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Loanwords in the World’s Languages
Loanwords in the
World’s Languages
A Comparative Handbook

Edited by
Martin Haspelmath
Uri Tadmor

De Gruyter Mouton
De Gruyter Mouton (formerly Mouton, The Hague)
is a Division of Walter de Gruyter GmbH & Co. KG, Berlin.

앪
앝 Printed on acid-free paper which falls within the guidelines
of the ANSI to ensure permanence and durability.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Loanwords in the world’s languages : a comparative handbook / edited

by Martin Haspelmath, Uri Tadmor.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-3-11-021843-5 (cloth : alk. paper)
1. Language and languages ⫺ Foreign words and phrases. I. Haspel-
math, Martin, 1963⫺ II. Tadmor, Uri, 1960⫺
P324.L63 2009
412⫺dc22
2009045067

ISBN 978-3-11-021843-5

Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek

The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie;
detailed bibliographic data are available in the Internet at http://dnb.d-nb.de.

” Copyright 2009 by Walter de Gruyter GmbH & Co. KG, 10785 Berlin, Germany.
All rights reserved, including those of translation into foreign languages. No part of this book
may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including
photocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writ-
ing from the publisher.
Cover design: Martin Zech, Bremen.
Printed in Germany.
Table of contents

Notational conventions............................................................................................. ix
Acknowledgments ...................................................................................................... x
List of authors ......................................................................................................... xi

GENERAL CHAPTERS
I. The Loanword Typology project and the World Loanword Database
Martin Haspelmath and Uri Tadmor ............................................................... 1

II. Lexical borrowing: Concepts and issues

Martin Haspelmath........................................................................................ 35

III. Loanwords in the world’s languages: Findings and results

Uri Tadmor .................................................................................................. 55

THE LANGUAGES
1. Loanwords in Swahili
Thilo C. Schadeberg ....................................................................................... 76

2. Loanwords in Iraqw, a Cushitic language of Tanzania

Maarten Mous and Martha Qorro ............................................................... 103

3. Loanwords in Gawwada, a Cushitic language of Ethiopia

Mauro Tosco ............................................................................................... 124

4. Loanwords in Hausa, a Chadic language in West Africa

Ari Awagana and H. Ekkehard Wolff, with Doris Löhr................................... 142

5. Loanwords in Kanuri, a Saharan language

Doris Löhr and H. Ekkehard Wolff, with Ari Awagana................................... 166
vi Table of contents

6. Loanwords in Tarifiyt, a Berber language of Morocco

Maarten Kossmann ...................................................................................... 191

7. Loanwords in Seychelles Creole

Susanne Michaelis with Marcel Rosalie .......................................................... 215

8. Loanwords in Romanian
Kim Schulte ................................................................................................. 230

9. Loanwords in Selice Romani, an Indo-Aryan language of Slovakia

Viktor El!ík.................................................................................................. 260

10. Loanwords in Lower Sorbian, a Slavic language of Germany

Hauke Bartels .............................................................................................. 304

11. Loanwords in Old High German

Roland Schuhmann ...................................................................................... 330

12. Loanwords in Dutch

Nicoline van der Sijs ..................................................................................... 338

13. Loanwords in British English

Anthony Grant............................................................................................. 360

14. Loanwords in Kildin Saami, a Uralic language of northern Europe

Michael Rießler............................................................................................ 384

15. Loanwords in Bezhta, a Nakh-Daghestanian of the North Caucasus

Bernard Comrie and Madzhid Khalilov ........................................................ 414

16. Loanwords in Archi, a Nakh-Daghestanian of the North Caucasus

Marina Chumakina..................................................................................... 430

17. Loanwords in Manange, a Tibeto-Burman language of Nepal

Kristine A. Hildebrandt................................................................................. 447
 Table of contents vii

18. Loanwords in Ket, a Yeniseian language of Siberia

Edward Vajda.............................................................................................. 471

19. Loanwords in Sakha (Yakut), a Turkic language of Siberia

Brigitte Pakendorf and Innokentij N. Novgorodov .......................................... 496

20. Loanwords in Oroqen, a Tungusic language of China

Fengxiang Li and Lindsay J. Whaley ............................................................ 525

21. Loanwords in Japanese

Christopher K. Schmidt................................................................................. 545

22. Loanwords in Mandarin Chinese

Thekla Wiebusch and Uri Tadmor ............................................................... 575

23. Loanwords in Thai

Titima Suthiwan and Uri Tadmor............................................................... 599

24. Loanwords in Vietnamese

Mark J. Alves ............................................................................................... 617

25. Loanwords in White Hmong

Martha Ratliff ............................................................................................. 638

26. Loanwords in Ceq Wong, an Austroasiatic language of Peninsular Malaysia

Nicole Kruspe ............................................................................................... 659

27. Loanwords in Indonesian

Uri Tadmor ................................................................................................ 686

28. Loanwords in Malagasy

Alexander Adelaar ........................................................................................ 717

29. Loanwords in Takia, an Oceanic language of Papua New Guinea

Malcolm Ross............................................................................................... 747
viii Table of contents

30. Loanwords in Hawaiian

‘"iwi Parker Jones........................................................................................ 771

31. Loanwords in Gurindji, a Pama-Nyungan language of Australia

Patrick McConvell ....................................................................................... 790

32. Loanwords in Yaqui, a Uto-Aztecan language of Mexico

Zarina Estrada Fernández............................................................................ 823

33. Loanwords in Zinacantán Tzotzil, a Mayan language of Mexico

Cecil H. Brown ............................................................................................ 848

34. Loanwords in Q’eqchi’, a Mayan language of Guatemala

Søren Wichmann and Kerry Hull.................................................................. 873

35. Loanwords in Otomi, an Otomanguean language of Mexico

Ewald Hekking and Dik Bakker.................................................................... 897

36. Loanwords in Saramaccan, an English-based creole of Suriname

Jeff Good...................................................................................................... 918

37. Loanwords in Imbabura Quechua

Jorge Gómez Rendón and Willem Adelaar ..................................................... 944

38. Loanwords in Kali’na, a Cariban language of French Guiana

Odile Renault-Lescure .................................................................................. 968

39. Loanwords in Hup, a Nadahup language of Amazonia

Patience Epps ............................................................................................... 992

40. Loanwords in Wichí, a Mataco-Mataguayan language of Argentina

Alejandra Vidal and Verónica Nercesian....................................................... 1015

41. Loanwords in Mapudungun, a language of Chile and Argentina

Lucía A. Golluscio ...................................................................................... 1035

Index of Languages ............................................................................................. 1072

Notational conventions

List of abbreviations
1 first person FREQ frequentative
2 second person FUT future
3 third person GEN genitive
A agent-like argument of canonical HON honorific
transitive verb IMP imperative
ABL ablative INCL inclusive
ABS absolutive IND indicative
ACC accusative INDF indefinite
ACT active INF infinitive
ADJ adjective INS instrumental
ADV adverb(ial) INTR intransitive
AGR agreement IPFV imperfective
AGT agent, agentive IRR irrealis
ALL allative LOC locative
ANTIP antipassive M masculine
APPL applicative MASC masculine
ART article MID middle
AUX auxiliary N- non- (e.g. NSG nonsingular,
BEN benefactive NPST nonpast)
CAUS causative NEG negation, negative
CIRC circumfix NMLZ nominalizer/nominalization
CLF classifier NOM nominative
COLL collective OBJ object
COM comitative OBL oblique
COMP complementizer P patient-like argument of
COMPL completive canonical transitive verb
COND conditional PASS passive
COP copula PFV perfective
CVB converb PL plural
DAT dative POSS possessive
DECL declarative PRED predicative
DEF definite PRF perfect
DEM demonstrative PRS present
DENOM denominal PROG progressive
DET determiner PROH prohibitive
DIMIN diminutive PROX proximal/proximate
DIST distal PST past
DISTR distributive PTCP participle
DU dual PURP purposive
DUR durative Q question particle/marker
ERG ergative QUOT quotative
EXCL exclusive RECP reciprocal
F feminine REFL reflexive
FEM feminine REL relative
FOC focus RES resultative
x Notational conventions & Acknowledgments

S single argument of canonical STAT stative

intransitive verb TOP topic
SBJ subject TR transitive
SBJV subjunctive VN verbal noun
SEM semelfactive VOC vocative
SG singular

