, dLe see Scotland Jde, QRJ see also Great
also October Revolution, socialist Britain, UK
revolution Second Opium War see Opium
Russianness e, Jd, QcN War(s)
Russians d–e, R, Ld, LR–JS, JJ, JQ, Second World War see World War II
QQ–e, eR, cc, LLQ, LLK, JSe, JQK, secondary school Ld, LK, NL, eS, ed,
JdS, Jdc–eL, JeN, JcS–L, JcQ, JcK, KQ, Ke–Kc, cS–J, cQ, cK, RQ–LSN,
JRd, NdK–c, NeK, NRc–QSL, QSN, LSd, LJe, LQJ, LQd, LQK–dS, Lde, LdR,
QSd, QdR, QeK, QKS, QKQ, QcN, QRS, LeQ, LKS–L, QLR, QRN
QRd–e, QRR, dSd, dLQ, dLc Seikyō jihō NRS, NRe–c, QSJ
Russo-Japanese War dK, cR, NRN, Seikyō shinpō NRS, NRd–e
NRd, QeK–KL, QRd–K, QRR self and other J–N, LR–JS, JJ–N, Jd,
Russo-Turkish Wars QN RR, LSd, LSK–c, LQN, JJd, JQd, Ned,
QcL, dSc, dLJ see also significant
other
self-determination ec, LNS, LQK, Ldd,
Salome NdS Lee
Salvation Army NRQ self-identification e, NS, KJ, Lcc, LRN,
San Salvador LNL dLS
Sanmin zhuyi NN, RJ, LLe self-strengthening LNJ, Lcd
SAPOZHNIKOV, Georgy NdQ self-perception Q, e–K, dSd
Satan Lc, Lcd, LcK–c, LRJ, LRQ–e, JLS, Sendai NRJ
JLc, JJN see also Mephistopheles serfdom LLc, LNN, LeN, LKN, LRc
satire, satirical JL, JLN, JLe–K, JNe, SEROV, Vladimir LNK–c
JQJ–N, NSS, NJS, NNJ, NNd, NNK, NQd, SHAKESPEARE, William LJc–R
NdN, Nde, NdR, NcN SHAKHOVSKOĬ, John (Ioann) QSS
satirist LR, LRe, JQN Shan Hai Jing JNQ, NSL
Satyagraha NNd Shandong Jd, eN–Q, QLc, QdR
SAWABE Takuma NRJ Shanghai LR, JJ, NL, cR, LQc, JQc,
SCHACHT, Hjalmar NNN JdS–J, JeL–J, JcQ, NLS, NLN, NLK–c,
SCHILLER, Friedrich QNc, QeL–J NNN, NQJ, NQK, NdK–R, NeL–J, QSS,
schism QSe QLe–K, QNc, QQK, QeL, QKL, QcS–L,
schooling Ld, JL, LJJ dSS, dSJ, dLc
SCHUBERT, Franz JLR Shanghai Manhua NLK–R, NJS–J,
SCHUSCHNIGG, Kurt NQS NNL–J, NNQ, NNe–K, NQR, NdN–Q

