10.4324 9781315691695 Previewpdf
10.4324 9781315691695 Previewpdf
List of figures ix
List of tables xi
Notes on contributors xiii
Acknowledgements xv
PART I
Introduction 1
1 From food tourism and regional development to food, tourism
and regional development: themes and issues in contemporary
foodscapes 3
C. MICHAEL HALL AND STEFAN GÖSSLING
PART II
Local food systems, tourism and trajectories of
regional development 59
2 Value creation in sustainable food networks:
the role of tourism 61
JAN-HENRIK NILSSON
PART III
The cultural economy of food and tourism 133
7 Regional development and Japanese obsession with noodles:
the udon noodle tourism phenomenon in Japan 135
SANGKYUN KIM
PART IV
Products, regions and regionality 201
13 Understanding disparities in wine tourism development:
evidence from two Old World cases 203
ELSA GATELIER
PART V
Barriers and constraints 253
17 Barriers and constraints in the use of local foods in the
hospitality sector 255
HIRAN ROY, C. MICHAEL HALL AND PAUL BALLANTINE
PART VI
Conclusions 285
19 Conclusions: food tourism and regional development – new
localism or globalism? 287
STEFAN GÖSSLING AND C. MICHAEL HALL
Index 295
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Figures
1.1 From farm to plate: the food consumption and production system 9
1.2 Place and producer connectivity to national and global food systems 14
1.3 Industrial and alternative food supply chains 17
1.4 Local food chains in the context of food, tourism and regional
development 31
1.5 Life course for the increasing connectedness and resilience of
local food systems 35
1.6 Relationships between national, regional and local strategies 40
1.7 Brand architecture structure of food place brands with wine
examples 41
1.8 Wine brand elements 42
1.9 Relationships between food, tourism and regional development 43
4.1 Location of the study site, Margaret River, Western Australia 94
4.2 Explanatory model of tourism development in agricultural regions 99
5.1 Framework for the role of regional foods and food events in rural
destination marketing and development 112
6.1 Map of Michigan featuring study areas 122
13.1 Contribution of wine tourism revenues by service category
excepting wine sales 205
15.1 Development and growth of micro-breweries in South Africa
1983–2013 234
15.2 The location of craft breweries in South Africa 2013:
provincial scale 235
15.3 The location of craft breweries in South Africa, 2013:
urban scale 236
16.1 Location of cheese produce with PDO and IGP in Spain 246
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Tables
The links between place, sustainability, food and tourism is both an academic as
well as practical interest of the editors. Being both academics and owners of rural
properties, we are deeply interested and involved in where our food comes from,
how the food we and our neighbours produce fits into the food chain and with
tourism and hospitality in particular, and the realities of trying to achieve low-
carbon organic farming and lifestyles. These extremely personal and localised
concerns are also intimately related to the “larger” issues that occupy much of
our academic lives in relation to global environmental change, sustainable tour-
ism development and consumption, the politics of mobility and tourism and the
sheer environmental stupidity of much our fellow species members. When we are
at Solberga Gård or Riverstones we know that we are able to walk outside and
harvest our own meals, we are also very deeply aware that most people cannot,
and that a large number of the world’s population including those in the so-called
developed countries in which we live do not have the luxury of regular nutritional
meals.
The book arises from our ongoing project work on the interrelationships
between food and tourism. Critical to its success has been a number of meetings
and workshops, of which a conference on tourism, local foods and development
held in Kalmar, Sweden, in September 2013 to which several of the authors in
this volume contributed. The editors would like express their gratitude to Anneli
Andersson for organising all practical details of the meeting.
Stefan would like to express his gratitude to the team at Linnaeus University,
and in particular Ann-Christin Andersson and Martin Gren. He is also grateful
to those trying to understand food structures and who work to prevent that
we continue on the path of agriculture industrialisation. Lastly, I would like to
sincerely thank Meike and Linnea – who have put up with my own farming
ambitions for six years now.
Michael would like to thank a number of colleagues with whom he has under-
taken food research or discussed food and tourism-related issues over the years.
In particular, thanks to Tim Baird, Tim Coles, David Duval, Johan Hultman,
John Jenkins, Ghazali Musa, Dieter Müller, Stephen Page, Girish Prayag, Yael
Ram, Jarkko Saarinen, Anna Dóra Sæþórsdóttir, Liz Sharples, Brian and Delyse
Springett, David Telfer, Sandra Wall and Allan Williams for their thoughts, as
xvi Acknowledgements
well as for the stimulation of A Long Walk, Beirut, Nick Cave, Bruce Cockburn,
Elvis Costello, Stephen Cummings, Chris Difford and Glenn Tilbrook, Elvy,
Ebba Fosberg, Hoodoo Gurus, Ivan and Alyosha, Ed Kuepper, Larkin Poe, Vinnie
Reilly, David Sylvian, and The Guardian, KCRW, and BBC – without whom the
four walls of a hotel room would be much more confining. Finally, Michael would
like to thank the many people who have supported his work over the years, and
especially to the J’s and the C’s who stay at home and mind the farm.
