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 To all, however, whatever estimates they may have formed of the
excellence or defects of his administration, it must be pleasant to
learn that the closing days of his life were devoted, according to
statements made to the public, to a wise preparation for that
eternity to which he was hastening. He claimed to rest his hopes for
acceptance with God, on the merits of Jesus Christ. His final
interview with his family was deeply tender and impressive. He took
leave of each one with great deliberation, and in a manner most kind
and affectionate. He took leave with similar tenderness of his
servants, who had collected in his room, or at the windows, and in
conclusion he expressed the hope, that he should meet them all
again in a world of glory.

The solemn event was every where received with due sensibility,
and its announcement followed by appropriate demonstrations of
respect to the memory of the departed. The President of the United
States issued his public order, directing suitable demonstrations of
public sorrow and sympathy to be made at the several naval and
military stations of the country. With great propriety did that public
order conclude by saying, “Let the virtues of the illustrious dead
retain their influence, and when energy and courage are called to
trial, emulate his example.”

The first session of the 29th congress commenced December 1st,

1845. The Hon. John W. Davis, of Indiana, was elected speaker of
the house of representatives.

On the following day, the President transmitted his message to

both houses of congress. The principal topics of public interest
contained in the message related to Texas—to Oregon—to our
relations with Mexico—to the public lands—and to the sub-treasury.

In regard to Texas, the President informed congress, that the

terms of annexation which were offered by the United States to that
government, by the joint resolution of the last congress, had been
accepted by Texas, and that nothing, therefore, remained to
consummate that annexation, but the passage of an act by
congress, to admit the state of Texas into the Union, upon an equal
footing with the original states. “Strong reasons exist,” he observed,
“why this should be done at an early period of the session. By the
constitution of Texas, the existing government is continued only till
congress can act; and the third Monday of the present month is the
day appointed for holding the first general election. I cannot,” added
the Executive, “too earnestly recommend prompt action on this
important subject.”

The President next spoke of our relations with Mexico, “which,”

he observed, “have not since the last session been of the most
amicable character. On the 6th of March, the Mexican envoy
extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to the United States,
made a formal protest against the annexation of Texas; in which he
regarded that annexation as a violation of the rights of Mexico, and
in consequence of it, he had demanded his passports. Thus, by the
act of Mexico, all diplomatic intercourse between the two countries
had been suspended.” Nor was this all. The belligerent conduct of
Mexico had rendered it necessary, in the opinion of the President, to
take measures to protect and defend Texas against her menaced
attack. “I deemed it proper, therefore,” observed the President, “as a
precautionary measure, to order a strong squadron to the coast of
Mexico, and to concentrate a sufficient military force on the western
frontier of Texas. Our army was ordered to take position in the
country between the Neuces and the Del Norte, and to repel any
invasion of the Texan territory which might be attempted by the
Mexican forces. Our squadron in the Gulf was ordered to co-operate
with the army.” Up to the date of the message, however, Mexico had
made no aggressive movement, nor had the American forces, on
their part, committed any act of hostility. Such was the position of
our affairs with Mexico on the opening of the session of congress.

The President next adverted to the subject of the Oregon

territory. Previous to his induction to office, three several attempts
had been made to settle the questions in dispute about Oregon
between the two countries by negotiation, upon the principle of
compromise, each of which, however, had proved unsuccessful.

These negotiations look place at London, in the years 1818,

1824, and 1826: the first two under the administration of
Mr. Monroe, the last under that of Mr. Adams. The negotiations of
1818 having failed to accomplish its object, resulted in the
convention of the 20th of October of that year. By the third article of
that convention, it was “agreed that any country that may be
claimed by either party, on the north-west coast of America,
westward of the Stony mountains, shall, together with its harbors,
bays, and creeks, and the navigation of all rivers within the same, be
free and open for the term of ten years from the date of the
signature of the present convention, to the vessels, citizens, and
subjects of the two Powers; it being well understood that this
agreement is not to be construed to the prejudice of any claim which
either of the two high contracting parties may have to any part of
the said country, nor shall it be taken to affect the claims of any
other Power or State to any part of said country; the only object of
the high contracting parties in that respect, being to prevent
disputes and differences among themselves.”

