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The document discusses the significance of food tourism in regional development, emphasizing its potential to attract tourists and enhance local economies through agricultural systems and supply chains. It explores the interconnections between food and tourism, showcasing various global examples and highlighting the mutual benefits for communities and producers. This comprehensive collection aims to inform future developments in food and tourism as well as regional studies across multiple disciplines.

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0% found this document useful (0 votes)
10 views92 pages

10.4324 9781315691695 Previewpdf

The document discusses the significance of food tourism in regional development, emphasizing its potential to attract tourists and enhance local economies through agricultural systems and supply chains. It explores the interconnections between food and tourism, showcasing various global examples and highlighting the mutual benefits for communities and producers. This comprehensive collection aims to inform future developments in food and tourism as well as regional studies across multiple disciplines.

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Kleber
Copyright
© © All Rights Reserved
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Food Tourism and Regional Development

Food tourism is a topic of increasing importance for many destinations. Seen as a


means to potentially attract tourists and differentiate destinations and attractions
by means of the association with particular products and cuisines, food is also
regarded as an opportunity to generate added value from tourism through local
agricultural systems and supply chains and the local food system.
From a regional development perspective, this book goes beyond culinary tour-
ism to also look at some of the ways in which the interrelationships between food
and tourism contribute to the economic, environmental and social well-being of des-
tinations, communities and producers. It examines the ways in which tourism and
food can mutually add value for each other from the fork to the plate and beyond.
Looking at products, e.g., cheese, craft beer, noodles, wine; attractions, restaurants
and events; and diverse regional examples, e.g., Champagne, Hong Kong, Jamaica,
Margaret River, southern Sweden, and Tuscany – the title highlights how cluster-
ing, networking and the cultural economy of food and tourism and foodscapes adds
value for regions. Despite the attention given to food, wine and culinary tourism,
no book has previously directly focussed on the contribution of food and tourism in
regional development. This international collection has contributors and examples
from almost every continent and provides a comprehensive account of the various
intersections between food tourism and regional development.
This timely and significant volume will inform future food and tourism devel-
opment as well as regional development more widely and will be a valuable
reading for a range of disciplines including tourism, development studies, food
and culinary studies, regional studies, geography and environmental studies.

C. Michael Hall is a Professor at the University of Canterbury, New Zealand;


Docent, University of Oulu, Finland; and Visiting Professor, Linnaeus University,
Kalmar, Sweden. Co-editor of Current Issues in Tourism, he has wide-ranging
research interests in tourism, policy, food and environmental history.

Stefan Gössling is a Professor at the Department of Service Management, Lund


University, and the School of Business and Economics, Linnaeus University,
Kalmar, Sweden, and research coordinator at the Western Norway Research
Institute’s Research Centre for Sustainable Tourism. His research interests
include tourism and climate change, tourism and development, mobility studies,
renewable energy and low-carbon tourism, as well as climate policy and carbon
trading.
Routledge Studies of Gastronomy, Food and Drink
Series Editor: C. Michael Hall, University of Canterbury, New Zealand

This ground-breaking series focusses on cutting-edge research on key topics and


contemporary issues in the area of gastronomy, food and drink to reflect the grow-
ing interest in this as academic disciplines as well as food movements as part of
economic and social development. The books in the series are interdisciplinary and
international in scope, considering not only culture and history but also contem-
porary issues facing the food industry, such as security of supply chains. By doing
so the series will appeal to researchers, academics and practitioners in the fields
of Gastronomy and Food Studies, as well as related disciplines such as tourism,
hospitality, leisure, hotel management, cultural studies, anthropology, geography
and marketing.

The Business of Champagne: A Delicate Balance


Steven Charters

Alternative Food Networks


David Goodman, E. Melanie DuPuis and Michael K. Goodman

Sustainable Culinary Systems


C. Michael Hall and Stefan Gössling

Wine and Identity


Edited by Matt Harvey, Leanne White and Warwick Frost

Social, Cultural and Economic Impacts of Wine in New Zealand


Edited by Peter J. Howland

The Consuming Geographies of Food


Hillary J. Shaw

Heritage Cuisines: Traditions, Identities and Tourism


Edited by Dallen J. Timothy

Food Tourism and Regional Development


Edited by C. Michael Hall and Stefan Gössling
Food Tourism and Regional
Development
Networks, products and trajectories

Edited by C. Michael Hall


and Stefan Gössling
First published 2016
by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
and by Routledge
711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
© 2016 editorial matter and selection, C. Michael Hall and Stefan Gössling;
individual chapters: the contributors.
The right of C. Michael Hall and Stefan Gössling to be identified as the
authors of the editorial material, and of the authors for their individual
chapters, has been asserted in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the
Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or
utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now
known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in
any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing
from the publishers.
Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or
registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation
without intent to infringe.
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data
Names: Hall, Colin Michael, 1961– editor. | Gèossling, Stefan, editor.
Title: Food tourism and regional development : networks, products and
trajectories / edited by C. Michael Hall & Stefan Gèossling.
Description: New York, NY : Routledge, 2016. | Series: Routledge studies
of gastronomy, food and drink | Includes bibliographical references and
index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2015051203| ISBN 9781138912922 (hardback) |
ISBN 9781315691695 (ebook)
Subjects: LCSH: Food tourism. | Food tourism—Economic aspects. |
Economic development.
Classification: LCC TX631 .F66 2016 | DDC 641.01/3—dc23LC record
available at http://lccn.loc.gov/2015051203

ISBN: 978-1-138-91292-2 (hbk)


ISBN: 978-1-315-69169-5 (ebk)

Typeset in Times New Roman


by Book Now Ltd, London
Contents

List of figures ix
List of tables xi
Notes on contributors xiii
Acknowledgements xv

PART I
Introduction 1
1 From food tourism and regional development to food, tourism
and regional development: themes and issues in contemporary
foodscapes 3
C. MICHAEL HALL AND STEFAN GÖSSLING

PART II
Local food systems, tourism and trajectories of
regional development 59
2 Value creation in sustainable food networks:
the role of tourism 61
JAN-HENRIK NILSSON

3 Developing regional food systems: a case study of


restaurant–customer relationships in Sweden 76
STEFAN GÖSSLING AND C. MICHAEL HALL

4 Growing tourism from the ground up: drivers of


tourism development in agricultural regions 89
MICHELLE THOMPSON AND BRUCE PRIDEAUX

5 The role of regional foods and food events in rural destination


development: the case of Bario, Sarawak 104
SAMUEL FOLORUNSO ADEYINKA-OJO AND CATHERYN KHOO-LATTIMORE
vi Contents
6 Local foods, rural networks and tourism development:
a comparative study between Michigan, United States,
and the North Midlands, Ireland 117
CECILIA HEGARTY AND DEBORAH CHE

PART III
The cultural economy of food and tourism 133
7 Regional development and Japanese obsession with noodles:
the udon noodle tourism phenomenon in Japan 135
SANGKYUN KIM

8 “Modernology”, food heritage and neighbourhood tourism:


the example of Sheung Wan, Hong Kong 145
SIDNEY C.H. CHEUNG AND JITING LUO

9 Regional economic development through food tourism:


the case of AsiO Gusto in Namyangju City, South Korea 156
TIMOTHY J. LEE AND JANG-HYUN NAM

10 Consuming the rural and regional: the evolving relationship


between food and tourism 165
PAUL CLEAVE

11 Food tourism and place identity in the development of Jamaica’s


rural culture economy 177
ERNEST TAYLOR AND MOYA KNEAFSEY

12 Gastronomy does not recognise political borders 190


MARISA ISABEL RAMOS ABASCAL

PART IV
Products, regions and regionality 201
13 Understanding disparities in wine tourism development:
evidence from two Old World cases 203
ELSA GATELIER

14 Does regionality matter? The experience in Ireland 215


JOHN MULCAHY

15 Craft beer, tourism and local development in South Africa 227


CHRISTIAN M. ROGERSON
Contents vii
16 Cheese tourism: local produce with Protected Designation
of Origin in the region of Galicia, Spain 242
FRANCESC FUSTÉ FORNÉ

PART V
Barriers and constraints 253
17 Barriers and constraints in the use of local foods in the
hospitality sector 255
HIRAN ROY, C. MICHAEL HALL AND PAUL BALLANTINE

18 Culinary collisions: the vision of local food use collides


with daily restaurant practice 273
LOTTE WELLTON, INGER M. JONSSON AND UTE WALTER

PART VI
Conclusions 285
19 Conclusions: food tourism and regional development – new
localism or globalism? 287
STEFAN GÖSSLING AND C. MICHAEL HALL

Index 295
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Figures

1.1 From farm to plate: the food consumption and production system 9
1.2 Place and producer connectivity to national and global food systems 14
1.3 Industrial and alternative food supply chains 17
1.4 Local food chains in the context of food, tourism and regional
development 31
1.5 Life course for the increasing connectedness and resilience of
local food systems 35
1.6 Relationships between national, regional and local strategies 40
1.7 Brand architecture structure of food place brands with wine
examples 41
1.8 Wine brand elements 42
1.9 Relationships between food, tourism and regional development 43
4.1 Location of the study site, Margaret River, Western Australia 94
4.2 Explanatory model of tourism development in agricultural regions 99
5.1 Framework for the role of regional foods and food events in rural
destination marketing and development 112
6.1 Map of Michigan featuring study areas 122
13.1 Contribution of wine tourism revenues by service category
excepting wine sales 205
15.1 Development and growth of micro-breweries in South Africa
1983–2013 234
15.2 The location of craft breweries in South Africa 2013:
provincial scale 235
15.3 The location of craft breweries in South Africa, 2013:
urban scale 236
16.1 Location of cheese produce with PDO and IGP in Spain 246
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Tables