We would all like to extend our thanks to our editor Emma Travis at Routledge
and to Pippa Mullins for her shepherding as well as to the rest of the Routledge
team who have supported us over the project.
Part I
Introduction
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1 From food tourism and regional
development to food, tourism
and regional development
Themes and issues in contemporary
foodscapes
C. Michael Hall and Stefan Gössling
Introduction
Food is a major research focus in tourism and hospitality. This, of course, should
not be surprising given that all tourists have to eat and that food service and pro-
vision is a core element of hospitality. However, since the 1980s, interest in the
inter-relationships between food and tourism has grown from issues of provision
and experience to the tourist to the wider contributions that tourist demand for
food may play in the wider economy. These developments did not occur in isola-
tion and can be understood in relation to two main reasons: first, concerns about
the extent of economic and employment losses in many destinations, especially
in developing countries, with respect to the impact of food importation for tour-
ists (Telfer & Wall 1996); second, the restructuring of agricultural economies in
developed countries as a result of globalisation, technological change and neolib-
eral governance (Whatmore, Lowe & Marsden 1991; Jenkins, Hall & Troughton
1998). The latter concerns became especially significant in Europe, where spe-
cific regional development programmes were established to encourage tourism
in rural and peripheral areas, but significant government interventions were also
undertaken in Australia, Canada, New Zealand and the United States (Hall &
Jenkins 1998). The high level of national and regional government interest in
tourism and its connections to stimulating the food and agricultural industries
were also related to a number of perceived advantages of tourism as a means of
economic diversification and development (Hall, Johnson & Mitchell 2000; Hall
2002; Richards 2002), including:
The above drivers of state intervention and activity in food and tourism were
arguably also reflective of broader research interest of tourism in rural areas that
over time focussed more explicitly on potential relationships with the agricul-
tural sector, including such developments as farm stays, as mechanisms for farm
and rural income diversification (Shucksmith et al. 1989; Ilbery 1991). Much of
the discussion of the role of tourism in food systems and agriculture was also
connected to debates on the “post-productivist” countryside (Shucksmith 1993;
Ilbery & Bowler 1998) that saw the supposed decline of “productivism” in rural
policy, which can be conceptualised as
Food tourism
Food tourism is defined by Hall and Mitchell (2001: 308) as ‘visitation to primary
and secondary food producers, food festivals, restaurants and specific locations
for which food tasting and/or experiencing the attributes of specialist food produc-
tion region are the primary motivating factor for travel’. Wine tourism is a subset
Food tourism and regional development 7
of food tourism, being defined as visitation to vineyards, wineries, wine festivals
and wine shows in which grape wine tasting and/or experiencing the attributes
of a grape wine region are the prime motivating factors for visitors (Hall 1996).
Such definitions do not mean that any trip to an event is food tourism, rather the
desire to experience a particular type of food or the produce of a specific region
must be the major motivation for such travel. Indeed, food tourism may possibly
be regarded as an example of “culinary”, “gastronomic”, “gourmet” or “cuisine”
tourism that reflects consumers for whom interest in food and wine is a form
of ‘serious leisure’ (Hall, Sharples et al. 2000; Hall & Mitchell 2001; Hjalager
2002; Boniface 2003; Hall, Sharples, Mitchell, et al. 2003; Mitchell & Hall 2003;
Long 2004; Hall & Sharples 2008a; Henderson 2009; Horng & Tsai 2012; Hall
& Gössling 2013a; Yeoman et al. 2015). Smith (2007: 100), for example, defined
“culinary tourism” as ‘any tourism trip during which the consumption, tasting,
appreciation, or purchase of [local] food products is an important component […]
The central feature of culinary tourism is that it centers on local or regional foods/
beverages’.
Such definitional distinctions are significant because they also alert the reader
to the potential dimensions of the food tourism market. However, for all these cat-
egories described as part of food tourism, food and wine rank as the main or major
travel motivator. Such categories of tourism are therefore defined primarily by the
consumer (Hall, Sharples & Smith 2003) by virtue of their tourist decision mak-
ing being primarily determined by a cuisine or foodway or a specific food product,
including beer, wine and spirits, or related elements such as food events, festivals,
museums, restaurants or production (Sparks 2007; Kim, Eves & Scarles 2009).
