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RM Practical Sem 6

This document presents a research methodology practical focused on an observational study of the psychological and structural aspects of a prison environment in Delhi. It discusses various research methods, including quantitative, qualitative, and mixed methods, as well as specific data collection techniques such as surveys, interviews, and observations. The literature review highlights the adverse effects of imprisonment on the well-being of prisoners, particularly undertrial prisoners, and emphasizes the need for humane treatment and rehabilitation in correctional facilities.

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0% found this document useful (0 votes)
12 views17 pages

RM Practical Sem 6

This document presents a research methodology practical focused on an observational study of the psychological and structural aspects of a prison environment in Delhi. It discusses various research methods, including quantitative, qualitative, and mixed methods, as well as specific data collection techniques such as surveys, interviews, and observations. The literature review highlights the adverse effects of imprisonment on the well-being of prisoners, particularly undertrial prisoners, and emphasizes the need for humane treatment and rehabilitation in correctional facilities.

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1

Research Methodology Practical

Submitted by – Ishika Hans

BA Psychology Hons

Roll no. – 22/908

Date of Submission -
2

Index

Topic Page No.

Introduction

Methodology

Results
3

Exploring the Prison Environment: An Observational Study in a Correctional Facility in


Delhi

Aim
To conduct an observational study of the psychological and structural aspects of a prison
environment in a correctional facility in Delhi.

Introduction

Research Methods

Research has long been recognized as a systematic and objective process aimed at
generating meaningful knowledge. As early as 1970, Best described research as the objective
and systematic analysis and recording of controlled observations, which may lead to the
development of generalizations, principles, and theories. Later, Howitt (2009) emphasized
research as a structured and rigorous pursuit of knowledge, particularly in psychology, where
understanding phenomena through qualitative and quantitative methods is essential. Building
upon this, Neuman (2014) defined research as a systematic process focused on understanding
and explaining social phenomena, advocating for the integration of both qualitative and
quantitative approaches to offer a more comprehensive framework for studying social science
topics. Together, these definitions underscore the evolving understanding of research as a
disciplined and methodical inquiry into various aspects of human behavior and society.

Understanding social phenomena requires a flexible and systematic approach to


research. In the social sciences, researchers commonly use three main approaches:
quantitative, qualitative, and mixed methods. Each of these processes offers distinct ways of
collecting, analyzing, and interpreting data, depending on the nature of the research question
and the goals of the study.

Quantitative Research

Quantitative research emphasizes the measurement of objective facts using numerical


data and statistical tools. It is characterized by structured techniques such as surveys,
experiments, and the use of variables to test hypotheses. The approach prioritizes reliability,
generalizability, and researcher detachment. With a focus on large sample sizes and
4

standardized procedures, it seeks to uncover patterns and relationships across populations.


Quantitative methods are often used to condense complex information into clear,
interpretable results, helping researchers see the broader picture of social phenomena.

Qualitative Research

Qualitative research focuses on understanding the meaning behind social interactions,


behaviors, and experiences through non-numerical data. It utilizes techniques like interviews,
participant observation, and ethnography to explore topics in depth. This approach values
authenticity, contextual understanding, and the presence of the researcher's perspective in the
process. Rather than seeking generalization, qualitative research aims to provide rich, detailed
insights into fewer cases. It enhances the data by uncovering subtle patterns, emotions, and
cultural meanings that might be missed in purely numerical analysis.

Mixed Methods Research

Mixed methods research combines both quantitative and qualitative approaches to


provide a more comprehensive understanding of complex issues. By integrating structured
data analysis with in-depth contextual exploration, it seeks to balance breadth and depth.
Ragin (1994) describes quantitative techniques as data condensers that simplify information
to reveal large-scale patterns, while qualitative methods enhance data by clarifying nuanced
details. Though combining both approaches can be time-consuming and methodologically
challenging, it enables researchers to draw on the strengths of each, leading to more robust
and insightful findings.

Research Techniques

Research techniques are the specific tools and procedures used to collect and analyze
data in a systematic manner, enabling researchers to address their research questions
effectively. These techniques are broadly categorized into quantitative, qualitative, and mixed
methods, each tailored to different types of studies.

