Parents and Emerging Adults in India

Achu Johnson Alexander and Vandana Chauhan

Parenting practices are cultural practices, wherein, through the adoption and execu-
tion of particular parenting styles, the parent attempts to impart cultural values to
the child which will allow for successful personal and interpersonal outcomes
within their particular cultural context (Ainsworth, 1979; Erikson, 1959). Parenting
practices differ cross-culturally (Miller, Akiyama, & Kapadia, 2017). Therefore, it
is important to understand the cultural contexts within which parenting occurs. This
chapter focuses on the unique Indian cultural landscape and addresses the impor-
tance of the family setting during emerging adulthood and the influence of gender
and communication within the family setting. The specific focus is on the role of
parents in career decisions of college seniors.

Theoretical Overview

Theorists on parenting introduced frameworks emphasizing the bond between the

primary caregiver and the child. Freud spoke about attachment as a bond created
when the parent fulfills a child’s physical and physiological needs – e.g., providing
shelter, clothing, and food (Bretherton, 1992). Harlow’s studies (Harlow, Dodsworth,
& Harlow, 1965) observing baby monkeys’ reaction to a “cloth” mother versus their
real mother during times of stress suggested that attachment to a parental figure is
not merely based on the fulfillment of physical needs, but rather has an important

A. J. Alexander (*)
Department of Psychology, Clark University, Worcester, MA, USA
e-mail: acalexander@clarku.edu
V. Chauhan
New School University, The New School for Social Research, New School,
New York, NY, USA

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 217

B. K. Ashdown, A. N. Faherty (eds.), Parents and Caregivers Across Cultures,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-35590-6_15
218 A. J. Alexander and V. Chauhan

emotional component in terms of whom the child sees as providing security and
comfort (Ainsworth, 1979). Bowlby (1977) and Ainsworth (1979) built upon this
framework by describing the secure, anxious-avoidant, anxious-resistant, and disor-
ganized attachment styles that a child can develop as a result of how emotionally
responsive their primary caregivers are to their emotional needs. According to
Bowlby and Ainsworth, these styles impact the confidence with which a child inter-
acts with their environment and new situations.
Erikson (1959) emphasized the impact of culture, context, and society on devel-
opmental stages throughout the lifespan. His eight stages of psychosocial develop-
ment elaborated on the confidence (or lack of it) that individuals develop as a result
of whether their parents equip children to deal with challenges pertinent to each
developmental stage, so the children can move on to the next stage. Baumrind’s
(1971) influential parenting framework goes beyond identifying specific develop-
mental stages by identifying coherent patterns of child-rearing behaviors associated
with positive outcomes. Baumrind’s three styles of parenting (authoritative, permis-
sive, and authoritarian) are each distinct approaches to disciplinary practice based
on degree of parental warmth/responsiveness, as well as degree of clear guidelines/
rules for behavior. An authoritative parenting style involves a balance of clear rules/
discipline with emotional warmth. A permissive style of parenting is characterized
by laxity and involves little punishment or enforcement of rules. Authoritarian par-
enting is characterized by high demands placed on children combined with a lack of
responsiveness and is seen as having the harshest discipline tactics of the three
parenting styles without the emphasis on explanation of the punishment seen in
authoritative parenting. A fourth “disorganized” style was added later for inconsis-
tent behaviors not captured by the other three styles (Baumrind, 1991).
Authoritative parenting has been lauded as the optimal parenting style among
many North American researchers (e.g., Maccoby & Martin, 1983) with positive
relationships to self-esteem (Milevsky, Schlechter, Netter, & Keehn, 2007), secure
attachment (Karavasilis, Doyle, & Markiewicz, 2003), and academic achievement
(Steinberg, Lamborn, Dornbusch, & Darling, 1992). However, research conducted
outside of Western contexts suggests that authoritative parenting practices may
potentially interfere with highly valued, culturally relevant socialization goals, such
as filial piety, which may not be prioritized among Americans, but are in the Indian
and Chinese contexts (Kiang, Yip, Gonzales-Backen, Witkow, & Fuligni, 2006;
Miller, 2017). This has been observed in interviews with Chinese and Indian moth-
ers (of 4- and 5-year-olds) regarding their parenting practices and socialization
goals (Rao, McHale, & Pearson, 2003). These mothers saw authoritative parenting
as inhibiting the adoption of filial piety behavior. In their cultures, respect to author-
ity figures, such as mothers, is an important socialization goal to teach. As a result,
these mothers preferred authoritarian parenting as more conducive to transmitting
cultural beliefs to their children.
Parents and Emerging Adults in India 219