The negotiation of 1824 was productive of no result, and the

convention of 1818 was left unchanged.

The negotiation of 1826 having also failed to effect an

adjustment by compromise, resulted in the convention of August the
6th, 1827, by which it was agreed to continue in force, for an
indefinite period, the provisions of the third article of the convention
of the 20th of October, 1818; and it was further provided, that it
shall be competent, however, to either of the high contracting
parties, in case either should think fit, at any time after the 20th of
October, 1828, on giving due notice of twelve months to the other
contracting party, to annul and abrogate this convention; and it
shall, in such case, be accordingly entirely annulled and abrogated
after the expiration of said term of notice.
 From this time, for several years, the subject rested in quietness.
At length, in October, 1843, the minister of the United States in
London, made a similar offer to those of 1818 and 1826. Thus stood
the question when the negotiation was transferred to Washington.
On the 26th of August, 1844, the British plenipotentiary offered to
divide the Oregon territory by the 49th parallel of north latitude,
leaving the free navigation of the Columbia river to be enjoyed in
common by both parties. This proposition was rejected by the
American plenipotentiary on the day it was submitted. The British
plenipotentiary next, in turn, requested that a proposal should be
made by the United States, for an equitable adjustment of the
question.

Such was the state of the negotiation on the accession of

Mr. Polk to the presidency. “Anxious to settle this long pending
controversy, I was induced,” he observed, “to make a further
proposition, which was a repetition of the offer of the parallel for 49
degrees of north latitude, without the free navigation of the
Columbia river. This proposition was rejected by the British
plenipotentiary, and here all negotiation ceased.”

Such was the state of this important and delicate question on the
meeting of congress. Attempts at compromise had failed. Great
anxiety was beginning to be felt by statesmen on both side the
waters in relation to this subject. More and more sensitiveness was
prevailing, in reference to the claims of the respective parties. The
President, under a belief that the question should be settled, advised
that the year’s notice, required by the convention of the 6th of
August, 1827, should be given to Great Britain.

“By so doing, at the expiration of a year, we shall have reached a

period,” said the President, “when our national rights in Oregon must
either be abandoned, or firmly maintained.”

In regard to the tariff, the message was explicit. The President

reaffirmed doctrines, which, before his elevation to the Executive
chair, he was known to profess in regard to the protective system.
He was against it—against the tariff act of 1842—a revision and
modification of which he strongly recommended.

In respect to the public domain, the President proposed to

reduce the price to one dollar per acre, and to graduate the price to
lower rates upon such portions as should remain for any
considerable time unsold. Next, he adverted to the safe keeping of
the public money. “Entertaining the opinion,” said he, “that the
separation of the moneys of the government from banking
institutions is indispensable for the safety of the funds of the
government, and the rights of the people, I recommend to congress
that provision be made by law for such separation, and that a
constitutional treasury be created for the safe keeping of the public
money. The constitutional treasury recommended is designed as a
secure depository for the public money, without any power to make
loans or discounts, or to issue any paper whatever, as a currency or
circulation. I cannot doubt that such a treasury as was contemplated
by the constitution, should be independent of all banking
corporations.”

Such were the views of the Executive in regard to these great

questions of national policy. Great differences of opinion existed
among the American people in relation to several of them. It was
foreseen that the public discussion of them would intensely excite
the nation, and great apprehensions were entertained lest hostilities
should grow out of the question pending between the United States
and Great Britain. A war with Mexico at even an earlier day had been
predicted, and the message of the President was not calculated to
allay anxiety respecting it.

Indeed, this anxiety was destined to be increased by the course

adopted by certain political leaders in congress. As early as the 9th
of December, General Cass introduced into the senate the following
resolutions:
 “Resolved, That the committee on military affairs be instructed to
inquire into the condition of the national fortifications, and of their
armaments; and whether other defensive works are necessary; and
into the condition and quantity of the military supplies; and into the
state of the means possessed by the government for the defence of
the country.