Notational conventions for the maps

Language Yoruba
Main language Hausa
Country NIGERIA
City ! Katsina
Province etc. Borno
Geographical regions

Acknowledgments
The Loanword Typology project, whose results are reported in this book, was
made possible by generous funding from the Department of Linguistics of the Max
Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology, Leipzig (Bernard Comrie, direc-
tor). Most of the authors were able to attend one or more of the ten meetings
between 2003 and 2007, organized competently by Max Planck staff members; we
thank in particular Julia Cissewski, Claudia Büchel, Peter Fröhlich and Claudia
Schmidt. We also had great help from a number of highly motivated and reliable
student assistants, not only in checking and correcting the databases, but also in
editing and even typesetting this volume. Thanks are due especially to Yan Luo,
Eva-Maria Schmortte, Birgit Jänen, Luise Dorenbusch, Jenny Seeg, Alex Jahraus,
and Tyko Dirksmeyer. For the maps, we had invaluable help from Sandra Michaelis
from Max Planck!s multimedia department. But the most important person over
the years has been our indefatigable database manager, Bradley Taylor, without
whom this project would have had to remain much more modest in its goals and
achievements. For the creation of the online version of the World Loanword Data-
base, we are grateful to the Max Planck Digital Library, especially Robert Forkel.

Leipzig/Jakarta, 16 September 2009 Martin Haspelmath and Uri Tadmor

List of authors

Alexander Adelaar
Asia Institute
The University of Melbourne
Victoria 3010
Australia
E-mail: karlaa@unimelb.edu.au
Homepage: http://www.asiainstitute.unimelb.edu.au/people/staff/adelaar.html

Willem Adelaar
Leiden University Centre for Linguistics
P.O. Box 9515
2300 RA Leiden
The Netherlands
E-mail: w.f.h.adelaar@hum.leidenuniv.nl
Homepage: http://www.hum.leiden.edu/lucl/organisation/members/adelaarwa.html

Mark J. Alves
Department of Reading, ESL, World Languages and Philosophy
Montgomery College
51 Mannakee St.
Rockville, MD 20850
U.S.A.
E-mail: mark.alves@montgomerycollege.edu

Ari Awagana
Institut für Afrikanistik
Universität Leipzig
Postfach 100920
04009 Leipzig
Germany
E-mail: awagana@rz.uni-leipzig.de
Homepage: http://www.uni-leipzig.de/~afrika
xii List of authors

Dik Bakker
Department of Linguistics and English Language
Lancaster University
Lancaster LA1 4YT
United Kingdom
E-mail: d.bakker@lancaster.ac.uk
Homepage: http://home.medewerker.uva.nl/d.bakker/

Hauke Bartels
Sorbisches Institut
Abteilung für niedersorbische Forschungen
August-Bebel-Straße 82
03046 Cottbus
Germany
E-mail: bartels@serbski-institut.de
Homepage: http://www.serbski-institut.de/cms/de/116

Cecil H. Brown
Department of Anthropology
Northern Illinois University
Stevens Building 102
DeKalb, IL 60115
U.S.A.
E-mail: chbrown@niu.edu
Homepage: http://www3.niu.edu/anthro/people/faculty/brown.htm

Marina Chumakina
Surrey Morphology Group
University of Surrey
Guildford, GU2 7XH
United Kingdom
E-mail: m.tchoumakina@surrey.ac.uk
Homepage: http://www.surrey.ac.uk/cmc/staff-profiles/marina-chumakina.htm

Bernard Comrie
University of California Santa Barbara &
Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology
Deutscher Platz 6
04103 Leipzig
Germany
E-mail: comrie@eva.mpg.de
Homepage: http://email.eva.mpg.de/~comrie/
 List of authors xiii

Viktor El!ík
Ústav lingvistiky a ugrofinistiky (Institute of Linguistics and Finno-Ugric Studies)
Univerzita Karlova (Charles University)
Nám. J. Palacha 2
Praha 1, 110 00
Czech Republic
E-mail: viktor.elsik@ff.cuni.cz
Homepage: http://ulug.ff.cuni.cz/osobni/elsik/index.php

Patience Epps
Department of Linguistics
University of Texas at Austin
1 University Station B5100
Austin, TX 78712–0198
U.S.A.
E-mail: pepps@mail.utexas.edu

Zarina Estrada Fernández

Departamento de Letras y Lingüística
División de Humanidades y Bellas Artes
Universidad de Sonora
Edificio 3-A
Rosales y Blvd. Luis Encinas s/n
Col. Centro
83000 Hermosillo, Sonora
Mexico
E-mail: zarina@guaymas.uson.mx

Lucía A. Golluscio
Instituto de Lingüística
Facultad de Filosofía y Letras
Universidad de Buenos Aires
er
25 de mayo 217 – 1 piso
1002 Buenos Aires
Argentina
E-mail: lgollusc@hotmail.com, golluscio@eva.mpg.de
xiv List of authors

Jorge A. Gómez Rendón

Department Theoretical Linguistics
Faculty of Humanities
University of Amsterdam
Spuistraat 210
1012 VT Amsterdam
The Netherlands
E-mail: j.a.gomezrendon@uva.nl, gomezrendon@hotmail.com
Homepage: http://home.medewerker.uva.nl/j.a.gomezrendon/

Jeff Good
Department of Linguistics
University at Buffalo
609 Baldy Hall
Buffalo, NY 14260
U.S.A.
E-mail: jcgood@buffalo.edu
Homepage: http://buffalo.edu/˜jcgood

Anthony Grant
Department of English and History
Edge Hill University
St Helens Road
Ormskirk, Lancashire L39 4QP
United Kingdom
E-mail: granta@edgehill.ac.uk
Homepage: http://www.edgehill.ac.uk/english/EnglishLanguage/Staff/AnthonyGrant.htm

Martin Haspelmath
Max-Planck-Institut für evolutionäre Anthropologie
Deutscher Platz 6
04103 Leipzig
Germany
E-mail: haspelmath@eva.mpg.de
Homepage: http://www.eva.mpg.de/lingua/staff/haspelmath.php
 List of authors xv

Ewald Hekking
Departamento de Investigaciones Antropológicas
Facultad de Filosofía
Universidad Autónoma de Querétaro
Querétaro
Mexico
E-mail: ewaldqro@ciateq.net.mx, ewaldhekking@prodigy.net.mx

Kristine A. Hildebrandt
Department of English
Southern Illinois University Edwardsville
Edwardsville IL 62026
U.S.A.
E-mail: khildeb@siue.edu, kristine.hildebrandt@googlemail.com
Homepage: http://www.siue.edu/~khildeb

Kerry Hull
College of Foreign Studies
Reitaku University
2–1–1 Hikarigaoka
Tobu Jutaku 44
Kashiwa, Chiba 277–0065
Japan
E-mail: kerryasa@aol.com

Madzhid Khalilov
G. Tsadasa Institute for Language, Literature, and Art of the Daghestan Scientific
Center of the Russian Academy of Sciences &
Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology
Deutscher Platz 6
04103 Leipzig
Germany
E-mail: khalilov@eva.mpg.de, madjid-kh@mail.ru