dNc
 Index

SHAO Xunmei NdQ site(s) of memory NcR–RS, NRN, QSe,

SHARP, William NQN QSR see also lieu de mémoire
SHELLEY, Percy LRd slave(s), slavery Nc, LLd, LLR, LJN,
Shidai Manhua NLK–JN, NNL–J, NNQ, LJd–e, LNL, LNd, LQJ, JdR, JeL, NNL,
NNK, NQe–R, NdN–Q, NdR NNd, NNK
Shintō NRJ Slavonic studies JNQ
SHKARBUL, Kirill QSN–e, QSc Slavophile(s) e, LR, LcR, JSS
short story/ies JJe, JdJ, JKL, JcJ, SLEDZEVSKIĬ, Igorʹ Vasilʹevich NSS
JRS, JRQ Social Darwinism NQ, LLJ
SHOSTAKOVICH, Dmitriĭ JKe social order NRJ
SHOTWELL, James LLJ social reforms JSN, JJN
Shōwa Tennō Qee Socialism Rc, JLJ, JKd, JRJ
Siberia e, QN, dd, dK, eK, cc–R, LKL, socialist revolution eR, Kd–K, LeS,
Jdc, JeS, QSS–L JcQ see also Russian Revolution,
SIENKIEWICZ, Henryk JJe–c October Revolution
significant other K, LQ–d see also self Socrates LJQ
and other Song Qingling Memorial Park QcL,
SIMA Qian Qcd dSS
SIMONOV, Konstantin JLe SONTAG, Susan NQK
Simplicissimus NdQ Soviet historians LNL, LNQ, dLd
sin LcJ–Q, LRR, JSK–c Soviet historiography LJe
Sinicization Ldd, LdK, Lcc Soviet image / image of the USSR
Sino-American Mutual Defense ec, LJS–L, LQN, JeR, Ned, Nce, dLc
Treaty RS, QSL Soviet literature JQK, JQR–dS, JKS,
Sino-American relations LS–L, eN, JKc, dLK see also Russian literature
RS–L, Re, Rc, LSN, LKN, QSL, Qcd Soviet Russia N, K, LR–JS, JJ, JQ, KN–
Sino-French War QS, Qee, Qec, QRQ Q, cQ–d, RS–L, RK–c, LSS, LSN, LSd,
Sino-Japanese War / War of Re- LLN–d, LJS, LNe, LNc–R, LQN, LKS,
sistance JN, NS–L, cL, cR, LQL, JeR, LKJ, JJS, JQR, Jdc, JeS–L, JeQ–d,
NLQ, NJS, NNd JeK–c, JKJ, JKd–e, JcJ, JRJ, JRQ–
Sino-Russian relations R–LS, Nc, QQ– e, NLR–JS, NNJ, QLe, dLQ
d, dK, Re, Rc, LQN, LeN–Q, LKN, JJJ, Soviet (Russian) history LQ–d, KN–d,
JQR, JKd, NSS, QLe, QQQ, QRR cQ–d, Re, RR, LSJ, LLc, LeN–Q, LKN,
Sino-Soviet relations R–LS, LQ, JS, JcK
JN, ec, Re, LSN, LJL, LNK, LQN, LKL– Soviets, the Ld, LR–JS, JN, cJ, LNR–
N, JQR, JeR, JKS, JKN, JKd, JcN, QL, JRQ, QKQ, QKc, Qcd, QRe, QRR,
JRS, NKN, QLL–J, QLe, QLc, dLe–K dSQ
Sino-Soviet split N, Ld, JS, JN, RL, Re, Spain, Spanish JJ, NR, dL–J, eN, Rd,
LSd, LLd, LLR, LJL, LNK, LQL, JcS, JRd, LLL, LNL, LQL, LeK, LeR, LKK, Jde, NLK,
Nce, dLQ, dLK NNL, NNQ, NQJ–N, NQd–K, NRQ
SIPORIN, Mitchell Ndd Spanish Civil War LQL, NLK, NNL, NNQ,