“Resolved, That the committee on the militia be instructed to

inquire into the present condition of that great branch of the public
service; and into the state of the militia laws; and that they be
further instructed to report such changes in the existing system, as
will give more experience and efficacy to that arm of defence, and
will place it in the best condition for protecting the country, should it
be exposed to foreign invasion.

“Resolved, That the committee on naval affairs be instructed to

inquire into the condition of the navy of the United States, and into
the quantity and condition of supplies now on hand; and whether an
increase of them is not necessary to the efficient operation of the
navy, and to its preservation and augmentation; and, generally, into
its capacity for defending our coasts and our commerce; and for any
service the exigencies of the country may probably require.”

The belligerent aspect of these resolutions was not to be

mistaken; and, at length, when taken up for consideration, the
mover of them, while he disclaimed any wish to hasten hostilities
between Great Britain and America, expressed his conviction that a
crisis was approaching.

The United States would not and could not relinquish her claim
upon Oregon. “Shall we recede?” he inquired. “No, sir, as to receding
it is not to be thought of for a moment. It is a thing I allude to, only
to denounce it. War,” he added, “was a great calamity, and should if
possible be avoided: but there were other calamities more to be
dreaded than war, and among those calamities was national
dishonor.”
 To these resolutions, thus introduced, it was replied, that there
could be nothing urged by way of objection in themselves
considered. It was right to inquire into the state of our national
defence, and to provide against the possible contingency of war; but
it was the remarks of the mover of them which gave them their
peculiar significance. They were in effect a declaration of war. They
would be so considered, and would awaken the anxieties of the
entire country. They might also seriously interfere with and retard
the settlement of a question of vast moment pending between the
United States and Great Britain. After a full consideration of these
resolutions, however, and suitable explanations on both sides, the
resolutions were unanimously referred to the committee on military
affairs.

In accordance with the recommendation of Mr. Polk, at an early

day of the session, joint resolutions for the admission of the state of
Texas into the Union were introduced into the house of
representatives. These resolutions with a preamble were as follows.

“Joint resolutions for the admission of the state of Texas into the
Union.

“Whereas the congress of the United States, by a ‘joint

resolution,’ approved March the 1st, 1846, did consent, that the
territory properly included within, and rightfully belonging to, the
republic of Texas, might be erected into a new state, to be called the
state of Texas, with a republican form of government, to be adopted
by the people of said republic by deputies in convention assembled,
with the consent of the existing government, in order that the same
might be admitted as one of the states of the Union; which consent
of congress was given upon certain conditions specified in the 1st
and 2d sections of said joint resolutions: and whereas the people of
the said republic of Texas, by deputies in convention assembled,
with the consent of the existing government, did adopt a
constitution, and erect a new state, with a republican form of
government, and in the name of the people of Texas, and by their
authority, did ordain and declare, that they assented to and accepted
the proposals, conditions, and guaranties contained in said 1st and
2d sections of said resolutions: and whereas the said constitution,
with the proper evidence of its adoption by the people of the
republic of Texas, has been transmitted to the President of the
United States, and laid before congress, in conformity to the
provisions of said joint resolutions; Therefore

“Be it resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of

the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the state
of Texas shall be one, and is hereby declared to be one, of the
United States of America, and admitted into the Union on an equal
footing with the original states in all respects whatever.

“Be it further enacted, That until the representatives in congress

shall be apportioned, according to an actual enumeration of the
inhabitants of the United States, the state of Texas shall be entitled
to choose two representatives.”

It was scarcely within the reasonable hopes of the opposers of

the annexation of Texas, that after the adoption of the measures,
with that object in view, by the preceding congress, the present
congress would do any thing by which to prevent her admission into
the Union. A few, perhaps, indulged the belief, that further
proceedings might be stayed; and with that object in view, petitions
and remonstrances were sent in from various parts of the Union.
The President had, indeed, in his message congratulated congress
and the nation that “this accession (of Texas) to our territory had
been a bloodless achievement. No arm of force had been raised to
produce the result. The sword has had no part in the victory. We
have not sought to extend our territorial possessions by conquest, or
our republican institutions over a reluctant people.” This was
admitted by the opposite party, but they predicted war as a
consequence, and this danger of a collision with Mexico they would
have avoided, by preventing the admission of Texas. Besides, the
extension of slavery was more distressing to many in all quarters of
the Union; and, moreover, it was urged that it was of dangerous
tendency and doubtful consequences to enlarge the boundaries of
this government or territory over which our laws are now
established. “There must be some limit,” said a wise and aged
statesman, “to the extent of our territory if we would make our
institutions permanent.”