Maarten Kossmann
Department of African Languages and Cultures
Leiden University
P.O. Box 9515
2300 RA Leiden
The Netherlands
E-mail: m.g.kossmann@hum.leidenuniv.nl
Other documents randomly have
different content
on the part of his wife. It was as if a sword had pierced the heart of
the unfortunate Anne Boleyn: she could not bear up against so cruel
a blow, and prematurely gave birth to a dead son. God had at length
granted Henry that long-desired heir, but the grief of the mother had
cost the child's life. What an affliction for her! For some time her
recovery was despaired of. When the king entered her room, she
burst into tears. That selfish prince, soured at the thought that she
had borne him a dead son, cruelly upbraided her misfortune, instead
of consoling her. It was too much: the poor mother could not
restrain herself. 'You have no one to blame but yourself,' she
exclaimed.[280] Henry, still more angry, answered her harshly and left
the apartment.[281] These details are preserved by a well-informed
writer of the time of Elizabeth. To present Henry under so
unfavorable a light, if it were untrue, could hardly have been an
agreeable mode of paying court, as some have insinuated, to a
queen who took more after her father than her mother.
Anne now foresaw the misfortunes awaiting her: she recovered
indeed after this storm, and exerted herself by taking part once
more in conversaziones and fêtes; but she was melancholy and
uneasy, like a foundering ship, which reappears on the waves of the
sea after the storm, and still keeps afloat for a time, only to be
swallowed up at last. All her attempts to regain her husband's
affections were useless, and frightful dreams disturbed her during
the slumbers of the night. This agony lasted three months.
The wind had changed: everybody noticed it, and it was, to
certain heartless courtiers, like the signal given to an impatient pack
of hounds. They set themselves to hunt down the prey, which they
felt they could rend without danger. The ultramontanists regained
their courage. They had feared that, owing to Anne's intervention,
the cause of Rome was lost in England, and their alarm was not
unreasonable. Cranmer, uniting his efforts with those of the queen,
never ceased pushing forward the Reformation. When some one
spoke in the House of Lords about a General Council in Italy, he
exclaimed: 'It is the Word of God alone that we must listen to in
religious controversies.' At the same time, in concert with Anne, he
circulated all over England a new Prayer-book, the Primer, intended
to replace the dangerous books of the priests.[282] The people used
it. A pious and spiritual reader of that book exclaimed one day, after
meditating upon it: 'O bountiful Jesu! O sweet Saviour! despise not
him whom Thou hast ransomed at the price of such a treasure—with
Thy blood! I look with confidence to the throne of mercy.'[283]
Religion was becoming personal with Anne Boleyn.
=ANNE'S ZEAL FOR RELIGION.=
The queen and the archbishop had not stopped there: they had
attempted, so far as Henry would permit, to place true shepherds
over the flocks, instead of merchants who traded with their wool.
The bishopric of Worcester, which had been taken from Ghinnucci,
was given (as we have seen) to Latimer; so that the valley of the
Severn, which four Italian bishops had plundered for fifty years,
possessed at last a pastor who 'planted there the plenteousness of
Jesus Christ.'[284] Shaxton, another of Anne's chaplains, who at this
time professed a great attachment to Holy Scripture, had been
appointed bishop of Salisbury, in place of the famous Cardinal
Campeggio. Hilderly, formerly a Dominican prior—who had at one
time defended the immaculate conception of the Virgin, but had
afterwards acknowledged and worshipped Jesus Christ as the only
Mediator—had been nominated to the see of Rochester, in place of
the unfortunate Bishop Fisher. Finally, George Brown, ex-provincial of
the Augustines in England—an upright man, a friend of the poor, and
who, caught by the truth, had exclaimed from the pulpit, 'Go to
Christ and not to the saints!'—had been elected archbishop of
Dublin, and thus became the first evangelical prelate of Ireland, a
difficult post, which he occupied at the peril of his life.[285] Other
prelates, like Fox, bishop of Hereford, although not true Protestants,
proved themselves to be anti-Papists.
The members of the ultramontane party saw the influence of the
queen in all these nominations. Who resisted the proposal that the
English Church should be represented at the General Council? Who
endeavored to make the king advance in the direction of the
Reformation? Who threw England into the arms of the princes of
Germany?—The queen, none but the queen. She felt unhappy, it was
said, when she saw a day pass without having obtained some favor
for the Reformation.[286] Men knew that the pope was ready to
forgive everything, and even to unite with Henry against Charles V.,
if the king would submit to the conditions laid down in the bull—that
is to say, if he would put away Anne Boleyn.[287]
The condition required by the pontiff was not an impossible one,
for Henry liked to change his wives: he had six. Marriage was not to
him a oneness of life. At the end of 1535, Anne had been his wife for
three years; it was a long time for him, and he began to turn his
eyes upon others. Jane Seymour's youth eclipsed the queen's.
Unfortunate Boleyn! Sorrow had gradually diminished her freshness.
Jane had natural allies, who might help her to ascend the throne.
Her two brothers, Edward and Thomas—the elder more moderate,
the younger more arrogant—each possessing great ambition and
remarkable capacity, thought that a Seymour was as worthy as a
Boleyn to wear the English crown. The first blow did not however
proceed from them, but from a member of the queen's family—from
her sister-in-law. There is no room for indifference between near
relations: they love or, if they do not love, they hate. Lady
Rocheford, so closely allied to the queen, felt continually piqued at
her. Jealousy had engendered a deep dislike in her heart, and this
dislike was destined to lead her on to contrive the death of the
detested object. Rendered desperate by the happiness and
especially by the greatness of Anne Boleyn, it became her ruling
passion to destroy them. One obstacle, however, rose up before her.
Lord Rocheford, her husband and Anne's brother, would not enter
into her perfidious schemes. That depraved woman, who afterwards
suffered capital punishment for conniving at crime, determined to
ruin her sister-in-law and her husband together. It was arranged that
three of the courtiers should give Henry the first hints. 'Thus began,'
says an author of that day, 'a comedy which was changed into a
sorrowful tragedy.'[288] Nothing was omitted that tended to the
success of one of the most infamous court intrigues recorded in
history.
Anne became cognizant almost at the same time of her sister-in-
law's hatred of her and of her husband's love for Jane Seymour.
From that moment she foreboded an early death, and her most
anxious thoughts were for her daughter. She wondered what would
become of the poor child, and, desirous of having her brought up in
the knowledge of the Gospel, she sent for the pious simple-minded
Parker, told him of her apprehensions and her wishes, and
commended Elizabeth to him with all a mother's love.[289] Anne's
words sank so deep into his heart that he never forgot them;[290] and
twenty-three years later, when that child, who had become queen,
raised him to the primacy, he declared to Lord Burghley, that if he
were not under such great obligations to her mother, he would never
have consented to serve the daughter in such an elevated station.
[291] After consigning the youthful Elizabeth to the care of a man of

God, the unhappy queen was more at ease.

