RM Practical Sem 6
RM Practical Sem 6
BA Psychology Hons
Date of Submission -
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Index
Introduction
Methodology
Results
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Aim
To conduct an observational study of the psychological and structural aspects of a prison
environment in a correctional facility in Delhi.
Introduction
Research Methods
Research has long been recognized as a systematic and objective process aimed at
generating meaningful knowledge. As early as 1970, Best described research as the objective
and systematic analysis and recording of controlled observations, which may lead to the
development of generalizations, principles, and theories. Later, Howitt (2009) emphasized
research as a structured and rigorous pursuit of knowledge, particularly in psychology, where
understanding phenomena through qualitative and quantitative methods is essential. Building
upon this, Neuman (2014) defined research as a systematic process focused on understanding
and explaining social phenomena, advocating for the integration of both qualitative and
quantitative approaches to offer a more comprehensive framework for studying social science
topics. Together, these definitions underscore the evolving understanding of research as a
disciplined and methodical inquiry into various aspects of human behavior and society.
Quantitative Research
Qualitative Research
Research Techniques
Research techniques are the specific tools and procedures used to collect and analyze
data in a systematic manner, enabling researchers to address their research questions
effectively. These techniques are broadly categorized into quantitative, qualitative, and mixed
methods, each tailored to different types of studies.
Survey: Neuman (2014) defines surveys as tools for systematically collecting data from
individuals to understand broader social phenomena. Surveys collect data through structured
questionnaires or interviews targeting a specific group of respondents. They are ideal for
gathering large-scale quantitative data on attitudes, opinions, or behaviors. Surveys can
include closed-ended questions and are analyzed statistically to identify trends or patterns.
Observation as a Method
Observation is a vital qualitative data collection method that involves the systematic
watching, listening, and recording of behaviors and interactions in natural settings. Among
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the most immersive forms of observation are participant observation and ethnography, both
of which allow the researcher to gain in-depth understanding of cultural and social dynamics
by engaging directly with the people being studied.
Ethnographic and participant observation studies can vary significantly across several
key dimensions (Dereshiwsky, 1999; Patton, 1986). One primary factor is the observer’s role
in the setting, which can range from a completely detached position to full integration within
the group being studied. The researcher may operate as a guest, a partial participant, or
become an active, embedded member of the community. Closely tied to this is the level of
disclosure, distinguishing between overt and covert observation. In overt observation,
participants are aware of the researcher's presence and purpose, allowing for ethical
transparency, whereas covert observation involves the researcher concealing their identity,
often raising ethical concerns but occasionally justified when overt methods might influence
participants’ behavior. The explication of the study’s purpose also varies—from fully
transparent communication of the research aims to partial or even misleading disclosures,
though the latter is rarely acceptable under modern ethical standards. The researcher’s focus
may be either narrow, targeting specific aspects of a setting, or holistic, capturing a wide
array of behaviors and interactions to build rich, contextual understanding. This is closely
related to the depth of immersion, which ranges from full immersion (where the researcher
lives among the group) to partial immersion (such as attending work hours only), with the
goal of achieving a close understanding of community life that other methods may not
provide.
Complete Participant. In this role, the researcher fully assumes the role of a group
member without revealing their identity as a researcher. For instance, taking a job in a factory
to study workers' daily experiences allows for in-depth and unfiltered observations. However,
this covert method raises ethical concerns related to deception and lack of informed consent.
It also risks researcher bias due to over-identification with the group.
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Complete Observer. Here, the researcher remains entirely detached from the
participants and minimizes personal involvement. Their role as an observer is clear and
transparent. For example, a researcher might stand on a factory floor, taking notes without
interacting with workers. While this allows for objectivity and ethical clarity, it may miss the
richness of insider perspectives or social dynamics.
Figure 1.
construct, raising concerns about measurement equivalence. Additionally, the collection and
storage of audio or video recordings present ethical challenges, especially concerning
participant confidentiality and anonymity (Margolin et al., 1998).
Literature Review
Prakash, Sharma, Singh, and Sanger (2015) conducted a study to examine the impact
of incarceration on the general well-being of prisoners. The study utilized a purposive
sampling technique to select 86 prisoners from Birsa Munda Central Jail, Hotwar, Ranchi,
India, comprising 36 convicted prisoners and 50 undertrial prisoners. Both groups were
matched on various socio-demographic factors such as gender, age, education, religion,
marital status, residence, and occupation. Participants were assessed using the PGI General
Well-Being Measure (Verma & Verma, 1989), and their responses were statistically analyzed
using the Chi-square test and t-test. The findings revealed poor general well-being in both
groups, with undertrial prisoners showing greater impairment in comparison to convicted
criminals. One of the key reasons for the poor general well-being of undertrial prisoners is
that they are incarcerated based on allegations of crimes that have not yet been proven in
court. Unlike convicted prisoners, they often experience shorter periods of imprisonment but
still endure significant hardships. The separation from family and friends, lack of social
support, limited recreational activities, a highly restrictive prison environment, and
inadequate nutrition all contribute to the gradual decline of their well-being (Yang et al.,
2009; Mackenzie & Mitchell, 2005).