dNR
Index

NQJ, NQd, NQe Taiwan Nichinichi Shinpō NRS, NRQ–

Spartacus LJd–e c, QSK
St. Nikolai see KASATKIN, Nikolaĭ Taiwanese-Japanese relations RL,
St. Petersburg J–N, e, JL, eK, LRK–c, LKK
JNJ, JKN, JcQ, JRR, NSN, NSe, NSR, Taiwanese-Russian relations Ld, JQ,
NLN–Q, NKL–J, NKQ, NKe–c, NcQ, QLe, cK–c, RJ–N, LSN, LKS–KL, LKQ, LKK,
Qde, dLN QSQ, dLe
STALIN, Joseph (Iosif) LQ, Le, JJ–N, Taiwanese-U.S. relations RL, QSQ,
ec, KQ–d, Kc–cL, cN–d, LSR, LLd, QSK
LJS, LJe, LNK, LNR, LKN, JLQ–d, JJS, Taizhong see Taichung
JKS, JKc, JcS–L, NJJ, NJe, NNL–J, TAKAI Makio Antoniĭ NRe–c
NQS, NQd–e, Nde, NKN–Q, QLN tame, tameness JNS, JNJ, JNd, JNK,
STASIUK, Andrzej JRL–J JQS–L, JQQ
statue N, LJd, JKe, NNK, QNc, QeL–J, Tamsui (Danshui) QSL, QcN, QRJ,
Qed, QKQ–d, QcS, QRS–L QRN, QRQ
stereotype(s) LN, JQc, Nee, dSK–LN TANG Sanzang JNd, JNK
strange, stranger LR, cK, JJd, JJc, TANG Yihong JJS–L
JNN–QS, JQd, Jcc, JRS, NdR, NeJ, tangible (heritage) N, JN–d, LNe, Qed,
dSR QKQ, QKc, QcS–L, dSd
STUART, John Leighton Qcd Tarzan NQN, Nde
subjectivity LSJ, JNc–R taxation, tax(es) Nd, dJ, dK, LNS, LNd
SUN Yat-sen NN, ed, LKJ, JdN–Q, QcS TCHAIKOVSKY (CHAǏKOVSKIĬ), Pyotr
superstition eJ, LJc, dSN, dSd (Pëtr) JS, JKL, JKQ, JKK, JKR, JcL–
SVERDLOV, Yakov (I͡Akov) Mikhai- J, Jce, Jcc–R
lovich LNK TE Wei NJN, NNJ, NNe–K, NdS, NdN
swastika NJJ, NNL, NQd–e, Ndd, NcJ teaching methods Ld, LQK
symbolic, symbolism LJN, LNK, Lce, Tiananmen Jec, JKe, JcL, NKN, dSQ
LRL, JLN, JLK–c, JJN, JNe, JQL, Jed, TIE Ning JRS
JKL, NSN, NSc, NQd, NKL, NKN, QLe, Tokugawa period NRJ–N
QeL, QKc, Qce Tokyo dd, cR, JJK, JNR, JQQ, NRJ–N,
synthesis, synthetic JSd–e, JNR, NKL NRR–QSS, QSJ, QRJ
Tokyo Puck NdQ
tolerance JSd
tomb Jd, JKe, Qed–e, QeR, QKL–J,
Taganka stage JLQ QKQ–d, QKc, QcS–L, QcN, Qcd–e,
Taichung (Taizhong) NRe, QSN, QSe Qcc–RQ, QRe–K, dSS–d
Tainan NRe, NRc, QRJ tombstone Jd, Qee, QKL, QKN–d, QcL,
Taipei (Taibei) JQ, cc, RS, RJ, RQ, QcN, Qcd–e, QcR–RJ, QRe, QRc,
RR, LSe, NcR–RS, NRe–c, QSS, QSJ– dSS–J, dSd
c see also New Taipei City TONG Daoming JLQ–e