Quantitative Data Collection Techniques

Experiment: Experiments involve manipulating one or more variables under controlled


conditions to observe their effects on other variables. This method is widely used in scientific
research to establish cause-and-effect relationships. For example, researchers might test the
5

impact of a new teaching method on student performance. According to Neuman (2014),


experiments are systematic investigations that aim to isolate and measure causal
relationships.

Survey: Neuman (2014) defines surveys as tools for systematically collecting data from
individuals to understand broader social phenomena. Surveys collect data through structured
questionnaires or interviews targeting a specific group of respondents. They are ideal for
gathering large-scale quantitative data on attitudes, opinions, or behaviors. Surveys can
include closed-ended questions and are analyzed statistically to identify trends or patterns.

Qualitative Data Collection Techniques

Fieldwork (Ethnography, Participant Observation). Ethnography immerses


researchers in a community to study cultural practices and behaviors in their natural
context. Participant observation involves the researcher actively engaging in the group's
activities while observing their interactions and practices. According to Howitt (2009),
ethnography provides deep insights into social dynamics by prioritizing the perspectives of
study participants.

Interview. Interviews are qualitative methods involving direct conversations with


participants to gather detailed insights into their experiences, beliefs, or opinions. They can
be structured, semi-structured, or unstructured depending on the research goals. Creswell
(2013) defines interviews as tools for exploring subjective perspectives through open-ended
dialogue.

Focus Group Discussion. is a qualitative research method where a small group of


participants (typically 6–12 people) engage in guided discussions on a specific topic under
the supervision of a trained facilitator or moderator. The aim is to explore participants'
attitudes, beliefs, opinions, and experiences in a natural and interactive setting. Focus groups
capitalize on group dynamics, allowing participants to influence and be influenced by others,
which helps researchers gain deeper insights into social perceptions and behaviors

Observation as a Method

Observation is a vital qualitative data collection method that involves the systematic
watching, listening, and recording of behaviors and interactions in natural settings. Among
6

the most immersive forms of observation are participant observation and ethnography, both
of which allow the researcher to gain in-depth understanding of cultural and social dynamics
by engaging directly with the people being studied.

Ethnographic and participant observation studies can vary significantly across several
key dimensions (Dereshiwsky, 1999; Patton, 1986). One primary factor is the observer’s role
in the setting, which can range from a completely detached position to full integration within
the group being studied. The researcher may operate as a guest, a partial participant, or
become an active, embedded member of the community. Closely tied to this is the level of
disclosure, distinguishing between overt and covert observation. In overt observation,
participants are aware of the researcher's presence and purpose, allowing for ethical
transparency, whereas covert observation involves the researcher concealing their identity,
often raising ethical concerns but occasionally justified when overt methods might influence
participants’ behavior. The explication of the study’s purpose also varies—from fully
transparent communication of the research aims to partial or even misleading disclosures,
though the latter is rarely acceptable under modern ethical standards. The researcher’s focus
may be either narrow, targeting specific aspects of a setting, or holistic, capturing a wide
array of behaviors and interactions to build rich, contextual understanding. This is closely
related to the depth of immersion, which ranges from full immersion (where the researcher
lives among the group) to partial immersion (such as attending work hours only), with the
goal of achieving a close understanding of community life that other methods may not
provide.

Observer Roles in Participant Observation

Participant observation, a cornerstone of qualitative research, involves varying


degrees of researcher involvement within the social setting being studied. The depth and
nature of the researcher's participation significantly influence the data collected and the
insights gained.

Complete Participant. In this role, the researcher fully assumes the role of a group
member without revealing their identity as a researcher. For instance, taking a job in a factory
to study workers' daily experiences allows for in-depth and unfiltered observations. However,
this covert method raises ethical concerns related to deception and lack of informed consent.
It also risks researcher bias due to over-identification with the group.
7

Complete Observer. Here, the researcher remains entirely detached from the
participants and minimizes personal involvement. Their role as an observer is clear and
transparent. For example, a researcher might stand on a factory floor, taking notes without
interacting with workers. While this allows for objectivity and ethical clarity, it may miss the
richness of insider perspectives or social dynamics.