Parenting in India

Regarded as a relatively collectivistic society, the Indian culture emphasizes consid-

eration for relationships, especially those involving family, and maintaining har-
mony within those relationships, rather than individual uniqueness or distinction
from relationships (Markus & Kitayama, 1991; Triandis, 2001). Roland (1988) pro-
posed the concept of familial self for Indians, which captures the deeply group-­
oriented nature and special leanings toward families. Similarly, Mascolo, Mishra,
and Rapisardi (2004) described the Indian self as encompassing both personal
desires and those of family members such that they come together in a hybrid, as
opposed to being distinct as in more individualized societies. Indian spirituality can
help explain the importance placed on familiar relationships. Hinduism is the pre-
dominant religion in India and its principles have been influential in Indian cultural
and historical contexts. The notion of dharma – fulfilling one’s obligations, espe-
cially role-related ones – is reflected in daily life (Saraswathi, 1999).
Closely related to role obligations is the awareness of one’s caste or class, and the
need to carry out the duties related to one’s social status in life. Even though the
legal implications of caste/class have diminished through the decades, its social
impact still features strongly in the Indian social context (Kapadia, 2008; Saraswathi,
1999). Marriages, for example, are still preferred between individuals of the same
caste (Kapadia, 2008; Saraswathi, 1999). Educational opportunities historically
denied to lower castes have been made available to lower castes through the passage
of policies similar to affirmative action. However, these opportunities have still met
with resistance from higher castes (Verma & Saraswathi, 2002). Violence among
groups of different castes is occasionally reported (Saraswathi, 1999). The social
realities of caste, therefore, provide an additional context of the factors affecting
parenting in India.
In India, family is a key social institution that exerts a definitive influence on the
lives of all its members (Tuli, 2012). There is evidence that sensitivity to family’s
needs in India is seen in moral terms of obligation to family and appears early in
development. Research conducted with Indian children and adolescents on respon-
siveness to helping in different situations reflects the ways in which Indian cultural
values influence development and parenting (Goyal, Wice, Aladro, Kallberg-Schroff
& Miller, 2017; Kapadia, 2008; Miller & Bersoff, 1992; Miller et al., 2017). In
responding to hypothetical situations to help friends, family, or strangers, Indians
were more likely to view helping family in terms of obligation than were Americans
(Miller & Bersoff, 1990; Miller et al., 2017). In a study by Goyal et al. (2017),
American and Indian second and fifth graders read a story depicting a situation in
which a child helps a younger sibling by giving him/her a teddy bear for comfort
either spontaneously or after being asked by a parent. Results revealed that both
Indian age groups attributed great desire to help the protagonist regardless of
whether it was expected or not. In contrast, the American fifth graders viewed the
protagonist as having a desire to help when he/she acted spontaneously only.
Kapadia’s research (2008) studying parent-adolescent conflict in Indian adolescents
220 A. J. Alexander and V. Chauhan

