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PASSAGE № 1: Coastal Archaeology of Britain

A The recognition of the wealth and diversity of England's coastal archaeology
has been one of the most important developments of recent years. Some
elements of this enormous resource have long been known. The so-called
'submerged forests' off the coasts of England, sometimes with clear evidence of
human activity, had attracted the interest of antiquarians since at least the
eighteenth century but serious and systematic attention has been given to the
archaeological potential of the coast only since the early 1980s.
B It is possible to trace a variety of causes for this concentration of effort and
interest In the 1980s and 1990s scientific research into climate change and its
environmental impact spilled over into a much broader public debate as
awareness of these issues grew; the prospect of rising sea levels over the next
century, and their impact on current coastal environments, has been a particular
focus for concern. At the same time archaeologists were beginning to recognize
that the destruction caused by natural processes of coastal erosion and by human
activity was having an increasing impact on the archaeological resource of the
coast.
C The dominant process affecting the physical form of England in the post- glacial
periodhas been the rise in the altitude of sea level relative to the land, as the
glaciers melted and the landmass readjusted. The encroachment of the sea, the
loss of huge areas of land now under the North Sea and the English Channel, and
especially the loss of the land bridge between England and France, which finally
made Britain an island, must have been immensely significant factors in the lives of
our prehistoric ancestors. Yet the way in which prehistoric communities adjusted
to these environmental changes has seldom been a major theme in discussions of
the period. One factor contributing to this has been that, although the rise in
relative sea level is comparatively well documented, we know little about the
constant reconfiguration of the coastline. This was affected by many
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processes, mostly quiet, which have not yet been adequately researched. The
detailed reconstruction of coastline histories and the changing environments
available for human use will be an important theme for future research.
D So great has been the rise in sea level and the consequent regression of the
coast thatmuch of the archaeological evidence now exposed in the coastal
zone, whether being eroded or exposed as a buried land surface, is derived
from what was originally terrestrial occupation. Its current location in the coastal
zone is the product of later unrelated processes, and it can tell us little about
past adaptations to the sea. Estimates of its significance will need to be made
in the context of other related evidence from dry land sites. Nevertheless, its
physical environment means that preservation is often excellent, for example
in the case of the Neolithic structure excavated at the Stumble in Essex.
E In some cases these buried land surfaces do contain evidence for human
exploitation of what was a coastal environment, and elsewhere along the
modem coast there is similarevidence. Where the evidence does relate to past
human exploitation of the resources and the opportunities offered by the sea
and the coast, it is both diverse and as yet little understood. We are not yet in
a position to make even preliminary estimates of answersto such fundamental
questions as the extent to which the sea and the coast affected human life in
the past, what percentage of the population at any time lived within reach of
the sea, or whether human settlements in coastal environments showed a
distinct character from those inland.
F The most striking evidence for use of the sea is in the form of boats, yet we still
have much to learn about their production and use. Most of the known wrecks
around our coastare not unexpectedly of post-medieval date, and offer an
unparalleled opportunity for research which has as yet been little used. The
prehistoric sewn-plank boats such as those from the Humber estuary and Dover
all seem to belong to the second millennium BC; after this there is a gap in the

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record of a millennium, which cannot yet be explained,before boats reappear,

but built using a very different technology. Boatbuilding must have been an
extremely important activity around much of our coast, yet we know almost
nothing about it, Boats were some of the most complex artefacts produced by
pre-modem societies, and further research on their production and use make
an important contribution to our understanding of past attitudes to
technology and technologicalchange.
G Boats needed landing places, yet here again our knowledge is very patchy
In many cases the natural shores and beaches would have sufficed, leaving
little or no archaeological trace, but especially in later periods, many ports and
harbors, as welJ assmaller facili- ties such as quays, wharves, and jetties, were
built. Despite a growth of interest in the waterfront archaeology of some of our
more important Roman and medievaltowns, very little attention has been paid
to the multitude of smaller landing places. Redevelopment of harbor sites and
other development and natural pressures along the coast are subject- ing
these important locations to unprecedented threats, yet few surveys of such
sites have been undertaken.
H One of the most important revelations of recent research has been the
extent ofindustrial activity along the coast. Fishing and salt production are
among the better documented activities, but even here our knowledge is
patchy Many forms of fishing will eave little archaeological trace, and one of
the surprises of recent survey has been the extent of past investment in facilities
for procuring fish and shellfish. Elaborate wooden fish weirs, often of
considerable extent and responsive to aerial photography in shallow water,
have been identified in areas such as Essex and the Severn estuary. The
production of salt, especially in the late Iron Age and early Roman periods, has
been recognized for some time, especially in the Thames estuary and around
the Solent and Poole Harbor, but the reasons for the decline of that industry

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and the nature of later coastal salt working are much less well understood.
Other industries were also located along the coast, either because the raw
materials outcropped there or for ease of working and transport: mineral
resources such as sand, gravel, stone, coal, ironstone, and alum were all
exploited. These industries are poorly documented, but their mains are
sometimes extensive and striking.