dQS
 Index

topoi, topos LcQ Turkey, Turkish, Turks K, Nc–NR, QL,

Toreador NNQ–d QN–QQ, QR, de, dc, ec, KL, Jde
TOROPTSEV (TOROPT͡SEV), Sergeĭ
(Sergey) JeR, JKc, JcJ, Jcd–c,
JRS
Tosa NRJ U.S. government NcS
totalitarian JJ, JLd, JJJ, NLR, NJL, U.S. imperialism / American imperi-
NNL–J, NQe, NeN, dLc alism LJS, NcL–N, Ncd–e
tradition LK, LR, JQ, NS, NN, LLS, LLd, U.S. military NcJ, Ncd, QSQ
LdK–c, Lec, LcL–e, Lcc–R, LRJ, LRe, U.S. president eQ, LSc, LJL, LNc–R,
JSL, JLN, JLK–JS, JJd, JJK, JNJ–d, NJN, NcL, Ncd, NcK
JQS–J, JQd, JcQ, NSL, NLc, NdQ, QKc, U.S.-Russia relations (also: U.S.-
QcQ–e Soviet relations, U.S.-USSR-
tragedy LR, Lcd, LcK, LRS, JQJ–N, JQd, relations) Re, Rc, LSN, LeN, NRR
JeJ, JRd, NNN, NdS Uighur(s) JKJ, QSL
transcendence LcJ, Lce UK LS, Lee–K, LKL, LKe, JdK, NJS–N,
transcultural JJd, JQL, JQd, JKd, JKe NQS, Ndc see also Britain, England,
Treaty of Aigun QQ–e, dc Great Britain, Scotland
Treaty of Nerchinsk Qd, dK, LSS Ukraine, Ukrainian e, LR, RJ, JJd,
treaty port(s) cc, NRN JNN–QS, JeQ, JcL, QSe, dSS
TRETYAKOV (TRETʹIA ͡ KOV), Sergey unequal treaties ed, Rc, LQN, LeN
(Sergeĭ) Jcd Union Jack NJJ, NNL, NQJ
Tripitaka JNK United Nations (UN) RL, LLJ, LJL,
TROTSKY (TROTS͡ KIĬ), Leon Kc, cS– LNe, LQS, Lde, LKN
L, cd universal Nd, LLR, LJJ, LRL, LRK, JSL–
True Jesus Church NRQ J, JSe, JSR, JLN–Q, JRJ, NQR, NdS
TSAI Ing-wen (CAI Yingwen) RJ, unreality, unreal JJR–NS, NSL
LdK Ural Jec, JRN, QSL
TSAO Yung-ho (CAO Yonghe) Ldc Urumqi QSL
Tsar dd, LLN, LLd, LLK, JNe, NcL
Tsarist Russia N, e–K, R, LN, Ld, LLN,
LLd, LLR, LQN, LKS–L, LKN–Q, LKK, QLL,
QLc, QeK, QKS, QcS, QcN, QRe–K, value(s) J, KQ, KK, KR, cN, Rd, LSc–R,
QRR–dSS, dLQ, dLe see also Russian LLL, LLe, LJJ, LQN, LQe, LeK–c, LKK,
empire JSL, JSN, JSc, JLK, JJL–J, JJR, JNc,
TSILIS, Nektarios QSd JQS, JQN, JcR, JRL, JRe, NLR, NKS,
TSUKAMOTO Zenya NRd–e, NRc QLL, QJd, QQK, Qee–K, QcS
Tsukiji NRJ Vatican LJd, JLS, NdN
TU Cheng-sheng (DU Zhengsheng) Vereenigde Oost-Indische Com-
LSJ, Ldc pagnie (VOC) NRQ
TUMANOVA, Tonya (Toni͡a) JKQ Victorian QeK

dQL
Index

Vietnamese Ncd, QKQ Westernness Jd, QeK

Voland LRJ, JLK, JLc–R, JJL whig historiography LSR, LJc
vulgar, vulgarity LRS, JLK, JQN, JQd White Russians / the “Whites” R, LR,
NdK, QSL, QSN see also Russian
emigrants, Tsarist Russia
White Terror RL, LLL, LQS, QSN–Q, QRQ
WAN Guoan JdL, JdR–eL WILSON, Woodrow eQ, LSc, LNe
WANG Dunqing NLR, NJN, NdQ, Ndd, Wilsonian(ism) LSc, LLS, LLJ, LNe,
Ndc–eS LNR
WANG Huandi QQQ–K WOLF, Christa JRL
WANG Meng JS, JeK–Re WONG Kar-wai JKK
WANG Shucun NLN world history LN–Q, Le, JR, NN, NK, QL,
WANG Wuneng NNN dR, ee, KQ, Ke–K, cK, Rd, RR–LSS,
WANG Yangming Lce LSJ, LSd, LSR–LL, LLd–K, LLR–JJ,
WANG Zimei NLR, NJQ, NJK, NNJ, LNJ, LNd, LNK, LQJ–N, LQe, LQR–dN,
NNQ–e, NNc, NQN, NQd–e, Ndd–e Ldc–R, LeJ, Lee, LKS–L, LKN–K, dSc,
WEBER, Max LSK, LcJ dLd–e see also global history
WEI Chenying NJR, NNJ World History textbooks NJ, KQ, LSS,
wenyan (literary Sinitic) JJK LSN, LSd, LSc, LLK, LJN, LJd–e, LJR,
West Germany d, NcN, QSL see LNK–c, LQJ, LdL, dLQ
Germany world literature JdQ, JRe
Western Bloc NRR World War I (WWI) N, dJ, dK, eJ–Q,
Western Christianity JSe ec, KL, RK–c, LSS, LNe–R, LeQ, LKN–
Western Europe J, LR, JQ, QS, LSS, Q, Ndd, QcR, dLQ
LLN, JNJ, QLJ, QNL, Qee–K, QKd World War II (WWII) N, d, c, LL, LQ,
Western European civilization JNJ JQ, NS, eN, ec, cL, cd, cK, RK–c,
Western history / history of the West LSS, LSN, LLN, LNe, LNR, LQS–L, LKJ,
J, Le, JR, NN, dS, dN, ee, KS, KJ, RQ– LKQ, JKS, JKR, NNN, NQK, NcS, NcR–
d, LLR, LJd, LNS–L RS, NRK–R, QSQ, QSK, QcL, QcR,
Western image / image of the West QRQ–d, dLQ
JR, NJ–NQ, Qe, dQ, dR, KJ, KQ, LSd, worldview Le, Rd, LSe, LSc, LLJ, LQN,
LSR, LJJ, LQd, LQK, LeS, NLc, Ned, LRd, JSe–c, JdS, NSJ, dLS–L
NcJ, Nce, dLQ–e, dLc WU Cheng’en JNd–e
Western Learning NJ, dQ, eS–L
Western modernization NRN
Western philosophy JJJ
Western scholarship LS XI Jinping LdJ–Q
Western thought LJQ, LcN Xi You Ji JNQ–K, JNR–QL
westernization, westernize e, Lc–R, Xi’an incident NJc
LSS, LJJ, JJd, JNL–Q, JQS–J, JQd, xiao ren JLQ
JKN, NLS, NdN, NdR, dLd Xinhai Revolution NS, LdQ, Lde