also revealed that Indians living in India attributed more legitimacy to parental point
of view than Indian adolescents born to immigrants in the United States.
In summary, the values imparted to the developing child to achieve successful
outcomes in an Indian cultural context emphasize sensitivity to familial relation-
ships. Research suggests that Indian children and adolescents are raised keeping in
mind their eventual adult roles based on gender (Saraswathi, 1999). Where conflicts
between parents and adolescents/emerging adults might exist, research suggests
that communication between both parties is emphasized as a conflict resolution
strategy (Kapadia, 2008). Gendered socialization and emphasis on communication
during conflict resolution are two areas where these uniquely Indian patterns are
visible during adolescence and emerging adulthood. These are elaborated on in the
next sections.
Gender In the Indian culture, gender tends to influence parents’ expectations for
their sons or daughters as also reflected in parenting styles. Girls tend to be social-
ized for their eventual roles as mothers and wives, while boys tend to be socialized
for their roles as caretakers of their parents and providers to their families (Saraswathi,
1999). Women tend to be seen as holders of morality, wherein expectations are
placed on them to adhere to moral norms which are then expected to be passed on to
their own children in their roles as mothers (Verma & Saraswathi, 2002). Women are
also expected to leave their own families and move into/care for their husbands’ par-
ents (Saraswathi, 1999; Verma & Saraswathi, 2002). As such, the need for a woman
to be virtuous becomes important, especially to be seen as a suitable partner in mar-
riage. With the same gendered focus applied to boys, they are socialized to be pro-
viders and protectors of families; thus, their educational and career objectives tend
to be emphasized more than for girls (Saraswathi, 1999). These gender differences
have implications for the degree of freedom in choices experienced by boys versus
girls. For example, families are more likely to spend more on education for sons and
more likely to emphasize qualities expressing suitability for wives and mothers in
daughters (Saraswathi, 1999). Dating is also discouraged with more restriction on
girls than boys (Kapadia, 2008; Saraswathi, 1999).
While these cultural expectations based on gender and tradition are prominent,
globalization (exposure to and interaction with Westernized economies as well as
Westernized psychological values of independence) has created challenges where
traditional values have met modern values (Arnett, 2007), especially for the urban
population in India. Increasingly, Indian women and men have delayed age of first
marriage, spend more time preparing for careers, and challenge the notion of
mother/wife and father/husband roles as the only sources of identity (Kapadia,
2008; Saraswathi, 1999).
The intermixing of modern norms with traditional ones creates a need to figure
out how to navigate decision-making in key areas of life (e.g., career and love) given
the expectations to be sensitive to familial influence. An example of this is illus-
trated in Kapadia’s (2008) interviews on parental regulation of activities with Indian
adolescents living in India and those living in the United States. The I­ ndian-­American
adolescents were more likely to associate dissatisfaction with parental regulation,
Parents and Emerging Adults in India 221

while the adolescents in India were more likely to associate legitimacy with parental
regulation.
Communication Empirical research based on the Indian culture indicates that
even though the emphasis on familial needs is prominent, individuals navigate their
personal desires by negotiating and engaging in discussion with parents. For exam-
ple, Raval (2009) found that daughters-in-law living in India and immigrant
daughters-­in-law living in Canada actively negotiated their role and communicated
about their personal needs with their family members. In assessing adolescent con-
flict with their families, Kapadia (2008) found that Indian teenagers preferred to
communicate their desires instead of passively submitting to their parents’ wishes.
Similarly, Chauhan, Miller, and Kapadia (in preparation) found that Indian emerg-
ing adults, as compared to American emerging adults, were more likely to endorse
communication in situations where there was a conflict between personal choice
and parental expectations.
As indicated in the parental involvement literature on emerging adults (e.g.,
Lowe & Dotterer, 2017), it is possible that parents socialize their children in context-­
specific ways. Specific to the Indian context, literature suggests that parenting styles
emphasized gendered values and communication during conflict resolution
(Kapadia, 2008; Raval, 2009; Saraswathi, 1999; Verma & Saraswathi, 2002). This
chapter presents a study exploring how parents are involved in the career choices of
college seniors living in India. Choosing a long-term, stable career is an important
developmental task of emerging adulthood (Arnett, 2015). Given the evidence that
Indian parenting styles reflect important Indian values (e.g., gender roles, commu-
nication, respect of elders), it is of value to study how parental involvement features
in the decision-making related to career for college seniors.