=CHARGES AGAINST ANNE.=
Meantime the plot was forming in silence, and two or three
circumstances, such as occur in the most innocent life, were the
pretext for Anne's destruction.
One day, when she was with the king at Winchester, she sent for
one of the court-musicians, named Smeton, 'to play on the
virginals.'[292] This was the first count in the indictment.
Norris, a gentleman of the king's chamber, was engaged to
Margaret, one of Anne's maids of honor, and consequently was often
in the queen's apartments. Slanderous tongues affirmed that he
went more for the sake of his sovereign than for his betrothed. The
queen hearing of it, and desiring to stop the scandal, determined to
bind Norris to marry Margaret. 'Why do you not go on with your
marriage?' she asked him. 'I desire to wait a little longer,' answered
the gentleman. Anne, with the intent of making him understand that
there were serious reasons for not putting it off any longer, added:
'It is said at court that you are waiting for a dead man's shoes, and
that if any misfortune befell the king, you would look to have me for
your wife.'[293] 'God forbid!' exclaimed Norris, in alarm; 'if I had such
an idea, it would be my destruction.' 'Mind what you are about,'
resumed the queen, with severity. Norris, in great emotion, went
immediately to Anne Boleyn's almoner. 'The queen is a virtuous
woman,' he said; 'I am willing to affirm it upon oath.'[294] This was
the second count in the indictment.
Sir Francis Weston, a bold frivolous man, was (although married)
very attentive to a young lady of the court, a relative of the queen.
'Sir Francis,' said Anne, who was distressed at his behavior, 'you love
Mistress Skelton, and neglect your wife.' 'Madam,' answered the
audacious courtier, 'there is one person in your house whom I love
better than both.' 'And who is that?' said the queen. 'Yourself,'
answered Weston. Offended by such insolence, Anne ordered him,
with scorn and displeasure, to leave her presence.[295] This was the
third count of the indictment.
Lord Rocheford, a man of noble and chivalrous character,
indignant at the calumnies which were beginning to circulate against
his sister, endeavored to avert the storm. One day, when she kept
her bed, he entered her room to speak to her; and, the maids of
honor being present, he leant towards the queen, to say something
on this matter which was not fit for the ears of strangers to the
family. The infamous Lady Rocheford made use of this innocent
circumstance to accuse her husband and sister-in-law of an
abominable crime.
Such are the four charges that were to cost Anne Boleyn her life.
Futile observations, malicious remarks to which persons are exposed
in the world, and especially at court, reached the ears of the king,
and inspired him with jealousy, reproaches, angry words, and
coldness. There was no more happiness for Anne.
There was enough in these stories to induce Henry VIII. to reject
his second wife, and take a third. This prince—and it was the case
generally with the Tudors—had a temper at once decided and
changeable, a heart susceptible and distrustful, an energetic
character, and passions eager to be satisfied at any price. Very
mistrustful, he did not easily get the better of his suspicions, and
when any person had vexed him, he was not appeased until he had
got rid of him. Common-sense generally appreciates at their true
worth such stories as those we have reported; but the characters
now on the stage were more irritable than those usually to be found
in the world. 'A tempest,' says Lord Herbert of Cherbury on this
subject, 'though it scarce stir low and shallow waters, when it meets
a sea, both vexeth it, and makes it toss all that comes thereon.'[296]
Henry, happy to have found the pretext which his new passion
made him long for, investigated nothing; he appeared to believe
everything he was told. He swore to prove Anne's guilt to others by
the greatness of his revenge. Of his six wives, he got rid of two by
divorce, two by the scaffold; only two escaped his criminal humor.
This time he was unwilling to proceed by divorce; the tediousness of
Catherine's affair had wearied him. He preferred a more expeditious
mode—the axe.
=COMMISSION OF ENQUIRY.=
On the 25th of April the king appointed a commission to enquire
into Anne's conduct, and placed on it the duke of Norfolk, a maternal
uncle but (as we have said) an implacable enemy of the unfortunate
queen; the duke of Suffolk, who, as Henry's brother-in-law, served
him in his least desires; the earl of Oxford, a skilful courtier; William
Paulet, comptroller of the royal household, whose motto was, 'To be
a willow and not an oak;' Audley, the honestest of all, but still his
master's humble servant; Lord Delawarr, and several other lords and
gentlemen, to the number of twenty-six. It has been said, by Burnet
and others, that the king named Anne's father, the earl of Wiltshire,
one of the judges. It would, no doubt, have been the most striking
trait of cruelty, of which Henry gave so many proofs; but we must in
justice declare that the wretched prince did not perpetrate such a
monstrosity. Burnet, after the most searching investigations,
retracted his error.[297] On Thursday, the 27th of April, the king,
understanding the necessity of a Parliament to repeal the laws made
in favor of Anne and her children, issued writs for its assembling. He
was resolved to hurry on the business—equally impatient to hear no
more of his wife, and to possess her who was the object of his
desires.
Anne, who was ignorant of what was going on, had gradually
recovered a little serenity, but it was not so with those around her.
The court was agitated and uneasy. The names of the
commissioners were canvassed, and people wondered where the
terrible blows of the king would fall. Many were alarmed for
themselves or their friends. Would the storm burst on Sir Thomas
Wyatt, who wrote verses in Anne's honor? or on Lord
Northumberland, whom the queen had loved before Henry cast his
eyes upon her? The king did not intend to go so high.
The indecision did not last long. At two o'clock on the 27th of April
—the very day when the writs for the new Parliament were issued—
William Brereton, one of the gentlemen of the king's household,
pointed out by the queen's enemies, was arrested and taken to the
Tower. Two days later, on the 29th of April, Anne was crossing the
presence-chamber, where a miserable creature happened to be
present at that moment. It was Mark Smeton, the court-musician—a
vain, cowardly, corrupt man, who had felt hurt because, since the
day when he had played before the queen at Winchester, that
princess had never even looked at him. He was standing, in a
dejected attitude, leaning against a window. It is possible that,
having heard of the disgrace that threatened the queen, he hoped,
by showing his sorrow, to obtain from her some mark of interest. Be
that as it may, his unusual presence in that room, the posture he
had assumed, the appearance of sorrow which he had put on, were
evidently intended to attract her attention. The trick succeeded.
Anne noticed him as she passed by. 'Why are you sad?' she asked.
'It is no matter, madam.' The queen fancied that Smeton was
grieved because she had never spoken to him. 'You may not look to
have me speak to you,' she added, 'as if you were a nobleman,
because you are an inferior person.' 'No, madam,' replied the
musician, 'I need no words; a look sufficeth me.'[298] He did not
receive the look he asked for, and his wounded vanity urged him
from that moment to ruin the princess, by whom he had the
insolence to wish to be remarked. Smeton's words were reported to
the king, and next day (April 30), the musician was arrested,
examined at Stepney, and sent to the Tower.
=TOURNAMENT AT GREENWICH.=
A magnificent festival was preparing at Greenwich, to celebrate
the First of May in the usual manner. This was the strange moment
which Henry had chosen for unveiling his plans. In certain minds
there appears to be a mysterious connection between festivities and
bloodshed; another prince (Nero) had shown it in old times, and
some years later Charles IX. was to celebrate the marriage of his
sister Margaret by the massacres of St. Bartholomew. Henry VIII.
gave to two of the victims he was about to immolate the foremost
places in the brilliant tournament he had prepared. Lord Rocheford,
the queen's brother, was the principal challenger, and Henry Norris
was chief of the defenders. Sir Francis Weston was also to take part
in these jousts. Henry showed himself very gracious to them, and
hid with smiles their approaching destruction. The king having taken
his place, and the queen, in a magnificent costume, being seated by
his side, Rocheford and Norris passed before him, lowering their
spears—morituri te salutant. The jousting began immediately after.
The circumstances of the court gave a gloomy solemnity to the
festival. The king, who was watching with fixed eyes the struggles of
his courtiers, started up all of a sudden, with every appearance of
anger, and hastily quitted the balcony. What had happened? The
ultramontane Sanders, notorious as being a most malicious and
fabulous writer, mentions that the queen had dropped her
handkerchief into the lists, and that Norris took it up and wiped his
face with it. Lord Herbert, Burnet, and others affirm that there is
nothing to corroborate the story, which, were it true, might be very
innocent. However, the festivities were interrupted by the king's
departure. The confusion was universal, and the alarmed queen
withdrew, eager to know the cause of the strange procedure.[299]
Thus ended the rejoicings of the First of May.
Henry, who had gone back to the palace, hearing of the queen's
return, refused to see her, ordered her to keep her room, mounted
his horse, and, accompanied by six gentlemen, galloped back to
London. Slackening his pace for a time, he took Norris aside, and,
telling him the occasion of his anger, promised to pardon him if he
would confess. Norris answered, with firmness and respect: 'Sire, if
you were to cut me open and take out my heart, I could only tell
you what I know.'[300] On reaching Whitehall, Henry said to his
ministers: 'To-morrow morning you will take Rocheford, Norris, and
Weston to the Tower; you will then proceed to Greenwich, arrest the
queen, and put her in prison. Finally, you will write to Cranmer and
bid him go immediately to Lambeth, and there await my orders.' The
victims were seized, and the high-priest summoned for the sacrifice.
The night was full of anguish to Anne Boleyn, and the next day,
when she was surrounded by her ladies, their consternation
increased her terror. It seemed to her impossible that a word from
her would not convince her husband of her innocence. 'I will
positively see the king,' she exclaimed. She ordered her barge to be
prepared, but, just as she was about to set out, another barge
arrived from London, bringing Cromwell, Audley, and the terrible
Kingston, lieutenant of the Tower. That ominous presence was a
death-warrant: on seeing him the queen screamed aloud.
=ANNE BEFORE THE COUNCIL.=
They did not, however, remove her at once: the council, on which
sat her most violent adversaries, assembled in the palace, and Anne
was summoned to appear before it. The duke of Norfolk, the
president, informed her coldly of what she was accused, and named
her pretended accomplices. At these words, the queen, struck with
astonishment and sorrow, fell on her knees and cried out: 'O Lord, if
I am guilty, may I never be forgiven!' Then, recovering a little from
her emotion, she replied to the calumnious charges brought against
her, to which Norfolk answered carelessly and contemptuously, as if
he were still speaking to the little girl whom he had seen born, 'Tut,
tut, tut,' and shook his head disdainfully.[301] 'I desire to see the
king,' said Anne. 'Impossible,' answered the duke; 'that is not
included in our commission.' 'I have been very cruelly treated,' said
Anne Boleyn, later, when speaking of this horrible conversation with
her uncle. 'It is his Majesty's good pleasure that we conduct you to
the Tower,' added Norfolk. 'I am ready to obey,' said the queen, and
all went in the same barge. When they reached the Tower, Anne