Participant as Observer. In this role, the researcher actively participates in the


setting while being transparent about their research purpose. For example, they might spend
time in a youth club, engage in group activities, and collect data simultaneously. This
approach builds trust, enhances access, and maintains ethical transparency, though it requires
careful balancing of participation and observation.

Observer as Non-Participant. Also referred to as a non-participant observer, this


role involves no direct engagement in the group's activities. The researcher remains on the
outside, simply observing what takes place without active involvement. Although sometimes
called "ethology" in psychology (especially in studies of animal behavior), in social research,
it represents a highly detached observational stance. It is less intrusive but may lack
contextual depth and insight into participants’ lived experiences.

Figure 1.

Participation and Observation in Ethnographic Research

Source- Neuman, W. L. (2014). Social research methods: Qualitative and quantitative


approaches (7th ed.). Pearson.
8

Advantages and Limitations of Observation

Observation has long been recognized as a foundational method in behavioral and


social research, particularly in fields such as psychology, sociology, and education.
Researchers have employed various forms of observational techniques to study the nuances
of human behavior in naturalistic as well as controlled settings. One core strength of
observational methods is their ability to capture actual behavior rather than relying solely on
participants’ self-reports, which may be prone to biases or inaccuracies (Walche et al., 2011).

Behavioral observation, in particular, involves the systematic recording of behaviors


within specific social contexts, such as classrooms, playgrounds, or peer groups (Heyman &
Lorber, 2014). This method has been praised for its capacity to yield data not only about
individual behavior but also about social interactional processes. For instance, observational
data can illuminate how behaviors change in response to different social settings, how roles
are enacted, and how these evolve over time. Observations may be conducted in real-time
(“live”) or via recorded media, which allows researchers the flexibility to code and analyze
behaviors at their convenience. Researchers often employ predefined coding schemes to
categorize behaviors, resulting in detailed sequential records of verbal and nonverbal actions
(Margolin et al., 1998).

Empirical studies underscore the relevance of observation in identifying early


behavioral patterns. For example, a semi-structured observational study of preschoolers (N =
60) found significant gender differences in types of aggression. Girls were more likely to
engage in and receive relational aggression, while boys showed higher levels of physical
aggression. These findings indicate that behavioral distinctions linked to gender may emerge
as early as three years of age. Moreover, different subtypes of aggression were found to be
differentially associated with preschoolers' social-psychological adjustment, highlighting the
value of observational methods in developmental research. Behavioral observation is also
valued for its potential to provide objective frequency counts of behaviors, making it useful
for evaluating interventions or tracking behavioral changes over time (Penner et al., 2005).

Nonetheless, despite its strengths, observation as a method is not without limitations.


The process is resource-intensive, often requiring substantial investment in equipment,
private coding spaces, and trained observer teams. Furthermore, achieving interrater
reliability is essential but does not automatically ensure validity of the data collected.
Observational scores often show weak correlations with self-report measures of the same
9

construct, raising concerns about measurement equivalence. Additionally, the collection and
storage of audio or video recordings present ethical challenges, especially concerning
participant confidentiality and anonymity (Margolin et al., 1998).

Literature Review

Well-being refers to a subjective sense of happiness, fulfillment, and purpose. The


WHO (1948) defines health as complete physical, mental, and social well-being, not just the
absence of disease. Prisons, according to the APA (2022), are secure facilities for individuals
convicted of crimes, meant to serve punitive and reformative purposes. However, in practice,
punishment often outweighs rehabilitation. Incarcerated individuals face unique challenges
such as overcrowding, lack of basic needs, psychological distress, and interpersonal conflicts.
These conditions severely impact their well-being. Prisons are increasingly housing
individuals with serious mental health disorders, including depression, anxiety, and suicidal
ideation. According to the WHO (2008), at least one million prisoners globally suffer from
significant mental health issues, making rehabilitation and humane treatment essential goals
for correctional systems.