Emerging Adults in India

The experience of emerging adulthood is heavily influenced by the role of parents in

a particular context. The traditional Indian culture is largely represented by inter-
generational family structures, which encourage interdependence of family mem-
bers and respect for elders (Rastogi, 2007). In recent times, the effects of globalization
have influenced these intergenerational family structures such that the adoption of
egalitarian beliefs have redefined family relationships. Moving out of parental
homes and establishing nuclear family structures have become common (Rastogi,
2007). Increasingly, parents have adopted a progressive attitude by encouraging the
wishes and desires of their children through provision of freedom and opportunities
to explore numerous career possibilities (Bansal, 2013). Despite the effects of glo-
balization on parents and children, central Indian values continue to represent a
strong family orientation – family respect and pressure, expectations for high
achievement, and success (Methikalam, Wang, Slaney, & Yeung, 2015). By
­implication, in the career domain, obtaining a job that enhances family status and
222 A. J. Alexander and V. Chauhan

supports aging parents is likely to be highly valued. Therefore, parents of emerging

adults are likely to continue socializing their children to fulfill the family dream of
a career that was previously unattainable or unsuccessfully pursued in previous
generations.
Parents view higher education as necessary for both sons and daughters to
improve their prospects of finding well-qualified and educated spouses, gaining
economic independence from and financially supporting their family of origin
(Almeida, 1996; Bansal, 2013; Inman, Ladany, Constantine, & Morano, 2001).
Moreover, these educational perspectives of parents are likely to include a gendered
component. Parents stress cultural norms and gendered values while raising their
children, especially for sons to pursue a career that will help financially provide for
elderly parents and family in the future and for daughters to learn household and
other domestic responsibilities which will be their roles to fulfill when they are
older (Saraswathi, 1999). These traditional gendered values that demarcate the roles
of sons and daughters are likely to create conflict with the individual’s career aspira-
tions and interests (Bansal, 2013).
As they navigate their career and relationship decisions, Indian emerging adults
have to balance and maintain the extent of influence of their familial and friendship-­
based identities with their own personal views and desires. The “coexistence of
contradictions” (Bansal, 2013) – defined as the simultaneous possibility of indepen-
dent decision-making in an interdependent family context – defines the twenty-first-­
century Indian emerging adult. In the career domain, Bansal (2013) suggests that
young Indians are likely to incorporate their family aspirations into their individual
biographies to create a family-approved yet individualized career pathway.
Achieving the balance between the aspirations of self and significant others in
career-making may be potentially conflictual or cordial depending on the type of
career pursued, family values and background, and social class.

The Macro-context in Career

India is experiencing a “youth bulge,” with two-thirds of the population under the
age of 35 years and almost half under 25 years (The New York Times, NYT, 2014).
Among the working age group of 15–64 years, it is predicted that 64% in this group
(Mage = 29 years) will be contributing to 34% of India’s economic growth by 2020
(Bansal, 2013; Dhar, 2012). Utilizing this demographic advantage is important for
accelerating India’s economic growth, as well as potentially creating the world’s
largest and youngest labor and consumer market (NYT, 2014).
From a psychological perspective, emerging adults can optimally engage in
extended career exploration and decision-making of meaningful career choices within
a supportive macro-social and political environment (e.g., Dietrich & Kracke, 2009).
In recognition of its unique economic position and the necessity to support the career
Parents and Emerging Adults in India 223

prospects of its emerging adults, India has initiated several career-based activities and
programs for skilling and re-skilling young people. Recent government initiatives
have focused particularly on the 28% of India’s population between the ages of 15
and 29 years who represent the future workforce (International Labor Organization,
ILO, 2016; NYP, 2014). To meet the changing needs of the current economy, the
National Youth Policy (2014) highlights the necessity for an expanded, versatile, and
quality tertiary education to equip and train young people for improving labor pro-
ductivity and boosting economic progress. Proposals to develop human capital
through development of advanced tertiary institutions have also been outlined in the
National Policy on Skill Development and Entrepreneurship (NPSDE, 2015). Such
concerted and timely efforts to develop the future workforce – mostly emerging
adults – are expected to catapult India’s position in the world market alongside other
developed nations in the next 10–15 years (EY & FICCI, 2013).
While the above efforts are much needed initiatives, the results thus far have
highlighted some challenges. An encouraging number of emerging adults are pursu-
ing a college education, yet they face hardships in securing meaningful work after
graduation. Educated youth unemployment in urban areas has significantly contrib-
uted to discontentment and frustration among the young. In 2011–2012, the youth
unemployment rate among 15- to 29-year-old urban women was 13% (5% among
rural women) and 10% among urban men (6.8% among rural men, ILO, 2016).
Some reasons for this type of unemployment include low employment opportunities
and poor educational training at the bachelor’s and master’s college degree level
(Labour Bureau, 2016; MoSDE, 2015).
For instance, around 400,000 engineering students graduate every year in India,
of which only 20% are adequately skilled to be employed (EY & FICCI, 2013). This
report goes on to predict that the Indian workforce will face a shortage of 13 million
adequately skilled workers by 2020. In the midst of this skill development chal-
lenge, college-going emerging adults in India face a daunting task of aligning their
aspirations and interests toward developing a career path that would optimize their
potential, maximize the fulfillment of their needs, and provide on-the-job skilling
and re-skilling. Treading such an unpredictable path of career exploration and
engagement can be overwhelming for graduating college students. During such
tumultuous times, Indian emerging adults are likely to look to their parents for secu-
rity and stability.