landed. The governor was there to receive her. Norfolk and the other
members of the council committed her into his charge and departed.
It was five in the afternoon.
Then the gates of the fortress opened; and at this moment, when
she was crossing the threshold under the charge of heinous crimes,
Anne remembered how, three years before, she had entered it in
triumph for the ceremony of her coronation, in the midst of the
general acclamations of the people. Struck by the fearful contrast,
she fell on her knees 'as a ball,'[302] and exclaimed, 'O Lord, help me,
as I am guiltless of that whereof I am accused!' The governor raised
her up, and they entered. She expected to be put into close
confinement. 'Mr. Kingston,' she said, 'shall you put me into a
dungeon?' 'No, madam,' answered the governor; 'you will be in your
own lodging, where you lay at your coronation.' 'It is too good for
me,' she exclaimed. She entered, however, and on reaching those
royal chambers, which recalled such different recollections, she knelt
again and burst into tears. The violence of her grief presently
brought on convulsive movements, and her tears were succeeded by
hysterical laughter.[303] Gradually she came to herself, and tried to
collect her thoughts. Feeling the need of strengthening herself by
the evidences of the Lord's love, she said to Kingston, 'Entreat his
Majesty to let me have the sacrament.'[304] Then, in the
consciousness of innocence, she added, 'Sir, I am as clear from the
company of man as I am of you. I am the king's true wedded
wife.'[305]
=ANNE'S SYMPATHY.=
 She was not absorbed in her own misfortunes: she was moved by
the sufferings of the others, and uneasy about her brother. 'Can you
tell me where Lord Rocheford is?' she asked. Kingston replied that
he had seen him at Whitehall. She was not tranquillized by this
evasive answer. 'Oh, where is my sweet brother?' she exclaimed.
There was no reply. 'Mr. Kingston,' resumed Anne, after a few
moments, 'do you know why I am here?' 'No, madam.' 'I hear say
that I am to be accused of criminal familiarities.' (Norfolk had told
her so in the barge.) 'I can say no more than—Nay!' Suddenly
tearing one of her garments, she exclaimed, as if distracted: 'If they
were to open my body, I should still say—No.' After this her mind
wandered. She thought of her mother, and the love she felt for the
countess of Wiltshire made her feel more than anything else the
bitterness of her situation: she imagined the proud lady was before
her, and cried, with unutterable agony, 'O my mother, my mother,
thou wilt die for sorrow!' Then her gloomy thoughts were turned to
other objects. She remembered that, while in the barge, the duke of
Norfolk had named Norris and Smeton as her accusers, which was
partly false. The miserable musician was not grieved at being
wrongfully accused of a crime likely to make him notorious, but
Norris had stoutly rejected the idea that the queen could be guilty.
'O Norris, hast thou accused me!' she ejaculated; 'and thou too,
Smeton!' After a few moments' silence, Anne fixed her eyes on the
governor. 'Mr. Kingston,' she asked, 'shall I die without justice?'
'Madam,' answered the governor, 'the meanest subject of the king
has that.' At these words the queen again laughed hysterically.
'Justice—justice!' she exclaimed, with disdainful incredulity. She
counted less upon justice than the humblest of her subjects.
Gradually the tempest calmed down, and the silence of the night
brought relief to her sorrow.
The same day (May 2) the news spread through London that the
queen was arrested. Cranmer, who had received the royal intimation
to go to his palace at Lambeth, and wait there until further orders,
had arrived, and was thunderstruck on hearing what had happened.
'What! the queen in prison! the queen an adulteress!'... A struggle
took place in his bosom. He was indebted to the queen for much; he
had always found her irreproachable—the refuge of the unhappy, the
upholder of the truth. He had loved her like a daughter, respected
her as his sovereign. That she was innocent, he had no doubt; but
how account for the behavior of the king? The unhappy prelate was
distracted by the most painful thoughts during the whole of Tuesday
night. This truly pious man showed excessive indulgence towards
Henry VIII., and bent easily beneath his powerful hand; but his path
was clearly traced—to maintain unhesitatingly the innocence of her
whom he had always honored. And yet he was to be an example of
the fascination exerted by a despot over such characters—of the
cowardice of which a good man may be guilty through human
respect. Doubtless there are extenuating circumstances in his case.
It was not only the queen's fate that made the prelate uneasy, but
also the future of the Reformation. If love for Anne had helped to
make Henry incline to the side of the Reformation, the hatred which
he now felt against his unhappy wife might easily drive him into the
other direction. Cranmer desired to prevent this at any price, and
accordingly thought himself obliged to use extreme precaution. But
these circumstances are really no extenuation. No motive in the
world can excuse a man from not frankly defending his friends when
they are falsely accused—from not vindicating an innocent woman
when she is declared to be guilty. Cranmer wrote to the king: 'I
cannot without your Majesty's command appear in your presence;
but I can at least desire most humbly, as is my duty, that your great
wisdom and God's help may remove the deep sorrow of your heart.
=CRANMER'S LETTER TO HENRY.=
'I cannot deny that your Majesty has great cause to be
overwhelmed with sorrow. In fact, whether the things of which men
speak be true or not, your honor, Sire, according to the false
appreciation of the world, has suffered; and I do not remember that
Almighty God has ever before put your Majesty's firmness to so
severe a proof.
 'Sire, I am in such a perplexity that I am clean amazed; for I never
had a better opinion in woman than I had of her, which maketh me
think that she cannot be culpable.'[306]
This was tolerably bold, and accordingly Cranmer hastened to tone
down his boldness. 'And yet, Sire,' he added, 'would you have gone
so far, if you had not been sure of her crime?... Your Grace best
knoweth that, next unto your Grace, I was most bound unto her of
all creatures living. Wherefore I must humbly beseech your Grace to
suffer me in that which both God's law, nature, and her kindness
bindeth me, unto that I may (with your Grace's favor) wish and pray
for her. And from what condition your Grace, of your only mere
goodness, took her, and set the crown upon her head, I repute him
not your Grace's faithful servant and subject, nor true to the realm,
that would not desire the offence to be without mercy punished, to
the example of all others. And as I loved her not a little, for the love
I judged her to bear towards God and His holy Gospel; so, if she be
proved guilty, there is not one that loveth God and His Gospel that
will ever favor her, for then there never was creature in our time that
so much slandered the Gospel.
'However,' he added, appearing to recover his courage, 'forget not
that God has shown His goodness to your Grace in many ways, and
has never injured you; whilst your Grace, I am sure, acknowledged
that you have offended Him. Extend, therefore, to the Gospel the
precious favor you have always shown it, and which proceedeth not
from your love for the queen your wife, but from your zeal for the
truth.
'From Lambeth, 3d of May, 1636.'
When Cranmer addressed these soothing words to the king, it was
doubtless on the supposition (on which he gives no opinion) that
Anne was guilty. But, even admitting this hypothesis, is it not
carrying flattery of the terrible autocrat very far, to compare him with
Job as the prelate does? In another part of this letter he says: 'By
accepting all adversity, without despair and without murmuring, your
Grace will give opportunity to God to multiply His blessings, as He
did to His faithful servant Job, to whom, after his great calamity, and
to reward his patience, He restored the double of what He had
possessed.' As regards the king, Cranmer had found for himself a
false conscience, which led him into deceitful ways: his letter,
although he still tries to defend Anne, cannot be justified.
He was about to dispatch the letter, when he received a message
from the lord-chancellor, desiring him to come to the Star-Chamber.
The archbishop hastened across the Thames, and found at the
appointed place not only Audley, but the Lords Oxford and Sussex,
and the lord-chamberlain. These noblemen laid before him the
charges brought against Anne Boleyn, adding that they could be
proved, though they did not themselves produce any proof. On his
return to Lambeth, Cranmer added a postscript to his letter, in which
he expressed his extreme sorrow at the report that had just been
made to him.
=CRUELTY TO ANNE BOLEYN.=
The morning of the same day (May 3) was a sad one in the Tower.
By a refinement of cruelty, the king had ordered two of the queen's
enemies—Lady Boleyn and Mistress Cosyns—to be always near her;
to which end they slept in her room, while Kingston and his wife
slept outside against her chamber-door. What could be the object of
these strange precautions? We can only see one. Every word that
fell from Anne, even in her convulsions or in her dreams, would be
perfidiously caught up, and reported to the king's agents with
malicious interpretations. Anne, pardoning the former conduct of
these ladies, and wholly engrossed with her father's sorrow, thought
she might ask for news about him from the persons who had been
given her for companions; but those wicked women, who never
spoke to her without rudeness, refused to give her any information.
'The king knew what he was doing,' said Anne to Kingston, 'when he
put these two women about me. I could have desired to have two
ladies of my chamber, persons whom I love; but his Majesty has had
the cruelty to give me those whom I could never endure.'[307]
 The punishment continued. Lady Boleyn, hoping to detect some
confusion in her niece's face, told her that her brother, Lord
Rocheford, was also in the Tower. Anne, who had somewhat
recovered her strength, answered calmly, 'I am glad to learn that he
is so near me.' 'Madam,' added Kingston, 'Weston and Brereton are
also under my charge.' The queen remained calm.[308]
She purposed, however, to vindicate herself, and her first thought
turned towards two of the most pious men in England: 'Oh, if God
permitted me,' she said, 'to have my bishops (meaning Cranmer and
Latimer), they would plead to the king for me.' She then remained
silent for a few minutes. A sweet reflection passed through her mind
and consoled her. Since she had undertaken the defence of the
persecuted evangelicals, gratitude would doubtless impel them to
pray for her. 'I think,' she said, 'that the greater part of England is
praying for me.'[309]
Anne had asked for her almoner, and, as some hours had elapsed
without his arrival, gloomy images once more arose to sadden her
mind. 'To be a queen,' she said, 'and to be treated so cruelly—
treated as queen never was before!' Then, as if a ray of sunshine
had scattered the clouds, she exclaimed: 'No, I shall not die—no, I
will not die!... The king has put me in prison only to prove me.' The
terrible struggle was too great for the young woman: she had
convulsions and fits, and almost lost her senses. Attacked by a fresh
hysterical paroxysm, the unfortunate lady burst into laughter. On
coming to herself after a while, she cried: 'I will have justice ...
justice ... justice!'[310] Kingston, who was present, bowed and said:
'Assuredly, madam.' 'If any man accuses me,' she continued, 'I can
only say—No. They can bring no witness against me.'[311] Then she
had, all at once, an extraordinary attack: she fell down in delirium,
and with eyes starting, as if she were looking into the future, and
could foresee the chastisement with which God would punish the
infamous wickedness of which she was the victim, she exclaimed: 'If
I am put to death, there will be great judgments upon England for
seven years.... And I ... I shall be in heaven ... for I have done many
good deeds during my life.'[312]