The opposers of annexation, in various parts of the country, were

anticipating a warm and exciting debate on the subject in congress,
and members of that body, who represented this party, were
themselves, it is believed, prepared to present strong, and to
themselves, satisfactory reasons, why the project should be
abandoned. But to the surprise of all, when the subject came up for
consideration, discussion was prevented by an early movement of
the previous question. To such a summary process strong
remonstrances were made; but to the friends of the measure in
congress, who believed the most valuable benefits would result to
the Union by its consummation, debate seemed needless; and,
consequently, the resolutions were urged to a speedy adoption. On
the 16th of December, the question was taken, and the resolutions
were adopted by a majority of 141 to 56. A few days after they
received the sanction of the senate. In this latter body, however, an
opportunity was given for the opposers of annexation to urge their
objections. This was done with great dignity; but a majority in the
senate, as in the house, if not in the country, were found in favour of
the measure.

Thus by a novel, and to many an unconstitutional process, was

Texas admitted into the Union, and “without any intermediate time
of probation, such as other territories had undergone before their
admission, she was vested with a right to send two representatives
to congress, while her population was insufficient to entitle her to
one, except, under the specific provision of the constitution, that
each state shall have at least one representative.”
 As early as October, 1845, an inquiry had been made by order of
the President, of the Mexican minister for foreign affairs, whether his
government “would receive an envoy from the United States,
intrusted with full powers to adjust all questions in dispute between
the two governments.” During the same month, an affirmative
answer having been received; in November, the Hon. John Slidell, of
Louisiana, was commissioned as such, and on the 30th of the same
month arrived at Vera Cruz. The government of Mexico,
notwithstanding its pledge, refused to receive him in the diplomatic
character to which he had been appointed; and, after spending
some time in the country, he returned to the United States.

The military force, which the President in his annual message

informed congress he had ordered to take a position “between the
Neuces and the Del Norte,” was for some months concentrated
under General Taylor at Corpus Christi: but, on learning the probable
refusal of the Mexican government to receive our envoy; and
moreover, Texas having by her act of a previous date, declared the
Rio del Norte to be her boundary, the President, in January, directed
General Taylor to remove from Corpus Christi, and to concentrate his
troops on the left bank of the Del Norte. At the same time all
aggressive acts were strictly forbidden.

Accordingly, on the 11th of March the troops were put in motion,

and on the 28th of that month arrived on the left bank of the Del
Norte, opposite to Matamoras. About the same time a depôt was
established at Point Isabel, near the Brasos Santiago, thirty miles in
the rear of the encampment.

These measures, adopted by the President, by which the

American troops passed the Neuces, the boundary claimed by
Mexico, was considered by a large portion of the people of the
United States as impolitic, if not unjust; and strongly tending to
strengthen the misunderstanding already existing between the two
governments. At least, the territory thus occupied was a subject of
dispute, and by many its occupation was deemed a belligerent act.
 It was naturally so considered by Ampudia, who was
commanding the Mexican forces at Matamoras, and who notified the
American general to break up his camp within twenty four hours,
and retire beyond the Neuces. On the 24th of April, General Arista
superseded Ampudia in command, and forthwith communicated to
General Taylor, that “he considered hostilities commenced, and
should prosecute them.” On the same day, a party of dragoons of
sixty-three men and officers from the American camp, who had been
despatched up the Del Norte to reconnoitre, were attacked by a
body of Mexican troops. Sixteen were killed and wounded, and the
remainder taken prisoners.