Present Study

By emerging adulthood, young people are increasingly establishing their inde­

pendence and acquiring self-responsibility as they create their unique pathways in
love, work, and worldviews (Arnett, 2000, 2015). Increasing independence and
responsibility would accordingly result in an increasing sense of independence –
224 A. J. Alexander and V. Chauhan

financial or emotional – from parents (Arnett, 2015). These Eurocentric ideas of

independence and autonomy were found to be partially present in a sample of Indian
college seniors in the present study.
The present research was based on college seniors of middle-class background in
India. For the purpose of constructing a culturally situated, career-related parental
involvement scale, the first author conducted a pilot qualitative study to understand
the Indian experience of college seniors (n = 10) on their career planning and
decision-­making (i.e., career engagement), and the extent/type of career-based
parental involvement. Thematic analysis was applied to interview transcripts for
establishing the central themes in career-based parental involvement (Braun &
Clarke, 2006). From the perspective of college seniors, two central parenting prac-
tices were observed in their children’s career aspects:
1. Bidirectional respect and understanding. Parent-emerging adult communication
was characterized by college seniors in terms of both parties expressing to and
considering the career wishes of the other. Parents indicated their career aspira-
tions for their children. Similarly, college seniors sought and valued the career
advice rendered by their parents. The mutual understanding between parents and
emerging adult children was intended to maximize the college senior’s potential
to achieve career success, thereby enhancing the financial capability to support
his/her family of origin (parents and siblings). Such a mutuality in parent-child
communication about the college senior’s career decision-making and planning
aligned with previous study findings based on Indian women (Raval, 2009),
teenagers (Kapadia, 2008), and emerging adults (Chauhan et al., in
preparation).
2. Gendering in parental support. College seniors described their parents as pro-
viders of emotional and financial support who simultaneously socialized specific
gender-based cultural norms in their sons and daughters. Female participants
described how their parents encouraged daughters to pursue higher education for
a career that gave freedom to support their husband and his family, care for their
children, and run the household smoothly. These participants attributed their par-
ents’ behavior largely to social pressure – neighborhood, extended family – that
prescribed protection of the female and her body in preparation for marriage.
Similar to what has been established in previous literature (Bansal, 2013;
Saraswathi, 1999), the consequences of parents’ gendering practices were differ-
ent for sons and daughters in the career domain. In our study, the male child was
socialized to pursue careers that promoted their ability to financially support
their family of origin and procreation, while the female child was socialized to
take up careers that allowed her to perform her domestic responsibilities such as
caring for in-laws, husband, and child(ren).
In the following subsections, the aforementioned parental behaviors are described
in further detail with illustrative quotes.
Parents and Emerging Adults in India 225

Bidirectional Respect and Understanding

Participants indicated that they valued their parents’ wishes and opinions. In turn,
parents were largely described as approving of their child’s career aspirations. A
mutual understanding of career aspirations and opinions characterized parenting
practices in the career domain for college seniors. For instance, a 20-year-old male
characterized his relationship with parents as based on respect. He mentioned that
he agreed with his parents every time his opinion on family matters were sought.
His parents were, in turn, always encouraging of his career wishes. The participant
provided an example to illustrate how his parents have supported his educational
and career decisions,
[Dad] wanted me to be a physician. I said, “I want to do psychology.” “Ok, you’ll do psy-
chology.” If I take some position, I will go to him, and he will take, uh, he will do the next
step. He won’t ask how dare I and he won’t give suggestions. Like, he won’t ask first, he’ll
say, “Let’s take the next step…