1.1 Dimensions of productivism and post-productivism 5


1.2 Summary of advantages and disadvantages of tourism
for producers 21
1.3 Example definitions of farmers’ markets 24
3.1 Priorities for food purchases 82
3.2 Eating preferences and frequencies by restaurant type 83
4.1 Barriers to tourism development 95
4.2 Drivers of tourism development 97
5.1 Summary of the respondents 108
6.1 Cooperative marketing efforts in Michigan and North Midlands 125
9.1 Overview of the 2013 Asia and Oceania Slow Food Festival in
Namyangju (2013 AsiO Gusto) 160
13.1 List of interviewed institutions in Champagne and Tuscany 207
16.1 Features of cheeses with PDO in Galicia, Spain 248
17.1 Utilisation of alternative procurement sources by restaurants 259
17.2 Restaurants’ attitude towards purchasing local food products/
ingredients from farmers’ market vendors 261
17.3 Factors affecting restaurant selection of local food products from
farmers’ market vendors 264
17.4 Factors in restaurant adoption of local food products from farmers 266
17.5 Expectations of future local purchase by restaurants from
vendors and farmers 267
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Contributors

Marisa Isabel Ramos Abascal, Facultad de Turismo y Gastronomía, Universidad


Anáhuac, México Norte, Avenue Universidad Anáhuac 46, Lomas Anahuac,
52786 Naucalpan de Juárez, Huixquilucan, Estado de México, Mexico
Samuel Folorunso Adeyinka-Ojo, School of Hospitality, Tourism & Culinary
Arts, Taylor’s University, Lakeside Campus, Malaysia
Paul Ballantine, Department of Management, Marketing and Entrepreneurship,
University of Canterbury, Christchurch, New Zealand
Deborah Che, School of Tourism and Hospitality Management, Southern
Cross University, Gold Coast Campus, Locked Mail Bag #4, Coolangatta,
Queensland 4225, Australia
Sidney C.H. Cheung, Institute of Future Cities, The Chinese University of Hong
Kong, Hong Kong
Paul Cleave, Business School, University of Exeter, Exeter, Devon, UK
Francesc Fusté Forné, Universitat de Girona, Plaça Josep Ferrater i Móra 1,
17004, Girona, Catalonia, Spain & Lincoln University, Canterbury, New
Zealand
Elsa Gatelier, Laboratoire REGARDS (EA 6292), UFR des Sciences
Economiques, Sociales et de Gestion, Université de Reims Champagne-
Ardenne, 57 bis, rue Pierre Taittinger, 51096 Reims CEDEX
Stefan Gössling, School of Business and Economics, Linnaeus University,
Kalmar, Sweden and Research Centre for Sustainable Tourism, Western
Norway Research Institute, Sogndal, Norway
C. Michael Hall, Department of Management, Marketing and Entrepreneurship,
University of Canterbury, Christchurch, New Zealand; Department of
Geography, University of Oulu, Finland; School of Business and Economics,
Linnaeus University, Kalmar, Sweden
xiv Contributors
Cecilia Hegarty, PLATO Eastern and Border Region, Ireland. Regional Networks
Executive (Cavan, Louth, Meath & Monaghan) HQ, Unit 4, M:tek 1 Building,
Armagh Road, Monaghan, Ireland
Inger M. Jonsson, School of Hospitality, Culinary Arts and Meal Science,
Örebro University, Sweden
Catheryn Khoo-Lattimore, Department of Tourism, Sport and Hotel
Management, Griffith Business School, Nathan campus, Griffith University,
170 Kessels Road, Nathan QLD 4111, Australia
Sangkyun Kim, Department of Tourism, School of Humanities, Flinders
University, GPO Box 2100, Adelaide SA 5001, Australia
Moya Kneafsey, Centre for Agroecology, Water and Resilience, Coventry
University, Priory Street, Coventry, CV1 5FB, UK
Timothy J. Lee, Cluster of Tourism and Hospitality and Research Center of Asia
Pacific Studies, Ritsumeikan Asia Pacific University, Beppu, Oita, 874-8577
Japan
Jiting Luo, Institute of Future Cities, The Chinese University of Hong Kong,
Hong Kong
John Mulcahy, Food Tourism, Hospitality Education, and Tourist Accommo­
dation Standards, Fáilte Ireland, Dublin, Ireland
Jang-Hyun Nam, Department of Food and Food Service Industry, Kyungpook
National University, Gyeongsang-daero, Sangju-si, Gyeongsangbuk-do,
37224, South Korea
Jan-Henrik Nilsson, Department of Service Management, Lund University
Helsingborg, Sweden
Bruce Prideaux, James Cook University, Cairns, Queensland, Australia
Christian M. Rogerson, School of Tourism & Hospitality, University of
Johannesburg, South Africa
Hiran Roy, Department of Management, Marketing and Entrepreneurship,
University of Canterbury, Christchurch, New Zealand
Ernest Taylor, Centre for Agroecology, Water and Resilience, Coventry
University, Priory Street, Coventry, CV1 5FB, UK
Michelle Thompson, James Cook University, Cairns, Queensland, Australia
Ute Walter, School of Restaurant & Culinary Arts, Umeå University, Umeå,
Sweden
Lotte Wellton, School of Hospitality, Culinary Arts & Meal Science, Örebro
University, Sweden
Acknowledgements

The links between place, sustainability, food and tourism is both an academic as
well as practical interest of the editors. Being both academics and owners of rural
properties, we are deeply interested and involved in where our food comes from,
how the food we and our neighbours produce fits into the food chain and with
tourism and hospitality in particular, and the realities of trying to achieve low-
carbon organic farming and lifestyles. These extremely personal and localised
concerns are also intimately related to the “larger” issues that occupy much of
our academic lives in relation to global environmental change, sustainable tour-
ism development and consumption, the politics of mobility and tourism and the
sheer environmental stupidity of much our fellow species members. When we are
at Solberga Gård or Riverstones we know that we are able to walk outside and
harvest our own meals, we are also very deeply aware that most people cannot,
and that a large number of the world’s population including those in the so-called
developed countries in which we live do not have the luxury of regular nutritional
meals.
The book arises from our ongoing project work on the interrelationships
between food and tourism. Critical to its success has been a number of meetings
and workshops, of which a conference on tourism, local foods and development
held in Kalmar, Sweden, in September 2013 to which several of the authors in
this volume contributed. The editors would like express their gratitude to Anneli
Andersson for organising all practical details of the meeting.
Stefan would like to express his gratitude to the team at Linnaeus University,
and in particular Ann-Christin Andersson and Martin Gren. He is also grateful
to those trying to understand food structures and who work to prevent that
we continue on the path of agriculture industrialisation. Lastly, I would like to
sincerely thank Meike and Linnea – who have put up with my own farming
ambitions for six years now.
Michael would like to thank a number of colleagues with whom he has under-
taken food research or discussed food and tourism-related issues over the years.
In particular, thanks to Tim Baird, Tim Coles, David Duval, Johan Hultman,
John Jenkins, Ghazali Musa, Dieter Müller, Stephen Page, Girish Prayag, Yael
Ram, Jarkko Saarinen, Anna Dóra Sæþórsdóttir, Liz Sharples, Brian and Delyse
Springett, David Telfer, Sandra Wall and Allan Williams for their thoughts, as
xvi Acknowledgements
well as for the stimulation of A Long Walk, Beirut, Nick Cave, Bruce Cockburn,
Elvis Costello, Stephen Cummings, Chris Difford and Glenn Tilbrook, Elvy,
Ebba Fosberg, Hoodoo Gurus, Ivan and Alyosha, Ed Kuepper, Larkin Poe, Vinnie
Reilly, David Sylvian, and The Guardian, KCRW, and BBC – without whom the
four walls of a hotel room would be much more confining. Finally, Michael would
like to thank the many people who have supported his work over the years, and
especially to the J’s and the C’s who stay at home and mind the farm.
We would all like to extend our thanks to our editor Emma Travis at Routledge
and to Pippa Mullins for her shepherding as well as to the rest of the Routledge
team who have supported us over the project.
Part I

Introduction
This page intentionally left blank
1 From food tourism and regional
development to food, tourism
and regional development
Themes and issues in contemporary
foodscapes
C. Michael Hall and Stefan Gössling

Introduction
Food is a major research focus in tourism and hospitality. This, of course, should
not be surprising given that all tourists have to eat and that food service and pro-
vision is a core element of hospitality. However, since the 1980s, interest in the
inter-relationships between food and tourism has grown from issues of provision
and experience to the tourist to the wider contributions that tourist demand for
food may play in the wider economy. These developments did not occur in isola-
tion and can be understood in relation to two main reasons: first, concerns about
the extent of economic and employment losses in many destinations, especially
in developing countries, with respect to the impact of food importation for tour-
ists (Telfer & Wall 1996); second, the restructuring of agricultural economies in
developed countries as a result of globalisation, technological change and neolib-
eral governance (Whatmore, Lowe & Marsden 1991; Jenkins, Hall & Troughton
1998). The latter concerns became especially significant in Europe, where spe-
cific regional development programmes were established to encourage tourism
in rural and peripheral areas, but significant government interventions were also
undertaken in Australia, Canada, New Zealand and the United States (Hall &
Jenkins 1998). The high level of national and regional government interest in
tourism and its connections to stimulating the food and agricultural industries
were also related to a number of perceived advantages of tourism as a means of
economic diversification and development (Hall, Johnson & Mitchell 2000; Hall
2002; Richards 2002), including:

•• the notion that gastronomic and cuisine-oriented tourists were high-yield


markets (OECD 2012);
•• the relative ease of linking food with other visitor products such as cul-
tural and natural heritage attractions, and especially festivals and events,
as part of providing a comprehensive offer (Bessière 1998; Bowen & De
Master 2014);
•• the labour-intensive nature of tourism and hospitality as a means of provid-
ing employment opportunities in rural areas with a limited employment base;
4 C. Michael Hall and Stefan Gössling
•• the potential stimulation of specific agricultural products such as wine and
artisan foods that were identified with locations and territories (Cavicchi &
Santini 2011);
•• the territorial nature of much agricultural productions, embodied in the notion
of terroir and identity, was having a potentially strong relationship to the
overall branding, imaging and positioning of a destination and/or region in a
way that may enhance the image of all products and services available from
that area (Ilbery et al. 2005; Everett & Aitchison 2008; Sims 2009, 2010;
López-Guzmán & Sánchez-Cañizares 2012).