dQJ
 Index

Xinjiang LKJ, JKJ, JcN, QSS–L Yuewei Caotang Biji JNQ

Xinjiang Russians QSL YUKAWA Kinji Simeon NRd
Xinzhu see Hsinchu
Xiongnu NK, QR, eL
XU Changhan JLd–e
XU Guangqi dQ ZHA Jianying JRN
XU Zhimo LcQ ZHANG Datian (CHANG Ta-tien) QSL
XU Zhiqiang JLK ZHANG, Dima QSL
Xuanzang (TANG Sanzang) JNd ZHANG Guangyu NLR, NJN–Q, NJc,
Xuexi Sulian NKe, QLL NNL, NQR, Ndd
ZHANG Side Qcd
ZHANG Xueliang NJc
ZHANG Zhengyu NLR, NNS, NNJ, NQQ
YAN Fu NQ, QQ ZHENG He QS–L, dQ, KJ, LNL
YANG Hucheng NJc Zhongguo Manhua NLK–c
Yangwu movement Lcd ZHOU Enlai QLc
YE Qianyu NLR, NQc ZHOU Han NSe
YEFIMOV (EFIMOV), Boris NdQ–d ZHOU Jianren JJe, JNQ, JQd
YELTSIN see ELʹTS͡ IN ZHOU Zuoren LcQ, JJe–K, JNQ, JQQ–d
YEVTUSHENKO (EVTUSHENKO), ZHU Jinlou Nde
Yevgeny (Evgeniĭ) JKN ZHU Yingpeng JdL–J
Yili QQ–d ZINOVIEV (ZINOVʹEV), Grigory
yin and yang Lce, NcN (Grigoriĭ) Kc, cS–L
YOU Kunlun QQK, QQR ZOU Hongjin JLc–R
Youyang Zazu JNQ ZURNOVICH, Peter QSN

dQN
This book aims at investigating changes and continuities in
Chinese perceptions of Russia and the West during the 20th
century, paying heed to the fact that the respective ascriptions
and “frontlines” were historically contingent: who and what
represented “Russia“ or “the West“ at a given time and at a given
place? Was “Russia“ part of “the West“, or not? And if it was, in
which regard? Which factors – foreign or indigenous – led to
changes in Chinese perceptions and representations and why?
With such questions in mind, this book was taking shape, grow-
ing out of a German-Russian project funded by the DFG-RFBR.
The German-Russian research team from Heidelberg University
and St. Petersburg State University worked on exploring the
topic together with colleagues from mainland China and Taiwan,
concentrating on three major areas: 1. The field of socialization
via a look into normative descriptions of Russia and “the West“
in Chinese school textbooks which define images of the “other/s“
from childhood on; 2. The field of literature and Chinese fictional
representations of Russia and “the West“ consumed by a Chinese
reading public; 3. The field of visual and material manifestations
which define images of the “other/s“ in their own medial way and
make them accessible also to a public far from purely discursive
levels and to those who do not actively look for them.

ISBN 978-3-946742-79-1

9 783946 742791