I Some appreciation of the variety and importance of the archaeological

remains preserved in the coastal zone, albeit only in preliminary form, can
thus be gained from recent work, but the complexity of the problem of
managing that resource is also being realised. The problem arises not only from
the scale and variety of the archaeological remains, but also from two other
sources: the very varied natural and human threats to the resource, and the
complex web of organisations with authority over, or interests in, the coastal
zone. Human threats include the redevelopment of historic towns and old
dockland areas, and the increased importance of the coast for the leisure and
tourism industries, resulting in pressure for the increased provision of facilities
such as marinas. The larger size of ferries has also caused an increase in the
damage caused by their wash to fragile deposits in the intertidal zone. The
most significant natural threat is the predicted rise in sea level over the next
century especially in the south and east of England. Its impact on archaeology
is not easy to predict, and though it is likely to be highly localised, it will be at a
scale much larger than that of most archaeological sites. Thus protecting one
site may simply result in transposing the threat to a point further along the
coast. The management of the archaeological remains will have to be
considered in a much longer time scale and a much wider geographical scale
than is common in the case of dry land sites, and this will pose a serious
challenge forarchaeologists.

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PASSAGE № 2: Activities for Children

A Twenty-five years ago, children in London walked to school and played in
parks andplaying fields after school and at the weekend. Today they are
usually driven to school by parents anxious about safety and spend hours glued
to television screens or computergames. Meanwhile, community playing fields
are being sold off to property developers atan alarming rate. 'This change in
lifestyle has, sadly, meant greater restrictions on children,' says Neil Armstrong,
Professor of Health and Exercise Sciences at the University of Exeter. 'If children
continue to be this inactive, they'll be storing up big problems for the future.'
B In 1985, Professor Armstrong headed a five-year research project into
children's fitness. The results, published in 1990, were alarming. The survey,
which monitored 70011-16-year-olds, found that 48 per cent of girls and 41 per
cent of boys already exceededsafe cholesterol levels set for children by the
American Heart Foundation. Armstrong adds, "heart is a muscle and need
exercise, or it loses its strength.” It also found that 13 per cent of boys and 10
per cent of girls were overweight. More disturbingly, the survey found that over
a four-day period, half the girls and one-third of the boys did less exercise than
the equivalent of a brisk 10-minute walk. High levels of cholesterol, excess body
fatand inactivity are believed to increase the risk of coronary heart disease.
C Physical education is under pressure in the UK – most schools devote little
more than100 minutes a week to it in curriculum time, which is less than many
other European countries. Three European countries are giving children a head
start in PE, France, Austria and Switzerland - offer at least two hours in primary
and secondary schools. These findings, from the European Union of Physical
Education Associations, prompted specialists in children's physiology to call on
European governments to give youngsters a daily PE programme. The survey
shows that the UK ranks 13th out of the 25 countries, with Ireland bottom,
averaging under an hour a week for PE. From age six to 18，British children

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received, on average, 106 minutes of PE a week. Professor Armstrong, who

presented the findings at the meeting, noted that since the introduction of the
national curriculum there had been a marked fall in the time devoted to PE in
UK schools, with only a minority of pupils getting two hours a week.
D As a former junior football international, Professor Armstrong is a passionate
advocate for sport. Although the Government has poured millions into
beefing up sport in the community, there is less commitment to it as part of
the crammed school curriculum. Thismeans that many children never acquire
the necessary skills to thrive in team games. If they are no good at them, they
lose interest and establish an inactive pattern of behaviour.When this is coupled
with a poor diet, it will lead inevitably to weight gain. Seventy per cent of British
children give up all sport when they leave school, compared with only 20 per
cent of French teenagers. Professor Armstrong believes that there is far too
great anemphasis on team games at school. "We need to look at the time
devoted to PE and balance it between individual and pair activities, such as
aerobics and badminton, as wellas team sports. "He added that children need
to have the opportunity to take part in a wide variety of individual, partner and
team sports.
E The good news, however, is that a few small companies and children's
activity groups have reacted positively and creatively to the problem. Take
That, shouts Gloria Thomas,striking a disco pose astride her mini-spacehopper.
Take That, echo a flock of toddlers, adopting outrageous postures astride their
space hoppers. 'Michael Jackson, she shouts, and they all do a spoof fan-
crazed shriek. During the wild and chaotic hopper race acrossthe studio floor,
commands like this are issued and responded to with untrammelled glee.The
sight of 15 bouncing seven-year-olds who seem about to launch into orbit at
every bounce brings tears to the eyes. Uncoordinated, loud, excited and
emotional, children provide raw comedy.