The above drivers of state intervention and activity in food and tourism were
arguably also reflective of broader research interest of tourism in rural areas that
over time focussed more explicitly on potential relationships with the agricul-
tural sector, including such developments as farm stays, as mechanisms for farm
and rural income diversification (Shucksmith et al. 1989; Ilbery 1991). Much of
the discussion of the role of tourism in food systems and agriculture was also
connected to debates on the “post-productivist” countryside (Shucksmith 1993;
Ilbery & Bowler 1998) that saw the supposed decline of “productivism” in rural
policy, which can be conceptualised as

a commitment to an intensive, industrially driven and expansionist agricul-


ture with state support based primarily on output and increased productiv-
ity. The concern [of productivism] was for ‘modernization’ of the ‘national
farm’, as seen through the lens of increased production. By the ‘productivist
regime’ we mean the network of institutions oriented to boosting food pro-
duction from domestic sources which became the paramount aim of rural
policy following World War II.
(Lowe 1993: 221)

Tourism became incorporated into the post-productivist countryside because of the


greater economic role given to non-agricultural actors in rural economies and policy
making, as well as the growing importance of the environment and sustainability as
policy goals. In addition, exurbanisation and rural–urban migration processes also
led to the significance of lifestyle and amenity as a locational element. Halfacree
and Boyle (1998: 9) even argued that ‘migration of people to the more rural areas
of the developed world … forms perhaps the central dynamic in the creation of
any post-productivist countryside’. Table 1.1 provides an illustration of some of
the main themes in the productivist–post-productivist conceptualisation. However,
as Wilson (2001) comments, so much of the post-productivist agricultural regime
debate was UK-based. Furthermore, although influential in both rural studies and
tourism and describing shifts in some, often economically marginal, locations for
agriculture that also had high amenity values, the reality is that food producers are
operating in a multifunctional agricultural regime in which global agri-business
and corporations continue to dominate (Evans, Morris & Winter 2002; Mather,
Hill & Nijnik 2006). At a global scale, post-productivist locations remain in the
Food tourism and regional development 5
minority while shifts in the economics of agriculture and products and changes
in technologies, that is, transportation and intensive irrigation, often mean that
some areas, especially periurban locations, become highly contested spaces for
productivist and post-productivist understandings of food production and the rural
(Lawrence, Richards & Lyons 2013; Roche & Argent 2015).
Although the initial focus on food, tourism and regional development was
primarily rural, tourism was also regarded as a response to urban economic
restructuring. However, food was not a focus of urban tourism policy with the
potential exception of urban neighbourhoods or quarters that could be marketed
to visitors, particularly those that specialise in particular ethnic foods, because of
the concentration of restaurants, cafés and markets that characterised the neigh-
bourhood (Lin 1998).
This background is important because it emphasises that interest in the roles of
food and tourism in regional development remains with us after over 30 years of

Table 1.1 Dimensions of productivism and post-productivism

Dimension Productivism Post-productivism

Ideology Agriculture with central Loss of central position of


hegemonic position in society; agriculture; changed notions of
agriculture as stewards of the the countryside and the rural;
countryside agriculture perceived as a threat
to the countryside
Policy Strong state support and Reduced state support;
intervention; security of property increased regulation of
rights agricultural practices through
voluntary agreements
and planning regulation;
encouragement for better
environmental practices
Policy actors Agricultural policy actors Policy community widened;
extremely strong counter- and exurbanisation;
sea change and tree change;
increased demands on rural
space
Food regime Fordist; industrialised supply Post-Fordist; alternative food
chains networks
Agricultural Agri-business; highly Diversification and pluriactivity;
production commercialised, industrialised move from agricultural
and corporatised; intensification; production to countryside
ongoing focus on increasing consumption; critique of
productivity levels agri-business
Farming Increased mechanisation; decline Sustainable agriculture; greater
techniques in labour inputs; increased use of role for intellectual capital;
biochemical inputs organics
Environmental Growing incompatibility with Greater emphasis on farm-based
impacts environmental conservation environmental conservation
objectives practices
Source: Wilson (2001), Mather, Hill and Nijnik (2006), Lawrence, Richards and Lyons (2013), and
Roche and Argent (2015).
6 C. Michael Hall and Stefan Gössling
study and that the subject is nothing new. In part this is because the processes of
globalisation and economic change have continued over this time, to receive new
impetus at times via neoliberal policies and financial crises. However, what has
changed is a greater focus on sustainability, the environment and the relocalisa-
tion of food as a response to the perceived social, economic and dietary failings
of the global food system that has developed over this period (Halweil 2002;
DuPuis & Goodman 2005; Ostrom 2006; Marsden 2012). Therefore, the impor-
tance of the food, tourism and regional development inter-relationship requires
new considerations that seek to understand not only the immediate contributions
that tourism can make to the food economy, and vice versa, but also the broader
context within which it is embedded.
This chapter provides a general introduction to the main themes of the volume
by reviewing some of the key topics that emerge in the relevant literatures. It first
seeks to briefly define the concept of food tourism before emphasising that the
understanding of the food, tourism and regional development relationship needs
to go beyond food tourism, which is where most research and state interventions
are positioned, to embrace the various ways in which food and tourism are con-
nected. Following a discussion of the local and regional development as more of
a bottom-up approach to development, the introduction then discusses the charac-
teristics of local food systems. However, it also notes that the local food system
does not exist in isolation from the global food system and that the relationship
between the two creates a number of paradoxes and issues within which tourism
is implicated.
The chapter then briefly discusses some of the characteristics of the industrial
food supply chain and its implications. This then creates a basis to examine how
tourism is then utilised at the firm level to help in the capture of value that may
otherwise be a loss to other actors in the supply chain to the end consumer. It
highlights the emphasis on the creation of shorter supply chains, that is, direct
sales to customers as well as business-to-business (B2B) sales. Important tourism-
related initiatives in this area include farmers’ markets, food events and festivals,
and restaurants and their use of local food. The chapter then discusses more
of the policy actor and producer-related collective efforts to enhance food and
tourism relationships. This discussion focusses strongly on the role of clusters,
networks and social capital as well as branding and the intellectual property of
place, together with deliberative location-based development strategies to shape
local foodscapes. These issues also highlight the multi-scaled nature of branding
and development and the potential need for improved understanding of brand
architecture. The chapter concludes with an overview of the book.

Food tourism
Food tourism is defined by Hall and Mitchell (2001: 308) as ‘visitation to primary
and secondary food producers, food festivals, restaurants and specific locations
for which food tasting and/or experiencing the attributes of specialist food produc-
tion region are the primary motivating factor for travel’. Wine tourism is a subset
Food tourism and regional development 7
of food tourism, being defined as visitation to vineyards, wineries, wine festivals
and wine shows in which grape wine tasting and/or experiencing the attributes
of a grape wine region are the prime motivating factors for visitors (Hall 1996).
Such definitions do not mean that any trip to an event is food tourism, rather the
desire to experience a particular type of food or the produce of a specific region
must be the major motivation for such travel. Indeed, food tourism may possibly
be regarded as an example of “culinary”, “gastronomic”, “gourmet” or “cuisine”
tourism that reflects consumers for whom interest in food and wine is a form
of ‘serious leisure’ (Hall, Sharples et al. 2000; Hall & Mitchell 2001; Hjalager
2002; Boniface 2003; Hall, Sharples, Mitchell, et al. 2003; Mitchell & Hall 2003;
Long 2004; Hall & Sharples 2008a; Henderson 2009; Horng & Tsai 2012; Hall
& Gössling 2013a; Yeoman et al. 2015). Smith (2007: 100), for example, defined
“culinary tourism” as ‘any tourism trip during which the consumption, tasting,
appreciation, or purchase of [local] food products is an important component […]
The central feature of culinary tourism is that it centers on local or regional foods/
beverages’.
Such definitional distinctions are significant because they also alert the reader
to the potential dimensions of the food tourism market. However, for all these cat-
egories described as part of food tourism, food and wine rank as the main or major
travel motivator. Such categories of tourism are therefore defined primarily by the
consumer (Hall, Sharples & Smith 2003) by virtue of their tourist decision mak-
ing being primarily determined by a cuisine or foodway or a specific food product,
including beer, wine and spirits, or related elements such as food events, festivals,
museums, restaurants or production (Sparks 2007; Kim, Eves & Scarles 2009).

Broadening the food tourism and regional development relationship


However, not everyone is interested in local foods at the destination (Cohen &
Avieli 2004), and the range of culinary experiences and tastes is broad (Björk &
Kauppinen-Räisänen 2014). For example, in a study of tourists in a restaurant in
the city of Córdoba, Spain, only 10 per cent stated that cuisine was one of the main
reasons for visiting the city, 68 per cent believed that the local cuisine is an impor-
tant but not essential aspect of their trip, and the rest viewed it as being secondary
(Sánchez-Cañizaresa & López-Guzmán 2012).
Therefore, although the image portrayed by many travel magazines and some
researchers may suggest otherwise, many tourists are not foodies, defined as ‘a
person who devotes considerable time and energy to eating and learning about
good food, however “good food” is defined’ (Johnston & Baumann 2015: x).
Although, as Johnston and Baumann note, many people dislike the term which
often has pejorative overtones, they use the label ‘because it captures the domi-
nant role that food plays in many of our food-focused lives’ and that if they ‘could
pinpoint the single greatest weakness within foodie discourse [they] would point
to the lack of critical reflexivity about foodie privilege, especially in relation to
the larger global food system’ (Johnston & Baumann 2015: x). Indeed, much of
their concerns over foodie culture, class and inequality could arguably be easily
8 C. Michael Hall and Stefan Gössling
translated to discussions of food and tourism replete as it is with issues of access,
democracy and distinction. It is partly for these sorts of reasons that Gössling
and Hall (2013) suggested that tourism and hospitality, from both production and
consumption perspectives, needed to be positioned in the context of a food sys-
tem, what they referred to as a culinary system, in which food could be tracked
from farm to plate (Figure 1.1) but which, from a sustainability perspective, has
also been framed in a non-tourism fashion as a “local food system” (Feenstra
1997; Hinrichs 2000, 2003; Feagan 2007), “regional food system” (Food System
Economic Partnership 2006; Clancy & Ruhf 2010; Donald et al. 2010) and “food-
shed” (Kloppenburg, Hendrickson & Stevenson 1996; Feagan & Krug 2004;
Kremer & Schreuder 2012; Ruhf 2015), as well as the embeddedness of local or
regional spatialisations of food within national and global food systems (Hinrichs &
Lyson 2007; Sage 2012).
The spatial frames within which food and tourism is placed are inherently
important for regional development. This is in great part because, from a regula-
tory and institutional perspective, regions are the basis by which many policies and
state interventions are made for development purposes, while different regional
settings clearly have different environmental, cultural and economic attributes
that also affect the capacity and trajectory of the food and tourism relationship. As
Pike (2007) noted, despite globalisation and the so-called “placeless” or “virtual”
economy, regions continue to provide a conceptual and analytical focus for often
overlapping concerns with economic, social, political, cultural and environmental
change. Although there is no single accepted definition of regional development,
Pike et al. (2006) provide a good synthesis of the main approaches:

1 Promotion of development in all territories with the initiative often coming


from below, similar to what in tourism would often be described as a commu-
nity-based approach to planning or governance.
2 Decentralised, vertical cooperation between different tiers of government and
horizontal cooperation between public and private bodies.
3 A territorial or locality-based approach to development. Territory refers to the
delimited, bordered spatial units under the jurisdiction of an administrative
and/or political authority.
4 Use of the development potential of each area in order to stimulate a pro-
gressive adjustment of the local economic system to the changing economic
environment. This is in opposition to the large industrial project (e.g. infra-
structure, events) approach that often characterises traditional top-down
development policies.
5 Ensure provision of the key supply-side conditions for the development and
attraction of economic activity as opposed to financial support, incentives
and subsidies.