[263] Froude.
[264] Bossuet, Histoire des Variations, liv. vii. art. 8.
[265] 'Quorum morum ingenuitas et candor aliquis ingenii
præluceret.'—Letter of Sir John Cheke, 1535. Parker's
Correspondence, p. 3.
[266] 'Reginæ magnificentia quæ erga studiosos late
patuit.'—Ibid. p. 2.
[267] Wyatt, Memoirs of Anne Boleyn, p. 442.
[268] Herbert, Reign of Henry VIII. The sum was equivalent
to about 60,000l. of our money.
[269] Herbert.
[270] 'I was most bound unto her of all creatures living.'—
Cranmer to Henry VIII., 1536. Letters and Remains, p. 324.
[271] Tyndale, Doctrinal Treatises, Notice, p. lxiv.
[272] History of the Translation of the Bible, p. 97. Todd's Life
of Cranmer, i. p. 136.
[273] Parker's Correspondence, pp. 1, 2.
[274] 'Notum est quid potes; fac non minus velis quam
potes.'—Ibid. p. v.
[275] Parker to Sir W. Cecil, ibid. p. 178.
[276] 'Heu, heu! Domine Deus, in quæ tempora servasti
me!'—Parker's Memoranda, Corresp. p. 484.
[277] 'She heard her chaplain gladly to admonish her.'—Fuller,
p. 200.
[278] This sort of conspiracy extends from the publication of
the work entitled, De origine et progressu schismatis Anglicani,
1585, by Sanders—'a book,' says Bayle, 'in which there is much
passion and very little accuracy'—down to the Histoire de
Henri VIII., by Audin, a worthy successor of Sanders, and
whose work is in high favor in all papal coteries. This miserable
manufacture of outrageous fictions began even before Sanders,
and is not yet ended.
[279] 'Janam (Seymour) genibus Henrici insidentem.'—
Sanders, Heylin, Lingard.
[280] 'Laying the fault upon unkindness.'—Wyatt.
[281] 'Which the king took more hardly.'—Ibid.
[282] 'Pestilent and infectious books.'—Preface to the Primer.
[283] Strype, i. p. 339; Liturgies, p. 477.
[284] Latimer's Sermons, p. 82.
[285] 'It was to the hazard of his life.'—Cranmer's Memorials,
p. 38.
[286] Meteren, Histoire des Pays-Bas, p. 21.
[287] 'Hanno fondata questa bolla sopra la causa del
matrimonio.'—State Papers, vii. p. 637, 640.
[288] Histoire de Anne Boleyn, royne d'Angleterre, p. 181.—
This History, written in French verse of the sixteenth century,
which M. Crapelet has printed after three manuscripts in the
Imperial Library at Paris, is from the pen of Crespin, lord of
Milherve, who was in London at the time of which he speaks.
[289] 'What words her Grace's mother said to me of her
(Elizabeth) not six days before her apprehension.'—Parker's
Correspondence, p. 59.
[290] Parker to Lord Burghley, 6th October, 1572.—Ibid. p.
400.
[291] Parker to Lord Burghley, 19th March, 1571.—Ibid. p.
391.
[292] Kingston's Letters, p. 455.
[293] Kingston's Letters, p. 452.
[294] 'He would swear for the queen that she was a good
woman.'—Ibid.
[295] 'And then she defied him in scorn and displeasure.'—
Strype, p. 433.
[296] Herbert, p. 381 (ed. 1649).
[297] Addenda to the Third Book of his History.—He
acknowledges that this mistake, as he calls it, was an invention
of the miserable Sanders.
[298] Kingston's Letters, p. 455.
[299] 'This much troubled the whole company, especially the
queen.'—Herbert, p. 445.
[300] Histoire d'Anne Boleyn, by Crespin, p. 186. See also
Archéologie, xxiii. p. 64.
[301] Kingston's Letters, p. 456.
[302] 'This gracious queen falling down upon her knees as a
ball, her soul beaten down with affliction to the earth.'—Wyatt,
p. 144.
[303] 'In the same sorrow, fell into great laughing.'—
Kingston's Letters, p. 451.
[304] Kingston's Letters, p. 451.
[305] Ibid.
[306] Cranmer's Letters and Remains, letter clxxiv. to King
Henry VIII., pp. 323, 324.
[307] Cranmer's Letters and Remains, p. 457.
[308] 'She made a very good countenance.'—Cranmer's
Letters and Remains, p. 454.
[309] 'I think the most part of England prays for me.'—
Kingston's Letters, p. 457.
[310] Kingston's Letters, p. 457.
[311] Ibid.
[312] Kingston's Letters, p. 457.
 CHAPTER X.
ANNE FORGIVES HER ENEMIES, AND IS PUT TO DEATH.
(May 1536.)