Economic concerns are undoubtedly significant. For example, for Beer et al.
(2003: 5), the broad parameters of what is meant by local and regional develop-
ment have been primarily interpreted in an economic sense since the 1980s and
CLEARING UP Water
WASTE MANAGEMENT & Energy
RECYCLING Chemical
Polluted water
Non-recycled food waste
EATING Non-recycled pack ،ging waste
Emissions
T
Refrigerants
Energy WHOLESALER +
T T
IMPORTS
FRESH OOD S (PROCESSED FOODS)
Refrigerants T
Energy
T T
IMPORTS FINAL FOOD MANUFACTURE* s EXPORTS
S Storage
T
T
Supply chain
IMPORTS OF T
AGRICULTURAL PRIMARY FOOD Resource inputs
and waste outputs
PRODUCTS PRODUCTION+
• farms
Water ؛؛ ׳livestock operations
— Energy • marine capture & T
Chemicals
aquaculture
,biocides ( Polluted water FRESH FOOD
)fertilisers
Packaging
Agricultural waste
Packaging waste s
Machinery
Figure 1.1 From farm to plate: the food consumption and production system
Source: Gössling and Hall (2013: 11).
10 C. Michael Hall and Stefan Gössling
refer ‘to a set of activities aimed at improving the economic well-being of an
area’. Nevertheless, it is important to recognise that development has a qualitative
dimension whereas growth refers to quantitative change, even though the two are
often confused! Indeed, Pike et al. (2007) raise the vital question of ‘What kind
of local and regional development and for whom?’ This is important because
it dovetails with similar concerns in tourism, for example, sustainable develop-
ment, reduction of tourism-related environmental degradation, poverty reduction,
and quality of life (Hall, Gössling & Scott 2015). In a paper for the International
Labour Organisation, White and Gasser (2001) establish four features that char-
acterise local and regional development strategies: they require participation and
social dialogue; they are based on territory; they entail the mobilisation of local
resources and competitive advantages; and they are locally owned and managed.
These characteristics are also reflected in the interest in local and regional food
systems.
The major advantage of localizing food systems, underlying all other advan-
tages, is that this process reworks power and knowledge relationships in food
supply systems that have become distorted by increasing distance (physical,
social, and metaphorical) between producers and consumers … [and] gives
priority to local and environmental integrity before corporate profit-making.
Buck et al. (2007) argue that the potential benefits of such a system include
As noted above, the foodshed concept is closely related to the local food system
idea with the difference being that it is more bioregionally oriented and is often
directly concerned with food security (the capacity of a region to feed itself if
external supplies were to be stopped) (Kloppenburg et al. 1996; Feagan & Krug
2004). Significantly, direct marketing via farmers’ markets and food festivals
along with other forms of tourism are often recognised as being integral compo-
nents of a foodshed (Hall & Sharples 2008c) or local food system (Feagan, Morris
& Krug 2004; Wittman, Beckie & Hergesheimer 2012). According to Feagan &
Krug (2004) in order for a local foodshed to be established, several things need
to happen:
The foodshed and local system concepts clearly show much commonality with
local and regional development approaches. Furthermore, the community-based
approach together with concerns over ethical and sustainable food consumption
and production is also recognised at being at odds with some elements of the
globalised and corporate food sector, especially because of the emphasis on local
and place-based ownership. Ethical consumerism is generally associated with the
consumption of goods and services, the production of which does not result in
harm to people, animals or the environment (Thompson & Coskuner-Balli 2007;
Dowd & Burke 2013; Niva et al. 2014), and covers a range of manifestations of
new sustainable consumption and production practices often focussed on such
concerns as fair trade, organic and free-range produce, Slow Food (and slow tour-
ism), human rights, environmental sustainability and the production of consumer
goods (Doane 2001; Pottinger 2013).
12 C. Michael Hall and Stefan Gössling
Another element of ethical consumerism is a strong stress on ‘buying local’ as
a means not only of potentially reducing how far food has to travel and therefore
impacts the environment but also of showing support for local producers (Hall &
Gössling 2013b; Busa & Garder 2015; McCaffrey & Kurland 2015; Williams et al.