Economic concerns are undoubtedly significant. For example, for Beer et al.
(2003: 5), the broad parameters of what is meant by local and regional develop-
ment have been primarily interpreted in an economic sense since the 1980s and
CLEARING UP Water
WASTE MANAGEMENT & Energy
RECYCLING Chemical

Polluted water
Non-recycled food waste
EATING Non-recycled pack ،ging waste
Emissions

Food preparation waste T


Packaging waste T
Waste water, Emissions
RESTAURANT, FOOD
‫؛‬nergy Energy SERVICE, AND
INSTITUTIONAL
HOME COOKING+ W ater. HOSPITALITY Energy
Vater FOOD SERVICES*
BUSINESSES ‫؟‬4 Water
S S S
K tchen
Kitchen
cqn îpment Kitchen
equipment
equipment
Refrigerants efrigerants Refrigerants
Energy Energy Energy
GARDENS

T Food preparation waste


Energy Packaging waste
Water Waste and polluted water,
RETAILER+
Fertilizers
Biocides
s T Emissions

T
Refrigerants
Energy WHOLESALER +
T T
IMPORTS
FRESH OOD S (PROCESSED FOODS)

Refrigerants T
Energy
T T
IMPORTS FINAL FOOD MANUFACTURE* s EXPORTS

Added value fresh FOOD Food wastes


Packaging Frozen fresh
Water Freeze dried
TRADING Polluted water
Energy
Energy Canned Emissions
Chemicals Semi-prepared meals Packaging waste
Machinery
& equipment KEY
PROCESSING T
T GRAIN AND OIL SEEDS MILLING Equipment disposal
IMPORTS LIVESTOCK SLAUGHTER
s EXPORTS T Transportation

S Storage
T
T
Supply chain
IMPORTS OF T
AGRICULTURAL PRIMARY FOOD Resource inputs
and waste outputs
PRODUCTS PRODUCTION+
• farms
Water ‫؛؛‬ ‫׳‬livestock operations
— Energy • marine capture & T
Chemicals
aquaculture
,biocides ( Polluted water FRESH FOOD
)fertilisers
Packaging
Agricultural waste
Packaging waste s
Machinery

NATURAL RESOURCES / NATURAL CAPITAL

Figure 1.1 From farm to plate: the food consumption and production system
Source: Gössling and Hall (2013: 11).
10 C. Michael Hall and Stefan Gössling
refer ‘to a set of activities aimed at improving the economic well-being of an
area’. Nevertheless, it is important to recognise that development has a qualitative
dimension whereas growth refers to quantitative change, even though the two are
often confused! Indeed, Pike et al. (2007) raise the vital question of ‘What kind
of local and regional development and for whom?’ This is important because
it dovetails with similar concerns in tourism, for example, sustainable develop-
ment, reduction of tourism-related environmental degradation, poverty reduction,
and quality of life (Hall, Gössling & Scott 2015). In a paper for the International
Labour Organisation, White and Gasser (2001) establish four features that char-
acterise local and regional development strategies: they require participation and
social dialogue; they are based on territory; they entail the mobilisation of local
resources and competitive advantages; and they are locally owned and managed.
These characteristics are also reflected in the interest in local and regional food
systems.

Local food systems, ethical consumption and regional


development
A local food system refers to deliberately formed food systems that are character-
ised by ‘a close producer-consumer relationship within a designated place or local
area’ (Hall & Sharples 2008c). Local food systems support long-term connec-
tions; meet economic, social, health and environmental needs; link producers and
markets via locally focussed infrastructure; promote environmental health; and
provide competitive advantage to local food businesses and brands (Food System
Economic Partnership 2006; Buck et al. 2007; Hall & Sharples 2008a). According
to Anderson and Cook (2000, 237),

The major advantage of localizing food systems, underlying all other advan-
tages, is that this process reworks power and knowledge relationships in food
supply systems that have become distorted by increasing distance (physical,
social, and metaphorical) between producers and consumers … [and] gives
priority to local and environmental integrity before corporate profit-making.

Buck et al. (2007) argue that the potential benefits of such a system include

•• Bolstering the local economy as less money is diverted to corporations based


outside of the region and local businesses satisfy unmet demands or create
new or more efficient systems for the production and movement of foods.
‘These opportunities help to strengthen the local economy by growing the
agricultural sector, creating jobs, providing more choices for consumers, con-
tributing to the local tax base, and reinvesting local money exchanged for
food back into local farms and businesses’ (3);
•• Producers and consumers are linked via efficient infrastructures, which can
provide a competitive advantage for local farmers, processors, distributors,
retailers and consumers alike, meaning that farmers receive a greater return
Food tourism and regional development 11
for their produce as there are fewer intermediaries. ‘By sharing the risks and
rewards of food production, processing, distribution, and retail with other local
partners, farmers and businesses can explore opportunities to produce new vari-
eties of foods or expand existing ventures to meet a local or regional need’ (3);
•• Positive effects on community development and revitalisation with con-
sumers receiving fresher, healthier food and the opportunity to develop a
relationship with the farmers;
•• Supporting the viability of small and medium-sized family farms and foster-
ing a sense of place, culture, history and ecology within a region as well as
helping combat urban sprawl, obesity and hunger; and
•• Generating environmental benefits particularly as a result of decreased energy
and fuel consumption.

As noted above, the foodshed concept is closely related to the local food system
idea with the difference being that it is more bioregionally oriented and is often
directly concerned with food security (the capacity of a region to feed itself if
external supplies were to be stopped) (Kloppenburg et al. 1996; Feagan & Krug
2004). Significantly, direct marketing via farmers’ markets and food festivals
along with other forms of tourism are often recognised as being integral compo-
nents of a foodshed (Hall & Sharples 2008c) or local food system (Feagan, Morris
& Krug 2004; Wittman, Beckie & Hergesheimer 2012). According to Feagan &
Krug (2004) in order for a local foodshed to be established, several things need
to happen:

•• producers and consumers must be brought closer together to shorten food


chains and to build ‘community’ and foster sustainability;
•• there must be public awareness of the nature of the ‘costs’ associated with
the industrial food system so that local consumers and producers will rethink
their food production and purchasing decisions; and
•• the means – mechanisms, places and opportunities – for meeting objectives
must be made available.

The foodshed and local system concepts clearly show much commonality with
local and regional development approaches. Furthermore, the community-based
approach together with concerns over ethical and sustainable food consumption
and production is also recognised at being at odds with some elements of the
globalised and corporate food sector, especially because of the emphasis on local
and place-based ownership. Ethical consumerism is generally associated with the
consumption of goods and services, the production of which does not result in
harm to people, animals or the environment (Thompson & Coskuner-Balli 2007;
Dowd & Burke 2013; Niva et al. 2014), and covers a range of manifestations of
new sustainable consumption and production practices often focussed on such
concerns as fair trade, organic and free-range produce, Slow Food (and slow tour-
ism), human rights, environmental sustainability and the production of consumer
goods (Doane 2001; Pottinger 2013).
12 C. Michael Hall and Stefan Gössling
Another element of ethical consumerism is a strong stress on ‘buying local’ as
a means not only of potentially reducing how far food has to travel and therefore
impacts the environment but also of showing support for local producers (Hall &
Gössling 2013b; Busa & Garder 2015; McCaffrey & Kurland 2015; Williams et al.
2015). The relationship between food tourism and local food systems has long been
recognised as significant for regional development (Boyne, Hall & Williams 2003;
Hall 2006), given that they help support food festivals and farmers’ markets and
also help provide a market for local produce. However, the role of tourism and
especially international tourism in local food systems creates something of a para-
dox because it means that while the local food system is often regarded as a device
to counter some of the negative elements of globalisation, tourism by its very nature
is a potent force for encouraging globalisation. For example, in an examination of
slow food and tourism and issues of sustainability, Hall (2012: 65) argued that even
if one ignores the potential emissions of travel to consume artisan, local and slow
food, ‘there remains a significant issue in that in many cases the local food system
still requires distant consumers to make artisan foods economic’. This argument
also reflects Van der Meulen’s (2008) observation that local food networks serve
as an important signal and example to the mainstream, reflecting where society
is going and where new opportunities for consumption and production lie. ‘The
actual practices do not represent a simple re-proposing of old traditional produc-
tions, rather they derive from a new reading of the internal and external environment
based on the needs and characters of the modern consumer’ (Nosi & Zanni 2004:
789). But this also means that probably some of the largest gains from the Slow
Food movement and local food systems are likely to be realised by actors outside
the initial Slow Food networks (Van der Meulen 2008) who are able to buy into
such production for export purposes. For example, there is evidence that consump-
tion of local food may be increased via availability in supermarkets (Penney & Prior
2014). Indeed, James (2015) suggests that the assumed alterity of many small-scale
farmers from the so-called ‘mainstream’ food system has led to a focus on localised
threats to farm well-being, such as urban development, and solutions, such as alter-
native food networks. However, she argues that this localised focus risks neglecting
the way in which small-scale family farmers, such as those in her study on Sydney,
Australia’s, urban fringe, are directly connected to and reliant on the mainstream for
their economic viability.
The situation by which local foods become desirable ‘culture goods’ (Bourdieu
1984) may well fulfil many of the Slow Food movement’s goals (Petrini 2001, 2007).
Yet in trying to conceive of a Slow Food-inspired practice of tourism, many issues
remain. Most significantly is the extent to which Slow Food actually represents a
move towards a more sustainable form of travel consumption. Unfortunately, this is
probably not the case, as the movement appears unaware of the potential contradic-
tions between mobility and sustainability, as Petrini (2007: 241) writes:

It is necessary to move, to meet people, to experience other territories and


other tables. If we apply this conviction to the network it is vital to guarantee
the circulation within it of people, from one side of the globe to the other,
Food tourism and regional development 13
without distinction and without restriction. The right to travel becomes funda-
mental, a premise on which to base cultural growth and the self-nourishment
of the network of gastronomes.