He further described how his father has been supportive of the participant’s cur-
rent internship search after finishing undergraduate studies,
My dad took me to the interview. He was waiting there the whole time. Then he asked me
what happened. I told him that this, uh, he didn’t, they didn’t, uh, I didn’t, he told me “Ok
well, we’ll find some other place. Come with me. We’ll go see some… guy.” Then, uh, my
dad took me to see some… uh paramedic, some guy. Then, uh, my dad asked him whether
he knew any other guys [who can help me out]. Then this guy said, uh, “I’ll look, and let
you know.” Then my dad is like, “Don’t worry.” So, they were supporting those things.

Further, a 20-year-old female participant described herself as being at a career

“crossroad” where she was exploring multiple future possibilities, including short-­
term employment and completing applications for higher education. She stated that
her perceived career indecisiveness was responsible for causing her parents to be
more involved than necessary. But she said she has communicated her frustrations
about her parents’ behavior and they have responded by becoming less demanding.
She says,
My mom wants me to get a job, and then my dad wants me to go for an MA in economics.
So, it’s kind of contradictory. So, the thing is, right now I’m not telling them that I’m apply-
ing to jobs, because I don’t want to like get their hopes up or anything. So now, according
to them, the only option is a Master’s [degree].. My dad just keeps asking me to check up
with different universities, apply to different universities, get familiar with different courses
and things, so that’s how they generally help out.

Both male and female participants indicated that their parents provided unequiv-
ocal support for their career aspirations. Some participants who were not clear about
their next career steps were incessantly advised by their parents on how they should
plan for their future; some others who had clarity on their career plans were given
full support by parents. A 21-year-old male participant mentioned how his parents
provided their support,
About my studies and what I am going to do, I tell them everything [that] I want to do for
them and what they want to do for me but not personal things, like what I talk to my
226 A. J. Alexander and V. Chauhan

friend…. They said I can join any engineering college I want but I should do mechanical
engineering only. But after I finished my degree now, Marketing was my idea. Now they
say,” okay, this is your life. If this is what you want, do it.” They know I am good with
people and so they say go and study this. They also said they will take a loan to send me
foreign to do [a] Master’s [degree]. I want their advice because they are very experienced.
My father is an HR manager and so he knows how the mind of a student works and the
working experience. I take their advice and also share my opinion. They will do whatever I
want and I can come back home anytime. I [want to] earn money for my parents.

Indian parents of college seniors were viewed as agents of support, encourage-

ment, and autonomy in career decisions. The majority of parents were not limiting
their children to pursue their career aspirations and inclinations. Rather, parents
remained engaged to the extent that should the child face obstacles or other
unplanned circumstances in their career making, parents would provide the neces-
sary (in many cases, continued) help – emotional and/or financial. In predomi-
nantly collectivistic cultures such as India, parents desire that their children attain a
successful career so that the young can care for their aging parents. Thus, parents
are likely to encourage their emerging adult children to decide a career path that
would enhance their financial and emotional capacities for family care.

Gendering in Parental Support

Participants acknowledged numerous instances of parents’ strong support for their

child’s career plans. However, some participants also experienced gender-based dif-
ferences in their parents’ provision of support. Few female participants described
that they received parental support only in instances where they pursued a career
interest that did not obstruct the fulfillment of domestic responsibilities after mar-
riage. Parents were particular that their daughters did not consider career pathways
that encouraged children to stay away from family or taint their character. A 19-year-­
old female participant described her experience as follows:
I’m from a very orthodox family who thinks that girls can go to work but in a very con-
strained environment which will be very safe for women. I got selected at a national govern-
ment institution [for Media studies] but still they didn't think it would [be] good for me.
They thought that having a girl working in the media industry will find it very difficult to
get married to a guy from a good family or people can talk four or five wrong stuff about
the girl that she’s in the media. Such things get into my parents’ mind. When I told them
that I got selected into such [a] college for doing Literature, they gave me an option - you
can do whatever you want. When I thought about it, I thought that my career [is] important
for me. So when I told my parents I’m very sure that I want Literature, [they said] they
would let me go and do jobs. I wanted to work. Even after I get married, I want to work.
[So] I took literature.