2015). The relationship between food tourism and local food systems has long been
recognised as significant for regional development (Boyne, Hall & Williams 2003;
Hall 2006), given that they help support food festivals and farmers’ markets and
also help provide a market for local produce. However, the role of tourism and
especially international tourism in local food systems creates something of a para-
dox because it means that while the local food system is often regarded as a device
to counter some of the negative elements of globalisation, tourism by its very nature
is a potent force for encouraging globalisation. For example, in an examination of
slow food and tourism and issues of sustainability, Hall (2012: 65) argued that even
if one ignores the potential emissions of travel to consume artisan, local and slow
food, ‘there remains a significant issue in that in many cases the local food system
still requires distant consumers to make artisan foods economic’. This argument
also reflects Van der Meulen’s (2008) observation that local food networks serve
as an important signal and example to the mainstream, reflecting where society
is going and where new opportunities for consumption and production lie. ‘The
actual practices do not represent a simple re-proposing of old traditional produc-
tions, rather they derive from a new reading of the internal and external environment
based on the needs and characters of the modern consumer’ (Nosi & Zanni 2004:
789). But this also means that probably some of the largest gains from the Slow
Food movement and local food systems are likely to be realised by actors outside
the initial Slow Food networks (Van der Meulen 2008) who are able to buy into
such production for export purposes. For example, there is evidence that consump-
tion of local food may be increased via availability in supermarkets (Penney & Prior
2014). Indeed, James (2015) suggests that the assumed alterity of many small-scale
farmers from the so-called ‘mainstream’ food system has led to a focus on localised
threats to farm well-being, such as urban development, and solutions, such as alter-
native food networks. However, she argues that this localised focus risks neglecting
the way in which small-scale family farmers, such as those in her study on Sydney,
Australia’s, urban fringe, are directly connected to and reliant on the mainstream for
their economic viability.
The situation by which local foods become desirable ‘culture goods’ (Bourdieu
1984) may well fulfil many of the Slow Food movement’s goals (Petrini 2001, 2007).
Yet in trying to conceive of a Slow Food-inspired practice of tourism, many issues
remain. Most significantly is the extent to which Slow Food actually represents a
move towards a more sustainable form of travel consumption. Unfortunately, this is
probably not the case, as the movement appears unaware of the potential contradic-
tions between mobility and sustainability, as Petrini (2007: 241) writes:
Some of these issues are illustrated in Figure 1.2, which shows some of the path-
ways by which local food systems are tied to national and global systems. In many
cases this is the result of direct exporting and importing of food to and from other
regions. However, tourism further promotes the potential of such linkages via the
role of tourists as sources of temporary local demand – which can lead to a growth
in production and search for further markets so as to pursue economies of scale,
while tourism itself provides business and consumer linkages to other locations,
whether by direct order or with respect to wholesale or retail relations.
‘NON-LOCAL CONSUMERS’
PRODUCERS
PLACE
Figure 1.2 Place and producer connectivity to national and global food systems
This restructuring of the agri-food supply chain has had far-reaching effects
on all actors in the chain, from the input supplier who sells seeds, tractors,
Food tourism and regional development 15
and fertilizers, to the farmer and food retailer, to the consumer … These
changes can be seen in: the development of flexible, ‘just in time’, modes
of food production and distribution; the emergence of new health foods
and functional foods associated with issues of nutrition and diet; the sale
of convenience foods, reflecting social changes in work patterns and ‘time-
poor’ lifestyles; the homogenization and standardization of tastes and diets;
the emergence of new forms of regulation and quality management in
response to food ‘scares’; and growing consumer concerns about the safety
of imported foods.
(Burch et al. 2013: 215)
Indeed, the global distribution structure of exported organic foods has raised
questions about the ecological and social impacts of organic food produc-
tion; this is especially so in relation to the carbon footprint of organic food
products transported within global commodity chains (Raynolds 2004). The
corporatisation of organic foods has also meant that the intrinsic capacity of
organic food production to enhance regional development objectives has been
substantially questioned, especially given the extent to which small organic
producers have been purchased by some of the world’s largest food compa-
nies. However, not all intermediation runs in opposition to the development
of local food systems. The spatial and temporal issues associated with food
supply and demand, especially for urban centres and tourist destinations,
means that intermediaries play a critical role in regional food systems and
serve to integrate not only elements of the supply chain but also the actions of
businesses with the innovation system (Frykors & Jonsson 2010). However,
it should be noted that the critical role of intermediaries has been surpris-
ingly little researched in food tourism and regional development, which is
remarkable given their significance for the food service sector (Murphy &
Smith 2009).