Some of these issues are illustrated in Figure 1.2, which shows some of the path-
ways by which local food systems are tied to national and global systems. In many
cases this is the result of direct exporting and importing of food to and from other
regions. However, tourism further promotes the potential of such linkages via the
role of tourists as sources of temporary local demand – which can lead to a growth
in production and search for further markets so as to pursue economies of scale,
while tourism itself provides business and consumer linkages to other locations,
whether by direct order or with respect to wholesale or retail relations.

The industrial and short food supply chains


The modern agrifood system, similar to the tourist system, has provided consum-
ers with an unparalleled range of products, available virtually all year round, and
at prices that account for historically unprecedented minor shares of household
budgets (Sage 2012). However, this has come at significant environmental, eco-
nomic and social cost (Lang 2010; Gössling & Hall 2013) with a loss of traditional
farming systems and products, food diversity and increasing food insecurity in many
locations as a result of lower local production and dependence on global food sup-
ply chains stretching thousands of kilometres. Importantly, this, together with the
supermarket dominance of the agri-food supply chain, which has altered relation-
ships between farmers, processors, retailers and consumers, is regarded as a major
issue in both developed (Jackson 2008) and developing countries (Pant 2015). This
has meant increased dependence on the vagaries of global market forces/oligopo-
lies and fossil fuel at a time of growing concern over emissions from agricultural
production and supply as well as potential for interruption by pandemics (Gössling
& Hall 2013; Huff et al. 2015; McMichael, Butler & Dixon 2015). In addition, food
production in the modern agri-food system also affects environment and biodiver-
sity as a result of changed farming methods and practices, such as the increased use
of biocides, chemical fertilisers, and deep ploughing and hedgerow and natural veg-
etation clearance. Sage (2012) also highlights that the superstructure of the global
food system is built upon rather limited genetic foundations and is ‘narrowing
further as a result of agricultural modernisation and intensification’ (2012: 100).
In the 1970s there was a widespread view that the full vertical integration of
agriculture was occurring, with food production, distribution and retailing coming
to be dominated on a global scale by major food conglomerates, such as Heinz,
Nestlé and Unilever (Burch, Dixon & Lawrence 2013). However, although the
global food system has been marked by increased horizontal and vertical inte-
gration, it has been the transnational supermarket chains, fast-food outlets and
other large food retailers rather than the food manufacturers that have ended up
exercising control over the agri-food supply chain (Lang & Heasman 2004), what
is sometimes referred to as “Big Food” (Coxall 2014; Booth & Coveney 2015).
14 C. Michael Hall and Stefan Gössling

GLOBAL FOOD SYSTEM

NATIONAL FOOD SYSTEM

‘NON-LOCAL CONSUMERS’

Out of region Out of region


consumer consumer connects to
becomes part of local food system by
local food system purchasing in their
as a tourist Exports and home environment
thereby increasing imports creating linkages to
product demand national and global
food systems

Localising events that reinforce Localising events that


local food systems and reinforce local food systems
economic networks by focussing and economic networks by
on local producers and connecting local producers
consumer relations, e.g. with out-of-region consumers
Farmers’ markets - but which and creating networks for
may also prove attractive to export, e.g. Trade shows, food
visitors and may be commodified festivals, producer visits
as a ‘tourist attraction’

PRODUCERS

local social & economic networks

local consumers local institutions

local environment & foodscape

PLACE

LOCAL FOOD SYSTEM

Figure 1.2 Place and producer connectivity to national and global food systems

As a result of their influence over distribution, consumption and production, the


extreme dominance of food retailing in many countries by a limited number of
companies has had enormous implications for traditional agricultural systems,
family farms, rural communities and consumer sovereignty.

This restructuring of the agri-food supply chain has had far-reaching effects
on all actors in the chain, from the input supplier who sells seeds, tractors,
Food tourism and regional development 15
and fertilizers, to the farmer and food retailer, to the consumer … These
changes can be seen in: the development of flexible, ‘just in time’, modes
of food production and distribution; the emergence of new health foods
and functional foods associated with issues of nutrition and diet; the sale
of convenience foods, reflecting social changes in work patterns and ‘time-
poor’ lifestyles; the homogenization and standardization of tastes and diets;
the emergence of new forms of regulation and quality management in
response to food ‘scares’; and growing consumer concerns about the safety
of imported foods.
(Burch et al. 2013: 215)

It is to these concerns that much of the development of alternative food sys-


tems has been addressed (Kloppenburg et al. 2000; Allen et al. 2003; Follett
2009; Goodman, DuPuis & Goodman 2012; Hall & Gössling 2013a, 2013b).
Nevertheless, it must be pointed out that although the usual conception of industrial
food supply chains is that they are not engaged with “alternative” food produc-
tion, such as organic foods, the modern reality is often quite different (Buck, Getz
& Guthman 1997; DeLind 2000; Allen 2004; Fromartz 2006; Goodman et al.
2012). As Johnston, Biro and MacKendrick (2009: 510) observe, although the
original organics movement

emphasized the agrarian ideals of small-scale food production, community


engagement, and ecological responsibility. While at least a rhetorical com-
mitment to those goals is maintained, today’s organic food sector has moved
considerably beyond small-scale ‘farm to table’ distribution to a corporate
model of large factory farms supplying distant supermarkets.

Indeed, the global distribution structure of exported organic foods has raised
questions about the ecological and social impacts of organic food produc-
tion; this is especially so in relation to the carbon footprint of organic food
products transported within global commodity chains (Raynolds 2004). The
corporatisation of organic foods has also meant that the intrinsic capacity of
organic food production to enhance regional development objectives has been
substantially questioned, especially given the extent to which small organic
producers have been purchased by some of the world’s largest food compa-
nies. However, not all intermediation runs in opposition to the development
of local food systems. The spatial and temporal issues associated with food
supply and demand, especially for urban centres and tourist destinations,
means that intermediaries play a critical role in regional food systems and
serve to integrate not only elements of the supply chain but also the actions of
businesses with the innovation system (Frykors & Jonsson 2010). However,
it should be noted that the critical role of intermediaries has been surpris-
ingly little researched in food tourism and regional development, which is
remarkable given their significance for the food service sector (Murphy &
Smith 2009).
16 C. Michael Hall and Stefan Gössling
Food, tourism, regional development and shortening supply chains
The notion of alternative food supply chains is usually understood in the context
of supply chain configurations that support organic farming, contextual quality
production (e.g. health characteristics, environmental attributes, fair trade, local/
geographic designation, organic, slow) and/or direct selling practices (Renting,
Marsden & Banks 2003). In contrast, an alternative food network, which includes
the concept of a local food system, is a broader term that encompasses networks
of producers, consumers and other actors that embody alternatives to the indus-
trial mode of food supply (Sage 2003; Jarosz 2008; Goodman et al. 2012). The
reconfiguration of supply chains is a core mechanism of the food – tourism and
regional development relationship as it focussed on providing new ways to add
value to producers and regions in response to long and complex industrial food
chains. These configurations, discussed in a tourism context below, help create
new linkages between consumers and producers as well as ‘resocialise or respa-
tialise food, thereby allowing the consumer to make new value judgments about
the relative desirability of foods’ (Renting et al. 2003: 398). A common denomi-
nator of alternative food supply chains is that they can be described as “short” for
at least four reasons (Marsden, Banks & Bristow 2000; Renting et al. 2003; Ilbery
& Maye 2005; Gössling et al. 2011; Kneafsey et al. 2013):

1 The physical distance that food travels between producer and end consumer
may be shortened.
2 Consumer relations are “shortened” and redefined by providing transparent
information on the provenance and quality attributes of food.
3 The chains “short-circuit” the long and often anonymous supply chains charac-
teristic of the industrial mode of food production. This may include a reduction
in the number of intermediaries but, at the very least, implies a change.
4 Short chains are potentially an important carrier for the “shortening” of relations
between food production and locality, thereby encouraging a re-embedding of
farming towards more environmentally sustainable modes of production as a
result of greater consumer and fellow producer awareness and knowledge.