For a time following the occupation of the left bank of the Del
Norte, the situation of the American army was considered
exceedingly critical. In point of numbers, it fell far short of the
Mexican force under General Arista, and supplies of food were
difficult to be obtained. In this situation, General Taylor availed
himself of authority given him by the President to call upon the
governor of Texas for four regiments of state troops, and on the
governor of Louisiana for four regiments, to be sent him as soon as
practicable. These eight regiments were expected to make a force of
nearly 5000 men, and were, in the opinion of General Taylor,
sufficient: but General Gaines, having command in the southern
department, under an apprehension that a much larger force would
be necessary, made requisitions upon several of the governors of the
southern states for a large volunteer force. In consequence of this
call, a large force was ultimately concentrated under General Taylor
—more than was deemed needful, and they were dismissed, while
General Gaines, though considered patriotic in his measures, was
adjudged to have transcended his authority.

Before, however, any of the above troops had reached the camp
of General Taylor, his situation had become alarming. His provisions
were nearly exhausted. The Mexicans were surrounding him, and his
communication with Point Isabel was liable to be interrupted. At
length, leaving a garrison of 700 or 800 men at his works opposite
Matamoras, he set out with his other forces on Friday, the 1st of
May, for Point Isabel to give protection to that place, and re-
establish his communication with his supplies.

This movement upon Point Isabel was effected, without

encountering a single Mexican. In place of molesting General Taylor,
the enemy concentrated his forces about the camp which he had
just left. On the morning of the 3d, the American works were
attacked by the Mexican batteries from the opposite side of the river,
while a detachment of their forces made a simultaneous attack on
this side of the Rio Grande, in the rear. The Americans returned the
fire with so much effect as to silence, in a short time, the Mexican
batteries, while the attack in the rear was still more easily repulsed.
The Americans lost but a single man. The Mexican loss was
considerable. Matamoras itself suffered considerably.

On the 7th General Taylor commenced his return to his camp. He

anticipated opposition, but little did anyone apprehend such attacks
and such victories as the Americans won.

On the 8th, the Mexican forces had reached Palo Alto, with an
intention to intercept the American general, and if practicable to
prevent his return to his camp. The two armies met, and for five
hours such a battle raged as the annals of history seldom record.
The Mexican force exceeded 5000 men, with seven pieces of artillery
and 800 cavalry. The American troops were 2300, with but two
eighteen pounders and two light batteries. The loss of the Americans
was comparatively trifling. Two brave officers were severely
wounded. Major Ringgold and Captain Page, the former of whom
soon after died. The loss of the Mexicans, according to the official
report of General Arista, was, in killed, 98—wounded and missing,
142. The American army encamped on the field.

On the following day, General Taylor again moved with his forces
towards his camp opposite Matamoras; and, on reaching Resaca de
la Palma, a few miles only from his destination, he again
encountered the enemy, and a battle, shorter in its continuance, but
far more severe, ensued. The Americans were still more triumphant,
capturing eight pieces of artillery, with a large quantity of
ammunition; three standards, and several hundred prisoners, among
whom was General La Vega. The loss of the Americans in this action
exceeded that of the preceding day. According to the report of
General Taylor in both actions there were 3 officers and 40 men
killed, and 13 officers and 400 men wounded. General Arista
reported as killed, officers and men, 154; wounded, 205, and
missing, 156; making a total of 515.

“The glory of the American arms,” says a writer, “never shone

brighter than in the brilliant contest of Palo Alto of the 8th, and in
the even more brilliant contest of Resaca de la Palma of the 9th of
May. On both days our soldiers

“‘Fought like brave men, long and well.’

“They fought at great odds, with a foe superior in numbers, and

in a position which the enemy had selected. But these only gave
opportunities for more striking displays of personal valor. These
disadvantages only served to show the decided superior power of
the American arms.”

It was the wish of the American general to follow up the

advantage thus obtained, but having no adequate means of crossing
the river, he was obliged to content himself with the victories he had
won. The American force once more took up its quarters at the
camp opposite Matamoras, while the Mexican general retreated up
higher into the country.