16 C. Michael Hall and Stefan Gössling
Food, tourism, regional development and shortening supply chains
The notion of alternative food supply chains is usually understood in the context
of supply chain configurations that support organic farming, contextual quality
production (e.g. health characteristics, environmental attributes, fair trade, local/
geographic designation, organic, slow) and/or direct selling practices (Renting,
Marsden & Banks 2003). In contrast, an alternative food network, which includes
the concept of a local food system, is a broader term that encompasses networks
of producers, consumers and other actors that embody alternatives to the indus-
trial mode of food supply (Sage 2003; Jarosz 2008; Goodman et al. 2012). The
reconfiguration of supply chains is a core mechanism of the food – tourism and
regional development relationship as it focussed on providing new ways to add
value to producers and regions in response to long and complex industrial food
chains. These configurations, discussed in a tourism context below, help create
new linkages between consumers and producers as well as ‘resocialise or respa-
tialise food, thereby allowing the consumer to make new value judgments about
the relative desirability of foods’ (Renting et al. 2003: 398). A common denomi-
nator of alternative food supply chains is that they can be described as “short” for
at least four reasons (Marsden, Banks & Bristow 2000; Renting et al. 2003; Ilbery
& Maye 2005; Gössling et al. 2011; Kneafsey et al. 2013):
1 The physical distance that food travels between producer and end consumer
may be shortened.
2 Consumer relations are “shortened” and redefined by providing transparent
information on the provenance and quality attributes of food.
3 The chains “short-circuit” the long and often anonymous supply chains charac-
teristic of the industrial mode of food production. This may include a reduction
in the number of intermediaries but, at the very least, implies a change.
4 Short chains are potentially an important carrier for the “shortening” of relations
between food production and locality, thereby encouraging a re-embedding of
farming towards more environmentally sustainable modes of production as a
result of greater consumer and fellow producer awareness and knowledge.
Some of the shifts and new ways of adding value for producers are illustrated
in Figure 1.3 and will be discussed further below. One of the key dimensions of
food and tourism, rather than food tourism, is the extent to which it highlights the
capacity of tourism to influence local food production (Telfer & Wall 1996). Both
tourism and food production (and adding value via manufacturing processes)
are significant on their own for regional development. However, from a regional
development perspective there is an understanding that deepening and strengthen-
ing the relationships between the two will allow for greater returns to both sectors
as well as to regions as a whole (Everett & Slocum 2013; James & Halkier 2014).
Local economic development strategies that seek to encourage food and wine
tourism tend to have a number of similar components (Centre for Environment
and Society 1999; Hall 2005):
Food tourism and regional development 17
consumer
production, processing and retailing
C) Shortening the supply chain, e.g. direct sales to the consumer from farm or cellar door sales or direct box sales. Retailing and processing
incorporated into producer business activities
Producers consumer
D) Producers' cooperate in production, running a market, sharing retail space and/or undertaking join t promotion campaigns
Producers
consumer
Restaurant
Wholesaler/
processor
For example, the extremely influential and widely cited “Eat the View” pro-
ject was set up by the UK Countryside Agency in 2001 to encourage tourism
businesses to connect better with their local economy by using and selling
locally produced food and drink products (e.g. Garrod, Wornell & Youell 2006;
Jackson, Ward & Russell 2006; Everett 2008; Everett & Aitchison 2008).
The long-term aim of the project was to ‘create improved market conditions
for products that originate from systems of land management which enhance
or protect the countryside’s landscape and character’ (Countryside Agency
2001). “Eat the View” had a number of target outcomes that were expected
to arise from improved local economic linkages between tourism and food
production:
•• to inform consumers about the impact of their decisions on the rural envi-
ronment and economy and how they can take positive action to benefit the
countryside;
•• the development of systems for marketing/distributing/selling produce which
will enable consumers to show support for local/sustainable production
methods;
•• the development of quality standards/accreditation systems to underpin mar-
kets for local/sustainable products;
•• the development of local marketing/branding initiatives which will utilise
unique features, for example, rare animal breeds, local customs;
•• the development of new supply chain partnerships between retailers/producers
which will increase the proportion of locally sourced/sustainable products;
Food tourism and regional development 19
•• an increase in the proportion of produce sold through alternative mar-
kets to large retailers and bulk caterers, for example, local collaborative
arrangements;
•• an increase in the number of local/community-led food initiatives creating
stronger local markets for produce and strengthening links between produc-
ers and consumers (adapted from Countryside Agency 2001).
•• High profile of some foods and cuisines can attract tourists and provide other
regional business opportunities (Alonso & Liu 2012; Ron & Timothy 2013).
•• Positive image of the region through association with a quality product (Hall
& Mitchell 2008; Lin, Pearson & Cai 2011; Spilková & Fialová 2013).