=AN UNJUST TRIBUNAL.=

Everything was preparing for the unjust judgment which was to
have so cruel a termination. Justice is bound to watch that the laws
are observed, and to punish the guilty; but if law is to be just law,
the judges must listen fairly to the accused, diligently discharge all
the duties to which their office calls them, and not permit
themselves to be influenced either by the presents or the
solicitations, the threats or the favors, or the rank (even should it be
royal) of the prosecutor. Their decisions should be inspired only by
such motives as they can give an account of to the Supreme Judge;
their sentences must be arrived at through attentive consideration
and serious reflection. For them there are no other guides than
impartiality, conscience, and law. But the queen was not to appear
before such judges: those who were about to dispose of her life set
themselves in opposition to these imperious conditions.
Henry's agents redoubled their exertions to obtain, either from the
ladies of the court or from the accused men, some deposition
against Anne; but it was in vain. Even the women whom her
elevation had eclipsed could allege nothing against her. Henry Norris,
William Brereton, and Sir Francis Weston were carefully interrogated,
one after the other: the examiners tried to make them confess their
adultery, but they stoutly denied it; whereupon the king's agents,
who were determined to get at something, began a fresh inquiry,
and cross-examined the prisoners. It is believed that the gentlemen
of the court were exempted from torture, but that the rack was
applied to Mark Smeton, who was thus made to confess all they
wanted.[313] It is more probable that the vile musician, a man of
weak head and extreme vanity, being offended that his sovereign
had not condescended even to look at him, yielded to the vengeance
of irritated self-esteem. The queen had not been willing to give him
the honor of a look—he boasted of adultery. The three gentlemen
persevered in their declaration touching the queen's innocence: Lord
Rocheford did the same.[314] The disheartened prosecutor wrote to
the Lord-Treasurer: 'This is to inform you that no one, except Mark,
will confess anything against her; wherefore I imagine, if there be no
other evidence, the business will be injurious to the king's honor.'[315]
The lawyers knew the value to be given to the musician's words. If
the verdict was left to the equitable interpretation of the law—if the
king did not bring his sovereign influence to bear upon the decisions
of the judges, there could be no doubt as to the issue of the hateful
trial.
But every passion was at work to paralyze the power of right.
Vainly the queen's innocence shone forth on every side—the
conspiracy formed against her grew stronger every day. To the
wickedness of Lady Rocheford, the jealousies of an intriguing
camarilla, the hatred of the ultramontane party, the unbridled
ambition aroused in certain families by the prospects of the despot's
couch soon to be empty though stained with blood, and to the
instability of weak men, was added the strong will of Henry VIII., as
determined to get rid of Anne by death as he had been to separate
from Catherine by divorce. The queen understood that she must die;
and, wishing to be prepared, she sought to wean herself from that
life which had so many attractions for her. She felt that the pleasures
she had so enjoyed were vain; the knowledge that she had
endeavored to acquire, superficial; the virtue to which she had
aspired, imperfect; and the active life she had desired, without
decisive results. The vanity of all created things, once proclaimed by
one who also had occupied a throne, struck her heart. Everything
being taken from her, she renounced
Le vain espoir de ce muable monde.[316]
Anne, giving up everything, turned towards a better life, and sought
to strengthen herself in God.[317]
=ANNE SEEKS THE BETTER LIFE.=
Such were her affecting dispositions when the duke of Norfolk,
accompanied by other noblemen, came in the king's name to set
before her the charges brought against her, to summon her to speak
the truth, and to assure her that, if she confessed her fault, the king
might pardon her. Anne replied with the dignity of a queen still upon
the throne, and with the calmness of a Christian at the gates of
eternity. She threw back with noble indignation the vile accusations
of which the royal commissioners were the channel:
A ces seigneurs, parlant comme maîtresse.[318]
'You call upon me to speak the truth,' she said to Norfolk. 'Well
then, the king shall know it,' and she dismissed the lords. It was
beneath her to plead her cause before these malicious courtiers, but
she would tell her husband the truth. Left alone, she sat down to
write that celebrated letter, a noble monument of the elevation of
her soul; a letter full of the tenderest complaints and the sharpest
protests, in which her innocence shines forth, and which combines at
once so much nature and eloquence that in the opinion of the most
competent judges it deserves to be handed down to posterity. It ran
as follows:—
=ANNE BOLEYN'S LETTER.=
'Your Grace's displeasure and my imprisonment are things so
strange unto me, that what to write, or what to excuse, I am
altogether ignorant. Whereas you sent to me (willing me to confess
a truth and so obtain your favor), by such a one whom you know to
be my ancient professed enemy; I no sooner received this message
by him, than I rightly conceived your meaning; and if, as you say,
confessing a truth indeed may procure my safety, I shall with all
willingness and duty perform your command.
'But let not your Grace ever imagine that your poor wife will ever
be brought to acknowledge a fault, where not so much as a thought
thereof ever proceeded. And, to speak truth, never a prince had wife
more loyal in all duty and in all true affection, than you have ever
found in Anne Boleyn—with which name and place I could willingly
have contented myself, if God and your Grace's pleasure had so
pleased. Neither did I at any time so far forget myself in my
exaltation or received queenship, but that I always looked for such
alteration as I now find; for the ground of my preferment being on
no surer foundation than your Grace's fancy, the least alteration was
fit and sufficient (I knew) to draw that fancy to some other subject.
'You have chosen me from a low estate to be your queen and
companion, far beyond my desert or desire. If then you found me
worthy of such honor, good your Grace, let not any light fancy or
bad counsel of my enemies withdraw your princely favor from me;
neither let that stain—that unworthy stain—of a disloyal heart
towards your good Grace ever cast so foul a blot on me and on the
infant princess, your daughter.
'Try me, good king, but let me have a lawful trial, and let not my
sworn enemies sit as my accusers and as my judges; yea, let me
receive an open trial, for my truth shall fear no open shames. Then
shall you see either mine innocence cleared, your suspicions and
conscience satisfied, the ignominy and slander of the world stopped
—or my guilt openly declared; so that whatever God and you may
determine of, your Grace may be freed from an open censure, and
mine offence being so lawfully proved, your Grace may be at liberty,
both before God and man, not only to execute worthy punishment
on me, as an unfaithful wife, but to follow your affection already
settled on that party, for whose sake I am now as I am; whose
name I could, some good while since, have pointed unto, your Grace
being not ignorant of my suspicion therein. But if you have already
determined of me, and that not only my death but an infamous
slander must bring you the joying of your desired happiness, then I
desire of God that He will pardon your great sin herein, and likewise
my enemies, the instruments thereof; and that He will not call you to
a strict account for your unprincely and cruel usage of me at His
general judgment-seat, where both you and myself must shortly
appear; and in whose just judgment, I doubt not (whatsoever the
world may think of me), mine innocency shall be openly known and
sufficiently cleared.
 'My last and only request shall be, that myself may only bear the
burden of your Grace's displeasure, and that it may not touch the
innocent souls of those poor gentlemen, who, as I understand, are
likewise in strait imprisonment for my sake. If ever I have found
favor in your sight—if ever the name of Anne Boleyn have been
pleasing in your ears—then let me obtain this request; and so I will
leave to trouble your Grace any further; with mine earnest prayer to
the Trinity to have your Grace in His good keeping, and to direct you
in all your actions.
'From my doleful prison in the Tower, the 6th of May.
'Anne Boleyn.'