While affairs were thus progressing in the south between the two
contending armies, an intense interest was kindling up in every part
of the United States—and while, with but few exceptions, the people
regretted the occurrence of any misunderstanding with Mexico, a
general sympathy was felt for the American army (intelligence had
not yet been received of the battles of the 8th and 9th,) environed
as it was supposed to be by a superior force, and nearly destitute of
supplies. In this state of things, a bill for “an act providing for the
prosecution of the existing war, &c., was introduced into congress,
the preamble to which was as follows. “Whereas, by the act of the
republic of Mexico, a state of war exists between that government
and the United States,” &c. To this preamble strong objections were
expressed by some, but the bill, nevertheless passed both houses by
large majorities. By this act, the President was authorized to employ
the militia, naval, and military forces of the United States, and to call
for, and accept the services of any number of volunteers not
exceeding 50,000, either cavalry, artillery, infantry, or riflemen, &c.
Besides the above, the regular army was increased several
thousand, the enlistments being made for five years.

On the day the foregoing act was approved, the President issued
his proclamation announcing the existence of war, “by the act of the
republic of Mexico,” and calling upon the “good people of the United
States to exert themselves in preserving order, and in maintaining
the authority of the laws, and in supporting such measures as might
be adopted for obtaining a speedy, a just, and an honorable peace.”

The winter had been spent by congress in the discussion of

topics of great national interest, among which the most prominent
related to Oregon; and particularly to the question arising out of the
recommendation of the President in his annual message, whether
the convention of August 6th, 1827, between the United States and
Great Britain, in relation to the joint occupation of that territory,
should be abrogated by giving to the latter government the year’s
notice required by said convention.

Since the formation of the government, no question perhaps

excited greater interest, or elicited warmer discussion than this. By
not a few it was apprehended that the practical effect of such notice
would be a war between the two governments. The debate took a
wide range, and several were the modes suggested, or the
resolutions offered, according to the terms of which the notice
should be given. But, at length, on the 16th of April, the question
was taken in the senate on a resolution, which had originated in the
house and been amended in the senate, to give said notice, and
decided in the affirmative by a majority of 40 to 14. On being
returned to the house, the latter agreed to the senate’s
amendments, but added still further amendments. These latter,
however, were negatived by the senate, and the house insisting, a
conference was solicited by the latter. This being accepted by the
senate, a committee of conference was appointed, who reported the
following preamble and resolution, which passed the senate by a
vote of 42 to 10, and the house by a vote of 142 to 46.

“A Joint Resolution concerning the Oregon territory.—Whereas,

by the convention concluded the twentieth day of October, eighteen
hundred and eighteen, between the United States of America and
the King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, for the
period of ten years, and afterwards indefinitely extended and
continued in force by another convention of the same parties,
concluded the sixth day of August, in the year of our Lord one
thousand eight hundred and twenty-seven, it was agreed that any
country that may be claimed by either party on the north-west coast
of America westward of the Stony or Rocky mountains, now
commonly called the Oregon territory, should, together with its
harbors, bays, and creeks, and the navigation of all rivers within the
same, be “free and open” to the vessels, citizens, and subjects of
the two powers, but without prejudice to any claim which either of
the parties might have to any part of said country; and with this
further provision, in the second article of the said convention of the
sixth of August, eighteen hundred and twenty-seven, that either
party might abrogate and annul said convention, or give due notice
of twelve months to the other contracting party—

“And whereas it has now become desirable that the respective

claims of the United States and Great Britain should be definitely
settled, and that said territory may no longer than need be remain
subject to the evil consequences of the divided allegiance of its
American and British population, and of the confusion and conflict of
national jurisdictions, dangerous to the cherished peace and good
understanding of the two countries—

“With a view, therefore, that steps be taken for the abrogation of

the said convention of the sixth of August, eighteen hundred and
twenty seven, in the mode prescribed in its second article, and that
the attention of the governments of both countries may be the more
earnestly and immediately directed to the adoption of all proper
measures for a speedy and amicable adjustment of the difficulties
and disputes in respect to said territory—

“Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the

United States, in Congress assembled, That the President of the
United States be, and he is hereby authorized, at his discretion, to
give the British government the notice required by its said second
article for the abrogation of the said convention of the sixth of
August, eighteen hundred and twenty-seven.”