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Sneha and Garg (2012) highlighted significant findings regarding the length of
imprisonment for undertrial prisoners at Tihar Jail (Delhi). In 1993, out of the 7,200 prisoners
in the complex, only 900 had been convicted of a crime. This means that seven out of eight
prisoners were still under trial, accounting for nearly 90% of the total prison population.
Notably, of the 280 female prisoners, only 20 had been convicted. In some instances,
undertrial prisoners spent more time in prison than they would have if convicted, which
underscores the challenging circumstances they face (Sneha & Garg, 2012).
Previous research has indicated that imprisonment has adverse effects on the
psychological and physical health of prisoners, contributing to a decline in their mental well-
being. Some of the negative consequences include depression (Singh & Verma, 1976;
Cooper, 1974; Walker, 1983), emotional withdrawal (Clements, 1979), suicidal thoughts or
actions (Flanagan, 1980), and increasing hostility (Bolton et al., 1976). According to Cohen
& Taylor (1972), long-term imprisonment can lead to an obsessive fear of deterioration.
However, some studies from that time suggested that not all prisoners perceived
imprisonment as a threat to their psychological health (Richards, 1978). On the other hand,
other research found that imprisonment could result in an increase in verbal intelligence
(Bolton et al., 1976).
Indian prison system, shedding light on the broader implications of social control, patriarchy,
and gender-based discrimination within these correctional spaces. In the prison system,
women prisoners experience the effects of hegemonic patriarchy, where their behavior is
expected to conform to traditional gender roles. Gender differences in prison are not only in
how prisoners are treated but also in the expectations placed upon them. Women who fail to
meet traditional feminine ideals are harshly penalized, while those who adhere to feminine
roles may receive more lenient treatment (Howe, 1994).
Similarly, Sandhu and Malhotra, (2024), in their research investigated the association
between negative perceptions of prison climate and the heightened probability of recidivism
among a sample of 37 adult women convicts incarcerated in Tihar Prisons, Delhi. Data were
obtained by administering CSS-M Hindi version and PCQ Hindi version to the convicts in
person in the prison premises. Furthermore, the collected data were subjected to Pearson’s
product moment correlation coefficient to analyse the correlation between the probability of
recidivism and the dimensions of prison climate. Results suggested that negative perceptions
of relationships in prison (staff–inmate relationship, inmate–inmate relationship), safety,
facilities (cell conditions, food quality, etc.), meaningful activities (recreation, education, yard
time, etc.) and autonomy in prison were inversely associated with a higher probability of
recidivism.
The study titled Spiritual Programmes for Prisoners in India: Insights for
Criminological Social Work Practice by Pandya (2016) examines the spiritual programs
conducted by the Art of Living and Brahmakumaris. This study is based on 198 prisoners in
prisons of three Indian cities – Mumbai, Pune and Delhi who had undergone this program.
The main objectives were to understand the prisoners’ perceived implication of the programs
for themselves and the future use. Results showed that younger prisoners, the religious
minorities, those who personally engaged with the programs by doing some self-practice and
those who had at least matriculation level education, were more likely to see the spiritual
programs as personally positive, i.e. as giving a sense of personal peace and also see its
continuous use as a way of life for the future. They also did better on parameters of hope,
well-being, coherence, happiness and peace.
Methodology
The aim of the study is to conduct an observational study of the psychological and
structural aspects of a prison environment in a correctional facility in Delhi.
Setting
Tihar Prisons, officially known as Tihar Jail, is the largest complex of prisons in South
Asia, located in West Delhi, India. Established in 1957, Tihar functions not just as a
correctional facility but also as a rehabilitation center, offering various vocational and
educational programs for inmates. The prison complex covers approximately 400 acres and is
comprised of multiple jails, each designated for specific categories of inmates based on age,
gender, and type of sentence. Geographically, the Tihar campus is enclosed within high walls
and multiple security checkpoints, ensuring controlled movement both inside and outside the
complex. The atmosphere is highly structured, and security remains a top priority, which is
evident from restricted communication networks, including the absence of mobile signals in
most parts of the premises.
For the purpose of this study, we visited Jail No. 2, which houses convicted male
prisoners. Jail No. 2 is one of the high-security areas meant exclusively for individuals who
have been convicted by the court. The jail currently accommodates approximately 1,800 to
2,000 inmates. The demographic profile of this jail largely includes adult males, with the
average age group ranging between 25 to 45 years. The duration of incarceration among the
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inmates varies widely, with some having served a few years while others are undergoing
long-term sentences, including life imprisonment.
Within the Tihar complex, different jails serve distinct purposes based on the
demographics and legal status of the inmates. Jail No. 6 to Jail No. 16 are designated for
female prisoners, providing facilities tailored to their needs. Jail No. 2 and Jail No. 14 are
reserved for convicted male prisoners, housing individuals who have been sentenced by the
courts. Jail No. 22 is specifically meant for adolescent prisoners, focusing on the
rehabilitation of young offenders. In addition to these, the Tihar complex also includes open
and semi-open jails, where inmates with good conduct records are allowed greater freedom of
movement and opportunities to engage in work. These setups aim to promote a model of
trust, responsibility, and gradual reintegration of inmates into society.
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