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F Any cardiovascular exercise is a good option, and it doesn't necessarily have

to be high intensity. It can be anything that gets your heart rate up: such as
walking the dog, swimming, miming, skipping, hiking. "Even walking through
the grocery store can be exercise," Samis-Smith said. What they don't know is
that they're at a Fit Kids class, andthat the fun is a disguise for the serious exercise
plan they're covertly being taken through.Fit Kids trains parents to run fitness
classes for children. 'Ninety per cent of children don't like team sports,' says
company director, Gillian Gale.
G A prevention survey found that children whose parents keep in shape are
much more likely to have healthy body weights themselves. "There's nothing
worse than telling a childwhat he needs to do and not doing it yourself," says
Elizabeth Ward, R.D., a Boston nutritional consultant and author of Healthy
Foods, Healthy Kids . "Set a good example and get your nutritional house in
order first." In the 1930s and '40s, kids expended 800 calories a day just walking,
carrying water, and doing other chores, notes Fima Lifshitz, M.D., a pediatric
endocrinologist in Santa Barbara. "Now, kids in obese families are expending
only 200 calories a day in physical activity," says Lifshitz, "incorporate more
movement in your family's lifepark farther away from the stores at the mall, take
stairs instead of the elevator, and walk to nearby friends' houses instead of
driving."

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PASSAGE № 3: Mechanisms of Linguistic Change

A The changes that have caused the most disagreement are those in
pronunciation. We have various sources of evidence for the pronunciations of
earlier times, such as the spellings, the treatment of words borrowed from other
languages or borrowed by them, the descriptions of contemporary
grammarians and spelling-reformers, and the modern pronunciations in all the
languages and dialects concerned From the middle of the sixteenth century,
there are in England writers who attempt to describe the position of thespeech-
organs for the production of English phonemes, and who invent what are in
effectsystems of phonetic symbols. These various kinds of evidence, combined
with a knowledge of the mechanisms of speech-production, can often give us
a very good idea of the pronunciation of an earlier age, though absolute
certainty is never possible.

B When we study the pronunciation of a language over any period of a few

generations or more, we find there are always large-scale regularities in the
changes: for example, over a certain period of time, just about all the long [a:]
vowels in a language may change into long [e:] vowels, or all the [b]
consonants in a certain position (for example at the end of a word) may
change into [p] consonants. Such regular changes are often called soundlaws.
There are no universal sound laws (even though sound laws often reflect
universal tendencies), but simply particular sound laws for one given language
(or dialect) at one given period

C It is also possible that fashion plays a part in the process of change. It certainly
plays apart in the spread of change: one person imitates another, and people
with the most prestige are most likely to be imitated, so that a change that
takes place in one social group may be imitated (more or less accurately) by
speakers in another group. When a social group goes up or down in the world,

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its pronunciation of Russian, which had formerly been considered desirable,

became on the contrary an undesirable kind of accent to have, so that
people tried to disguise it. Some of the changes in accepted English
pronunciation in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries have been shown
to consist in the replacement of one style of pronunciation by another style
already existing,and it is likely that such substitutions were a result of the great
social changes of the period: the increased power and wealth of the middle
classes, and their steady infiltration upwards into the ranks of the landed gentry,
probably carried elements of middle-class pronunciation into upper-class
speech.

D A less specific variant of the argument is that the imitation of children is

imperfect: theycopy their parents’ speech, but never reproduce it exactly. This
is true, but it is also true that such deviations from adult speech are usually
corrected in later childhood. Perhaps it is more significant that even adults
show a certain amount of random variation in their pronunciation of a given
phoneme, even if the phonetic context is kept unchanged. This, however,
cannot explain changes in pronunciation unless it can be shown that there is
some systematic trend in the failures of imitation: if they are merely random
deviations they will cancel one another out and there will be no net change in
the language.

E One such force which is often invoked is the principle of ease, or minimization
of effort.The change from fussy to fuzzy would be an example of assimilation,
which is a very common kind of change. Assimilation is the changing of a sound
under the influence of aneighbouring one. For example, the word scant was
once skamt, but the /m/ has been changed to /n/ under the influence of the
following /t/. Greater efficiency has hereby beenachieved, because /n/ and
/t/ are articulated in the same place (with the tip of the tongue against the

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teeth-ridge), whereas /m/ is articulated elsewhere (with the two lips). So the
place of articulation of the nasal consonant has been changed to conform
with that of the following plosive. A more recent example of the same kind of
thing is the common pronunciation of football as football.

F Assimilation is not the only way in which we change our pronunciation in order
to increase efficiency. It is very common for consonants to be lost at the end
of a word: in Middle English, word-final [-n] was often lost in unstressed syllables,
so that baken ‘to bake’ changed from ['ba:kan] to ['ba:k3],and later to [ba:k].
Consonant-clusters are oftensimplified. At one time there was a [t] in words like
castle and Christmas, and an initial [k]in words like knight and know. Sometimes
a whole syllable is dropped out when two successive syllables begin with the
same consonant (haplology): a recent example is temporary, which in Britain
is often pronounced as if it were tempory.

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