Some of the shifts and new ways of adding value for producers are illustrated
in Figure 1.3 and will be discussed further below. One of the key dimensions of
food and tourism, rather than food tourism, is the extent to which it highlights the
capacity of tourism to influence local food production (Telfer & Wall 1996). Both
tourism and food production (and adding value via manufacturing processes)
are significant on their own for regional development. However, from a regional
development perspective there is an understanding that deepening and strengthen-
ing the relationships between the two will allow for greater returns to both sectors
as well as to regions as a whole (Everett & Slocum 2013; James & Halkier 2014).
Local economic development strategies that seek to encourage food and wine
tourism tend to have a number of similar components (Centre for Environment
and Society 1999; Hall 2005):
Food tourism and regional development 17

producer (farms, processor & wholesaler retailer consumer


vineyards, manufacturer
fishing)

A) Industrial food supply chain

producer (farms, processor & wholesaler retailer consumer


vineyards, manufacturer
fishing)

B) Capturing value within the industrial food supply chain

consumer
production, processing and retailing
C) Shortening the supply chain, e.g. direct sales to the consumer from farm or cellar door sales or direct box sales. Retailing and processing
incorporated into producer business activities

Producers consumer

D) Producers' cooperate in production, running a market, sharing retail space and/or undertaking join t promotion campaigns

Producers

consumer
Restaurant
Wholesaler/
processor

E) Local producer network supplying local restaurant

Figure 1.3 Industrial and alternative food supply chains

•• reduce economic leakage by using local renewable resources rather than


external sources, for example, use local materials for packaging, ‘buy local’
campaigns;
•• recycle financial resources within the system by buying local goods and
services, for example, hoteliers and restaurateurs need to purchase and promote
local foods, produce wine or other beverages, use local banks and credit
unions;
18 C. Michael Hall and Stefan Gössling
•• add value to local produce before it is exported; for example, bottle and
package food locally, consider using distinctive local packaging in order
to reinforce local brand identity, use local food as an attraction to tourists,
thereby increasing the circulation of tourist expenditure through the local
economy;
•• connect up local stakeholders, people and institutions to create trust, new
linkages and more efficient exchanges, for example, local farmers and
producers’ cooperatives, develop local marketing networks, a “buy local”
campaign;
•• attract external resources, especially finance, skills and technology, where
appropriate, for example, use the Internet to connect to customers outside of
the region;
•• emphasise local identity and authenticity in branding and promotional strate-
gies, for example, list the place of origin on the label and encourage consistent
use of place of origin by producers;
•• sell directly to consumers via farm shops, direct mailing, farmers’ and pro-
duce markets, local events and food and wine festivals; and
•• create stronger and ongoing relationships between the consumer and the pro-
ducer, for example, using cellar door or farm door sales, utilise newsletters,
social media, websites and the Internet.

For example, the extremely influential and widely cited “Eat the View” pro-
ject was set up by the UK Countryside Agency in 2001 to encourage tourism
businesses to connect better with their local economy by using and selling
locally produced food and drink products (e.g. Garrod, Wornell & Youell 2006;
Jackson, Ward & Russell 2006; Everett 2008; Everett & Aitchison 2008).
The long-term aim of the project was to ‘create improved market conditions
for products that originate from systems of land management which enhance
or protect the countryside’s landscape and character’ (Countryside Agency
2001). “Eat the View” had a number of target outcomes that were expected
to arise from improved local economic linkages between tourism and food
production:

•• to inform consumers about the impact of their decisions on the rural envi-
ronment and economy and how they can take positive action to benefit the
countryside;
•• the development of systems for marketing/distributing/selling produce which
will enable consumers to show support for local/sustainable production
methods;
•• the development of quality standards/accreditation systems to underpin mar-
kets for local/sustainable products;
•• the development of local marketing/branding initiatives which will utilise
unique features, for example, rare animal breeds, local customs;
•• the development of new supply chain partnerships between retailers/producers
which will increase the proportion of locally sourced/sustainable products;
Food tourism and regional development 19
•• an increase in the proportion of produce sold through alternative mar-
kets to large retailers and bulk caterers, for example, local collaborative
arrangements;
•• an increase in the number of local/community-led food initiatives creating
stronger local markets for produce and strengthening links between produc-
ers and consumers (adapted from Countryside Agency 2001).

Underlying the above strategy components is an awareness of the value for


regional development of “short” economic and social practices of consumption
and production in which new sets of relationships are being formed between and
among producers and consumers at different scales. This can involve producers
adding more value to their own product by engaging in processing and manufac-
turing themselves, that is, dairy farmers producing their own cheese (Figure 1.3B),
and/or the development of new sets of direct relations between food producers
and consumers that bypass wholesalers and retailers (Figure 1.3C and D). For the
producer, such relationships can potentially lead to greater economic return. For
the consumers it can potentially provide access to fresher and better quality foods
and greater knowledge of the elements of the food chain as well as certain cul-
tural capital. However, new relationships may also develop between producers
in terms of supplying the various elements of the visitor experience as well as
the exporting and promotion of local foodstuffs outside of the immediate region
(Figure 1.3D and 1.3E).
Much of the research on short food supply chains in tourism and hospitality
has focussed at the level of the firm. Initially, research was conducted in the area
of wine tourism although studies were soon taken up in a range of different food
and tourism relationships. However, although numerous advantages of such an
approach have been noted at the level of the producer/firm, outlined below, it
should be acknowledged that detailed studies of the flow on effects to the sur-
rounding region and the distribution of benefits are limited. Furthermore, there
is a major weakness with respect to understanding the strategies of firms that,
in effect, are trying to manage consumers and business relationships in two dif-
ferent sectors, that is, food and tourism. For example, Hall and Baird (2014a) in
studying the innovative practices of the New Zealand wine sector found that for
many winegrowers the association with tourism also raises some fundamental
issues about business strategy as it means their market orientation and conse-
quent selection of business strategies may be split between wine tourists who
visit the winery and consumers who purchase and drink wine. Although there is
clearly overlap, the markets have distinct demands on firms with respect to prod-
uct demand as well as the allocation of capital. Indeed, many studies of tourism
innovation arguably fail to recognise the significance of the partial industrialisa-
tion of tourism systems whereby only a proportion of a firm’s customer base and
income is derived from tourism and, therefore, there is a need to distinguish the
relative mix between tourism and non-tourism drivers in strategy. In fact, Hall
and Baird (2014a) noted that those winegrowers with the highest level of inno-
vation with respect to marketing were also the ones that were most engaged in
20 C. Michael Hall and Stefan Gössling
wine tourism. This may reflect the insight that the more an environment presents
opportunities including those to harness the role of competence utilisation in the
context of innovation (Goh 2000), the more a firm will select the environmental
change that improves its position in relation to its competitors, but it does not help
with trying to develop a broader contribution to innovation and regional develop-
ment outside of the immediate tourism networks and system. Overall the accrual
of benefits from food and tourism has, therefore, been assumed rather than subject
to micro-level empirical examination (Montanari & Staniscia 2009; Everett &
Slocum 2013). Nevertheless, the advantages for the food producer in developing
food tourism (Hall 2005a; Hall & Sharples 2008b; OECD 2012) are outlined in
Table 1.2.
At the regional/destination level, a range of advantages to developing food-
related tourist offers have been identified from the literature:

•• High profile of some foods and cuisines can attract tourists and provide other
regional business opportunities (Alonso & Liu 2012; Ron & Timothy 2013).
•• Positive image of the region through association with a quality product (Hall
& Mitchell 2008; Lin, Pearson & Cai 2011; Spilková & Fialová 2013).
•• Food tourism can help differentiate a region’s position in the tourism mar-
ketplace if connected with local foods (Lee & Arcodia 2011; Blichfeldt &
Halkier 2014; Lee, Wall & Kovacs 2015).
•• Food tourism is an attraction in its own right that can help extend the range of
reasons for visiting a destination (Horng & Tsai 2012; Kirkman et al. 2013).
Food tourism may, therefore, help extend length of stay and increase visitor
expenditure on local product (Storchmann 2010).

Regional brand values of food (including wine, beer and spirits) can also be very
good for destination and regional promotion. However, it is essential that they fit
with the overall economic and brand strategy. For example, in 2002 New Zealand
sought to reposition its national brand so that it was perceived internationally as
innovative and creative in order to advantage non-tourism and agricultural enter-
prises. However, while the ‘clean, green and smart’ proposition had domestic
appeal, it did not have broad international impact, particularly as the tourism sub-
brand of “100% Pure” dominated the “New Zealand, New Thinking” trade brand.
Therefore, while the food and tourism industries benefitted from being positioned
as “clean and green”, other industries such as ICT did not (Hall 2010). A pos-
sible negative aspect in some circumstances therefore may mean that if there is
too much focus on the special interest food tourism market, other tourism and
business opportunities may not be adequately explored and that potential tourists
and investors may have a perception of a region that does not maximise broader
regional development opportunities. Issues of brand architecture will be discussed
further below.
As noted above, shortening the supply chain between producers and consumers
as well as B2B relationships does not mean that a producer operates in isolation.
Producers often cooperate in terms of sharing direct sales via a retail outlet as well
Table 1.2 Summary of advantages and disadvantages of tourism for producers

Advantages Disadvantages

Consumer exposure Consumer exposure to products Increased costs and The operation of a tasting room or direct
are increased, including management time sales may be costly, particularly when it
opportunities for product requires paid staff. While the profitability
sampling gap is higher on direct sales to the
consumer, profit may be reduced if there
is no charge for tastings
Brand awareness and Via establishing relationships Inability to The number of visitors a business can
potential loyalty between branded products, brand significantly increase attract is limited, and if a business cannot
values and the consumer sales sell all of its stock, it will eventually need
to use other distribution outlets
Customer relationships Created by opportunities to meet Inappropriate market The characteristics of the visitor market
staff and to see backstage “behind from the perspective may differ significantly from other
the scenes”. Positive relations of broader business consumers that the business wishes to sell
with consumers may lead to products to
both direct sales and indirect
sales through “word of mouth”
advertising
Better margins Increased sales margins as a Capital required May be prohibitive, especially as some
result of direct sale to consumer types of added value production for
assuming that the absence of hosting visitors are capital-intensive, for
distributor costs is not carried example, viewing/tasting rooms
over entirely to the consumer

(Continued)
Table 1.2 (Continued)

Advantages Disadvantages

Additional sales outlet And for smaller producers who Issues associated with Seasonal demand periods may not be
cannot guarantee volume or seasonality complimentary. Tourism, as with the
constancy of supply, perhaps the production of food, is highly seasonal
only feasible sales outlet
Market intelligence on Derived from direct consumer Potential risks to Food tourists on the property of primary
products and consumers feedback (both on existing production from producers can pose risks through the
products and the possibility to biosecurity breaches introduction of disease or weeds
trial new additions to a product
range) and via the use of a
customer relationship database
Education of consumers Can help generate awareness and Additional health and Visitors on a property require relevant
appreciation of specific types of safety requirements to health and safety legislation to be met.
foods. The knowledge and interest be met This may incur costs on the business, or
generated by this may result in regulations may restrict access to some
increased consumption food production areas, thus changing the
nature of the visitor experience
New sales opportunities Opportunity costs Investments in tourist facilities mean
via direct sales and/or new that capital is not available for other
B2B relationships, for investments
example, to restaurants,
retailers, wholesalers and
vendors
Food tourism and regional development 23
as through farmers’ markets, and business associations as well as in cooperative
branding exercises, some of which are undertaken in conjunction with the tour-
ism industry. The next section briefly discusses farmers’ markets which serve
important tourism and recreation functions as well as community and food system
functions, before also noting the significance of food events and festivals.