Thus was decided a question which had greatly agitated the

entire country, and which, in the progress of discussion, had
occasioned observations and reflections strongly calculated to
disturb the harmony of the two governments, and which, in the
opinion of some, were designed to produce such an effect. But the
folly and guilt of engendering war between two nations so allied,
and in which Christian principle was bound to hold sway, was, on
several occasions, and by some of the principal men of the nation,
pointed out. Solemn warning was given to those, who would madly
have rushed to arms by setting up claims of doubtful validity, and
which, it was well known, would never be acceded to by the British
government. But, at length, the troubled waters grew calmer; and,
while to a small portion of congress and of the nation, the
resolutions adopted were still obnoxious, a vast majority of the
people were gratified at their mild and conciliatory tenor.
 It still remained to be known in what spirit this resolution would
be received by her majesty’s government: but it was devoutly
desired that it might lead to a final and harmonious settlement of all
questions pertaining to the territory of Oregon.

And so it resulted fortunately, for the peace of the two powers

immediately concerned, and to the peace of the continental powers
of Europe.

On the 28th of April, the President gave official notice to her

Majesty, Queen Victoria, that “the convention of August 6th, 1827,
would terminate at the end of twelve months from and after the
delivery of these presents.”

Before the delivery of this notice, however, the subject of an

amicable settlement of all questions relating to Oregon, had
occupied her Majesty’s government, and, on the 18th of May,
Mr. M’Lane, our minister, informed Mr. Buchanan that the British
minister at Washington would soon receive instructions to submit a
new and further proposition, on the part of the British government,
for a partition of the territory in dispute.

On the 10th of June, the President made a special and

confidential communication to the senate, informing that body, that
such a proposal had been made, and requesting their advice as to
the action, which, in their judgment, it was proper to take in
reference to it. At the same time he reiterated the views which he
had expressed in his annual message, “that no compromise which
the United States ought to accept, could be affected;” “that our title
to the whole of Oregon” was maintained “by irrefragable facts and
arguments,” and that the claim “could not be abandoned without a
sacrifice of both national honor and interests.” Such was the tenor of
the President’s communication. But he solicited advice.

On the 12th, the senate adopted, 38 to 12, the following

resolution. “Resolved, (two-thirds of the senate concurring,) That the
President of the United States be and he is hereby advised to accept
the proposal of the British government accompanying his message
to the senate, dated June 10th, 1846, for a convention to settle
boundaries, &c., between the United States and Great Britain, west
of the Rocky or Stony mountains.”

On the 16th of June, the President communicated to the senate a

copy of a convention, or treaty, which had been concluded and
signed on the 15th inst. settling boundaries, &c., in relation to
Oregon—whereupon the senate by a vote of 41 to 14 advised and
consented to the ratification of the same.

The two principal articles of this treaty are as follows.

“Art. 1, From the point on the 49th parallel of north latitude,

where the boundary laid down in existing treaties and conventions
between Great Britain and the United States terminates, the line of
boundary between the territories of her Brittannic Majesty and those
of the United States shall be continued westward along the 49th
parallel of north latitude to the middle of the channel which
separates the continent from Vancouver’s Island, and thence
southerly through the middle of the said channel, and of Fuca’s
Straits, to the Pacific Ocean; provided, however, that the navigation
of the said channel and straits, south of the 49th parallel of north
latitude, remain free and open to both parties.

“Art. 2, From the point at which the 49th parallel of north latitude
shall be found to intersect the great Northern branch of the
Columbia river, the navigation of the said branch shall be free, and
open to the Hudson’s Bay Company, and to all British subjects
trading with the same, to the point where the said branch meets the
main stream of the Columbia, and thence down the said main
stream to the ocean, with free access into and through the said river
or rivers—it being understood that all the usual portages along the
line thus described, shall in like manner be free and open. In
navigating the said river or rivers, British subjects, with their goods
and produce, shall be treated on the same footing as citizens of the
United States—It being, however, always understood, that nothing in
this article shall be construed as preventing, or intended to prevent,
the government of the United States from making any regulations
respecting the navigation of the said river or rivers, not inconsistent
with the present treaty.”