•• Food tourism can help differentiate a region’s position in the tourism mar-
ketplace if connected with local foods (Lee & Arcodia 2011; Blichfeldt &
Halkier 2014; Lee, Wall & Kovacs 2015).
•• Food tourism is an attraction in its own right that can help extend the range of
reasons for visiting a destination (Horng & Tsai 2012; Kirkman et al. 2013).
Food tourism may, therefore, help extend length of stay and increase visitor
expenditure on local product (Storchmann 2010).
Regional brand values of food (including wine, beer and spirits) can also be very
good for destination and regional promotion. However, it is essential that they fit
with the overall economic and brand strategy. For example, in 2002 New Zealand
sought to reposition its national brand so that it was perceived internationally as
innovative and creative in order to advantage non-tourism and agricultural enter-
prises. However, while the ‘clean, green and smart’ proposition had domestic
appeal, it did not have broad international impact, particularly as the tourism sub-
brand of “100% Pure” dominated the “New Zealand, New Thinking” trade brand.
Therefore, while the food and tourism industries benefitted from being positioned
as “clean and green”, other industries such as ICT did not (Hall 2010). A pos-
sible negative aspect in some circumstances therefore may mean that if there is
too much focus on the special interest food tourism market, other tourism and
business opportunities may not be adequately explored and that potential tourists
and investors may have a perception of a region that does not maximise broader
regional development opportunities. Issues of brand architecture will be discussed
further below.
As noted above, shortening the supply chain between producers and consumers
as well as B2B relationships does not mean that a producer operates in isolation.
Producers often cooperate in terms of sharing direct sales via a retail outlet as well
Table 1.2 Summary of advantages and disadvantages of tourism for producers
Advantages Disadvantages
Consumer exposure Consumer exposure to products Increased costs and The operation of a tasting room or direct
are increased, including management time sales may be costly, particularly when it
opportunities for product requires paid staff. While the profitability
sampling gap is higher on direct sales to the
consumer, profit may be reduced if there
is no charge for tastings
Brand awareness and Via establishing relationships Inability to The number of visitors a business can
potential loyalty between branded products, brand significantly increase attract is limited, and if a business cannot
values and the consumer sales sell all of its stock, it will eventually need
to use other distribution outlets
Customer relationships Created by opportunities to meet Inappropriate market The characteristics of the visitor market
staff and to see backstage “behind from the perspective may differ significantly from other
the scenes”. Positive relations of broader business consumers that the business wishes to sell
with consumers may lead to products to
both direct sales and indirect
sales through “word of mouth”
advertising
Better margins Increased sales margins as a Capital required May be prohibitive, especially as some
result of direct sale to consumer types of added value production for
assuming that the absence of hosting visitors are capital-intensive, for
distributor costs is not carried example, viewing/tasting rooms
over entirely to the consumer
(Continued)
Table 1.2 (Continued)
Advantages Disadvantages
Additional sales outlet And for smaller producers who Issues associated with Seasonal demand periods may not be
cannot guarantee volume or seasonality complimentary. Tourism, as with the
constancy of supply, perhaps the production of food, is highly seasonal
only feasible sales outlet
Market intelligence on Derived from direct consumer Potential risks to Food tourists on the property of primary
products and consumers feedback (both on existing production from producers can pose risks through the
products and the possibility to biosecurity breaches introduction of disease or weeds
trial new additions to a product
range) and via the use of a
customer relationship database
Education of consumers Can help generate awareness and Additional health and Visitors on a property require relevant
appreciation of specific types of safety requirements to health and safety legislation to be met.
foods. The knowledge and interest be met This may incur costs on the business, or
generated by this may result in regulations may restrict access to some
increased consumption food production areas, thus changing the
nature of the visitor experience
New sales opportunities Opportunity costs Investments in tourist facilities mean
via direct sales and/or new that capital is not available for other
B2B relationships, for investments
example, to restaurants,
retailers, wholesalers and
vendors
Food tourism and regional development 23
as through farmers’ markets, and business associations as well as in cooperative
branding exercises, some of which are undertaken in conjunction with the tour-
ism industry. The next section briefly discusses farmers’ markets which serve
important tourism and recreation functions as well as community and food system
functions, before also noting the significance of food events and festivals.