Farmers’ markets
The definition of what constitutes a farmers’ market has long been problematic
(Brown 2002). As Pyle (1971: 167) recognised, ‘everything that is called a farm-
ers’ market may not be one, and other names are given to meeting that have the
form and function of a farmers market’. Other names for similar types of markets
in North America include swap meets, flea markets, tailgate markets and farm
stands (Brown 2001), although many of these are best understood as other forms
of direct marketing from producer to consumer. Nevertheless, many markets will
advertise that they are a farmers’ market although they are technically not in the
sense of all products available being a direct purchase from the grower of the
produce. Furthermore, the different terms used for farmers’ markets reflect retail
change over time and different regional food supply and distribution channels
(Hall 2013). Nevertheless, the core of “official” definitions of farmers’ markets
reflects the notion that farmers’ markets are ‘recurrent markets at fixed locations
where farm products are sold by farmers themselves … at a true farmers’ market
some, if not all, of the vendors must be producers who sell their own products’
(Brown 2001: 658).
The issue of how farmers’ markets are defined is not just academic but, as Hall
(2013: 101) observes, ‘also reflects broader concerns of consumers and producers
that the farmers’ market and its produce be regarded as a space in which consum-
ers can trust the “authentic” and “local” qualities of what is being offered’. The
authentic and local dimension of farmers’ markets remains a recurring theme in
studies of farmers’ markets (e.g. Payne 2002; Feagan et al. 2004; Selfa & Qazi
2005; Hall et al. 2008; Conner et al. 2009; Wittman et al. 2012). The issue of
definition is also subject to the legal and regulatory environment that farmers’
markets operate in. For example, in California the state’s over 600 farmers’ mar-
kets have been certified under state legislation since 1977, while the Province of
Alberta in Canada has run an Approved Farmers’ Market Program since 1973
(Hall 2013). Nevertheless, the importance of localism in defining farmers’ mar-
kets is reflected in definitions of several national and regional farmers’ market
organisations (Table 1.3), where terms such as “local”, “fresh” (which implies
that food has only travelled a short distance from its origin) and “direct to con-
sumer” or terms that imply that the goods are vendor-produced are frequently
used (Hall 2013).
Farmers’ markets have had substantial growth since they were (re)introduced
in the United States, Canada, the UK, Australia and New Zealand (Brown 2001,
2002; Hall & Sharples 2008a; Basil 2012; Hall 2013). In the United States there
were 1,755 farmers’ markets operating nationwide in 1994, just under 4,500 by
24 C. Michael Hall and Stefan Gössling
2006 and 8,268 in 2014 (Hamilton 2002; USDA 2014). According to the USDA
(2012), farmers’ markets’ sales in the United States are estimated at being slightly
over $1 billion annually and more than 25 per cent of vendors at surveyed markets
derived their sole source of farm income from farmers’ markets. In roughly the
same period in Canada, the number increased from 70 to over 260 (Hall 2013).

Table 1.3 Example definitions of farmers’ markets

Country Organisation Definition

Australia Australian ‘… a predominantly fresh food market that operates


Farmers’ regularly within a community, at a focal public
Market location that provides a suitable environment for
Association farmers and food producers to sell farm-origin and
associated value-added processed food products
directly to customers’.
Australia – Victorian ‘… a predominantly local fresh food and produce
Victoria Farmers’ market that operates regularly at a public location
Market which provides a suitable environment for farmers
Association and food producers to sell their farm origin product
and their associated value added primary products
directly to customers’.
Canada – Alberta ‘Markets must maintain an annual average vendor
Alberta Farmers’ split of 80/20 where 80% of the vendors are
Market Albertans selling Alberta products which they, an
Association immediate family member, a staff member or a
under the member of a producer-owned cooperative or their
Alberta staff have made, baked or grown. The remaining
Approved 20% of the vendors can be made up of out-of-
Farmers’ province vendors, resellers or vendors selling
Market commercially available products. Markets operating
Program outside the 80/20 requirement will be granted
Guidelines conditional approval. Approval status will be
revoked for any markets that have been conditional
for two years without improvement … Preference
must be granted to Alberta producers who make,
bake, or grow their products’.
Canada – BC ‘Only the farmer and/or the family are permitted
British Association to sell at a member market. Re-sellers are not
Columbia of Farmers’ permitted. At member markets, our focus is on
Markets selling locally grown or processed farm-fresh
foods, so only a limited number of crafters can be
found at our markets. You won’t find any imported
products. Most of our foods travel from less than 300
kilometres away’.
Canada – Farmers’ ‘…is a seasonal, multi-vendor, community-driven
Ontario Markets (not private) organization selling agricultural,
Ontario food, art and craft products including home-grown
produce, home-made crafts and value-added
products where the vendors are primary producers
(including preserves, baked goods, meat, fish, dairy
products, etc.)’.
New Zealand New Zealand ‘…a food market where local growers, farmers
Farmers’ and artisan food producers sell their wares directly
Market to consumers. Vendors may only sell what they
Association grow, farm, pickle, preserve, bake, smoke or catch
themselves from within a defined local area. The
market takes place at a public location on a regular
basis’.
United National ‘… a market in which farmers, growers or producers
Kingdom Farmers’ from a defined local area are present in person to sell
Retail and their own produce, direct to the public. All products
Markets sold should have been grown, reared, caught,
Association brewed, pickled, baked, smoked or processed by the
(FARMA) stallholder’.
United States Farmers’ ‘A farmers market operates multiple times per year
Market and is organized for the purpose of facilitating
Coalition personal connections that create mutual benefits for
local farmers, shoppers and communities. To fulfill
that objective farmers markets define the term local,
regularly communicate that definition to the public,
and implement rules/guidelines of operation that
ensure that the farmers market consists principally of
farms selling directly to the public products that the
farms have produced’.
United States – California ‘The Certified Farmers’ Markets (CFM) are
California Farmers’ diversified markets offering both certifiable and non-
Markets certifiable goods for sale.
Association The CFM provides producers with the opportunity to
(CFMA) sell their fresh, local products directly
to the consumers without the intervention of a
middleman.
Each CFM is operated in accordance with regulations
established in the California Administrative Code
(Title 3, Chapter 3, Group 4, Article 6.5, Section
1392) pertaining to Direct Marketing. Each market is
certified by the County Agricultural Commissioner
as a direct marketing outlet for producers to sell their
crops directly to consumers without meeting the
usual size, standard pack and container requirements
for such products. However, all produce must meet
minimum quality standards.
The non-certifiable goods add variety and enhance the
festive ambiance of the Farmers’ Market. Although
the State Direct Marketing regulations require the
producers of fresh fruit, nuts, vegetables, flowers,
honey, eggs, nursery stock, and plants be required
to be certified, the same producer-to-consumer
philosophy applies for all items sold at the Market.
The resale of products is prohibited’.
Source: Alberta Agriculture and Forestry (2015), Australian Farmers’ Market Association (2009), BC
Association of Farmers’ Markets (2011), California Farmers’ Markets Association (2006: 1), Farmers’
Market Coalition (2008), Farmers’ Markets Ontario (2007), National Farmers’ Retail and Markets
Association (2009), New Zealand Farmers’ Market Association (2007), Victorian Farmers’ Market
Association (2011), in Hall (2016: 90)
26 C. Michael Hall and Stefan Gössling
Farmers’ markets may take a variety of forms in terms of space and time and
vary according to the location of the market, whether there is a purpose-built
building or not, and the period over which the market operates (Hall 2016). Many
markets are seasonal because of supply and weather conditions, and in some
regions there is a strong tradition of harvest and Christmas festivals. In some cases
the markets may be associated with heritage buildings and precincts. For example,
the Cambridge Farmers’ Market in Canada has been operating for over 100 years
and occupies a historic building and adjacent lot in the city core and enjoys the
status of a designated heritage property (Smithers, Lamarche & Joseph 2008).
However, the development of new market infrastructure and space in heritage
precincts can be extremely controversial for both socioeconomic and architectural
and aesthetic reasons (Tunbridge 2000, 2001). However, while markets can con-
tribute to gentrification and local economies (Morales, Balkin & Persky 1995),
urban redevelopment often places substantial pressures on market spaces as city
governments and property owners seek higher returns, sometimes forcing them
to move (Xu, Wan & Fan 2014). For example, the Maxwell Street Markets in
Chicago have had to move several times. Its location ‘remains impermanent, as
new commercial development raises land values in the area’ (Morales 2006: 1).
Therefore, in assessing the role of markets in development processes, it becomes
important not only to understand the economic linkages that markets provide to
producers but also the site-specific development issues that may indicate issues of
competing land uses and economic returns.

Farmers’ markets, food producers and restaurant supply


Another significant local food system and tourism and hospitality function that
farmers’ markets provide is to act as a source of produce to restaurants (Figure
1.3E). As Roy, Hall and Ballantine (this volume) note, some of the perceived
benefits of local food purchasing by restaurants include good public relations,
supporting local producers, better quality, fresher and safer food, superior taste,
supporting the local economy, ability to purchase small quantities and improved
customer satisfaction (Inwood et al. 2009; Schmit & Hadcock 2012). Nevertheless,
there are also a number of perceived barriers to restaurants purchasing include
payment procedures, lack of knowledge about local sources, inconvenient order-
ing and delivery times, limited availability and amounts, variable costs, packaging
and handling, lack of authority to choose suppliers, inadequate distribution sys-
tems, poor communication skills and additional time to process the food in the
operation (Green & Dougherty 2008; Curtis & Cowee 2009; Inwood et al. 2009).
In Roy et al’s study (this volume) of restaurants in Vancouver, Canada, only
half of the respondent chefs sourced farmers’ markets for produce (see also
Duram & Cawley 2012), while almost two-thirds of the respondents sourced
directly from producers. However, all of the respondents also sourced from a
food service distributor. As noted earlier in this introduction, the role of interme-
diaries remains important in local food systems and especially so for restaurants
and cafés. Nevertheless, the role of distributors in accessing and aggregating local
Food tourism and regional development 27
food produce and then supplying the restaurant and hospitality sector has received
very little attention. This is surprising as often their capacities to enhance the local
food system may be critical given that many hospitality businesses may not wish
to deal with a larger number of farmers and vendors because of the time, quality
and supply issues involved (Smith & Hall 2003; Nummedal & Hall 2006; Schmit
& Hadcock 2012; Forbord 2015).