Prakash, Sharma, Singh, and Sanger (2015) conducted a study to examine the impact
of incarceration on the general well-being of prisoners. The study utilized a purposive
sampling technique to select 86 prisoners from Birsa Munda Central Jail, Hotwar, Ranchi,
India, comprising 36 convicted prisoners and 50 undertrial prisoners. Both groups were
matched on various socio-demographic factors such as gender, age, education, religion,
marital status, residence, and occupation. Participants were assessed using the PGI General
Well-Being Measure (Verma & Verma, 1989), and their responses were statistically analyzed
using the Chi-square test and t-test. The findings revealed poor general well-being in both
groups, with undertrial prisoners showing greater impairment in comparison to convicted
criminals. One of the key reasons for the poor general well-being of undertrial prisoners is
that they are incarcerated based on allegations of crimes that have not yet been proven in
court. Unlike convicted prisoners, they often experience shorter periods of imprisonment but
still endure significant hardships. The separation from family and friends, lack of social
support, limited recreational activities, a highly restrictive prison environment, and
inadequate nutrition all contribute to the gradual decline of their well-being (Yang et al.,
2009; Mackenzie & Mitchell, 2005).
10

Sneha and Garg (2012) highlighted significant findings regarding the length of
imprisonment for undertrial prisoners at Tihar Jail (Delhi). In 1993, out of the 7,200 prisoners
in the complex, only 900 had been convicted of a crime. This means that seven out of eight
prisoners were still under trial, accounting for nearly 90% of the total prison population.
Notably, of the 280 female prisoners, only 20 had been convicted. In some instances,
undertrial prisoners spent more time in prison than they would have if convicted, which
underscores the challenging circumstances they face (Sneha & Garg, 2012).

Previous research has indicated that imprisonment has adverse effects on the
psychological and physical health of prisoners, contributing to a decline in their mental well-
being. Some of the negative consequences include depression (Singh & Verma, 1976;
Cooper, 1974; Walker, 1983), emotional withdrawal (Clements, 1979), suicidal thoughts or
actions (Flanagan, 1980), and increasing hostility (Bolton et al., 1976). According to Cohen
& Taylor (1972), long-term imprisonment can lead to an obsessive fear of deterioration.
However, some studies from that time suggested that not all prisoners perceived
imprisonment as a threat to their psychological health (Richards, 1978). On the other hand,
other research found that imprisonment could result in an increase in verbal intelligence
(Bolton et al., 1976).

The living environment in prisons is an important component of well-being and is


often found to be unhygienic, restricted, and overcrowded in many correctional facilities. Due
to the increasing numbers of crimes and criminals, many prisons around the world are
experiencing overcrowding. This overcrowding has been shown to trigger aggressive and
hostile behavior among prisoners, a finding supported by several studies (Cox, Paulus, &
McCain, 1984; Paulus & McCain, 1983). Furthermore, incidents of violence in prisons have
been rising steadily (Kimmett, O'Donnell, & Martin, 2002; McCorkle, 1992). Overcrowding
has also been linked to a decline in the psychological well-being of inmates (Lawrence &
Andrews, 2004; Lepore, Evans, & Schneider, 1991).

In addition to these environmental stressors, women prisoners in particular face


compounded challenges arising from gendered inequalities, where the intersection of
overcrowded conditions and patriarchal societal norms exacerbates their vulnerability and
affects their overall well-being. Kamthan (2018) in her article “Women prisoners in India:
tracing gender gaps in theorising imprisonment” explores this intersection, examining how
societal gender norms influence the criminalization and treatment of women prisoners in the
11

Indian prison system, shedding light on the broader implications of social control, patriarchy,
and gender-based discrimination within these correctional spaces. In the prison system,
women prisoners experience the effects of hegemonic patriarchy, where their behavior is
expected to conform to traditional gender roles. Gender differences in prison are not only in
how prisoners are treated but also in the expectations placed upon them. Women who fail to
meet traditional feminine ideals are harshly penalized, while those who adhere to feminine
roles may receive more lenient treatment (Howe, 1994).