Farmers’ markets
The definition of what constitutes a farmers’ market has long been problematic
(Brown 2002). As Pyle (1971: 167) recognised, ‘everything that is called a farm-
ers’ market may not be one, and other names are given to meeting that have the
form and function of a farmers market’. Other names for similar types of markets
in North America include swap meets, flea markets, tailgate markets and farm
stands (Brown 2001), although many of these are best understood as other forms
of direct marketing from producer to consumer. Nevertheless, many markets will
advertise that they are a farmers’ market although they are technically not in the
sense of all products available being a direct purchase from the grower of the
produce. Furthermore, the different terms used for farmers’ markets reflect retail
change over time and different regional food supply and distribution channels
(Hall 2013). Nevertheless, the core of “official” definitions of farmers’ markets
reflects the notion that farmers’ markets are ‘recurrent markets at fixed locations
where farm products are sold by farmers themselves … at a true farmers’ market
some, if not all, of the vendors must be producers who sell their own products’
(Brown 2001: 658).
The issue of how farmers’ markets are defined is not just academic but, as Hall
(2013: 101) observes, ‘also reflects broader concerns of consumers and producers
that the farmers’ market and its produce be regarded as a space in which consum-
ers can trust the “authentic” and “local” qualities of what is being offered’. The
authentic and local dimension of farmers’ markets remains a recurring theme in
studies of farmers’ markets (e.g. Payne 2002; Feagan et al. 2004; Selfa & Qazi
2005; Hall et al. 2008; Conner et al. 2009; Wittman et al. 2012). The issue of
definition is also subject to the legal and regulatory environment that farmers’
markets operate in. For example, in California the state’s over 600 farmers’ mar-
kets have been certified under state legislation since 1977, while the Province of
Alberta in Canada has run an Approved Farmers’ Market Program since 1973
(Hall 2013). Nevertheless, the importance of localism in defining farmers’ mar-
kets is reflected in definitions of several national and regional farmers’ market
organisations (Table 1.3), where terms such as “local”, “fresh” (which implies
that food has only travelled a short distance from its origin) and “direct to con-
sumer” or terms that imply that the goods are vendor-produced are frequently
used (Hall 2013).
Farmers’ markets have had substantial growth since they were (re)introduced
in the United States, Canada, the UK, Australia and New Zealand (Brown 2001,
2002; Hall & Sharples 2008a; Basil 2012; Hall 2013). In the United States there
were 1,755 farmers’ markets operating nationwide in 1994, just under 4,500 by
24 C. Michael Hall and Stefan Gössling
2006 and 8,268 in 2014 (Hamilton 2002; USDA 2014). According to the USDA
(2012), farmers’ markets’ sales in the United States are estimated at being slightly
over $1 billion annually and more than 25 per cent of vendors at surveyed markets
derived their sole source of farm income from farmers’ markets. In roughly the
same period in Canada, the number increased from 70 to over 260 (Hall 2013).
Food events
Events have assumed an important role in food tourism and marketing in recent
years and have developed their own specialist professional organisations and
niche area within tourism and visitor studies. At the same time the study of food
and wine tourism has also grown in importance (Henderson 2009). Food events
therefore lie at the intersection of these two fields. There also appears agreement
that the number of food-related events being held around the developed world
is growing rapidly although definitive figures are hard to determine (Griffin &
Frongillo 2003; Chaney & Ryan 2012).
Public food events can be defined (after Ritchie 1984; Hall 1992) as one-time
or recurring events of limited duration, developed primarily to enhance the aware-
ness, sales, appeal and profitability of food and beverage products in the short
and/or long term. Such events rely for their success on uniqueness, status, quality
or timely significance to create interest and attract attention. A primary function
of food events is to provide an opportunity for food products and related des-
tinations an opportunity to secure a position of prominence in the market for a
short, well-defined period of time in order to make sales. Significant secondary
functions from the demand side include building and promoting product, firm
and destination brand values, maintaining relationships with customers, encour-
aging new consumers, educating consumers and promoting visitation (Hall &
Mitchell 2008). From the production side, secondary functions include promoting
improved production methods and quality of product, reducing the length of sup-
ply chains and promoting sustainable agricultural development, particularly with
respect to the development of farmers’ markets. Nevertheless, food events are
not just about external promotion to visitors and/or consumers outside of the host
region, they also have substantial internal drivers for their hosting which relate
to the consumption and production of food from particular locations and com-
munities and to the maintenance of those communities. Food events are therefore
strongly connected to senses of place and community pride in the products that
they produce.
Festivals are a celebration of something the local community wishes to share
and which involves the wider public as participants in the experience (Frost 2015).