Thus was finally settled (ratifications being afterwards duly

exchanged) a question which had involved the two governments in
discussions long and wearisome for a series of years, and which, in
its progress, was threatening the peace and amity of the two
nations. The treaty thus confirmed was not in all its provisions quite
acceptable, nor was it considered the most advantageous that could
have been negotiated; but the senate received, as it was entitled to,
the thanks of the country for terminating a controversy fraught with
dangers every month that it continued.

Several important bills were passed during the session, among

which was a bill to protect the rights of citizens of the United States
residing in Oregon—a bill for the establishment of the Smithsonian
Institute, for the Increase and Diffusion of Knowledge among men—
a bill re-establishing the sub-treasury—a warehousing bill—a bill for
the improvement of certain rivers and harbors within the United
States—and a bill to indemnify citizens of the United States for
French spoilations. The two last of these bills, to the great regret of
persons interested therein, as well as many others who desired to
see the intents of navigation advanced and protected, and that
numerous class of citizens indemnified for losses which they had
years since sustained by reason of French depredations, and which,
according to agreement, the government of the United States were
solemnly bound to pay, were vetoed. Loud complaints were uttered
against the President for his course pursued in relation to these bills,
which had been discussed with signal ability, and had received the
decided sanction of both houses of congress.
 Towards the close of the session, a bill for the reduction of the
duties on the importation of foreign goods and manufactures,
passed the house of representatives by a majority of nineteen votes.
In the senate it was carried by the casting vote of the vice-president.
To those who were satisfied with the tariff of 1842, the alterations
proposed by this bill were strongly condemned. They predicted as a
consequence, and one which could not be avoided, the ruin of
several important branches of manufactures, while it was
exceedingly doubtful whether the revenues arising under this new
tariff would suffice for the wants of the government. The Democratic
party, however, stood pledged to alter the tariff of 1842, and
although the friends of protection for a time cherished hopes that
the interests of the manufacturers, and as they believed, the
interests of the country, would be regarded; those hopes were
dispelled by the action of congress on the subject.

On the 10th of August, at noon, congress brought its long and

stirring session to a close. It had lasted for 253 days, or more than
two thirds of a year. During few sessions were there ever more
important subjects under debate. The results of several measures
adopted remain to be seen. But, while it is occasion of
congratulation, that our difficulties with Great Britain have been
amicably and timely adjusted, it is matter of serious regret, that a
war should be continued with Mexico. The final result of this, in
regard to Mexico, may, perhaps, not be problematical—but the “end
is not yet;” and before that end is reached, the people of the United
States may as much regret that it was commenced, as the Mexicans
themselves. The American army is at this present time, September,
1846, on its way from Matamoras to Monterey and other points.
Santa Anna has superseded Paredes in the government, but what
are his wishes in regard to peace have not transpired. Should he
decide for war, the Americans can “apparently conquer a peace” only
by taking up their march to the “Halls of Montezuma.”
 APPENDIX.

CANALS AND RAILROADS.

A CONDENSED SUMMARY OF THE CANALS AND RAILROADS

IN THE UNITED STATES; THEIR LENGTHS AND TERMINATING
POINTS.

Name. From. To. Miles.

MAINE.
Canal.
Cumberland and Oxford Near Portland Long Pond 20,50
Railroad.
Bangor and Orono Bangor Orono 10,00

NEW HAMPSHIRE.
Canals.
Bow Falls 0,75
Hookset Falls 0,13
Amoskeag Falls 1,00
Union 9,00
Sewall’s Falls 0,25
Railroads.
Eastern Massachusetts Line Portsmouth 15,47
Nashua and Lowell Massachusetts Line Nashua 5¼
Boston and Maine Massachusetts Line Exeter 14,00

VERMONT.
Canals.
White River Falls 0,50
Bellows Falls 0,16
Waterquechy 0,40

MASSACHUSETTS.
Canals.
Middlesex Boston Chelmsford 27,00
Pawtucket Lowell 1,59
Blackstone Providence Worcester 45,00
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