We see Anne thoroughly in this letter, one of the most touching

that was ever written. Injured in her honor, she speaks without fear,
as one on the threshold of eternity. If there were no other proofs of
her innocence, this document alone would suffice to gain her cause
in the eyes of an impartial and intelligent posterity.[319]
=EFFECT OF ANNE'S LETTER ON HENRY.=
That noble letter aroused a tempest in the king's heart. The firm
innocence stamped on it; the mention of Henry's tastes, and
especially of his inclination for Jane Seymour; Anne's declaration that
she had anticipated her husband's infidelity, the solemn appeal to
the day of judgment, and the thought of the injury which such noble
language would do to his reputation—all combined to fill that
haughty prince with vexation, hatred, and wrath. That letter gives
the real solution of the enigma. A guilty caprice had inclined Henry
to Anne Boleyn; another caprice inclined him now to Jane Seymour.
This explanation is so patent that no one need look for another.
Henry determined to inflict a great humiliation upon this daring
woman. He would strip her of the name of wife, and pretend that
she had only been his concubine. As his marriage with Catherine of
Aragon had been declared null because of her union with his brother
Arthur, Henry imagined that his marriage with Anne Boleyn might be
annulled because of an attachment once entertained for her by
Percy, afterwards duke of Northumberland. When that nobleman
was summoned before Cromwell, he thought that he also was to be
thrown into the Tower as the queen's lover; but the summons had
reference to quite a different matter. 'There was a pre-contract of
marriage between you and Anne Boleyn?' asked the king's vicar-
general. 'None at all,' he answered; and in order that his declaration
might be recorded, he wrote it down and sent it to Cromwell. In it
he said: 'Referring to the oath I made in this matter before the
archbishops of Canterbury and York, and before the Blessed Body of
our Saviour, which I received in the presence of the duke of Norfolk,
and others of his majesty's counsellors, I acknowledge to have eaten
the Holy Sacrament to my condemnation, if there was any contract
or promise of marriage between the queen and me. This 13th of
May, in the twenty-eighth year of his majesty King Henry VIII.'[320]
This declaration was clear, but the barbarous monarch did not
relinquish his idea.
A special commission had been appointed, on the 24th of April, 'to
judge of certain offences committed at London, Hampton Court, and
Greenwich.' They desired to give to this trial the appearance at least
of justice; and as the alleged offences were committed in the
counties of Middlesex and Kent, the indictment was laid before the
grand juries of both counties. On the 20th of May they found a true
bill. The writers favorable to Henry VIII. in this business—and they
are few—have acknowledged that these 'hideous charges' (to use
the words of one of them) were but fables invented at pleasure, and
which 'overstepped all ordinary bounds of credulity.'[321] Various
explanations have been given of the conduct of these juries; the
most natural appears to be that they accommodated themselves,
according to the servile manner of the times, to the king's despotic
will, which was always to be feared, but more especially in matters
that concerned his own person.
The acts that followed were as prompt as they were cruel. Two
days after (on May 12) Norris, Weston, Brereton, and the musician
were taken to Westminster, and brought before a commission
composed of the dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, Henry's two
intimates, and other lords, and it is even said that the earl of
Wiltshire was present.[322] The three gentlemen repelled the charge
with unshakable firmness. 'I would endure a thousand deaths,' said
Norris, 'sooner than betray the innocent. I declare, upon my honor,
that the queen is innocent, and am ready to support my testimony in
arms against all the world.'[323] When this language of Henry VIII.'s
favorite was reported to that prince, he cried out: 'Hang him up,
then—hang him up!'[324] The wretched musician alone confessed a
crime which would give him a place in history. He did not reap the
reward promised to his infamy. Perhaps it was imagined that his
death would guarantee his silence, and that his punishment would
corroborate his defamations. The three gentlemen were condemned
to be beheaded, and the musician to be hanged.
=QUEEN ANNE'S TRIAL.=
Three days later (on May 15) the queen and her brother were
taken before their peers in the great hall of the Tower, to which the
Lord Mayor and a few aldermen and citizens alone were admitted.
The duke of Norfolk had received orders to assemble a certain
number of peers to form a court: they were twenty-six in all, and
most of them enemies of Anne and of the Reformation.[325] The earl
of Wiltshire was not of the number, as Sanders pretends.[326] The
duke of Norfolk, the personal enemy of the unfortunate queen, that
uncle who hated her as much as he should have loved her, had been
appointed to select the judges and to preside over the trial: a
circumstance indicative of the spirit in which it was to be conducted.
Norfolk took his seat, having the lord-chancellor on his right and the
duke of Suffolk on his left, and in front of him sat as deputy-marshal
the earl of Surrey, Norfolk's son, an upright man, but a proud and
warm supporter of Romanism. The queen was announced: she was
received in deep silence. Before her went the governor of the Tower,
behind her came Lady Kingston and Lady Boleyn. Anne advanced
with dignity, adorned with the ensigns of royalty, and, after
gracefully saluting the court, took her seat in the chair accorded
either to her weakness or her rank. She had no defender; but the
modesty of her countenance, the dignity of her manner, the peace of
her conscience, which found expression in the serenity of her look,
touched even her enemies. She appeared before the tribunal of
men, thinking only of the tribunal of God; and, relying upon her
innocence, she did not fear those whom but yesterday she had ruled
as a queen. One might have said from the calmness and nobility of
her deportment, so assured and so majestic, that she was come, not
to be tried as a criminal, but to receive the honors due to
sovereigns. She was as firm, says a contemporary, as an oak that
fears neither the hail nor the furious blasts of the wind.[327]
The court ordered the indictment to be read; it charged the queen
with adultery, incest, and conspiracy against the king's person. Anne
held up her hand and pleaded 'not guilty,' and then refuted and tore
to tatters, calmly yet forcibly, the accusations brought against her.
Having an 'excellent quick wit,' and being a ready speaker, she did
not utter a word that did not strike home,[328] though full of
moderation; but the tone of her voice, the calmness of her features,
and the dignity of her countenance, pleaded more eloquently than
her words. It was impossible to look at her or to hear her, and not
declare her innocent, says an eye-witness.[329] Accordingly there was
a report in the Tower, and even in the city, that the queen had
cleared herself by a most wise and noble speech and that she would
be acquitted.
While Anne was speaking, the duke of Northumberland, who had
once loved her and whom Henry had cruelly enrolled among the
number of her judges, betrayed by his uneasy movements the
agitation of his bosom. Unable to endure the frightful torment any
longer, he rose, pretending indisposition, and hastily left the hall
before the fatal verdict was pronounced.
The king waited impatiently for the moment when he could
introduce Jane Seymour into Anne Boleyn's empty apartments.
Unanimity of votes was not necessary in the House of Peers. In
England, during the sixteenth century, there was pride in the people,
but servility (with few exceptions) among the great. The axe that
had severed the head of the venerable bishop of Rochester and of
the ex-chancellor More, had taught a fearful lesson to all who might
be disposed to resist the despotic desires of the prince. The court
feared to confront the queen with the musician, the only witness
against her, and declared her guilty without other formality. The
incomprehensible facility with which the nobility were then
accustomed to submit to the inflexible will of the monarch, could
leave no room for doubt as to the catastrophe by which this tragedy
would be terminated.[330]
=ANNE'S SENTENCE.=
The duke of Norfolk, as lord high-steward, pronounced sentence:
that the queen should be taken back to the Tower, and there on the
green should be burnt or beheaded, according to his majesty's good
pleasure. The court, desirous of leaving a little space for Henry's
compassion, left the mode of death to him: he might do the queen
the favor of being only decapitated.
Anne heard this infamous doom with calmness.[331] No change was
observed in her features: the consciousness of innocence upheld her
heart. Clasping her hand and raising her eyes to heaven, she cried
out, 'O Father, O Creator! Thou who art the way, the truth, and the
life, knowest that I have not deserved this death!'[332] Then, turning
to her cruel uncle and the other lords, she said: 'My lords, I do not
say that my opinion ought to be preferred to your judgment; but if
you have reasons to justify it, they must be other than those which
have been produced in court, for I am wholly innocent of all the
matters of which I have been accused, so that I cannot call upon
God to pardon me. I have always been faithful to the king my lord;
but perhaps I have not always shown to him such a perfect humility
and reverence as his graciousness and courtesy deserved, and the
honor he hath done me required. I confess that I have often had
jealous fancies against him which I had not wisdom or strength
enough to repress. But God knows that I have not otherwise
trespassed against him. Do not think I say this in the hope of
prolonging my life, for He who saveth from death has taught me
how to die, and will strengthen my faith. Think not, however, that I
am so bewildered in mind that I do not care to vindicate my
innocence. I knew that it would avail me little to defend it at the last
moment, if I had not maintained it all my life long, as much as ever
queen did. Still the last words of my mouth shall justify my honor. As
for my brother and the other gentlemen who are unjustly
condemned, I would willingly die to save them; but as that is not the
king's pleasure, I shall accompany them in death. And then
afterwards I shall live in eternal peace and joy without end, where I
will pray to God for the king—and for you, my lords.'[333]
The wisdom and eloquence of this speech, aided by the queen's
beauty and the touching expression of her voice, moved even her
enemies. But Norfolk, determined upon carrying out his hateful task,
ordered her to lay aside her royal insignia. She did so, and
commending herself to all their prayers, returned to her prison.
Lord Rocheford now came forward and took his sister's place. He
was calm and firm, and answered every question point by point,
with much clearness and decision. But it was useless for him to
affirm the queen's innocence—useless to declare that he had always
respected her as a sister, as an 'honored lady:' he was condemned
to be beheaded and quartered.
The court then broke up, and while the courtiers, who had just
sealed with the blood of an innocent queen their servile submission
to the most formidable of despots, were returning to their
amusements and base flatteries, the Lord Mayor turned to a friend
and said to him: 'I can only observe one thing in this trial—the fixed
resolution to get rid of the queen at any price.' And that is the
verdict of posterity.
=LORD ROCHEFORD BEHEADED.=
The wretches who had entered into this iniquitous plot were eager
to have it ended. On the 17th of May the gentlemen who were to be
executed were brought together into a hall of the Tower. They
embraced, commended each other to God, and prepared to depart.
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