Festivals are ‘an event, a social phenomenon, encountered in virtually all human
cultures’ (Falassi 1987: 1). Hu (2010: 8–9) defined a food festival as:
Festivals are intimately related with the maintenance and celebration of commu-
nity values and historically have had a strong relationship with food (Humphery
& Humphery 1988). ‘Both the social function and the symbolic meaning of the
festival are closely related to a series of overt values that the community recog-
nizes as essential to its ideology and worldview, to its social identity, its historical
continuity, and to its physical survival, which is ultimately what festival cele-
brates’ (Falassi 1987: 2). However, as a result of greater cultural and economic
connectedness between places, community food festivals have increasingly taken
on a role as a commoditised product that is externally promoted in order to attract
visitors, promote the region or community or promote consumption of specific
food products – all usually with an economic motive (Hall & Mitchell 2008). This
is not to deny that events and festivals still have an important community-based
social function but that such celebrations increasingly also have an economic and
commercial dimension to them.
Many rural towns, especially in North America, often proclaim themselves as
the “capital” of various food types as a way of celebrating their heritage and food
production, while simultaneously using the food as a way of differentiating them-
selves as a place to visit. For example, in California, both Sacremento and Chico
proclaim to be the almond capital of the world (Hallinan 1989), while Watsonville
is the strawberry capital of the world. Similarly, Gilroy is the self-proclaimed gar-
lic capital of the world and also hosts an annual garlic festival that usually attracts
over 100,000 people each year (Hall & Sharples 2008b; Adema 2009). Events and
festivals may also be duplicated from one location to another both as a means to
attract visitors as well as to celebrate particular cultures. For example, Oktoberfest
celebrations are now held throughout the world, often at locations with only a
tenuous cultural link to Germany (Sharples & Lyons 2008). However, some loca-
tions, such as Kitchener-Waterloo in Ontario which hosts the largest Oktoberfest
in North America, also use it to celebrate their strong German migrant heritage
(Xiao & Smith 2004). Indeed, a significant longer-term issue in the sustainabil-
ity of many rural food festivals is the extent to which their heritage dimensions
are perceived as authentic by consumers (Lewis 1997; Bessiere 1998; Xie 2004;
Picard & Robinson 2006), as well as the potential of the desire to commercialise
food heritage for economic benefits from tourism affects heritage values.
The use of food events and festivals for tourism and economic develop-
ment purposes has also allowed for renewed public and private investment in
community-based food events because of the perceived direct benefits – that is,
purchasing of local product and acquisition of product knowledge – and indirect
benefits – that is, awareness of regional brand that they bring (Dodd et al. 2006;
Hede 2008; Wood & Thomas 2008; Blichfeldt & Halkier 2014). Importantly,
sampling of product at an event may also encourage return visitation (Houghton
2001). Çela et al. (2007) assessed the economic impact of 11 community-based
Food tourism and regional development 29
food festivals in Northeast Iowa (from May to October 2005). The total economic
impact of visitors (n = 22,806) in local food festivals was estimated to be almost
$2.6 million in terms of sales; $1.4 million in terms of personal income; and
generated 51 jobs. However, local food events are rarely held in isolation from
producers and other significant actors in the local food system. Therefore, a major
theme in examining tourism in local food systems is the way in which the food
network operates, particularly with respect to the interrelationships between the
different sectors.
Burgundy gives its name to one of the best known wines in the world but at
the same time the region of Burgundy becomes known because of its wine.
Moreover, the little bits of it, often only a few hectares, also derive their
prestige from the wines that are produced there. In Burgundy, the process has
developed to the extent that in order to capitalize on the reputation of their
most famous wines many of the communes … have taken the name of their
most famous vineyard. Corton was added to make Aloxe-Corton, Montrachet
to make both Puligny-Montrachet and Chassagne-Montrachet, Romanee to
make Vosne-Romanee, St Georges to make Nuits-St Georges and so on.
Appellation controls and geographically designated origins have long served to act
as a form of intellectual property in terms of rural space as well as product (Moran
1993; Skilton & Wu 2013). Regional speciality food and drink products have also
come to be registered as intellectual property as designated quality labels within
EU and national law (Ilbery & Kneafsey 2000a; Newman et al. 2014). A process
which Ilbery and Kneafsey (2000b) appropriately described within the context of
30 C. Michael Hall and Stefan Gössling
globalisation as “cultural relocalisation” and which is having substantial ramifica-
tions for international trade agreements.
Clusters differ from other forms of co-operation and networks in that the
actors involved in a cluster are linked in a value chain. The cluster con-
cept goes beyond ‘simple’ horizontal networks in which firms, operating
on the same end-product market and belonging to the same industry group,
co-operate on aspect such as R&D, demonstration programmes, collective
marketing or purchasing policy. Clusters are often cross-sectoral (vertical
and/or lateral) networks, made up of dissimilar and complementary firms
specialising around a specific link or knowledge base in the value chain.
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