Food events
Events have assumed an important role in food tourism and marketing in recent
years and have developed their own specialist professional organisations and
niche area within tourism and visitor studies. At the same time the study of food
and wine tourism has also grown in importance (Henderson 2009). Food events
therefore lie at the intersection of these two fields. There also appears agreement
that the number of food-related events being held around the developed world
is growing rapidly although definitive figures are hard to determine (Griffin &
Frongillo 2003; Chaney & Ryan 2012).
Public food events can be defined (after Ritchie 1984; Hall 1992) as one-time
or recurring events of limited duration, developed primarily to enhance the aware-
ness, sales, appeal and profitability of food and beverage products in the short
and/or long term. Such events rely for their success on uniqueness, status, quality
or timely significance to create interest and attract attention. A primary function
of food events is to provide an opportunity for food products and related des-
tinations an opportunity to secure a position of prominence in the market for a
short, well-defined period of time in order to make sales. Significant secondary
functions from the demand side include building and promoting product, firm
and destination brand values, maintaining relationships with customers, encour-
aging new consumers, educating consumers and promoting visitation (Hall &
Mitchell 2008). From the production side, secondary functions include promoting
improved production methods and quality of product, reducing the length of sup-
ply chains and promoting sustainable agricultural development, particularly with
respect to the development of farmers’ markets. Nevertheless, food events are
not just about external promotion to visitors and/or consumers outside of the host
region, they also have substantial internal drivers for their hosting which relate
to the consumption and production of food from particular locations and com-
munities and to the maintenance of those communities. Food events are therefore
strongly connected to senses of place and community pride in the products that
they produce.
Festivals are a celebration of something the local community wishes to share
and which involves the wider public as participants in the experience (Frost 2015).
Festivals are ‘an event, a social phenomenon, encountered in virtually all human
cultures’ (Falassi 1987: 1). Hu (2010: 8–9) defined a food festival as:

A festival or public event that centers on specific food or food-related items or


behaviors. Such a festival is usually a celebration of local food or food-related
28 C. Michael Hall and Stefan Gössling
pride, traditions, or specialties that the host community wishes to share, but
can also be a tourist attraction that is created or rejuvenated particularly for
‘outside visitors’ in order to promote local tourism and/or culinary products.

Festivals are intimately related with the maintenance and celebration of commu-
nity values and historically have had a strong relationship with food (Humphery
& Humphery 1988). ‘Both the social function and the symbolic meaning of the
festival are closely related to a series of overt values that the community recog-
nizes as essential to its ideology and worldview, to its social identity, its historical
continuity, and to its physical survival, which is ultimately what festival cele-
brates’ (Falassi 1987: 2). However, as a result of greater cultural and economic
connectedness between places, community food festivals have increasingly taken
on a role as a commoditised product that is externally promoted in order to attract
visitors, promote the region or community or promote consumption of specific
food products – all usually with an economic motive (Hall & Mitchell 2008). This
is not to deny that events and festivals still have an important community-based
social function but that such celebrations increasingly also have an economic and
commercial dimension to them.
Many rural towns, especially in North America, often proclaim themselves as
the “capital” of various food types as a way of celebrating their heritage and food
production, while simultaneously using the food as a way of differentiating them-
selves as a place to visit. For example, in California, both Sacremento and Chico
proclaim to be the almond capital of the world (Hallinan 1989), while Watsonville
is the strawberry capital of the world. Similarly, Gilroy is the self-proclaimed gar-
lic capital of the world and also hosts an annual garlic festival that usually attracts
over 100,000 people each year (Hall & Sharples 2008b; Adema 2009). Events and
festivals may also be duplicated from one location to another both as a means to
attract visitors as well as to celebrate particular cultures. For example, Oktoberfest
celebrations are now held throughout the world, often at locations with only a
tenuous cultural link to Germany (Sharples & Lyons 2008). However, some loca-
tions, such as Kitchener-Waterloo in Ontario which hosts the largest Oktoberfest
in North America, also use it to celebrate their strong German migrant heritage
(Xiao & Smith 2004). Indeed, a significant longer-term issue in the sustainabil-
ity of many rural food festivals is the extent to which their heritage dimensions
are perceived as authentic by consumers (Lewis 1997; Bessiere 1998; Xie 2004;
Picard & Robinson 2006), as well as the potential of the desire to commercialise
food heritage for economic benefits from tourism affects heritage values.
The use of food events and festivals for tourism and economic develop-
ment purposes has also allowed for renewed public and private investment in
community-based food events because of the perceived direct benefits – that is,
purchasing of local product and acquisition of product knowledge – and indirect
benefits – that is, awareness of regional brand that they bring (Dodd et al. 2006;
Hede 2008; Wood & Thomas 2008; Blichfeldt & Halkier 2014). Importantly,
sampling of product at an event may also encourage return visitation (Houghton
2001). Çela et al. (2007) assessed the economic impact of 11 community-based
Food tourism and regional development 29
food festivals in Northeast Iowa (from May to October 2005). The total economic
impact of visitors (n = 22,806) in local food festivals was estimated to be almost
$2.6 million in terms of sales; $1.4 million in terms of personal income; and
generated 51 jobs. However, local food events are rarely held in isolation from
producers and other significant actors in the local food system. Therefore, a major
theme in examining tourism in local food systems is the way in which the food
network operates, particularly with respect to the interrelationships between the
different sectors.

Intangible capital, clusters and networks


In terms of production, Hall (2002) argued that critical to the success of regional
food tourism business strategies is characterised by the development of one or
more forms of intangible capital: intellectual property, networks, brand and talent.
Intellectual property and brand are closely entwined, for example, because of the
extent to which food and tourism are products which can be differentiated on the
basis of regional identity (Feagan 2007; Goodman et al. 2012). For example, wine
is often identified by its geographical origin, for example, Burgundy, Champagne,
Rioja; similarly, cheese, for example, parmesan, camembert, which in many cases
have been formalised through a series of appellation controls founded on certain
geographical characteristics of a place that also serve as protectable intellectual
property (Bowen & Zapata 2009; Bowen 2010; Blakeney et al. 2012). It should
therefore be of little surprise that the relationship between wine, food and tourism
is extremely significant at a regional level through the contribution that regionality
provides for product branding, place promotion and, through these mechanisms,
economic development (Ilbery & Kneafsey 2000a, 2000b; Hall 2002; Marcotte,
Bourdeau & Leroux 2012; West & Domingos 2012; Peris-Ortiz, Rama & Rueda-
Armengot 2016). As Moran (1993: 266) observed:

Burgundy gives its name to one of the best known wines in the world but at
the same time the region of Burgundy becomes known because of its wine.
Moreover, the little bits of it, often only a few hectares, also derive their
prestige from the wines that are produced there. In Burgundy, the process has
developed to the extent that in order to capitalize on the reputation of their
most famous wines many of the communes … have taken the name of their
most famous vineyard. Corton was added to make Aloxe-Corton, Montrachet
to make both Puligny-Montrachet and Chassagne-Montrachet, Romanee to
make Vosne-Romanee, St Georges to make Nuits-St Georges and so on.

Appellation controls and geographically designated origins have long served to act
as a form of intellectual property in terms of rural space as well as product (Moran
1993; Skilton & Wu 2013). Regional speciality food and drink products have also
come to be registered as intellectual property as designated quality labels within
EU and national law (Ilbery & Kneafsey 2000a; Newman et al. 2014). A process
which Ilbery and Kneafsey (2000b) appropriately described within the context of
30 C. Michael Hall and Stefan Gössling
globalisation as “cultural relocalisation” and which is having substantial ramifica-
tions for international trade agreements.

Networks and clusters


Networks and cluster relationships are a significant part of the development of
intangible capital of food and tourism-related regional development and are argu-
ably the area of research that has most drawn on relevant regional development
and regional studies theory (Hall 2004; Bertella 2011; OECD 2012; Eriksen &
Sundbo 2015; Kim & Jamal 2015). Networking refers to a wide range of coop-
erative behaviour between otherwise competing organisations and between
organisations linked through economic and social relationships and transactions.
Often the term is synonymous with inter-firm cooperation. Industry clusters exist
where there is loose geographical concentration or association of firms and organ-
isations involved in a value chain producing goods and services and which is
relatively innovative. The suggestion that business clusters add value to a region
implies a new set of public policies, one that shifts the focus of attention from
an individual place or individual firm to a region and clusters of businesses and
the interaction between them (Rosenfeld 1997; Nordin 2003). A cluster may be
defined as a concentration of companies and industries in a geographic region
that are interconnected by the markets they serve and the products they produce,
as well as by the suppliers, trade associations and educational institutions with
which they interact (Porter 1990). Many commentators argue that such chains of
firms are the primary “drivers” of a region’s economy, on whose success other
businesses and sectors, such as the construction industry, depend on in terms
of their own financial viability. They are also regarded as extremely significant
for innovation practices and for knowledge circulation (Hall & Baird 2014a).
However, objective criteria for clusters are exceedingly difficult to isolate, and
there are arguably as many definitions as there are types of organisations using
the term (Rosenfeld 1997: 8). For example, Rosenfeld (1997: 9) argues that, to all
intents and purposes, networks are a result of mature and animated clusters, not
the source of a local production system, whereas clusters are systems in which
membership is simply based on interdependence and making a contribution to
the functioning of the system. In attempting to clarify the differences between
clusters and networks, Nordin (2003), in her examination of the cluster concept in
tourism, quotes from the OECD (1999: 12):

Clusters differ from other forms of co-operation and networks in that the
actors involved in a cluster are linked in a value chain. The cluster con-
cept goes beyond ‘simple’ horizontal networks in which firms, operating
on the same end-product market and belonging to the same industry group,
co-operate on aspect such as R&D, demonstration programmes, collective
marketing or purchasing policy. Clusters are often cross-sectoral (vertical
and/or lateral) networks, made up of dissimilar and complementary firms
specialising around a specific link or knowledge base in the value chain.
From food tourism and regional development to food, tourism and
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