Similarly, Sandhu and Malhotra, (2024), in their research investigated the association
between negative perceptions of prison climate and the heightened probability of recidivism
among a sample of 37 adult women convicts incarcerated in Tihar Prisons, Delhi. Data were
obtained by administering CSS-M Hindi version and PCQ Hindi version to the convicts in
person in the prison premises. Furthermore, the collected data were subjected to Pearson’s
product moment correlation coefficient to analyse the correlation between the probability of
recidivism and the dimensions of prison climate. Results suggested that negative perceptions
of relationships in prison (staff–inmate relationship, inmate–inmate relationship), safety,
facilities (cell conditions, food quality, etc.), meaningful activities (recreation, education, yard
time, etc.) and autonomy in prison were inversely associated with a higher probability of
recidivism.

In addition to the importance of improving prison conditions, many prisoners use


coping mechanisms to manage the stress and challenges of incarceration, such as engaging in
personal reflection or forming support networks with fellow inmates. Furthermore, many
prisons offer rehabilitation programs, including vocational training, therapy, and education,
which can help inmates develop skills and a sense of purpose, ultimately aiding their
reintegration into society and reducing the likelihood of reoffending. Cataldi & Cataldi
(2024) investigated the protective role of emotional relationships and rehabilitative actions in
reducing recidivism within the prison context. Data were collected from three Italian prisons.
This study examines the role of love across its various expressions and components in the
social reintegration of inmates, exploring how family ties, educational programs, and
employment opportunities contribute to their well-being and socio-affective regeneration.
The results indicate that stable family relationships, positive interactions with teachers, and
meaningful work experiences significantly reduce the likelihood of reoffending. The findings
highlight the necessity of policies supporting the maintenance of emotional bonds and the
provision of educational and vocational training within prisons.
12

The study titled Spiritual Programmes for Prisoners in India: Insights for
Criminological Social Work Practice by Pandya (2016) examines the spiritual programs
conducted by the Art of Living and Brahmakumaris. This study is based on 198 prisoners in
prisons of three Indian cities – Mumbai, Pune and Delhi who had undergone this program.
The main objectives were to understand the prisoners’ perceived implication of the programs
for themselves and the future use. Results showed that younger prisoners, the religious
minorities, those who personally engaged with the programs by doing some self-practice and
those who had at least matriculation level education, were more likely to see the spiritual
programs as personally positive, i.e. as giving a sense of personal peace and also see its
continuous use as a way of life for the future. They also did better on parameters of hope,
well-being, coherence, happiness and peace.

Methodology

The aim of the study is to conduct an observational study of the psychological and
structural aspects of a prison environment in a correctional facility in Delhi.

Setting

Tihar Prisons, officially known as Tihar Jail, is the largest complex of prisons in South
Asia, located in West Delhi, India. Established in 1957, Tihar functions not just as a
correctional facility but also as a rehabilitation center, offering various vocational and
educational programs for inmates. The prison complex covers approximately 400 acres and is
comprised of multiple jails, each designated for specific categories of inmates based on age,
gender, and type of sentence. Geographically, the Tihar campus is enclosed within high walls
and multiple security checkpoints, ensuring controlled movement both inside and outside the
complex. The atmosphere is highly structured, and security remains a top priority, which is
evident from restricted communication networks, including the absence of mobile signals in
most parts of the premises.

For the purpose of this study, we visited Jail No. 2, which houses convicted male
prisoners. Jail No. 2 is one of the high-security areas meant exclusively for individuals who
have been convicted by the court. The jail currently accommodates approximately 1,800 to
2,000 inmates. The demographic profile of this jail largely includes adult males, with the
average age group ranging between 25 to 45 years. The duration of incarceration among the
13

inmates varies widely, with some having served a few years while others are undergoing
long-term sentences, including life imprisonment.

Within the Tihar complex, different jails serve distinct purposes based on the
demographics and legal status of the inmates. Jail No. 6 to Jail No. 16 are designated for
female prisoners, providing facilities tailored to their needs. Jail No. 2 and Jail No. 14 are
reserved for convicted male prisoners, housing individuals who have been sentenced by the
courts. Jail No. 22 is specifically meant for adolescent prisoners, focusing on the
rehabilitation of young offenders. In addition to these, the Tihar complex also includes open
and semi-open jails, where inmates with good conduct records are allowed greater freedom of
movement and opportunities to engage in work. These setups aim to promote a model of
trust, responsibility, and gradual reintegration of inmates into society.
14

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