Another 19-year-old female participant subtlety explained the social reasons for
parents’ restricting behavior in the types of careers pursued by daughters. She men-
tioned how her parents treated her differently from her brother. For example, her
brother was allowed to spend time with friends with less questions asked, while the
Parents and Emerging Adults in India 227

participant was allowed to go out with selected friends for a limited number of
hours. She further described the social pressure faced by parents to protect and teach
their daughters to be dutiful to their family and vigilant about their bodies. She
illustrated this by expressing her uneasiness and disagreement in the way the mem-
bers of her neighborhood viewed her:
I really hate them, idiotic people, In my neighborhood, there is a gunda (fat) aunty named
[NAME]. Her work is at morning at 7 o’clock, she will round up in our colony, visit every
home, talk to them, and return to her home at 12. She will return and visit every house and
then have tea break at 5 o’clock. When I am returning at 5, I saw her. She looked me top to
bottom, she scanned me like anything. I don’t know the reason why she is scanning me.
When I reached home, I told ‘Mom, she is doing overly. She is looking at me like anything.
I hate it’ She says ‘Yeah [NAME]. As you are getting older, she is checking you, whether
someone is dropping you or someone is walking with you, she checks you.’ How idiotic,
how can she do that? My right-side neighbor is an old man, 50–60 years. His only work is
come and stand on the road, from morning to evening. Watch the people and neighbors
passing by. He will watch me for 4–5 minutes when I enter my home and yesterday I ques-
tioned him, ‘What is the problem with you, Uncle? Why are you always looking at me?’ He
said, ‘No kanna (darling) I was just looking at you.’ ‘What is the reason to look at me’? I
asked, ‘Does your wife know this?’ He said, ‘No, no.’ Then I said, ‘Go inside’, and I just
scolded him and he went inside.

In summary, parents were described as providing unwavering career support to

their sons and daughters, but also emphasizing particular careers depending on the
gender of the child. A product of the social and cultural milieu, this gendering is
reflected in the socialization of males and females in their career planning and
decision-­making. As a result, males are expected to take up careers that promote
their ability to financially provide for their family and females are expected to pur-
sue careers that will not sabotage their prospects of finding a groom or affect carrry-
ing out their household responsibilities.

Conclusion

This chapter presented the Indian cultural milieu and its influence on parenting and
its outcomes, especially for college-going emerging adults. Traditional Indian atti-
tudes have intermingled with the realities of living in a globalized world, and this
has resulted in parents adjusting their parenting styles to allow for more freedom in
their emerging adult children’s career decision-making. In the present study, the
majority of participants (college seniors) described their parents as communicative
and supportive of their emerging adult children’s career wishes. It is likely that par-
ents desire their children to develop the capabilities associated with providing emo-
tional and financial assistance to their family of origin and procreation. At the same
time, distinctive Indian patterns were observed. For example, female participants
reported their parents and the larger society as placing restrictions on daughters to
pursue certain types of career that ensure the safety of the female child. Researchers
interested in parenting as it relates to Indian emerging adults might study the
228 A. J. Alexander and V. Chauhan

­echanisms (besides communication) that help in conflict resolution in

m
career decision-­making, or how emerging adults strive to lessen differences in gen-
dered expectations.

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Achu Johnson Alexander is a doctoral candidate in developmental psychology at Clark

University, Worcester, MA. Her research interests include understanding the experiences of ethnic
minority emerging adults, particularly their identity development, career engagement, and rela-
tionship with parents. She has conducted research with emerging adults living in both Western and
non-Western contexts. You can contact her at acalexander@clarku.edu.

Vandana Chauhan has a doctorate in developmental psychology from The New School for
Social Research, New York, NY. Her dissertation explored cultural differences in the perceptions
of parental expectations between American and Indian emerging adults. Her research interests
include decision-making in emerging adulthood, conceptions of agency and motivation, cultural
differences in romantic relationships, and cultural differences in social support systems. She may
be contacted at chauv638@newschool.edu.